¿ }} -#*y* ¿¿.***** ſae șės-ża;#**** №. ", .° ） ' Ķī£§ … ··· ：:： **， * *- ¿¿.*&&******* !/injo/ !/ſy Aſhi/iº 4. †º. A R - -**oº ºvº - - / - - º -Z - º - * @O'Tººlſ.º.º. ºO FIT. J. Tºgi - º º - - - º º º º *º- - º --- º ºf - | º - - - - º - - - -- - ºn a - - HISTORY OF T H E W A R S OCCASIONED BY THE FRENCH REVOLUTION, i” ... fºot, the , , rºº COMMENCEMENT OF HosTILITIESIN 1792, TO THE END OF THE YEAR 1816; * ºf EMBRACING-A gemplete HISTORY OF THE REvolution: 35iographical sketches OF MOST OF THE PUBLIC CHARACTERS OF EUROPE. History of the Wars in Spain and Portugal; THE AMERICAN WAR; *. $ THE CAMPAIGNS OF THE DUKE OF WELLINGTON, BONAPARTE, &c. AND EV ERY PARTICULAR RELATIVE, TO THE GLORIOUS B.A TTLE OF W.A TER LOO, AND THOSE INTERESTING EVENTS WHICH TERMINATED A LONG AND DESOLATING WAR, «g AND PRODUCED THE GENERAL IPIE A C E O FN E U R O PIE. THE WHOLE COMPILED FROM OFFICIAL DOCUMENTS, AND THE MOST IMPARTIAL AND AUTHENTIC SOURCES OF INFORMATION. \ By C. H. GIFFORD, Esq. IN Two volumES, WITH NUMEROUS EMBELLISHMENTs —º-º- WOL. II. --º-º-º- I, O N TE) O N : Printed and Published by W. LEWIS, St. John's Square; AND SOLD BY SHERWOOD, NEELY, AND JONES, PATERNOSTER-ROW ; SIMPKIN AND MARSHALL, STATIONERS’-COURT; AND BY ALL BOOKSELLERs. 1817, CONTENTS To VOL. II. BOOK XI. P CHAP. I.-Events which led to Hostilities between Great Britain and the United States.—Conduct of the Ameri- can and of the British Governments . . . . . . . CHAP. II.—Hostile Determinations of America.-The in- tended War unpopular.—American Bill for Importa- tion of Goods from Great Britain.-Bill for protecting British Seamen.—Pacific Disposition of the British Go- vernment.—Madison's Message to Congress.-Petitions against the Orders in Council.—Official Note on the said Orders.--Captain Henry's Mission to the United States . . . CHAP. III.-Death Tooke.—A Key to the Orders in Council . . . e CHAP, IV.-Proceedings of the Congress.-Resolutions in favor of War.—Mr. Gallatin's Budget.—Animosity in- creased by Henry's Mission.—Act for an Embargo.— Other War Measures.—Opposition.—Proceedings in the Imperial Parliament on the Orders in Council.— Revocation of the Orders in Council.—President's Mes- sage to Congress.-War declared.—Observations . Chap. V.-Riot and Massacre at Baltimore.—Action be- tween the Belvidere and President.—Congress adjourn- ed.—Campaign in Canada.-Advance of General Hull's Army to Sandwich,-His Proclamation.—Vigorous Mea- sures of General Brock.-Retreat of the Americans.— Surrender of General Hull and his Army, with the Fort of Detroit.—Refusal of the President to confirm an Ar- mistice.—Capture of the Guerriere & & sº tº ge CHAP. VI.—Letters of Marque issued by England.--Ame- rican Antigallican Parties.—Address of Mr. Randolph to his Constituents.-Memorial addressed to the Presi- dent.—New York Convention.—Defeat and Capture of the American General Wadsworth.-Pacific Dispo- sition of the British Government.—Correspondence be- tween Sir J. B. Warren, and Mr. Munroe.—President's Message to Congress . . . . . . . . . . . . CHAP. VII.-Mr. Madison re-elected President.—An In- dian Town destroyed.—His Royal Highness the Prince- regent's Declaration in Answer to the American Mani- festo, relative to the War between Great Britain aud the United States.—Mr. Madison's Speech . tº º º CHAP. VIII.—Remarks,—Capture of the Frolic, by the Americans.—Of the Macedonian.—Retreat of General Dearborn from Champlain.—Repulse of the American General, Smyth.-Blockade of the Chesapeake and Del- aware by the British.--Capture of the Java by the Con- stitution.—Defeat and Capture of General Winchester ańd his Army.—Defeat of the Americans at Ogdenburg. —Capture of York by General Dearborn.--Surrender of Mobile to the Americans.—Loss of the Peacock.-- Blockade of New York, Charleston, &c.—Successes of Admiral Cockburn, in the Bay of Chesapeake.—Pro- ceedings in the British Parliament relative to the War with the United States . . . . . . . . . . CHAP. IX.—United States of America.-Rapid increase in Wealth and Population.—Commerce.—Political Par- ties.—Character of the Americans.—Number of Inhabit- ants.-State of the Army and Navy.--Satire upon American discipline.—Political Life of Mr. Madison.— Biographical Sketch and Character of Mr. Randolph.— Importance of Canada.-Its Military Force, Popula- tion, &c. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . WQL. II, and Biographical sketch of Horne º age. 875 890 898 906 914 918 948 •' 956 * • 967 327784 Page, CHAP. X-Report of Committee of Foreign Relations.— President's Message to Congress.-Order of the Mar- shal of New York.-Action on the Miami.--Capture of Fort George.—Attack on Sackett's Harbour.—Defeat of the Americans at Burlington Heights,'—Proclamation of Sir George Prevost.—Capture of Colonel Boestler and his Troops by the British.--Landings in the Chesapeake. —Capture of the Islands of Portsmouth and Ocracoke. —Capture of the American Frigate Chesapeake by the Shannon.—Message of the President to Congress . . CHAP. XI.-Attack on Black Rock.--Torpedoes and ex- ploding Machines employed by the Americans.—De- struction of the Arsenal, &c. at Plattsburg.—York plun- dered by the Americans.—Success of Sir James Yeo out Lake Ontario.—Failure of Attack on Sanduski.—Recon- noisance on Fort George.—Conclusion of the Session of Congress.-Defeat of the British Squadron on Lake Erie.—Defeat of General Proctor.—Actions on Lake Ontario.—Invasion of Lower Canada by the Americans repulsed.—Defeat of General Boyd.—The Town of New- ark burnt by the Americans.—Capture of Fort Niagara the British.-Defeat of the Americans under General Hull.—Buffalo, &c. burnt.—Sir George Prevost's Pro- clamation.—Conclusion of the Campaign.-Observa- º-Meeting of Congress,—Message of the Presi- ent . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3- BOOK XII. CHAP. I.-Affairs of France resumed.—Deputation sent to England to invite Louis XVIII. to the Throne.—Con- stitutional Charter.—Decree of the Senate, conveying the provisional Government to Monsieur.—Decree of Monsieur.—Convention for the Suspension of Hostilities. —Treaty between Napoleon and the Allied Powers.— Anecdotes of Bonaparte.—His Departure for Elba, and Address to the Army . . . . . . . . . . . . CHAP. II.-Operations of the Army under Lord Welling- ton.—Battle of Thoulouse.—Cessation of Hostilities.— Remarks on the Military Characters of Lord Wellington and Soult.—Affairs of Spain.-Proceedings of the Cortes. —Arrival of Ferdinand in Spain.—Affairs of Holland.— The British repulsed in an Attack on Bergen-op-Zoom. —Belgium.—Carnot's Conduct at Antwerp.–Military Operations in Italy.—Treaty between the King of Na- ples and Emperor of Austria.-Armistice.—The French evacuate Italy.—Capture of Genoa by Lord Bentinck. —Restoration of the Pope to his Dominions . . . . CI1AP. III.-Entrance of Louis XVIII. into London.— His Reception by the Inhabitants of London.—Sets out for France.—His entry into Compeigne and Paris.--His Declaration respecting the Constitution.--His Address to the Nation on the Armies of the Allies.—Funeral Ser- vice for Louis XVI, &c.—-Military Promotions of Princes of the Blood.—Definitive Treaty of Peace.— Observations . . . . . . . . . . . . . . CHAP. IV.--Considerations on the Circumstances that appeared favorable, or unfavorable, to the Permanence of Louis the Eighteenth's Government after his first Res- toration.—His Personal Character and Habits.--The 3. . 975 983 ... 1002 1007 iv. CONTENTS, * º-ºr-º- we --- *-*. Page. Nſode in which he was restored.—The Interests of the French Marshals to support Louis considered.—The Appointment of the Duke of Wellington to be Ambas- sador at Paris injudicious in this Point of View.—The great Mass of the Nation interested in the Continuance of Peace.—The Agricultural Class.-The Manufactur- ing and Commercial Classes.—Dispositions of the Clergy towards Louis.-Effects produced by the Revolution on the State of Religion . . e G of the Abdication of Bonaparte.—The Services of Lord Wellington rewarded with a Dukedom.–Generals Hill, Beresford, Graham, &c. raised to the Peerage.-Visit of the Allied Sovereigns, &c. to fngland. Their Arrival in London.—Anecdote of Blucher.—Proceedings of the Sovereigns.—Visit to Oxford.—Grand Entertainment at Guildhall.—Departure of the two Monarchs for Ports- mouth.--Naval Review.—Embarkation of the Emperor of Russia and King of Prussia at Dover.—Their Arrival at Calais.--Observations . . tº e º 'º CHAP. VI.—Discussion of the Treaty of Peace with France e e s e º e - 1019 CHAP. V.-Joy diffused throughout England on hearing 1024 -º-º-º- -*-*. BOOK XIII. Ch Ap. I.-Norway.—Origin of the War between Sweden and Denmark.-Treaty between Russia and Sweden, and between Great Britain and Sweden.—The King of Denmark compelled to cede Norway to Sweden.—Treaty of Kiel.—Proclamation of his Danish Majesty.—Cession of Norway to Sweden opposed by the Norwegians.— Prince Christian Frederick repairs to Christiania.-His Reception.—Proceeds to Drentheim.—Returns to Chris- tiania.-Appointed Regent.—His Proclamations.—Mis- sion of Count Rosen to Sweden.— Mr. Anker's Deputa- tion to England.—His Return to Norway.—Notification of the Blockade of Norway by England.—Declaration of the King of Sweden.—Parties in Norway.—Meeting of the Diet.—Prince Christian proclaimed King, and the Diet dissolved.—Declaration of the English Envoy, Mr. Morier. — Answer of the Norwegian Government.— Delegation from the three Allied Powers.-Armistice proposed and rejected.—State Papers.-Return of the Envoys.-Departure of Prince Christian for the Army 1 Page. 082 CHAP. XI.-Switzerland.—Federal Compact published— in the Imperial Parliament.—Introduction of the Duke of Wellington into the House of Lords on taking his Seat.—His Appearance in the House of Commons.— Address to the Speaker.—The Speaker's Reply.—The Prince-regent's Speech and Prorogation of Parlia- ment . Prince Schwartzenberg's Address to his Army.—Meet- ing of the Legislative Body—The King's Speech.-- Constitution presented by his Majesty.—Last Will and Testament of Louis XVI. . . Press submitted to the Chamber of Deputies.—Remarks upon it.—The Law referred to a Committee of the Chamber.—Their Report.—Speech of M. Raynouard on this Occasion.—Discussions in the Chamber respecting it.—Speech of the Abbé Montesquieu in Defence of it.— Reply of M. Raynouard . . . . Honor continued.—French Budget.—Speech of Talley- rand . . for restoring the Ecclesiastical Authority and Property of the Church.—Re-establishes the Order of Jesuits.- Festivals renewed.—Suppression of Freemasons and other secret Societies.—Re-establishment of the regular Orders.—King of Sardinia restored to his Dominions,— His Proclamation.—Observations.—Bonaparte's Arrival at Elba.-Papers issued on the Occasion.-Death of the Empress Josephine.—Her Funeral, . Opposition of the Canton of Bern-Dissentions in the Cantons.—The Allied Powers interfere.—Diet assem- bled.—Compact amended and signed by the Deputies of the Cantons.—Its Articles.—Geneva restored to Inde- pendence.—Its Constitution and Union with the Swiss Confederacy.—Holland.—Remarks upon the Prince of Orange taking the Title of Sovereign-prince of the Ne- therlands.-Dutch Constitution.—Meeting of the Nota- bles.—Speech of his Royal Highness--Acceptance of the Constitution, and Oath taken by the Prince-sove- reign.-Meeting of the States-general.-Speech of the Sovereign.—State of Finances.--Dutch Colonies re- stored.—Catholic Netherlands.—Their projected Union with Holland.—Prince of Orange appointed Provisional Governor.—His Address to the Belgians.—Occupation of Belgium by Troops.-Decree concerning French Set- tlers.--Decree respecting the Press.-Session of the Dutch States-general.—Hamburgh evacuated by the French.-Its Independence restored.—Address of the Senate on the Occasion . . . . . . . . . +, tº- ſº & © * e º © o º e º e te ſº e o 1035 CHAP. VII.—France evacuated by the allied Armies.— . . . . . . . 1041 CHAp. VIII.-Projet of the Law for the Liberty of the . . . . . . . . 1045 CHAP. IX.-Exposé of the State of France.—Legion of . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1057 CHAP. X-Return of the Pope of Rome.—His Measures 1066 1072 CHAP. IV.-Affairs of CHAP. II.-Interesting Debates in the Imperial Parlia- nient, on the Conduct of the British Government to- wards the Norwegians . . sian and Prussian Troops.-Preparations of the Swedes for opening the Campaign.-Proclamations of the Crown- prince and King of Sweden to the Norwegians.—Cor- respondence between Prince Christian and the Crown- prince.—Commencement of Hostilities.—Naval Action. —The Swedish Army enters Norway.—Success of the Swedes.-Defeat of General Gahn by the Norwegians,— Surrender of the Island of Kragero, and the Fortress of Frederickstadt to the Swedes.—Passage of the Glom- men by the Swedish Army.—Capture of Sleswig.—De- feat of the Norwegians.—Prince Christian's Army sur- rounded.—He resigns.—Convention of Moss–Armis- tice between the Swedes and Norwegians—Remarks upon the Claims of the Crown-prince upon Norway.— Proclamation of Prince Christian.—T)isturbances at Christiania.-Meeting of the Diet.-Prince Christian leaves Norway–Election of the King of Sweden to the Crown of Norway.—Close of the "Diet.-Norwegian Constitution. . . . . . . . . . . . . . Spain-Political Parties—The Grandees and Prelates join Ferdinand at Valencia.-- Extraordinary Declaration of Ferdinand,-in which he refuses to accede to the new Constitution, and, pro- nounces the Decrees of the Cortes, null, and their Su porters guilty of High-treason.--Dissolution of the Cor- tes without a Struggle—Entrance of Ferdinand into Madrid.-Arrests.--Convents restored.—Circular, re- specting the Adherents of Joseph Bonaparte; and to the Authorities in the Indies.—Address from the University of Salamanca—Discontents in various Parts of Spain.-- Re-establishment of the Inquisition . . . throughout Europe at the Conduct of Ferdinand.-Let- ter from the Spanish Ambassador on the State of Spain. —Proclamation of the Governor of Cadiz.-Tumults and Executions.—Rota of the Nuncio restored.—Ordinance abolishing Torture.—Pope's Nuncio recalled, who had been banished by the Cortes.—Reform in the Court of Inquisition.—Measures to repress Insurgents and Ban- ditti.-Arrests multiplied.—Restoration of Feudal Pri- vileges.—Attempt of General Mina to take Pampeluna. —His Flight into France.—Arrested at Paris-Libe- rated by the French Government.—Copncil of Mesta re-established.—Arbitrary Conduct of the Spanish Go- vernment . . . Count Munster to the Foreign Ministers at Vienna on this Occasion.—Remarks,—Prince-regent's Proclama- . . . . . . . . . 1097 CHAP. III.-Occupation of the Duchy of Holstein by Rus- ... 1110 . & º º & º 1124 CHAP. V.-Spanish Affairs, continued.—Disgust excited A- • * r * & e º - * º 2. Q * f •, 1131 CHAP. VI.-Hanover erected into a Kingdom.-Note of CONTENTS. w Page. tion.—Hanoverian Diet assembled.—Their Proceedings. —Free Constitution of Nassau.-Military Regulations of Prussia.-Congress of Vienna.-Expectations formed of it.—Characters of the Allied Sovereigns.—Observa- tions.—Views of Prussia on Saxony.—Declaration of the King of Saxony-Genoa annexed to the Dominions of the King of Sardinia by the Congress.-Military Occu- pation of the Kingdom of Italy by the Austrians.—Re- marks upon the Political Character of the Italians.— Their Wish to be independent.—Jealousy of the Aus- trian Government.—The Italian Regiments marched into Germany.—Discussions in the Congress respecting Murat.—His critical Situation.—Popularity of his Go- vernment.—Attempt of the Sicilian Court to excite an Insurrection.—Increase of the Neapolitan Army.— Treaty of Alliance between Murat and the Emperor of Austria.-Suspicious Movéments of the Neapolitan For- ces.—Affairs of Sicily.—Return of the Polish Troops to their Country.—Anecdote of General Kosciusko-State of St. Domingo.—Proceedings of King Henry.—Mission of the French General Lavaysse . . . . . . . . 1137 CHAP. VII.-Affairs of Great Britain.—Correspondence between the Princess of Wales and the Queen.—Appli- cation of the Princess to Parliament.—Her Income in- creased.—Departure for the Continent.—Interesting Meeting between her and the Empress Maria Louisa,— Interesting Particulars respecting the Princess Charlotte. --Case of Lord Cochrane.—Splendid Fête at Carlton- house, in Honor of the Duké of Wellington.—Address of the Chamberlain of the City of London, on presenting him a Sword.—Duke's Reply.—His Visit to Madrid.— Appointed Ambassador at Paris.-Fête in the Parks,— Disturbed state of Ireland.-Proceedings of the Irish Roman Catholics.-Judge Fletcher's Charge . . . 1147 CHAP. VIII.-American War.—Preliminary Remarks.— Correspondence between the British and American Go- vernments.-Governor Strong’s Speech in Massachusets. —Retreat of the American Army from Lower Canada. —Pursued by the British-Defeat of the Americans at Odell-town.—Repeal of the Embargo and Non-importa- tion Acts.-Extension of the Blockade of the American Coasts by the British.--Capture of the American Frigate Essex.-Fort Oswego stormed by the British.-Repubse of the British at Sandy Creek.-Capture of the Reindeer by the Americans.—State of the American Navy.—Re- marks,—President's Proclamation respecting Neutral Vessels.-Admiralty Official Paper.—Preparations of the British for carrying on the War with Vigor.—Part of Lord Wellington's Army sent to Canada.-Invasion of that Country by the Americans.—Battle near Fort Erie, which is taken by them.—Defeat of the Americans near the Falls of Niagara, by General Drummond.—Capture of the Islands in Passamaquoddy Bay.—Hostages for Retaliation mutually exchanged . . . . . . . CHAP. IX. —Naval and Military Operations in the Chesa- peak-Battle of Bladensbury.—Entrance of the British Army into Washington.—Description of that Place.— Remarks.-Capture of Alexandria.-President's Procla- mation.—Attack on Baltimore.—Death of General Ross. —Failure and Death of Sir P. Parker, at Bellier.—Mili- tary Operations on the Frontiers of Canada.--Expedition up the Penobscot.—Destruction of an American Frigate. —Proclamation of the British Commanders . . . . CHAP. X. —Invasion of the United States by the Britis Army under Sir George Prevost.—Attaek upon Platts- burgh.-Defeat of the British Flotilla on Lake Cham- plain.—Retreat of the British Army in consequence.— Remarks.—Battle near Fort Erie.—Curious Proclama- tion of an American Captain.—Meeting of Congress.— Message of the President.— Budget.—Negociations at Ghent.—Proceedings of the British and American Com- missioners published by the American Government.— . 1159 1167 --ºms Page. Impression made by this Event—Proceedings of the Congress . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1178 CHAP. XI.-Meeting of the Imperial Parliament.—Spoech of the Prince-regent.—Debates relative to the War with America, and the keeping the Militia embodied in Con- sequence.—Supplies voted for the Year 1815.-Death and Biographical Notices of Lords Auckland and Minto. —Destruction of an American Privateer.—Defeat of the Americans by General Drummond.—Attack on New Orleans.—Death of General Pakenham.—Capture of the President Frigate.—Fort Mobile taken.—Peace signed at Ghent.—Remarks . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1191 *smºssº BOOK XIV. CHAP. I.-State of Parties in France.—Proceedings of the Chambers at the Close of 1814.—Discussion on the Emi- grant Property.—Ordinances of the King.—Civil List.— Biographical Sketch of Louis XVIII. . . . . . . 1219 CHAP. II.-Interesting Review of the different Parties in France in 1814, and the beginning of 1815.-Conduct of Napoleon at Elba.--Disinferment of Louis XVI, and his Queen.-Remarks on the Policy of placing Bonaparte at Elba-Letters of Fouché—Formation of Clubs in France.—Signs of the disaffected.--Correspondence be- tween Elba and France.—Preparations of Napoleon for leaving the Island . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1218 CHAP. III.-Bonaparte reviews his Army.—His Address to them.—Departure from Elba.-Dangers of the Voyage.—Arrival at the Gulf of Juan-March through the Country.—Treason of Labedoyere.—Entrance of Bonaparte into Grenoble.—Proclamations.—Proceeds towards Lyons.—Proceedings of the Bourbon Govern- ment.-Proclamations of , the King—Preparations at Lyons, which is entered by Bonaparte without Oppo- sition.—His Decrees.—Proceedings at that Place— Treason of General Lefebvre Desnouettes . . . . . 1234 CHAP. IV.-Meeting of the two Chambers.--Address of the President of the Chamber of Deputies to the King.— Dismissal of Marshal Soult from the Office of War- minister—Preparations of the French Government to oppose Bonaparte.—Defection of a Regiment of Cavalry at Melun.—Proclamations of the King to the People and to the Army.—Proceedings of the Chambers.—Review of the National Guards and Troops of the Line at Paris 1247 CHAP. V.-Departure of Napoleon from Lyons.—Rapid Progress.--Decree and Qrdinance of the King.—Treason of Marshal Ney.—His Proclamation.—Addresses of the two Chambers to the King.—Advance of Napoleon to Melun.--Defection of the Troops assembled there.—De- parture of the King from Paris, and Entrance of Napo- leon into that City.—Arrival of the King at Abbeville and Lisle.—Forced to quit the latter Place and retire to Os- tend.—Interesting Narrative . . • . . . . . 1254 CHAP. VI.-Declaration of the Congress at Vienna.-Re- narks,—Treaty of the 25th of March.—Preparations for War.—Attempt to carry off the King of Rome from Vienna.-Prince-regent's Message on the Landing of Bonaparte in France.—Interesting Debates . . . . 1266 CHAP. VII.-Proceedings of Napoleon and his Ministers. —Address to the Soldiers-Addresses from the Council of State, &c. and Napoleon's Answers.--Title of Count conferred on Carnot, who is appointed Minister of the Intelior.—Biographical Notice of his Life.—Decrees of Napoleon-Reply of Marshal Marmont to Napoleon's Proclamation.--State of the South of Frºnce.—Spirited Conduct of the Duchess of Angouleme, at Bourdeaux- Disaffection of the Soldiers.-Entrance of General Clau- zel into Bºurdeaux.--Surrender of the Duke of Angou- leme—Justificatory Manifesto of Napoleon.—Letter of vi CONTENTS. tº ºn Page. Caulincourt to Lord Castlereagh.-Napoleon's Letter to the Prince-regent.—Anecdotes of the French Senate, and Prince.'Talleyrand . . . . . . . . . . . 1280 CHAP. VIII.-Mr. Whitbread's Motion, in the House of , Page. CHAP.V.--State of Europe at this Period, and Proceedings of the Congress at Vienna, Union of the Belgian Pro- Vinces under the Prince of Orange, who is made King.— Exertions of the Allies for the Defence of the Netherlands. Commons, for an Address against a War with France.— Letter from the Duke of Bassano to Caulincourt.--Ob- servations.—Report from the French Minister of Foreign Affairs to Bonaparte, on the State of Europe.—Prepara- tions of the French.-Bonaparte's Additional Act to . the Constitution.—Remarks.-Extraordinary Commis- S101161 S '. . . His Declaration.—Manifesto to the French People.— Report on the State of France.—Proceedings of Joachim Murat, King of Naples.—His peculiar Situation.—Sus- picions against him.—He blockades Rome.—His Com- plaints against France.—Conduct on the landing there of Bonaparte.—Arrives at Ancona.-Advances with his, Army, and attacks the Austrians at Cesena. –His Pro- . clamation to the Italians.—Emperor of Austria's Decla- ration of War against him.—Retreat of the Austrian Forces to the Po.—Entrance of the Neapolitans into Rome and Florence.—Various Actions.—Retreat of the Neapolitans.—An Armistice solicited, which is refused. —Interesting Proceedings, relative to Murat, in the . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1297 CHAP. IX,-Proceedings of Louis XVIII. at Ghent.— -Proclamation.—Note of the King of Saxony to the al- lied Powers.--Mutiny of the Saxon Troops in Blucher's Army.--His Proclamation in Consequence.—Dismem- berment of the Kingdom of Saxony.—Affairs of Wirtem- burg and Prussia-Poland erected into a Kingdom.— Affairs of Switzerland and Sweden.—State of Spain.— Refusal of the Portuguese Government to send Troops against France.—Vigorous Measures of the Emperor of Russia.-Affairs of Great Britain.—State of the Re- venue.—Rise and Progress of the National Debt and iºns ºn-palmance. on Account of the Corn- lil • . . Positions and Strength of the French and allied Armies. --Observations.—Bonaparte prepares to quit Paris.- Receives Addresses from the two Chambers—His Reply to the Chambers.-His Departure for the Army.—Reflec- tions on the approaching Contest.—Biographical Sketch of Marshal Blucher.—Arrival of Bonaparte at the Army. —His Proclamation to his Soldiers.-Invasion of the Netherlands.-Commencement of Hostilities.—Capture º ſº º ſº e & º © e {º e º o º I370 CHAP. VI.-Proceedings of the French Government.— British Parliament.—Lord Wellington's Letter . . . 1308 CHAP. X-Defeat of the Neapolitan Army at Tolentino.— Battle of San Germano.—Flight of the Neapolitans, and their Army broken up.–Surrender of the Neapolitan Navy and Arsenal at Naples to Captain Campbell.—Ter- mination of the War.—Military Convention.—Entrance. of the Austrians into Naples.—Escape of Murat in Dis– guise.—His Wife takes Refuge on-board a British Ship of War.—Proclamation of King Ferdinand, and En- trance into the Capital,—Arrival of Murat in France. —Flight to Corsica.--Lands in Calabria.—Is taken Prisoner, and executed.—Remarks . . . . . . 1325 -- to his Soldiers previous to the Engagement.—Attack on Hougoumont.—Bravery of the Guards.--Furious Attack BOOK XV. on the Left Wing of the British Army.—La Haye Sainte CHAP. I.-Letter from Lord Clancarty on the Views of the allied Sovereigns.—Report of the Committee of the Con- gress of Vienna.-Treaties of Accession and Subsidy between Great Britain and the allied Powers.--Military Forces of the Allies.—Proclamation of the King of Prussia. . . Parliament, respecting War with France.—Debates on the same . . . CHAP. III.-Means employed by Bonaparte for supporting . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1331 CHAP. II.-Prince-regent's Message to both Houses of . . . 1337 of Charleroy.—Retreat of the Prussians.—Battle of Ligny. —Battle of Quatre Bras-Loss on both Sides.—Retreat of the Allies . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1386 CHAP. VII.-Remarks upon the Plans of the allied Gene- rals.-Marshal Grouchy sent to observe the Prussians, While Bonaparte proceeds against the British Army.— Skirmishes.—Repulse of the Enemy by the Life-guards. -Retreat of the British Army to Waterloo.—Dreadful State of the Weather.—Views of Bonaparte.—State of Brussels and its Vicinity during the Battles of Ligny and Quatre Bras.-Strength of the French and allied Armies on the Morning of the 18th.-Their Positions CHAP. VIII.-Battle of Waterloo.—Bonaparte's Address * himself on the Throne.—His Military Force.—Confede- racies formed in Brittany, &c. in Support of the Imperial Government.-Address of the Federates of Paris to Na- poleon.—His Reply.—Two I’renčfi Spies detected at Brussels.—Fouché's Report.—Imperial Decree.—Pro- posal of Bonaparte to the Austrian Cabinet.—Remarks on the difficult Situation of Bonaparte.—Davoust’s Ad- dress to the Prefects and Mayors of the Empire.-Views of France on Belgium and the Rhine.—Some interesting Particulars respecting the Journey of Napoleon to Elba, and the Means employed for his Return . . . tion.—Speech of Napoleon on the Occasion.—His Ad- dress to the Soldiers, &c.—Meeting of the two Cham- bers.-Character of the Chamber of Representatives.— Their Proceedings.-Biographical Notice of Count Lan- juinais–Speech of Napoleon on opening the Session.— Tºxposée, or the State of France p º e . . 1351 CHAP. IV.-Meeting of the Champ de Mai.-Address of the Electors to Napoleon.—Acceptance of the Constitu- ~ * dotes.—Remarks . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1359 CHAP. IX.-Official Accounts of the Battle of Water- stormed.—The Enemy repulsed.—Death of General Pic- ton.-The Attack renewed.—Dreadful Carnage.—Gal- lantry of the Inniskillen Dragoons.—Death of Sir Wil- liam Ponsonby.—Attack of the Cuirassiers.-British light Cavalry forced to retire.—Gallantry of the 28th Regiment. -The Cuirassiers attacked and overthrown by the heavy Cavalry of the British.-Gallant Conduct of Individuals in the British Army.—Second Attack upon Hougoumont. —Critical Situation of the British Army.—The Prussians anxiously expected.—Dreadful Attack on the Centre- Conduct of the Duke of Wellington.—The Attacks of the Enemy described.—Movements of the Prussian Army. —Arrival of Bulow's Corps—Bonaparte sends the sixth Corps and a part of his Guards against them.—The Prus- sians repulsed and separated from the British Army.— Attack on Wavre by Grouchy.—Desperate Attack on the Centre and Left of the British Army, by the Imperial- guards-Dreadful Slaughter on both Sides.—Victory doubtful—The enemy charged and overthrown by the British Guards.-Arrival of the first and second Corps of the Prussian Army, with Marshal Blucher.—Advance of the British Army, headed by the Duke of Wellington, to attack the Enemy.—Total Dcfeat of the French.-Pur- sued by the Prussians.—Dreadful Carnage.—Wreck of the French Army arrive at Charleroy, followed by the Prussians.—Flight of Bonaparte to Paris-Loss of both Armies.—Horrible Appearance of the Field-of-battle.— Names of Officers who distinguished themselves.—Anec- 1400 . 1410 CONTENTS." vii • * _- º -- { Page. Page loo.—Additional Particulars—State of Brussels during fibe Bonaparte—Taken by the Bhitish.--Affairs of Spain. the Engagement . . . . 1431 —Of Italy.—Of Sweden.—Netherlands.-United States CHAP. X. —The Services of the Duke of Wellington re- warded by Parliament.—Thanks voted to him and to. Marshal Blucher and the Armies.—National Monument for the Victory voted.—Biographical Notices of the Duke of Brunswick and Sir Thomas Picton . . . 1469 #90K XVI. CHAP. I.-Arrival of Bonaparte at Paris.-State of Parties there.-Council of Ministers.-Interesting Conversation. —Proceedings of the two €hambers.--Abdication of Na- poleon.—His Address to the Trench-Nation.—Pebates in the Chambeºsar-Provisional Government appointed.-- ** —Napoleon II. Brºclaimed,—Deputation sent to solicit . Peace from the allied Armies . . . . . . . . . 1478 CHAP. II.-Operations of the British and Prussian Armies in France.—Letter of Fouché to the fºuke of Welling- ton.—Arrival of the Allies before the -Walls of Paris.— State of the Capital.—Departure of Bonaparte from. Paris.-His T'arewell Address to the French Army.— Proceedings of the Chambers.—Arrival of Louis XVIII. at Cambray.—His Proclamation.—Military Operations. —Letter of the French Génerals to the Chamber of Re- presentatives.—Capitulation of Paris.--Proceedings of the Chambers.--Jºheir Dissolution.—Entry of the Allies and Louis XVIkkº into Paris. . . . . . . . . . . . 1493 CHAP. III.-Operations of the Grand Army under Schwart- zenberg.—Proclamation of the allied Generals to the French Nation.—Rapid Progress of the Allies, and Re- treat of the Frešeh.—Various-Actions.—Proclamation of Marshal Wreds.--Arrival- of the -allied Sovereigns at: Paris.-Military, Qperations on the Side of Italy.—Re- - treat of Marshal Suchet.—Bntry of the Austrians into Lyons.—Operations in the South of France tº º & CHAP. IV.—Remarks on the Restoration of Louis XVIII. —List of his new Ministers.-Conduct of the Prussians at Paris.-Confused State of France.—Royal Ordinance. —Proceedings of the French Army.—Proclamation of Davoust.—Submissions of the French Generals-Pro- ceedings of Bonaparte.—His Surrender to the English. —Brought to Torbay.—His Conduct there.—Sent to St. Helena.-Description of that Island . . . . 1522 CHAP. V.—Proceedings of the Congress of Vienna.-Ge- neral Treaty.—Deelaration respecting the Slave-trade.— Remarks.-Observations on the real Spirit which actuated the Proceedings of the Congress . . . . . . . . 1539 CHAP. VI.-The-Museum of the Louvre stript of its Fruits of Conquest by the Allies.—Letter of the Duke of Wel- lington on this Oceasion.—Letter from Lord Castlereagh to the allied Sovereigns on the saffle.—State of the South of France.—Persecution of the Protestants— Report to the King on the State of France . . . 1568 CHAP. VII.-Occupation of the Island of Martinique by , the British–Insurrection in Guadaloupe, which declares 1512 WOL. 11. CHAP. viii-Negotiations for Peace—change in the of America . 1584 French Ministry.—Character of the new Ministers.- Conclusion of Peace between France and the allied Powers.--Treaties of Alliance between Great Britain, Austria, Russia, and Prussia.-Notes of the allied Mi- nisters to the Duke of Richelieu.-Treaty between Rus- sia and Great Britain.-Meeting of the French Legisla- ture.—Speech of the King.—Remarks . . . 1603 * -º-º: B06).K., XWH, CHAP. H.-Charagtgr of the Chamber of Deputies.—Ad- dresses from the Qhambers to the King–Law for the Suppression of Seditious Cries—Debates on the same- Budget for 18té . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1629 CHAP. It-Trial and Execution of Colonel Labedoyere.— Trial of Marshal Ney-His Execution.—Remarks' on the Legality of his Pulaishment.—His Appeal to the Mi- misters of the allied Powers, and Letter to the Duke of Wellington.--The Duke's Answer-Ney's Defence . 1652 CHAP. III.-Conduct’āmd. Conversatibus of Bonaparte and his Suite at St. Helena;--Soarſe interesting Particulars of the Execution of the Duke d’Enghien, leath of Piche-2 gru, Captain, Wright, Poisoning at Jaffa,. &c. . 1674 CHAP. IV.--Trial of Count. Lavalette.—Sentenced to Death.-His Wife effects his Escape.—Proceedings of the Chambers on the Amnesty Bill—Disturbances at JNismes.—Framee evaeuated by the Foreign Troops.- Affairs of Great Britaini—Déath, and Character of Mr. Whitbrè4d.—Combination of the Sailors in the Coal- trade,-Affairs of Ireland,—Marriage of the Duke of Cumberland . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1686 CHAP. V.-Observations on the Trials of Ney and Lava- lette.—Arrest of Sir Robert Wilson, Mr. Bruce, and Captain Hutchinson.—Their Examination and Trial.— Trials of French Generals.-Insurrections.—Attack on Grenoble.—Executions.—Trial and Acquittal of General Drouet.--Dissolution of the Chamber of Deputies.— Trial of the Abbé Vinson . . . . . . . . . . . CHAP. VI.-Discussion on the Treaties of Peace in both Houses of Parliament.—Marriage of the Princess Char- lötte to the Prince of Saxe-Cobourg. —Insurrection among the Negroes at Barbadees-Atrocities of the Algerines—Mission of Iaords Exmouth to the Barbary Powers.-His Return to England.—Massacre at Bona.- The British Government send an Expedition against Algiers in consequence.— Preparations of the Dey for re- sisting it.—Lord Exmouth's Proposal to the Dey, which is rejected.—Battle of Algiers.-Defeat of the Algerines and their Navy destroyed;—Liberation of all the Chris- tian Prisoners, and Treaty of Peace.—Observations.— State of Affairs in France and England at the Close of the Year 1816.-Conclusion . . . . . . . . . . 1711 1698 DIRECTIONS to the B.I.W'DER for placing the PLATES. -e-Q-e- VOL. I. Plate I. of the Battle of Waterloo gmº ºmmº gººmsºmºs to face Title. Map of Europe gº-ºº: *mºnºmº gºmº gººmsº º Page 1 Portrait of General Abercrombie emºtº &mºnº * *g 36 Map of Germany e- tº- Ǻmº tº mºs *º-ºº ºmmammº 54 Portrait of Napoleon Bonaparte - > º — 87 George III. tºº-º-º: ºmmºn ºmmº ºmmº * 13% Frederic-William of Prussia *mº *ºne -— 364 — Prince Talleyrand º *mº * * 383 the Earl of Moira — enºus - ºmmºns ºmºe 400 - Lord Nelson tºmºmº º -º-º-º: Cº-ºººº. 4-ºxº 487 the Right Hon. Mr. Pitt tº-º-º-º-º: mºnº ººm tº-mº 495 Mr. Fox tºº * * * º 533 • Map of Spain and Portugal — {ºmº tºº-ºº: ºmmºnsme * * 577 Portrait of General Ferguson *º cºmmºms -º-º-º-º: ºmºmºmº 62.2 Sir John Moore ..º- &mmº- &ºmº *mmºng -- 630 General Frazer smºº - sº ºgºnºmº 660. * the Duke of Wellington *me &ºmºmº *mºnºmº gºssºmº, 664 Prince-regent º — — cºsmºs 712 ° —— Duke of York — *xºme * dººmsºmº 759 General Mackinnon -º-º-º: * *mº. cºmmemº 771 Map of the Russian Empire º *mºnº Kºmºmº —s 787 ‘Portraits of the Crown-Prince, Platoff, and Moreau *º- ºn º 805 - Prince Blucher smº wºmmº- * — 868 Sº- VOL. II. * - - Plate II. of the Battle of Waterloe tºnºmº tºº. ºmsºn te face Title, Map of France — *m- - —- —— ` Page 875 Portrait of Lord Hill sºmeºmºsºme — ºmmºns -ºº: '- I025 , Lynedock º — — *mp ibid. — Prince Softwartzenberg cºmmºnºmº *ºne ºmºsºmnº * 1041 the Emperor of Austria gººmsºmºn º ºsmºms -e I 140 King of France º * * •ºmºmº 1215 Lord Bentinck – *s ºmºsºmsºn *g * 1317 - ſº. the Emperor Alexander tºº sºmºmº * * 1376 — Marshal Ney g-ºº-ºº: ºmmºnºmºmº * * *-* 1392 ** the Marquis of Anglesea — — ” * * 1419 Sir Thomas Picton * * * -* * 1474 View of the Island of St. Helena ºsmº º-ºmº cº-ºp º * 1537 Portrait of Count Lavalette — *- * cºwºsº. 1686 Sir Robert Wilson *mºs ** * ** 1698 the Prince and Princess Cobourg *s .*-*. * Amº-se 17| 1 Lord Exmouth * -º-º: -*** •-sº #714 .*, The Binder is requested to cancel the last leaf (pages 875 and 876) of No. 60, and substitute the following to commence Vol. II. H IS T O R. Y T H E W A. R. S frentſ) ãebolution. - Cº- * | BOOK XI. . —- Cº- CHAPTER I. Events which led to Hostilities between Great Britain and the United States.—Conduct of the º American and of the British Governments. INCE the affair between the Little Belt and the President, as related in book ix. chap. 9, much dissatisfaction was expressed by the Aine- rican government, which was considerably in- creased by the artifices of Bonaparte, whose interest it was to engage Great Britain in a war with the United States. As these hostilities have been occasionally alluded to in the French pro- clamations, inserted in our preceding books, we shall here relate the events which led to them. Captain Bingham, of his majesty's ship the Lit- tle Belt, declared, that the attack had been com- menced by the American frigate, the President; that it was outrageous and unprovoked, and that he only resisted the violence first offered to him. The following was the American official account of this affair, which was published as a copy of a letter from Commodore Rogers to the secretary of the navy, dated off Sandy Hook, May 23, 1811:— “On the 16th instant, at 25 minutes past meridian, in 17 fathoms water, Cape Henry bearing S.W. distant 14 or 15 leagues, a sail was discovered from our mast-head, in the east, standing towards us under a press of sail. At half-past one, the sym- metry of her upper sails (which were at this time distinguished from our deck) and her making sig- mals, shewed her to be a man-of-war. At forty-five minutes past one, p. m. hoisted our ensign and pendant; when, finding our signals not answered, she wore and stood to the southward. Being de- sirous of speaking her, and of ascertaining what she was, I now made sail in chase; and by half- past three, p.m. found we were coming up with her; as by this time the upper part of her stern began to shew itself above the horizon. The wind now began, and continued gradually to de- crease, so as to prevent my being able to approach her sufficiently before sunset, to discover her actual force (which the position she preserved during the chase was calculated to conceal), or to judge even to what nation she belonged, as she appeared studiously to decline shewing her colours. At fifteen or twenty minutes past seven, p.m. the chase took in her studding-sails, and soon after hauled up her courses, and hauled by the wind on the starboard-tack; she at the same time hoisted an ensign or flag at her mizen-peak, but it was too dark for me to discover what nation it repre- sented: now, for the first time, her broadside was presented to our view ; but night had so far pro- gressed, that, although her appearance indicated she was a frigate, I was unable to determine her actual force. * “At 15 minutes before eight, p.m. being about a mile and a half from her, the wind at the time very light, I directed Captain Ludlow, to take a position to windward of her, and on the same tack, within short speaking distance. This, how- ever, the commander of the chase appeared, from his manoeuvres, to be anxious to prevent, as he wore and hauled by the wind, on different tacks, four times successively, between this period and the time of our arriving at the position which I had ordered to be taken. At fifteen or twenty minutes past eight, being a little forward of her weather-beam, and distant from seventy to a hun- *** ~ * tº BOOK XI. CHAP. H. Neºvº-Z 18] I. 87.6 HISTORY OF THE WARS BOOK XI. CHAP. I. -º" vºs 181 l. -º- -saºs dred yards, I hailed, “What ship is that?”—to this inquiry no answer was given, but I was hailed by her commander, and asked, “What ship is that?” Having asked the first question, I of course con- sidered myself entitled, by the common rules, of politeness, to the {rst answes; after a pause off fifteen or twenty seconds, I reiterated my first en; quiry of “What ship is that?” and before I had time to take the trumpet from my mouth, was an- swered by a shot, that cut off one of our maintop- mast breast back-stays, and went into Qur' main: mast. At this instant Captain Caldwell (of Ina- rines) who was standing very near to me on the gangway, having observed, “Sir, she has fired at us,” caused me to pause for a moment; just as I was in the act of giving an order to, fire a shot in return, and before I had time to restime the repetition of the intended order, a shot was actually. fired from the second division of this ship, and was scarcely out of the gun before it was answered from our assumed enemy by three others, in a quick succession; and, soon after, the rest of his broadside and musketry. When the first shot was fired, being under an impression that it might possibly have proceeded from accident, and with- out the orders of the commander, I had determined at the moment to fire only a single shot in return; but the immediate repetition of the previous un- provokéd outrage, induced me to believe that the insult was premeditated; and that, from our ad- versary being at the time as ignorant of our real force as I was of bis, he thought this, perhaps, a favorable opportunity of acquiring premotion, al- though at the expence of violating our neutrality, and insulting our flag: F accordingly, with that degree of repugnance incident to feeling equally determined neither to be the aggressor, or to suffer the flag of my country to be insulted with impu- nity, gave a general order to fire; the effect of which, in from four to six minutes, as near as I can judge, having produced a partial silence of his guns, I gave orders to cease firing, discovering, by the feeble opposition, that it must be a ship of very inferior force to what I had supposed, or that some untoward accident had happened to her. “My orders in this instance, however, (although they proceeded alone from motives of humanity, and a determination not to spill a drop of blood unnecessarily) I had in less than four minutes some reason to regret, as he renewed his fire; of which two 32-pound shot cut off one of our fore-shrouds and injured our fore-mast. . It was now that I found myself under the painful necessity of giving orders for a repetition of our fire, against a foree which my forbearance alone had enabled to do us any injury of moment: our fire was accordingly renewed, and continued frem three to five minutes longer, when perceiving our opponent's gaff and colours down, his maintop-sail-yard upon the cap, and his fire silenced, although it was so dark that I **** could net diseern any other particular injury we had done, or how far he was in a situation to do us farther harm; I nevertheless embraced the earliest moment to stop our fire, and prevent the further efººtsien of bleed. Here a pause of half a minute or more toºk place, at the end of which, our adversary not shewing a further disposition to fire, I halted, and again asked, “What ship is that?” k bearned, for the first time, that it was a ship of his Britannic majesty's; but, owing to its lslowing, rather ºesher than it had done, I was unable to learn has name. After having informed her commander of the name of this ship, I gave orders to wear, run under his lee, and haul by the wind on the starboard-tack, and heave-to under topsails, and repair what little injury we had sus- tained in our rigging, which was accordingly exe- cuted, and we continued lying-to on different tacks, with a number of lights displayed, in order that our adversary might the better discern our position, and command our assistance, in case he found it necessary during the night. “At day-light Qu, the 17th, he was discovered several miles to leeward, when I gave orders to bear up and run down, to him under easy sail; after hailing him I sent a boat on-board with Lieu- tenant Creighton, to learn, the name of the ship and her commander, with directions, to ascertain, the damage, she had sustained, and inform her. commander, how much I ragretted, the necessity, on my part, which led to sugh an unhappy result; and at the same tims to affar, all the assistance. that the ship, under my command afforded, in re- pairing the damages his had sustainad. At nine a. m. hieutenant, Creighton returned, with, infor- mation that it was his Britanfºic majesty's ship Little Belt, commanded by Captain, Bingham, who in a polite managr declined the acceptance of any assistance, saying, at the same time, that he had on-board, all the necessary, requisites to repair the damages, sufficiently to enable him to return to Halifax. “This, however, was not the most unpleasant part of Captain Bingham's communication to Lieutenant Creighton, as he informed him, that ir addition to the injury, his ship. had sustained, be- tween twenty and thirty of his crew had been killed, and wounded. “The regret that this information caused me was such, you may be sure, as a man might be expected to feel, whose greatest pride is to prove, without ostentation, by every public as wéli as private act; that be possesses a humane and gene- rous, heart; and with, these sentiments, believe me, Sir, that such a communication would cause me the most acute pain, during the remainder of my life, had I not º, consolation to know that there was no, alternative left, me between such a sacrifice, and one which, would have been still greater, namely, to have remained a passive spec- - of THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. S75 _*- rº- -wºr the more violent, and as it better squared with the BOOK xl. tator of insult to the flag of my country, whilst it popular prejudices, upon the greund of the old — was confided to my protection; and I would have you to be convinced, Sir, that however much in- dividually I may previously have had reason to feel incensed at the repeated outrages committed on our flag by British ships of war, neither my passions nor prejudices had any agency in this affair. * “To my country, I am well convinced of the importance of the transaction which has imposed upon me the necessity of making you this com- munication; I must, therefore, from motives of delicacy, connected with personal consideration, solicit that you will be pleased to request the president to authorise a formal enquiry to be in- stituted into all the circumstances, as well as into every part of my conduct connected with the same. * “The injury sustained by the ship under my command is very trifling, except to the fore and main-masts, which I before mentioned. No per- son killed, and but one (a boy) wounded. “For further particulars I refer you to Captain Caldwell, who is charged with the delivery of this communication. f “I have the honor to be, with great respect, . Sir, your obedient servant, (Signed) “John RodgeRs. “Hon. Paul Hamilton, secretary of the navy.” The JVational Intelligencer (an American paper) added, that CommodoreRogers's orders required him to proceed to sea immediately from Anna- polis, and resume his former station, cruising along the coast, as before, for the purpose of flºº their maritime jurisdiction from viola- tion by foreign cruizers. This unpleasant breach between England and America became more difficult to settle than was at first imagined. Mr. Madison and the French party at Wºłº, had determined upon a line of measures, and a tone of language, which the dignity of Great Britain could not permit. It ap- peared, by all private letters brought by the ves- sels then arrived from America, that the president had adopted the resolution of supporting Captain Rodgers in his outrage upon the Little Belt. A kind of set-off was brought forwards. It was to be considered, it seemed, as an act of retaliation against the proceedings of some British cruisers, and the search of the Tamahamah, a pitiful tra- ding sloop, and the stoppage of her (pursuant to the orders in council) was to be the only answer to the complaint of the British government re- specting this positive act of hostility. There had long, indeed, existed two parties in America, the one in favor of French interests, and the other attached to the American federal con- stitution, and therefore moderately well-disposed towards Great Britain. The former party was grudge against England, it was unfortunately Cº., I, the stronger faction. The president himself was In Ot totally free from suspicion of secretly favo- ring its views, but his disposition had been hi- therto checked by his knowledge of the compa- ratively inferior means of England and America. Under all these circumstances, that is to say, the adverse mind of the president, the contest with the Spanish American government, and the ancient grudge against England still fermenting in the popular mind, there was certainly too much cause to apprehend that the affair of the President frigate and the Little Belt would be shortly fol- lowed up by more decisive measures. There was something, however, very ridiculous, in the high and pompous language of the American editors. The congress fleet amounted to about seven fri- gates. #. frigates, with Commodore Rodgers at their head, were to be instantly sent out with positive orders to bring in all British ships, and to teach the British government that they were not to be insulted .# impunity. They were to be instructed to attack all English ships, whether of war or trade, which they might find within the waters of the United States, and to bring them into the American ports for condemnation. Who would imagine that the Americans were using this language against a power, which, to oppose their seven frigates, had a fleet of nearly 200 ships of the line 3 A force almost sufficient to blow New York into the air ] The French emperor did all in his power to compel the Americans to take the positive cha- racter of allies or enemies: he amused them with a promise of releasing whatever property was held in sequestration; but the promise of this faithless despot was confined to such American vessels as arrived in France subsequent to the 1st of November, and which had been so for- tunate in their passage as not to become obnoxious to the operations of the Berlin, Milan, and Bay- onne decrees : nor did this promise include the restoration of what was seized under the Ram- bouillet decree, or any compensation for the many valuable vessels and cargoes burnt and sunk under his orders. The British orders in council were declared to have been issued (and after eighteen months frank and open notice to the United States, they were unquestionably issued) only in retaliation for the previous - French Berlin decrees; the revocation of the latter was of course to precede the British erders in council, and then indeed the British government stood ready, and pledged itself to re- voke them. . The French emperor promised the Americans he would revoke his obnoxious de- crees after the 1st of November 1810, on condition that the orders in council were revoked by the 10 O As 1811. 876 HISTORY OF THE WARS B&OK XI. CHAP. H. Nºvrº 1811. * Hºnºr- English. At the approach of that period the French minister stated, in a letter to General Armstrong, “I am authorised to declare to you, Sir, that the decrees of Berlin and Milan are re- voked, and that after the 1st of November they will cease to have effect; it being understood that, in consequence of this declaration, the Eng- lish shall revoke their orders in council, and re- nounce the new principles of blockade which they have wished to establish.” On the 2d of November Mr. Madison proclaimed to the people of the United States that the French decrees were revoked, though he had abundant reason to know the previous acts required of Great Britain would not be performed. The French emperor succeeded in attaching the blame of the non-per- formance of his promise to the British govern- ment, and of exasperating the United States against that government. Mr. Foster having been commissioned to com- municate the sentiments of Great Britain to America, he delivered them in a firm and deci- sive language; but his communication not cor- responding with the expectations of the American government, the president issued the following proclamation for convening a congress:— “Whereas great and weighty matters, claiming the consideration of the congress of the United States, form an extraordinary occasion for con- vening them, I do, by these presents, appoint Monday, the 4th day of November next, for their meeting at the city of Washington; hereby re- quiring the respective senators and represen- tatives then and there to assemble in congress, in order to receive such communication as may then be made to them, and to consult and determine on such measures as in their wisdom may be deemed meet for the welfare of the United States. “In testimony whereof, I have caused the (L.S.) seal of the United States to be hereunto affixed, and signed the same with my hand. “Done at the city of Washington, the 24th day of July, in the year of our Lord 1811; and of the independence of the United States the 36th. “By the President, JAMES MADison. “Secretary of State, JAMEs Monroe.” Previous to the meeting of congress the American papers were i. with scurrilous in- vectives against Great Britain, as the following extracts from the Philadelphia Journal, dated August 5, will evince : “The cup is full 1–The long impending ire, the smothered hatred, the disguised war, which as- sumed so many aspects, which has ultimately plundered and promised redress, and professed justice only to vary the forms of injustice, which —-mºm. —r r- — has oppressed the commeree, corrupted the mo- rals, insulted the dignity, and violated the rights of this free and independent nation—which has murdered our people, and carried thousands into the most odious of all bondage, at length as- sumes an aspect less treacherous, because a more open and determined hostility. “Great Britain at length avows her injustice, and once more menaces our independence. “From the seat of the United States' govern- ment, and from England, we at the same moment have received advices which corroborate each other, and determine the fact, that Great Britain has resolved to make war upon us. “Prior to the receipt of these advices, we had re- ceived authentic information of the course already pursued by Mr. Foster, at Washington. Upon his first arrival we had suggested, that five or six weeks would determine whether the “intents” of the British government were “wicked or cha- ritable.” The youth and inconsequence of this gentleman had induced an opinion, that he was intended to be one of those messengers whom Pope Sextus V. described, by the smoothness of their chins, better adapted to convey billet-doua: than reseripts—to partake of a carnival than to announce boisterous war; we supposed him sent, like some of his predecessors, to intrigue, or, like others, to amuse or abuse our government—Ham- mond, Liston, Merry, Erskine, Rose, Jackson, , and Morier, had, in succession, been employed upon this mission ; and, upon considering their course of conduct, it was not easy to believe, that this young gentleman was to be the agent of a olicy more auspicious. The distresses in which the detestable nature of British policy had invol- ved that nation, induced some to believe that ne- cessity had taught her justice; and the coming of Foster was, with a credulity which has never been diminished by disappointment or by reason, consi- dered by thousands as the final measure which was to heal all former wounds, and put a stop to future injuries. “Others, and we among this class, believed, that as he could not have been the person select- ed, if any thing like substantial justice was to be done, his mission was to be only a business of amusement and procrastination—that he was to make no distinct promises, but to carry on a dis- cussion of contingent propositions, and to give aid to Messrs. Pickering and Co. in their under- takings. “It appears that we had mistaken the charac- ter of the mission, and that the minister's valet would have executed the service upon which Mr. Foster was sent, with as much skill and as much good manners as the diplomatist himself. “Mr. Foster has fallen nothing short of the in- solence of one of his predecessors, in the style 6 OF THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 877 sº-ºº- and port which he has assumed, and he has ex- ceeded him in personal indecorum, and even per- sonal rudeness. “Mr. Foster, besides presenting some acri- monious representations on the subject of the rencontre with the Little Belt, also undertook to demand, categorically, that the United States should repeal, without delay, the non-importation law; and that they should also demand of France the repeal of her decrees, as they applied to Eng- land. “On the subject of the Little Belt, our govern- ment displayed an alacrity to give the most satis- factory explanations, and it is presumed did so ; but on the subject of the non-importation law, it was replied, that the acts of legislation belonged to the congress of the United States, which would meet in November, and it would be with that body to act in their provinces as wisdom and jus- tice should direct. But that on the question, as it related to France, or any other nation, the United States would not interfere but in concerns of the United States alone. That the United States had given to Great Britain, in common with France, a fair and liberal opportunity to ob- tain not only an uninterrupted commercial inter- course with the United States, but if she had ac- cepted the terms, an exclusion of France in her favour; that Great Britain had not chosen to pur- sue that path, consistent with justice and her commercial interests, by leaving the flag of the United States with free possession of the neutral rights of an independent nation.—That France had embraced the proposition, and that it had now become an engagement for which the na- tional faith of the United States was pledged, so long as great Britain chose to persist in her ag- gressions on neutral commerce; that as it related to France, she had complied with the engage- ment, and the United States flag was, as to her, unrestrained and uninterrupted on the high seas— and the United States had no right to interfere in any matters of dispute between the two bel- ligerents, in which she was not concerned, and could not, and would not, make any represent- ation on the subject. “The conduct and menaces held forth by Mr. Foster, on this occasion, we eannot give in ex- pressions sufficiently forcible or characteristic; but to Mr. Monroe, personally, he is represented as having demanded as we have above stated ; and upon the mild and tempered answer of Mr. Monroe, he assumed a tone of arrogance and in- sult; and declared, that if the non-importation law was not immediately set aside, a force beyond anything JMr. Monroe might eaſpect, would appear on our coasts, and not only annihilate our foreign but our coasting trade. “It is stated that Mr. Monroe treated these menaces with dignity and temper, and chid the \ º ad- young gentleman with the equanimity of a sage. Book XI. for the rudeness of his manner and expressions. This unexpected occurrence delayed the depar- ture of Mr. Monroe for Virginia, for three days, and Mr. Barlow was also delayed for a like period. “Such is the state of affairs with Great Britain. The president, before his departure, is said to have given directions to have every vessel be- longing to the United States put in a state of complete equipment; and that all military works on the sea-board be completed without delay.” Hence it appears that America, feeling sore at the want of condescension in England, but still more at her dignified language, began to suspect an insult where none was intended, and to regard as an act of hostility what was merely a mistake, or, giving it the worst name, the irregularity of an individual. The trial of Commodore Rodgers, which took place in a court of inquiry before congress assembled, was some act of satisfaction on the part of the American government for the outrage upon the Little Belt. Impartiality de- mands, that we should give a brief outline of the evidence furnished to this court, on the oaths of the several witnesses examined. The court of inquiry consisted of Commodore Stephen De- catur, president, Captain Charles Stewart, Cap- tain Isaac Chauncey, and W. Paulding, jun... esq. judge-advocate. The first witness examined was Charles Lud- low, master-commandant, and acting captain of the President.—He was on board the ship at the time of the action with the Little Belt, on the night of the 16th of May last. The Little Belt had her top-sails aback. From his position he was uncertain which fired the first gun; but the second was from the President; and was instant- ly followed by three cannon and musketry from i. Belt. Commodore Rodgers ordered to fire low, and with two round shot. After a short º. the Belt recommenced firing, as did the resident. The Belt soon appeared ungovern- able, and lay bow on towards the President, when Commodore R. observed, that some accident must have happened to her, and ceased firing. Her gaff was down, and her main-top-sail-yard on the cap; and mizen, too, he thinks. The action con- tinued fourteen or fifteen minutes, including the interval. There was nothing but round and grape shot fired, or on deck, on board the President. The ship was not on fire, or any part of her, and did not sheer off after the action. Another broad- side would probably have sunk the Little Belt. Did not know or believe any part of commodore's official account was untrue or incorrect. John Orde Creighton, first lieutenant.—Was stationed at the fourth division of guns, on the upper deck. Commodore Rodgers hailed first, then a second time, when a shot was fired, as he CHAP. I. _s^* */ 181 I. 878 HISTORY OF THE WARS BO()K XI. CHAP. I. S.Lºs A*/ 1811. believes, from the Little Belt, no gun having been fired or provocation given on board the Pre- sident. The orders of Commodore R. were to keep the guns at half-cock, and guard against accidents. After receiving the Little Belt’s broad- side, was ordered to fire. The Belt was silenced in five minutes, and the President ceased. The Belt renewed the fire, and Commodore R. return- ed it, and silenced the Belt again in five minutes. Boarded the Little Belt the next morning ; Com- modore Rogers sent a friendly message, expres- sing regret for the occurrence, and offers of as- sistance. Captain Bingham said he took the President for a Frenchman. President was not on fire, and did not sheer off. Nothing but round and grape was fired or on deck. Another broad- side would probably have sunk the Belt. Com- modore's account confirmed. Henry Caldwell, commandant of marines.— Heard the hailing ; was looking at the Little Belt, and saw the first shot proceed from her; on which Commodore Rodgers said, “What is that ?” and he answered, “she has fired into us.” Orders were then given to fire. Belt silenced in five minutes. Commodore R. was anxious to stop his fire, and did so. The Belt renewed the action, and in six or seven minutes was silenced again, when Commodore R. was anxious to pre- vent mischief, and stop his fire. No fire or sheer- ing off. Commodore's account confirmed. Raymond H. Y. Perry, junior lieutenant and signal-officer.—Was on the quarter-deck, near Commodore Rodgers's elbow. The commodore hailed; got no reply—hailed a second time, and got none. Heard a gun, and was looking at the Belt, which fired it, previous to any gun or pro- vocation from the President. The Belt was si- lenced in five minutes, and orders were sent to every division of guns on board the President to cease. The Belt renewed the fire, and the Pre- sident also. In six minutes the Belt was silenced again, and the commodore was very anxious to stop the firing on board the President. No fire or sheering off. The Belt was in a very danger- ous situation, and would, probably, have been sunk by another broadside. Heard hailing from the Belt, and understood they said their colours were down ; and so reported. Commodore Rodg- ers hailed, “Have you struck your colours?” and was answered, “I have, and am in great dis- tress.” Lights were on board the President du- ring the night. Commodore Rodgers's statement confirmed. Andrew L. B. Madison, lieutenant of marines. —Was on the gangway. Heard the commodore hail first, then waited fifteen or sixteen seconds, time enough for a reply, but got none, and hailed again; when the Belt fired a gun from her gang- way. Saw the flash, and heard the report; no -*— *.*.*- –44–º- -** A-tº- gun or provocation had been offered by Commo- dore Rodgers. In six seconds a gun was fired from the fººd. when instantly the Belt fired three guns, and then her broadside and musketry. Belt silenced in six or seven minutes. Firing stopped in the President. In two or three mi- nutes Belt renewed the action, and in four or five minutes was again silenced; when Commo- dore Rodgers ordered his fire to cease, and ap- peared anxious to prevent damage. No firing or sheering off of the President. Commodore's re- port confirmed. Captain Caldwell confirmed the account of the first and second guns and broadside, as given by the other witnesses. Jacob Mull, sailing-master.—Was on the quar- ter-deck. Commodore Rodgers hailed, and got no answer, but “halloo.” After sufficient time hailed again, and got no reply, but a shot, with- out provocation. In three or four seconds re- turned the shot, and got a general fire from the Little Belt. Thought the #. a heavy frigate until next day. Action continued fourteen- or fifteen minutes, including three or four minutes' interval. Little Belt could have fired again, but President could have sunk her. Commodore's official account is true. Lieut. Creighton thought the Little Belt a fri- gate (excepting her feeble defence,) until next day. Captain Bingham told him the President's colours were not hoisted, but he recollected the pendant. It is the usage, as before stated by another witness, for the President to be prepared for action on coming alongside an armed vessel. Thought the Little felt displayed bad manage- ment, or want of conduct, in her defence. Joseph Smith, midshipman, acting as master's- mate.-Commanded the fourth division of guns. Heard Commodore Rodgers hail, and no-reply for five seconds. Heard second hail, and was looking at the Little Belt when the first gun was fired by her, before a shot or any provocation was given from the President. The commodore fired one gun, then the Little Belt three, and action con- tinued. Thought the Little Belt a frigate. The duration of the action, and orders to cease, as be- fore stated. The last order to stop firing was received by three different officers. Commodore R.'s statement confirmed. Henry Dennison, acting chaplain.-Was on the quarter-deck. Little Belt was seventy or eighty yards distant. Heard Commodore R. hail, , and the reply, and the second hail—then a gun, he thinks from the Belt, as he felt no jar in the President, and no gun or provocation had been given by Commodore R. Account of Commodore R. confirmed. Michael Roberts, boatswain.—Was on the fore- castle, saw the flash and heard the gun from the ~ *-...- OF THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 879 *** - Łittle Belt, before any shot or provocation had been given from the President. Had not seen the commodore's account. Richard Carson, midshipman.-Was on the forecastle and gangways. Commodore R. hailed, and was answered by repeating his words; se- cond hail was answered by a shot. Was looking at the Belt, and saw and heard the gun, before any provocation from Commodore Rodgers. Gun from the President was followed by the Belt's broadside, as stated by others. Commodore's account confirmed. Matthew C. Perry, Silas Duncan, and John M’Clack, midshipmen, gave their evidence to the same effect. Thomas Gamble, second lieutenant.—Com- manded the first division of guns. Commodore Rodgers hailed, “Ship a-boy!” Was answered, “halloo.” Asked “what ship is that ?” Receiv- ed his own words repeated in reply. Hailed again, “what ship is that ?” Then a gun from the Belt. Heard no gun or provocation from the President—swears no gun was fired from his division. Nothing but round and grape shot fired after the action commenced. Commodore's or- ders as before stated; when firing ceased finally. Belt was in a favorable position for firing, but another broadside from the President probably would have sunk her. Saw no colours on the Belt, and took her for a frigate of thirty-six or thirty-eight guns. No firing on board or sheering off by the President; statement of Commodore Rodgers confirmed. John Neese, captain of the first gun.—In the first division on the gun-deck, was looking at the Little Belt, and saw and heard her first fire. Lieutenant Creighton testified farther, that when the Belt was silenced the second time, she luffed up towards the commodore, instead of keeping way, as she should have done, to fire at the President, and would have done if her rud- der had been free. Commodore Rodgers expres- sed much humanity and anxiety to stop the firing. Lieutenant Creighton also testified to the officers of assistance from Commodore Rodgers to the Little Belt the next inorning. Alexander James Dallas, third lieutenant, com- manded third division guns; heard first and se- cond hail, and question repeated back from the Little Belt; then third hail and gun; was look- ing at the Belt when she fired, when no gun or provocation had been given from the President; was in the bridle-port when the Belt fired, and after the shot was received, got into the port and fired a gun in return, from general order, without articular direction. A broadside from the Belt immediately succeeded. None but round and grape used in his division, and no fire or sheering off. A broadside more would probably have sunk the Belt. Commodore Rodgers was very 61. anxious to stop the firing.—Commodore's state- ment confirmed. John M. Funk, fourth lieutenant, commanded third division gun-deck; heard hail, reply; second hail, and gun from Belt, as before; heard no gun or provocation from President, and there certainly was none from his division; gun from Belt re- turned from President in five or six seconds, and broadside from Belt ensued.—Orders of Commo- dore R. as before. Round and grape only fired. No fire or sheering off. Another broadside would have sunk the Belt. Commodore R. exerted him. self to stop the firing.—Official account confirmed Peter Gamble, midshipman, was on gun-deck, at second division; heard first shot from Little Belt, and felt no jar on board the President. No #. or provocation from Commodore Rodgers.- onfirmed the official account. Edward Babbet, midshipman, was on gun- deck, at third division; was looking at the Belt, and saw and heard the first gun from her. No gun or provocation had heen given by the Pre- sident.—Official account confirmed. Mr. Mull testified that the damage on board the President was one boy wounded; a shot in the mainmast, and another in the foremast, with some of the back-stays cut away; but not a single shot of any kind from the Little Belt struck the hull of the President. t Edward Rutledge Slubrick, midshipman, was forward on gun-deck, at first division ; was look- ing at the Belt, and saw and heard the first fire from her before any gun or provocation from the President. - Philip Dickenson Spencer, midshipman, was con- fident that the first shot came from the Little Belt. Breasted Barnes, carpenter, was on gun-deck to attend pumps, and looking at the Belt when she fired the first shot, before gun or provocation from Commodore Rodgers. The President did not receive a shot of any kind in the hull, but one in her main-mast and another in her foremast. Edward Walker, captain first gun, fourth di- vision forecastle, from hearing the report and feel- ing no jar, believed the first shot came from the Belt. Moses Dumbar, second captain (first absent) second gun, fourth division, was looking at the Little Belt, and saw her fire first, George Sim- mons, third captain, (first absent) third gun, fourth division; John M'Cornick, second captain (first absent) fourth gun, fourth division; William Campbell, first gun, fourth division, quarter-deck, all testified the same as Moses Dumbar. Thomas Taylor, captain second gun, quarter- deck, saw the Elittle Belt fire six seconds first. Six captains of guns on the quarter-deck said the SalT162, Mr. Mull testified that the commodore shewed great hamanity.—Lieutenant Dallas heard two report-Muslipmanſ, H. Stringham, J. H. ** --> BOOK XI. *s Chap. I. 1811, 880 HISTORY OF THE WARS BOOK XI. CHAP. I. \sº 1811. Ludlow, and D. G. Ingraham, saw the Little Belt fire the first shot. Here the examination closed, and the result of the trial was the acquittal of Commodore Rod- gers. The American government, by putting the commodore on his trial, disavowed the act as belonging to themselves, and transferred it to the individual. They divested, therefore, the out- rage upon the Little Belt, of a national insult, and rendered it as a private or individual action. But the record of this trial, the evidence, the de- fence, and the sentence, were not communicated to the British government; and, of course, it was sus- pected that the whole was an affair of manage- ment; that the evidence had been wilfully pro- cured on the part of the government of the coun- try to answer a particular purpose; and that the sentence was unjust; therefore, instead of being a satisfaction, it was by some considered as an aggravation of the injury. n a court of inquiry held at Halifax, relative to this business, the evidence considerably va- ried. This court was held before the Right 1Honorable Lord James Townshend, captain of his majesty's ship Eolus, and senior officer at Halifax, Nova Scotia; Charles John Austen, esq. captain of his majesty's ship Cleopatra; and Alexander Gordon, esq. commander of his ma- jesty’s ship Rattler. Lieutenant Moberty, senior lieutenant, stated, “that on the 16th inst. while cruizing off the coast of America, Cape Charles bearing west fifty- four miles, at eleven a. m. saw a strange sail,- that she was a lugger was reported from the mast-head, on the star-board beam; we then steering SS. W. the wind aft, or a little on the starboard quarter; on which took in our studding sails, and hauled our wind for her on the star- board tack:—shortly after, made her out to be a ship. At thirty past two p. m. having then made out the chace to be a frigate, with a commodore's broad pendant flying, being then about six miles, and not having answered any of our private sig- nals, viz. 275, private signal, and our number, concluded her to be the American frigate United States; showed our colours, and steered our course south. Set studding-sails at five o’clock, —observed the frigate make all sail; and to keep more away from us: at seven found she was gain- ing on us fast. Captain Bingham then thinking it best to speak her before dark, shortened sail, and hove to, colours up: we then making out her stars in her broad pendant, beat to quarters, and got clear for action, a second time, having beat before at two p. m.; double shotted and double breached the guns. At fifty past seven, observed the frigate to have shortened sails to top-sails, top-gallant-sails, and jib, and standing down as if with an intention of passing under our stern; wore twice to evade this. Captain Bingham º *A wº- hailed, and was not answered; wore again, to close to us, on larboard beam. Captain Bingham ...hailed the ship, “ a-hoy!” which was repeated word for word by the frigate: Captain Bingham asked what ship that was, which was also repeated as before; and on asking a second time, was an- swered by a broadside. Captain Bingham was then standing on the midship gun, jumped off, and gave ...i. to fire, which was done in less than a minute after her first fire, we being quite ready, guns pointed, and continued firing for about an hour, when the frigate ceased firing, and hailed us to know what ship this was. Cap- tain Bingham answered, his majesty's ship Little Belt, several times, before he understood us. He then asked if our colours were down? No! was Captain Bingham's answer. Captain Bingham then hailed to know what ship that was; and was answered the United States frigate,_the name we could not understand. In the mean time the frigate had filled, and was standing from us;—a short time after lost sight of her, hove-to for the night, having no sail set. At day-light, saw a sail to windward; made her out to be the same we had engaged;—at six she bore up for us under easy sail; at eight she passed within hail, asked permission to send a boat on board, which was granted: boat came on board, staid ten minutes, then returned; understood the frigate to be the President, belonging to the United States, Com- modore Rodgers; observed the President to fill and stand on, on the starboard tack, under her top-sails.” Lieutenant Thomas Leveel, Mr. James Frank- lin, boatswain, and Mr. Hinshelwoºd, purser, cor- roborated the whole of the foregoing statement. In addition to whom, Mr. William Turner, surgeon, stated, “ that at ten minutes past eight o'clock p. m. Captain Bingham hailed the stranger twice, very loudly, but received no answer: about five minutes after, Captain Bingham again hailed, and was answered from the frigate, to what pur- pose I could not distinctly understand. Captain Bingham again hailed twice, and immediately heard the frigate fire, and the whole passed over us. I then distinctly heard Captain Bingham give orders to fire away: we returned the broadside within the space of twenty seconds; the action continued with great vigour for about forty-five minutes, to the best of my judgment.” “ The examination and information of Wil- liam Burkit, mariner, taken before John Howe and Thomas Boggs, esquires, two of his majes- ty's justices of the peace for the county of Hali- fax, this 22d day of June, in the year of our Lord 1811; who, being duly sworn, deposeth and saith, that he was born at Deptford, in England; that he is about twenty-three years of age; that he has reason to think he has a mother still living at * OF THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 881 Deptford; that he left home about three years ago, and went to Montego-bay, Jamaica; that he left that place afterwards, and proceeded to New York, in a brig called the Pizarro; that some time in August, 1869, being in a state of intoxi- cation, he was forcibly carried on-board the United States armed schooner Revenge, in which he continued until she was cast away in Long Island Sound; that he was afterwards transferred to the United States’ ship the President; that he was entered on-board the Revenge, and afterwards on-board the President, by the name of Elijah Shephardson; that he was on-board the Pre- sident the first week in May last, when that ship was lying at Annapolis, in Maryland; that Commodore Rodgers suddenly came on-board from Havre-de-Grace, where he had been with his family; that instantly after the arrival of the commodore, all was bustle in the ship; that the sails, some of which were unbent, were im- mediately bent, and the ship got ready, with all possible expedition, to proceed to sea; that she got under weigh next day, and proceeded down the river; that they spoke a brig, which said they had been boarded the day before by a British cruiser, and that she had taken a man from her, who had been sent back again; that, as the were going down the river, they got up a mº larger quantity of shot and wads than had ever been customary on any other occasion, while he was on-board the ship; and that he knows this to have been the case, from having held the sta- tion of quarter-gunner; that after proceeding to sea, they cruised off the different parts of the coast without any thing materially happening un- til the 16th of May; that at twelve o’clock on that day, being below at dinner, word was brought that a frigate, supposed to be British, was in sight; that orders were then given for clearing away the bulk-heads, and preparing for action; that, soon after, all hands were beat to quarters; that every thing was then immediately got ready for action; that at this time it was about two o'clock; that all sails were then set, and they went eagerly in chase of the supposed frigate; that orders were soon after given for pricking and firing the guns; before dark, while they were approaching nearer the chase, orders were given to take the aprons off the guns; and at that time this deponent looked at the ship they were in chase of, through the bridle port, and he saw her colours flying; that he saw red in them, but could not correctly ascertain what colours they were; that at the distance they were, he is satis- fied that with glasses they could easily be distin- guished; that he heard Lieutenant Belding, who had a glass, and who commanded in his division, say, that her colours were British ; that when this deponent looked at her, he could see her hull, and gº satisfied that she was a small ship; that they continued after this period to approach her until between eight and nine o’clock, when they were within pistol-shot; that Commodore cnae. I Rodgers then gave orders to stand by their guns, --> and not to fire till orders were given; that the commodore then hailed; and when he was hail- ing a second time, a gun in the division to which this belongs, being the second division, went of. he thinks by accident; and that there were four or five men leaning on the gun at the time; that he instantly turned, to acquaint the lieutenant that the gun had gone off by accident, the lieutenant then standing only three guns from him; that be- fore he could do this, the whole broadside of the President was discharged; and that immediately after a general order was given, “fire away as quick as possible;” that before the firing of the gun of this division, which he thinks went off by accident, and the broadside which immediately followed, this deponent is satisfied, as he was looking out of the port, and distinctly saw the Little Belt, that not a gun had been fired from her; that the President, he thinks, continued firing about half an hour without cessation; that an order was then given to cease firing; that the President then filled her main-top-sail, and stood from the Little Belt, with her head to the south- ward, and continued all night on that tack, with- out heaving to ; that the commodore, before he steered from the Little Belt, hailed her to know if she had struck; the only part of the answer given, that he could distinctly hear or understand, was, that she was a British ship. “This deponent further saith, that the Pre- sident was wounded in her foremast and main- mast, a 22-pound shot having entered each of them; and the rest of the night, after the engage- ment, they were employed in repairing the dam- age sustained in the rigging. This deponent farther saith, that the crew of the President con- sists of about 500 men, upwards of 300 of which he knew to be British seamen, from having con- versed with them, and having heard them de- clare they were so, and from many of them hav- ing designated the place they came from; that the engagement with the Little Belt had excited §. isgust in the British seamen on-board the resident, who had manifested their reluctance to fight against their country; that one man, in particular, had so plainly expressed this feeling, as to have drawn on him the resentment of Com- modore Rodgers, who had put him in irons; in which situation he ºwhen this deponent left the ship for the aforesaid defence, and for having said the first gun was fired from the Pre- sident. - “This deponent further saith, that, after the President came into New York, and was lying in the North River, that, by the assistance of his hammock lashings, he got in the night from the Bookx. J811. 882 HISTORY OF THE WARS BOOK XI. CHAP. I. \*S/~/ 1811. fore-chains into the river, and swam to a place of safety, and has since procured a passage to Halifax. - “ WILLIAM BURKIT, his 26 Mark. “ Sworn at Halifax, the day and year afore- said, before us, “ JoHN Howe, }J ustices of the Peace.” “THo. Boggs, , Bristol, July 25, 1811. “John Russell deposes, that he belonged to the President American frigate; that he did his duty in the foretop; was quartered at the aftermost #. on the forecastle, before they fell in with the Lit- tle Belt. The commodore informed the ship's company, that he was ordered to demand two American seamen that had been pressed by a British frigate; if they were not given up, he was to take them by force: when they went down to the Little Belt the guns were double-shotted, and loaded with grape; that the first gun was fired from the President, but he believes from accident, as no orders were given from the quarter-deck to fire; the ºflocks, and were all eocked. After the action, he was informed by the men in the waste, that a man was entangled with the lan- yard of the lock, that occasioned the gun to go off.” The “John 24 RUSSELL. mark of. “The within-named John Russell was sworn in the truth of the within affidavit, before me, one of his majesty's justices of the peace for the city and county of Bristol, the 25th day of July, 1811.” (Signed) “David Evans.” (Signed) On the meeting of Congress, this affair was particularly dwelt upon in the president’s speech, communicated by Mr. Edward Coles, his private secretary, and which was as follows: “ Fellow-citizens of the Senate, and of the House of Representatives, “ In calling you together sooner than a sepa- ration from your homes would otherwise have been required, I yielded to considerations drawn from the posture of our foreign affairs; and in fix- ing the present for the time of your meeting, re- gard was had to the probability of farther deve- lopements of the policy.of the belligerent powers towards this country, which might the more unite the national councils in the measures to be pur- sued. .* “At the close of the last session of congress, it was hoped that the successive confirmations of the extinction of the French decrees, so far as they violated our neutral commerce, would have induced the government of Great Britain to re- peal its orders in council; and thereby authorize -- ** x-r --- a removal of the existing obstructions to her cem- merce with the United States. “. Instead of this reasonable step towards satis- faction and friendship between the two nations, the orders were, at a moment when least to have been expected, put into more rigorous execution; and it was communicated through the British envoy just arrived, that, whilst the revocation of the edicts of France, as officially made known to the British government, was denied to have taken place, it was an indispensable condition of the repeal of the British orders, that commerce should be restored to a footing that would admit the productions and manufactures of Great Britain, when owned by neutrals, into markets shut against them by her enemy; the United States being given to understand, that, in the mean time, a continuance of their non-importation act would lead to measures of retaliation. “At a later date it has, indeed, appeared, that a communication to the British government, of fresh evidence of the repeal of the French de- crees against our neutral trade, was followed by an intimation, that it had been transmitted to the British plenipotentiary here, in order that it might receive full consideration in the depending dis- cussions. This communication appears not to have been received : but the transmission of it hither, instead of founding on it the actual repeal of the orders, or assurances that the repeal would ensue, will not permit us to rely on any effective change in the British cabinet. To be ready to meet, with cordiality, satisfactory proofs of such a change, and to proceed, in the mean time, in adapting our measures to the views which have been disclosed through that minister, will best consult our whole duty. “In the unfriendly spirit of those disclosures, indemnity and redress for other wrongs have continued to be withheld; and our coasts and the mouths of our harbours have again witnessed scenes, not less derogatory to the dearest of our national rights than vexatious to the regular course of our trade. “Among the occurrences produced by the conduct of British ships of war hovering on our coasts, was an encounter between one of them and the American frigate commanded by Captain Rodgers, rendered unavoidable on the part of the latter, by a fire commenced without cause by the former; whose commander is, therefore, alone chargeable with the blood unfortunately shed in maintaining the honor of the American flag. The proceedings of a court of inquiry, requested by Captain Rodgers, are communicated; together with the correspondence relating to the occur- rence between the secretary of state and his Bri- tannic majesty's envoy. To these are added, the several correspondences which have passed on the subject of the British orders in council; OF THE FRENCH REVOLUTION, 883 r– ~~~~~~ —A- and to both, the correspondence relating to the Floridas, in which congress will be made acquainted with the interposition which the government of Great Britain has thought proper to make against the proceedings of the United States. “The justness and fairness which have been evinced on the part of the United States towards France, both before and since the revocation of her decrees, authorised an expectation that her government would have followed up that measure by all such others as were due to our reasonable claims, as well as dictated by its amicable profes- sions. No proof, however, is yet given of an inten- tion to repair the other wrongs done to the United States; and, particularly to restore the great amount of American property seized and con- demned under edicts, which, though not affecting our neutral relations, and therefore, not entering into questions between the United States and other belligerents, were nevertheless founded in such unjust principles, that the reparation ought to have been prompt and simple. “In addition to this and other demands of strict right on that nation, the United States have much reason to be dissatisfied with the rigorous and unexpected restrictions to which their trade with the French dominions has been subjected; and which, if not discontinued, will require, at least, corresponding restrictions on importations from France into the United States. “On all those subjects our minister-plenipoten- tiary, lately sent to Paris, has carried with him the necessary instructions; the result of which will be communicated to you; and by ascertaining the ulterior policy of the French government towards the United States, will enable you to adapt to it that of the United States towards France. “Our other foreign relations remain without unfavorable changes. With Russia they are on the best footing of friendship. The ports of Swe- den have afforded proofs of friendly dispositions towards our commerce in the councils of that nation also. And the information from our spe- cial minister to Denmark, shews, that the mission had been attended with valuable effects to our citizens, whose property had been so extensively violated and endangered by cruisers under the Danish flag. “ Under the ominous indications which com- manded attention, it became a duty to exert the means committed to the executive department, in providing for the general security. The works of defence on our maritime frontier have accord- ingly been prosecuted with an activity leaving lit- tle to be added for the completion of the most im- portant ones; and, as particularly suited for co- operation in emergencies, a portion of the gun- boats have, in particular harbours, been ordered into use. The ships of war before in commission, 61. * with the addition of a frigate, have been chiefly BOOK XI. employed as a cruising guard to the rights of our coast; and such a disposition has been made of our land-forces, as was thought to promise the services most appropriate and important. In this disposi- tion is included a force consisting of regulars and militia, embodied in the Indian territory, and marched towards the north-west frontier. This measure was made requisite by several murders and depredations committed by Indians; but more especially by the menacing preparations and as- pect of a combination of them on the Wabash, under the influence and direction of a fanatic of the Schawanese tribe. With these exceptions, the Indian tribes retain their peaceable dispositions towards us, and their usual pursuits. “I must now add, that the period is arrived, which claims from the legislative guardians of the national rights a system of more ample provisions for maintaining them. Notwithstanding the scru- pulous justice, the protracted moderation, and the multiplied efforts on the part of the United States, to substitute, for the accumulating dangers to the peace of the two countries, all the mutual advan- tages of re-established friendship and confidence; we have seen, that the British cabinet perseveres, not only in withholding a remedy for other wrongs, so long and so loudly calling for it, but in the ex- ecution brought home to the threshold of our ter- ritory, of measures which, under existing circum- stances, have the character as well as the effect of war on our lawful commerce. “With this evidence of hostile inflexibility, in trampling on rights which no independent nation can relinquish, congress will feel the duty of put- ting the United States into an armour and an atti- tude demanded by the crisis, and corresponding with the national spirit and expectations. “I recommend, accordingly, that adequate pro- vision be made for filling the ranks and ºlºg the enlistments of the regular troops; for an aux- iliary force, to be engaged for a more limited term; for the acceptance of volunteer corps, whose pa- triotic ardour may court a participation in urgent services; for detachments, as they may be wanted, of other portions of the militia; and for such a pre- paration of the great body, as will proportion its usefulness to its intrinsic capacities. Nor can the occasion fail to remind you of the importance of those military seminaries, which, in every event, will form a valuable and frugal part of our mili- tary establishment. “The manufacture of cannon and small arms has proceeded with due success, and the stock and resources of all the necessary munitions are adequate to emergencies. It will not be inexpe- dient, however, for congress to authorise an en- largement of them. * Your attention will, of course, be drawn to such provisions, on the subject of our naval forge, l() Q CHAP. I. Nºvº- 1811. 884 HISTORY OF THE WARS BOOK XI. CHAP. I. i811, * as may be required for the services to which it may be best adapted. I submit to congress the season- ableness, also, of an authority to augment the stock of such materials as are imperishable in their na- ture, or may not at once be attainable. “In contemplating the scenes which distinguish this momentous epoch, and estimating their claims to our attention, it is impossible to overlook those developing themselves among the great commu- nities which occupy the southern portion of our own hemisphere, and extend into our neighbour- hood. An enlarged philanthropy, and an enlight- ened forecast, concur in imposing on the national councils an obligation to take a deep interest in their destinies; to cherish reciprocal sentiments of good-will; to regard the progress of events; and not to be unprepared for whatever order of things may be ultimately established. “ Under another aspect of our situation, the early attention of congress will be due to the expe- dieney of farther guards against evasions and in- fractions of our commercial laws. The practice of smuggling, which is odious every where, and particularly criminal in free governments, where, the laws being made by all for the good of all, a fraud is committed on every individual as well as on the state, attains its utmost guilt, when it blends, with a pursuit of ignominious gain, a treacherous subserviency, in the transgressors, to a foreign pelicy adverse to that of their own country. It is then that the virtuous indignation of the public should be enabled to manifest itself, through the regular animadversions of the most competent laws. “To secure greater respect to our mercantile flag, and to the honest interest which it covers, it is expedient, also, that it be made punishable in our citizens to accept licences from foreign govern- ments, for a trade unlawfully interdicted by them to other American citizens; or to trade under false colours or papers of any sort. * A º is equally called for against the acceptance, by our citizens, of special licences, to be used in a trade with the United States; and against the admission into particular ports of the United States, of vessels from foreign countries, authorised to trade with particular ports only. “Although other subjects will press more imme- diately on your deliberations, a portion of them cannot but be well bestowed on the just and sound policy of securing to our manufactures the success they have attained, and are still attaining, in some degree, under the impulse of causes not perma- ment; and to our navigation, the fair extent of which it is at present abridged, by the unequal regulations of foreign governments. “Besides the reasonableness of saving our manufacturers from sacrifices which a change of circumstances might bring on them, the national interest requires, that, with respect to such articles, - - **m- at least, as belong to our defence and our primary wants, we should not be left in unnecessary de- pendence on external supplies. And whilst fo- reign governments adhere to the existing discri- minations in their ports against our navigation, and an equality or lesser discrimination is enjoyed by their navigation in our ports, the effect cannot be mistaken, because it has been seriously felt by our shipping-interests; and in proportion as this takes place, the advantages of an independent conveyance of our products to foreign markets, and of a growing body of mariners, trained by their occupations for the service of their country in times of danger, must be diminished. “The receipts into the treasury, during the year ending on the 30th of September last, have ex- ceeded thirteen millions and a half of dollars; and have enabled us to defray the current expences, including the interest on the public debt, and to reimburse more than five millions of dollars of the principal, without recurring to the loan authorised by the act of the last session. The temporary loan obtained in the latter end of the year 1810, has also been reimbursed, and is not included in that amount. “The decrease of revenue, arising from the situation of our commerce, and the extraordinary expences which have and may become necessary, must be taken into view, in making commensurate provisions for the ensuing year. And I recom- mend to your consideration the propriety of en- suring a sufficiency of annual revenue, at least to defray the ordinary expenses of government, and to pay the interest on the public debt, including that on new loans which may be authorised. “I cannot close this communication without expressing my deep sense of the crisis in which you are assembled, my confidence in a wise and honorable result to your deliberations, and assur- ances of the faithful zeal with which my co-oper- ating duties will be discharged; invoking, at the same time, the blessing of heaven on our beloved country, and on all the means that may be employ- ed in vindicating its rights and advancing its welfare.” (Signed) “JAMES MADison, “Washington, Nov. 5, 1811.” In taking a review of this speech, we find it labours with its own weight in order to throw a load of blame upon the British government. It begins with a complaint of the unfriendly conduct of Great Britain in refusing what the president was pleased to term their neutral rights. During the discussions of the plenipotentiaries of the two powers upon this point, the governments of Eng- land and the United States could not agree, as they referred in their respective arguments and appeals to different principles and different codes. he speech next alludes to the affair of the OF THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 885 Little Belt, and, according to the result of the trial, inculpates the British commander. It must be confessed, that America, in this respect, had offered all the satisfaction which could be ea jure required of her. She had given Captain Rodgers a trial in one of her admiralty-courts, and it is the peculiar nature of these courts, that being admi- nistered in every country alike, that is, on the law of nations and the public law of Europe, they have every where an acknowledged name, and even some portion of authority; and their judgments are deemed satisfactory and conclusive, till set aside in the same form and manner, and for their manifest and gross injustice, in some other admi- ralty-court. The president, therefore, as presi- dent of America, committed no injury in assigning the wrong-doing to the party 㺠by his own admiralty-courts, though, as before intimated, the evidence had all the appearance of corruption. The president next congratulates his country- men on the friendly footing of America with the northern powers, and then, recurring to the con- duct of Great Britain, taxed with the daily com- mission of many hostile acts, calls upon America to put herself into the armour and attitude demand- ed by her circumstances.—The measures pro- osed are the four following:—1. That the army {. recruited up to its war establishment.—2. That the enlistment of the regular troops be prolonged. –3. That an auxiliary force (i.e. an army of re- serve) be raised for a limited term.–4. A supple- mental militia.-5. That corps of volunteers be accepted.—6. Such a preparation of the great body of the American people as will render its utility in some degree proportionate to what it ought to be from its natural intrinsic capacity (i.e. the instruction of the peasantry in the use and exercise of arms.) Of the voluminous documents which accompa- nied the president's speech to congress, we shall confine ourselves to a description of them. Relative to the orders in council, Mr. Foster, in his letters of the 3d, 11th, 14th, and 16th July, 1810, to Mr. Monroe, the American minister, insisted that the Berlin and Milan decrees had not been effec- tually repealed, and that the regent could not therefore forego the just measures of retaliation which his majesty, in his defence, had found it necessary to have recourse to. Mr. Monroe, in a reply to Mr. Foster, dated 23d July, considered that his government was bound to respect the solemn declaration of the French government, August 5th, 1810, that the decrees were repealed; argued, that they were repealed from the release of the New Orleans pac- ket, the Grace, Anne, and other vessels; endea- voured to avoid the meaning Mr. Foster gave to the declaration made to the deputation from the Hanse Towns by Bonaparte (viz. that he, Bona- parte, had not pronounced the cessation of any one of his decrees in that declaration, which, on BOOK XI. the contrary, was a confirmation of them all) and concluded by declaring the determination of his government to continue the non-intercourse act, unless the British orders were revoked. Mr. Foster, in a letter of the 24th July, asked whether it was the determination of the president to rest satisfied with the partial repeal of the Ber- lin and Milan decrees, which Mr. Monroe believed to have taken place. To this no reply seemed to have been given. In a letter from Mr. Foster, dated 26th July, he shewed that Mr. Monroe had not, in his letter of the 23d July, adduced any satisfactory proof of the repeal of the obnox- ious decree of France, and he urged afresh the injustice of the American government in perse- vering in their union with the French system to crush the commerce of Great Britain. In a reply to this letter by Mr. Monroe, on the 1st. Oct. he did not bring forward any fresh evi- dence to shew that the Berlin and Milan decrees were repealed, and he seemed to evade the dis- CUISSIOlle In a note, dated 17th of Oct, from Mr. Monroe, he enclosed two letters from Mr. Russel, the American chargé d'affaires at Paris, stating, that the Berlin and Milan decrees had ceased to be executed, and a note from the Marquis Wellesley, dated on the 14th of August, to Mr. Smith, ac- knowledging the receipt of a letter to Mr. Foster, stating, that he had commenced his negociations with Mr. Monroe, relative to the orders in council. Mr. Foster, in a letter, dated on the 22d of Oct. alluded to Mr. Russel's letters, announcing the liberation of four or five American vessels, cap- tured and brought into French ports since the lst of Nov.; and he added to Mr. Monroe, “I hope you will not think it extraordinary if I should contend, that the seizure of American ships by France since Nov. 1st, and the positive and unqualified declarations of the French govern- ment, are stronger proofs of the continued exist- ence of the French decrees, and the bad faith of the ruler of France, than the restoration of five or six vessels, too palpably given up for fallacious purposes, or in testimony of his satisfaction at the attitude taken by America, is a proof of their revocation, or of his return to the principles of justice.” Mr. Monroe, in his reply, dated Oct. 29, to this letter, adverted to Mr. Russel's letters, and stated, that it might have been fairly presumed, that the new evidence afforded of the complete revocation of the French decrees, as far as they interfered with the commerce of the United States with the British dominions, would have been followed by an immediate repeal of the orders in council. Mr. Foster, in his reply, dated Oct. 31, insisted again, that, “where proof can be obtained of the decrees being in existence, we have it, namely, Ch.AP. I. Jºvº-Z | 81 . 8S6 HISTORY OF THE WARS BOOK XI. CHAP. I. SJºs **º- 181 I. in the ports of France, in which vessels have been avowedly seized under their operation since No- vember 1.” Mr. Foster, in his correspondence on the sub- ject of the President and Little Belt, demanded the immediate disavowal of the act of aggression committed by the President, and required a just reparation. Mr. Monroe stated, that no orders of a hostile nature had been given to Commodore Rodgers. Mr. Monroe subsequently transmitted the result of the court of inquiry on Commodore Rodgers. Mr. Foster replied, that he should transmit it to his government without delay. Mr. Foster, in a letter of the 2d July, protested against the occupation of West Florida by the United States. Mr. Monroe, in his reply, dated on the 8th, argued that the province formed part of Louisiana, which was ceded to France, and bought of France by the United States. Mr. Foster, on the 5th of September, called upon the American government to explain the conduct of Governor Matthews, in attempting to subvert the Spanish authority in East Florida. Mr. Monroe replied, that Spain had committed spoliations on American commerce, and that America looked to East Florida to indemnify her for them. On the 12th of November, in the house of repre- sentatives, Mr. Smilie said, that it was high time the president's message should be taken into consideration. He therefore moved, “that the house resolve itself into a committee of the whole on the state of the union, for the pur- pose of taking it up.” . The house accordingly went into committee of the whole, Mr. Bibb in the chair. Mr. Smilie then offered the following resolu- tions:— 1. Resolved, That so much of the president's message as relates to our foreign relations, be referred to a select committee. 2. Resolved, That so much of the president's message as relates to the measures of public de- fence demanded by the present crisis, be referred to a select committee. 3. Resolved, That so much of the president's message as relates to the revenue, and to the provisions necessary for the ensuing year, be referred to the committee of ways and means. 4. Resolved, That so much of the president's message as relates to evasions and infractions of the non-intercourse law, be referred to the com- mittee of commerce and manufactures. 5. Resolved, That so much of the president's message as relates to foreign licences, and to the protection of manufactures and navigation, be referred to the committee of commerce and manu- factures. 6. Resolved, That so much of the president's message as relates to the Spanish American colo- nies, be referred to a select committee. Mr. Dawson thought the second resolution em- braced too much. He wished to know whether the gentleman from Pennsylvania (Mr. Smilie) intended to place every subject connected with military and naval defence before one committee. Mr. Smilie said he did. All those subjects had been before one committee during the revo- lutionary war. After some debate, the resolutions were agreed to, and the committee rose and reported them. After the committee rose, Mr. D. R. Williams moved to amend the 2d resolution, so as to refer that part of the presi- dent's message relative to filling up the ranks, prolonging the enlistment of regular troops, and an auxiliary force, to a select committee.— Agreed to. Mr. Bibb moved farther to amend the resolu- tion, so as to embrace the subject of the militia generally. Mr. Dawson proposed the following additional resolution, which was adopted :- Resolved, That those parts of the president's message relative to the naval force, and to the defence of our maritime frontiers, be referred to a select committee. The two following resolutions were also offered by Mr. Bacon, and adopted:— Resolved, That so much of the president's mes- sage as relates to the manufacture of cannon and small arms, and providing munitions of war, be referred to a select committee. Resolved, That so much of the president's mes- sage as relates to Indian affairs, be referred to a select committee. Besides the affair of the President, an attack had been made upon the Chesapeake, an Ameri- can frigate, in order to recover some British sea- men illegally detained. (See Book VII. Chap. IX. page 561.) This affair was settled by a very just and noble submission on the part of Great Britain, which detracted nothing from her honor, whilst it added infinitely to the credit of her honesty; and the following was a consequent message to the se- nate and house of representatives of the United States, Nov. 16. * “I communicate to congress copies of a cor- respondence between the envoy-extraordinary and minister-plenipotentiary of Great Britain and the secretary of state relative to the aggression com- mitted by a British ship of war on the United States frigate Chesapeake; by which it will be seen, that that subject of difference between the two countries is terminated by an offer of repara- tion, which has been acceded to. “ JAMES MADison. “Washington, Nov. 13, 1811.” 2 OF THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 887 J zy —t . The following was the correspondence al- Ruded to. Aº JMr. Foster to JMr. JMonroe. Washington, Oct. 30. “SIR,--I had already the honor to mention to you, that I came to this country furnished with instructions from his royal highness the prince- regent, in the name and on the behalf of his majesty, for the purpose of proceeding to a final adjustment of the differences which have arisen between Great Britain and the United States of America in the affair of the Chesapeake frigate; and I had also that of acquainting you with the necessity under which I found myself of suspend- ing the execution of those instructions, in conse- quence of not having perceived that any steps whatever were taken by the American government to clear up the circumstances of an event which threatened so materially to interrupt the harmony subsisting between our two countries, as that which occurred in the month of last May, between the United States ship President, and his majes- ty's ship Little Belt, when every evidence before his majesty's government seemed to shew that a most evident and wanton outrage had been com- mitted on a British sloop of war by an American commodore. “A court of inquiry, however, as you informed me in your letter of the 11th instant, has since been held by order of the president of the United States, on the conduct of Commodore Rodgers; and this preliminary to farther discussion on the subject being all that I asked in the first instance, as due to the friendship between the two states, I have now the honor to acquaint you that I am ready to proceed, in the truest spirit of conciliation, to lay before you the terms of reparation which his royal highness has commanded me to propose to the United States’ government, and only wait to know when it will suit your convenience to enter upon the discussion. “AUG. J. Foster. “The Hon. James Monroe, S. S.” Mr. JMonroe to JMr. Foster. “ Department of State, Oct. 31, 1811. “Sir, I have just had the honor to receive your letter of the 30th of this month. “I am glad to find that the communication which I had the honor to make to you on the 11th instant, relative to the court of inquiry, which was the subject of it, is viewed by you in the fa- vorable light which you have stated. “Although I regret that the proposition which you now make in consequence of that communi- cation, has been delayed to the present moment, I am ready to receive the terms of it whenever you may think proper to communicate them. Per- mit me to add, that the pleasure of finding them satisfactory will be duly augmented, if they (51. ~r- should be introductory to a removal of all the Book xI. differences depending between our two countries, the hope of which is so little encouraged by your past correspondence. A prospect of such a re- sult will be embraced, on my part, with a spirit of conciliation equal to that which has been ex- pressed by you, (Signed) “A. J. Foster Esq. &c.” Mr. Foster to JMr. Monroe. Washington, JW ov. 1, 1811. “Sir, In, pursuance of the orders which have received from his royal highness the prince- regent, in the name and on the behalf of his ma- jesty, for the purpose of proceeding to a final ad- justment of the differences which have arisen be- tween Great Britain and the United States in the affair of the Chesapeake frigate, I have the honor to acquaint you—First, that I am instructed to repeat to the American government the prompt disavowal made by his majesty (and recited in Mr. Erskine's note of April 17, 1809, to Mr. Smith,) on being apprised of the unauthorised act of the officer in command of his naval forces on the coast of America, whose recal from an highly important and honorable command im- mediately ensued as a mark of his majesty's dis- approbation. ** “Secondly, that I am authorised to offer, in addition to that disavowal, on the part of his royal highness, the immediate restoration, as far as cir- cumstances will admit, of the men who, in con- sequence of Admiral Berkeley's orders, were for- cibly taken out of the Chesapeake, to the vessel from which they were taken ; or, if that ship should be no longer in commission, to such sea- port of the United States as the American go- vernment may name for the purpose. “Thirdly, that I am also authorised to offer to the American government, a suitable pecuniary provision for the sufferers in consequence of the attack on the Chesapeake, including the families of those seamen who unfortunately fell in the action, and of the wounded survivors. “These hemorable propositions, I can assure you, Sir, are made with the sincere desire that they may prove satisfactory to the United States; and I trust they will meet with the amicable re- ception which their conciliatory nature entitles them to, I need scarcely add how cordially I join with you in the wish that they might prove introductory to a removal of all the differences depending between our two countries. “AUG. J. Foster “To the Hon. James Monroe, &c.” Mr. Monroe to JMr. Foster. Washington, JNov. 12, 1811. “Sir, I have had, *i.honor to receive your “JAMEs Monroy, * --- Chap. I. \ºsºvºsely 1811. 888 HISTORY OF THE WARS BOOK XI. Cha P. J. 1811. letter of the 1st Nov. and to lay it before the pre- sident. * “It is much to be regretted that the reparation due for such an aggression as that committed on the United States frigate the Chesapeake, should have been so long delayed; nor could the transla- tion of the offending officer from one command to another, be regarded as constituting a part of a reparation otherwise satisfactory: considering, however, the existing circumstances of the case, and the early and amicable attention paid to it by his royal highness the prince-regent, the d". sident accedes to the proposition contained in your letters; and in so doing, your government will, I am persuaded, see a proof of the conci- liatory disposition by which the president has e en actuated. “The officer commanding the Chesapeake, now lying in the harbour of Boston, will be instructed to receive the men who are to be restored to that ship. I have the honor, &c. “JAMEs Monroe.” Though the non-importation act was in force in the United States against the manufactures of Great Britain, yet they still found their way to America, by circuitous means. Amelia Island, which is situated not far from the mouth of the Mississippi, was the great entrepôt for British commodities; however, at this time it was so nar- rowly watched by the American gun-brigs, that very little business was done. But great quan- tities of British commodities were introduced into the United States, by the way of Canada; which commerce, from the extent of the frontier, it was impossible to prevent. Large consignments were sent out to Canada for this traffic. To the measures adopted by Mr. Madison, Mr. Pickering was a formidable opponent: this gentleman had addressed the people of the United States in the following manner: “ Fellow citizens.—By cherishing and ani- mating the prejudices of the people in favor of France, and exasperating their antipathies to England, the leaders rose to power; and by per- severing in the same means, they retain it; now and then faintly intimating, in a whisper, that some of the emperor's decrees are not just ; and a few, the better to conceal their subserviency, and gain to themselves the character of indepen- dence, will even venture, occasionally, to call him a tyrant ; with which his imperial majesty will not be offended, while they continue to serve him. For the seizure and confiscation of American ves- sels under the Rambouillet decrees,—an act of such distinguished atrocity,+such a shameless violation of the most obvious rules of justice as demonstrate the emperor's utter contempt for the opinion of the world, as well as for the rulers of the American republic, Mr. Madison made the kindest apology imaginable. The property of -º- our citizens (says he) was seized under a misap- plication of the principles of reprisal, combined with a misconstruction of the laws of the United States when Mr. Madison, perfectly acquainted with the nature and character of the seizure, knew it to be an act of sheer deliberate villainy; that the principle of reprisal had nothing to do with it; and that the law was so plain, as to be incapable of misconstruction in relation to this point. Be- sides, if the law had appeared in any respect un- certain and doubtful, there was an intelligent American minister on the spot to explain it, if a. right understanding of it had been desired. But such an understanding, a correct construction of the law, was not desired. A glaringly false con- struction alone could furnish the emperor with his shameless pretence for the seizure. These considerations, with those exhibited in the pre- ceding address, shew that it was impossible for Mr. Madison to “anticipate” or “expect” the restoration of the property. Why, then, did he hazard the making of such a declaration to congress % On the foundation-principle for- merly mentioned, and repeated, with some illus- trations, in this address, the maintenance of the prejudices of the people in favor of France, as the essential means of maintaining in power the party of which he is, at least, the ostensible head. A full and faithful display of the nature and effects of the Rambouillet decree would natu- rally and necessarily have led him to detail the multitude of other acts of France, alike unjust, in- sulting, and injurious to the United States, and their citizens. This, if the people continued un- der the delusion in which he, with his predecessor, and their own coadjutors, had involved them, would have destroyed his popularity. If such a display by the president of the United States served to open the eyes of the people, they, thus made sensible of the deceptions j, had been ſº upon them by the same leaders, would ave cast them off; and the cause of democracy, might have been ruined. Such a display, there- fore, of wholesome truths, by Mr. Madison was not to be expected. Besides, it would have con- tradicted the course, and been subversive of the predilections of his whole life, in relation to France. But there was also an immediate ob- ject which forbad such a display: it would have deprived him of all apology for accepting the de- clarations of a conditional and future, instead of an aetual, repeal of the Berlin and Milan decrees:: and thereby have deprived him of a pretence for reviving the non-intercourse law against Great Britain. An adjustment of our differences with Great Britain must not take place. The rulers of republican France, by intrigues, by bribery, en- deavoured to prevent any amicable treaty be- tween the United States and Great Britain : any, treaty, which, by enlarging and seeuring our own. OF THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 889 *— commerce, would also benefit hers, and thus pave the way for that return of good-will and confidence between the two nations, which should add to the prosperity of both ; and when one was fortunately made (that of 1794), France omitted no means to defeat it. And when foiled in this attempt, and afterwards in the choice of a pre- sident (Mr. Adams, and not Mr. Jefferson, being elected), she let loose and gave greater scope to her piratical cruisers, “to fleece us of our property (as Joel Barlow said, and he was then in Paris) to a sufficient degree to bring us to our feeling in the only nerve in which it was presumed our sen- sibility lay, which was our pecuniary interest.’ By ‘bringing us to our feeling,” Mr. Barlow meant inducing the submission of the government of the United States to France, like many of the powers of Europe, whose cases he cited as ex- amples for us to follow. Fortunately the minds of the great majority of the American people at that time remained alive to national insults and injuries. Resistance took place, instead of the expected submission. “The French government was brought to its senses, and abandoned its impudent pretensions and claims. How this high and honorable ground was lost to the United States may be the subject of future observation. That season of dignity, spirit, and independence passed away; and that of submission followed, with all the evils we now experience in its train. “I have mentioned bribery as one of the means: used by France to gain and establish an influence in the United States; and I have done it on the following grounds:— I. “ The notorious profligacy of the French government (to say nothing of what existed under its former monarchy), evidenced by its uniform conduct from an early period of the revolution. The official documents of our own government, under the hands of our envoys, Pinckney, Mar- shall, and Gerry, attest that profligacy. Doubt- less there are some persons who, to gain an im- portant point, would offer a bribe, who would dis- dain to receive one. The government of France had no scruples of this sort. The directory, by their minister of corruption, Talleyrand; had the consummate baseness and impudence to demand of our envoys a douceur (in English, a bribe.) of 50,000l. sterling, upward of 220,000 dol- lars, for the pockets of four of them: the fifth director, Merlin, who had held the office of minis- ter of justice, being paid by the owners of pri- vateers—(for being the minister of iniquity in di- recting the decisions of the prize-courts, condemn- ing American vessels and their cargoes.) And this bribe they were informed was only the cus- tomary tribute in diplomatic affairs! And even this douceur was not to procure the acknowledg- ment of our envoys in the character of public mi- — tº nisters, but only permission for them to stay in Book XI. Paris, where those insolent tyrants kept their COurt. 2. “The confidential friend and agent of Tal- leyrand in this business (whose information Tal- leyrand told Mr. Gerry was just, and might al- ways be relied on), in addition to the douceur of 50,000l., earnestly pressed for a loan to the French republic of many millions of dollars; to have made which would have been a violation of our duty as a neutral nation: and urged various other unwarrantable and insolent demands of the French government; enforcing them by threats of its vengeance on failure of their compliance. Our envoys remaining firm and invincible, the confidential agent said to them, ‘Perhaps you believe that in returning and exposing to your countrymen the unreasonableness of the demands of this government, you will unite them in re- sistance to those demands; you are mistaken: you ought to know that the diplomatic skill of France, and the means she possesses in your country, are sufficient to enable her, with the aid of the French party in America, to throw the blame which will attend the rupture of the nego- ciations on the federalists, as you term yourselves, but on the British party, as France terms you; and you may assure yourselves this will be done.’ 3. “The testimony of Fauchet, the minister of France to the United States, in his famous letter of October 31, 1794, the time of the great in- surrection in the western part of Pennsylvania, familiarly known by the name of the Whisky In- surrection, referring to certain overtures which had been made to him by one of the exclusive patriots, (whom he named) and which he had before communicated to his government, Fau- chet says, “Thus, with some thousands of dol- lars, the republic would have decided on civil war or peace! Thus the consciences of the pretended patriots of America have already their prices!” 4. “ The notorious treachery of many officers, civil and military, of the countries which have been over-run by the arms of France, and whose treason can be ascribed to no cause but the dis- tribution of French gold, or the delusive pro- mises of elevation to higher employments and dignities, as in the case of Godoy, the prince of peace, who betrayed Spain into the hands of Bo- naparte, or to both these causes. Accordingly, the opinion is general, that this sort of cor- ruption has been the efficient pioneer to the French armies, and opened their way to con- quest. 5. “ The open avowal of the fact by a French agent, at the time that Adet (the successor of Fauchet) was the French minister in Philadeh- phia. This agent was Mr. Letombe, the consul- general of the French republic; a person well known to many of my fellow-citizens, as well as * =sº CHAP. I. wº"Nº 1811. 890 THE WARS * HISTORY OF BOOK XI. CHAP. I. Neº"Nº, 1811. * * * --- --~&m. º -*my wº- to me. Letombe had previously been French consul at Boston, had lived some years in the United States, and was doubtless much better informed concerning them than the minister Adet. Washington was then President of the United States: and probably Letombe perceived that the time had not arrived for France, by her intrigues and bribery, to give an effectual ascen- dancy in the councils of our nation. Letombe accordingly mentioned the fact in a tone of.com- plaint and vexation. It was to a very intelligent and respectable gentleman of my acquaintance; to whom Letombe said, ‘ that Mr. Adet had foolishly thrown away a great deal of money in bribing members of congress, although they (Letombe and the minister) were put to much difficulty in raising it; and that they had, at a great loss to the French republic, in the nego; ciation, procured 80 or 90,000 dollars at Boston.’ I quote from my memorandum, made at , the time the information was given to me. Mr. Adet's mission to the United States terminated near the close of the year 1796. Since that time the French government has found less difficulty in procuring money. The plunder of the world, and the mines of Mexico and Peru have been open to them. . Eighteen months ago I received satisfactory information, that the Frenchman who was then Bonaparte's consul-general in Philadel- phia, had, in the course of one year, received about 1,000,000 of dollars, for which the French government could have no legitimate use in the nited States; because it then neither derived nor needed any supplies from the United States. “The evidences of corruption, of falsehood, of hypocrisy, and deceit, in the men whose official or personal means and influence have for many years given a direction to the public sentiment, ...] Iſlas naged the affairs of the United States, it has been necessary to exhibit to the view of my fellow-ci- tizens; because the only hope of political salva- tion rested on the public conviction, that those men did not deserve the confidence of the nation. This exposure was anticipated with regret; be- cause (as I early remarked) in exposing them I should unavoidably expose the nakedness of my country; when, if compatible with truth, I would infinitely rather speak the praises of both. More remains to be told. “July 29. “ TIMOTHY PICKERING.” amsºmºnº CHAPTER II. Hostile Determinations of America.—The intended War unpopular.—American Bill for Impor- tation of Goods from Great Britain.-Bill for protecting British Seamen—Pacific Disposition of the British Government.—Madison's Message to Congress.--Petitions against the Orders in Council.—Official JVote on the said Orders.-Captain Henry's Mission to the United States. The American government evinced a hostile disposition towards Great Britain in the earliest proceedings of congress. On the 6th of Decem- ber, when Mr. Porter called up the consideration of the report of the committee of foreign relations, he briefly stated “The objects and views which had governed the committee in their report, which he had submitted to the House. The orders in council were of themselves a sufficient cause of war with the committee; and which causes were aggravated by the miserable shifts of the British ministry, and their authority in that country. Any man not wilfully blind, could see that Bri- tain had not acted towards them even in a man- ner which accorded with her own ideas of jus- tice; she captured under a principle this week, which she did not avow the next; and if a doc- trine so monstrous were sanctioned, she would next trample upon the necks of their citizens in the streets. It was the unanimous opinion of the Committee, * these encroachments were such as to demand war, as the only alternative to obtain justice. Their situation was like a young man establishing himself in society, who, if he submitted to indignities in the outset, would have to incur a double expence of time and labour to establish his lost character. On the carrying trade, the committee expressed no final opinion. It was in their power to harass the resources of Britain, as well on the ocean as by land; to car- ry on a war against her coast and colonies at their own doors; and destroy her trade with the colonies, by the number of privateers which would be fitted out for service. They had it in their power to make a conquest of Canada, which, to Britain, was of the utmost importance; and from whence she had imported articles of the ut- most necessity last year, to the amount of 600,000,000 dollars, a great deal of which was for square timber for her navy. They held a a sword over her resources which would cut her to the quick. It was, therefore, the determina- OF THE 891 FRIENCH REVOLUTION, tion of the committee to RECOMMEND open war to the utmost emergies of the nation ; yet he hoped it would not be entered into prematurely, for the howlings of newspapers. He knew that many of his friends were for immediate war; he felt the indignities of their situation as sensibly, as any man in the house, and he would go as far to redress them, when the preliminaries were set- tled; but he did not wish to invite to the feast till the cloth was laid—till the nation was “put into the attitude, and a war demanded by the crisis.'” The resolutions were all carried in a committee of the whole, except the second, in which the words “ten thousand” were struck out, with a view to insert a larger number, which there ap- peared to be some difficulty in fixing on; the lowest proposition was 12,000, and the highest not exceeding 50,000; it was, however, agreed to let it remain, so that when the bill was re- ported, the house could fill as they saw proper; more time would elapse, and they would be better informed on the subject. (10,000 was an idea quite out of order to mention; they were quite up to the war mark.) The resolutions were afterwards taken up in the house, and the first carried by Ayes and Noes, 117 to 11. The second resolution was then proposed by the speaker.—A plea for time was put in by Mr. Randolph and Mr. Goldsborough, who said, “if they were to be dragged into a war, it was but reasonable to give them one night more to reflect on it.” The house then adjourned till the 7th, at eleven, when it sat but a very little time, and adjourned on the motion of Mr. Randolph, as the committee of investigation wished to have this day for the examination of persons agreeably to their powers: unless time was given, as the duty was arduous, it would be putting a veto on their proceedings. The house of representatives determined to re- cognize formally the independence of South America. Though the president's enmity against Great Britain was supported by congress, the intended war was far from being popular in the United States.: the clamour for it subsided rapidly; pe- titions were presented against it, and on the 7th of January, 1812, Mr. Newton observed, “that the committee of commerce and manufactures had been for some time hesitating what report to make on the various petitions of merchants pray- ing permission to import British goods purchased Fº to the 2d of February last. The de- ay of the committee had been owing to a wish to ascertain the course that congress would pursue : and as the national legislature had determined to assume a manly attitude with regard to Great Britain, the committee, (be said,) had instructed him to report a bill for the relief of the petition- *- as tº ers.” Mr. N. accordingly reported a bill, authoris- Book xI. ing the importation of certain goods, wares, and merchandize, under certain circumstances, from Chap. II. <^^e, Great Britain, her colonies, and dependencies.— The bill was referred to a committee of the whole, of which the following is a copy: “A bill to authorise the importation of goods, wares, and merchandize, under certain circum- stances, from Great Britain, her colonies, or de- pendencies. “Sect. 1. Be it enacted, by the senate and house of representatives of the United States of America, in congress assembled, that all goods, wares, and merchandize, being the growth, pro- duce, and manufacture of Great Britain, her co- lonies, or dependencies, which were purchased or actually contracted for in Great Britain, her co- lonies, or dependencies, anterior to the 1st day of February, 1811, shall be, and the same is hereby authorised to be, imported into the United States, or the territories thereof, and may be admitted to entry, provided the satisfactory proof be exhi- bited conformable to such regulations and in- structions as shall, from time to time, be given by the secretary of the treasury to the respective col- lectors of the customs, that the goods, wares, and merchandize imported into the United States or the territories thereof, by virtue of this act, were purchased or actually contracted for anterior to the 1st of February, 1811, and that such goods, wares, or merchandize are the bona fide property of a citizen or citizens of the United States, or the territories thereof. “Sect. 2. And be it farther enacted, that the following addition be inserted after the passage of this act, to the oath or affirmation taken by im- porters, consignees, or agents, at the time of en- tering goods imported into the United States, or the territories thereof, viz.:-"I do also swear (or affirm) that there are not, to the best of my know- ledge and belief, amongst the goods, wares, or merchandize now offered to be entered, any goods, wares, or merchandize other than such as are per- mitted by virtue of the provisions of this act to be imported into the United States, or the territories thereof; and I do farther swear (or affirm) that if I shall hereafter discover any such goods, wares, or merchandize, amongst the said goods, wares, and merchandize imported in manner and form afore- said, I will immediately, and without delay, re- ort the same to the collector of this district.” “Sect. 3. And be it farther enacted, that the following additions shall be inserted after the pas- sage of this act to the oath or affirmation taken by the masters or persons having the charge or command of any ship or vessel arriving at any post within the United States, or the territories thereof, to wit:—“I further swear (or affirm) that there are not, to the best of my knowledge and belief, on-board (the denomination and name of 10 S 1812. 892 History of THE WARS BOOK XI. CHAP. II. N_*N*-Z 1812. —º. the vessel) any goods, wares, or merchandize, but such as are authorised by the provisions of this act to be imported into the United States or the territories thereof; and I do farther swear, (or affirm) that if I shall hereafter discover or know of any such goods, wares, or merchandize on- board said vessel, or which shall have been im- ported in the same, I will immediately and with- out delay make report thereof to the collector of the port of this district.” “'Sec. 4. And be it farther enacted, That if any person or persons shall falsely make oath or affirmation to any of the matters herein required to be verified, such person or persons shall suffer the like pains and penalties as shall be incurred by persons committing wilful and corrupt "...". A bill of a most extraordinary nature was also brought forward in the house of representatives in America, for the purpose, as it was termed, of protecting American seamen. It was read a first and second time, and committed. The principal provisions were, that if any foreigner should be guilty of impressing any American citizen on- board of a foreign ship or vessel, if he should be arrested, he should be tried and convicted as a pirate, and suffer death; and the American soim- pressed, on his return to his country, should be entitled to thirty dollars per month during the time of his detention, and might recover it by a suit of foreign attachment, against the debtor of any Bri- tish creditor; and what he should recover, and the costs, should be so much payment of the debt. The proceedings of the imperial parliament fully demonstrated the pacific º of the British government towards the United States. The subject was introduced by Mr. Whitbread, Feb. 13, who said “All parties profess that they deprecate the idea of a war with America—all parties profess that such an event is but too pro- bable. Those who conducted the affairs of Ame- rica and of this country had uniformly declared, that each was actuated by the most conciliatory dispositions; it had, however, unfortunately turn- ed out, that, notwithstanding this most friendly disposition on our side, the breach had widened from day to day. It might be seen from the speech of the president, that war was the inevit- able consequence of the pernicious system which Great Britaiu had adopted. The case was be- fore the world, with the exception of the two houses of parliament of the British empire; every one who read the papers knew the case, but the British parliament knew it not. The great ques- tion which they had to decide was, whether they should or should not go to war with America? and unlesss information was officially and tech- nically communicated to the house, which might be referred to as documents on the table, they could not form any decision. If the markets of the western world were open to our trade, innu- merable would be the blessings which would en- sue to this country; but, if a war with America was resolved on, the greatest evils must be ex- pected. It was very well in us to talk of chas- tising America, of crushing and annihilating her; but, in his opinion, our greatest efforts could not accomplish the one or the other.—The news which had lately arrived made it important that the house should be in the possession of every in- formation. The effects of the bill now agitated in congress would, if passed, give great umbrage to France, after what had occurred in the course of their negociations; he therefore thought that we should watch for and seize this opportunity of amicably adjusting the differences. He concluded moving “That an humble address be presented to his royal-highness the prince-regent, that he will be pleased to direct, that there be laid before the house copies of the correspondence between the secretary of state for foreign affairs, and the Ame- rican charge d'affaires, from Jan. 1, 1810, to the latest period; together with copies of the corres- pondence between Mr. Foster and Mr. Monroe, and of the documents referred to therein.” Mr. Stephen said, considering as he did the im- portance of the question, he would content him- self with saying, generally, that never was there any thing more unfounded than the assertion, that the conduct of this country to America was unjust. Nothing but a wish to conciliate, could justify his majesty's ministers in the persevering and almost humiliating line of conduct which they had adopt- ed, for the purpose of avoiding a rupture with America. The question was not, whether we were to go to war with America, but whether America was to go to war with us? Mr. Curwen said, the state of the country called seriously on ministers to retrace their steps. Ame- rica had a right to dispose of her commerce as she pleased, and no country should have the power to call that right in question. Whatever might be the pertinacity of the chancellor of the exchequer on this head, he sincerely hoped that he would not be long in a situation to retain it with any effect.—(JAt this time a change in minis- try was eaſpected.) The chancellor of the exchequer would main- tain that the language of the British government, with respect to conciliation, had been always sin- cere, while at the same time it was anxious not to give up rights, which, if great Britain relin- quished, would degrade her from the rank which she held among the nations of the world. With the remark that the prosperity of America was that of Great Britain, he perfectly agreed. (Hear!) A decided common advantage would be obtained by peace, and lost by a state of war, and, as far as was consistent with the rights of Great Bri- tain, should be were: It was impossible, OF THE FRENCH REVOLUTION, 893 however, to consent to the production of the papers without seeing many points into which it might be inexpedient to enter. An honorable gentle- man had expressed a hope that this megociation might soon be in other hands; but he was inclined to believe that the honorable gentleman's conso- latory views would not open upon him so soon as he imagined; nor if the conduct recommended by that honorable gentleman should be adopted should he wish to be the minister who was to carry it into execution. Mr. Baring was apprehensive that, from the feelings of the country, a war could hardly be avoided. If discussions were actually pending betwixt the two governments, the production of the papers might be inexpedient. Mr. Hutchinson said, if he were called on to give his vote on the differences between this coun- try and America, he should give his vote for America, and against his own country. He had no confidence in ministers.-(.4 laugh.)—He had no confidence in the plunderers of America, and the authors of the accursed cry of “no popery.” They did not merit the confidence of parliament, nor the confidence of the country. Mr. Lester contended, that ministers carried on affairs well, and were entitled to the gratitude of the country. . The house divided—for the motion, 36.- Against it, 123.−Majority against the motion,87. Mr. Lockhart made a motion respecting the claims of the American loyalists, and went into some statements respecting their origin and na- ture. They complained that they were injured by government taking a sum nearly one-third less than what would provide a just compensation for their losses, and the object of his motion was, that a committee should be appointed, to whom the petition of these claimants might be referred, who should examine into these claims, and report upon them. --- The chancellor of the exchequer said, that the uestion would be found to resolve itself into this, that government having done all it could to en- force these claims without actually going to war about them, and having obtained from the Ame- rican government all it could obtain, whether.it was now bound to make good a deficiency to so great an amount as was claimed. He apprehend- ed the petitioners had no right to expect compen- sation from that house for what was due to them from the American government.—Leave was given to appoint the committee. On the 19th of March, the president, Mr. Ma- dison, sent the following message to both houses of congress, to the senate and house of represen- tatives. “I lay before congress copies of certain docu- ments which remain in the department of state; they prove, that at a recent period, whilst the United States, notwithstanding the wrongs sus- BOOK XI. tained by them, cease not to observe the laws of peace and neutrality towards Great Britain, and Cº P. II. in the midst of amicable professions and nego- ciations on the part of the British government there, and its public minister here, a secret agent of that government was employed in certain states, more especially at the seat of government, Massachusetts, in fomenting dissaffection to the constituted authorities of the nation, and in in- trigue with the disaffected, for the purpose of bringing about resistance to the laws, and even- tually in concert with a British force destroying the union, and forming the eastern part thereof into a political connection with Great Britain: in addition to the effect which the discovery of such a procedure ought to have on the public councils, it will not fail to render more dear to the hearts of all good citizens that happy union of the states, which, under Divine Providence, is the guarantee of our liberties, their safety, their tranquillity, and their prosperity. (Signed) “ March 19, 1812.” “JAMES MADison. This message was accompanied with several documents upon which it was founded. The contained the correspondence of the Earl of Li- verpool and Sir James Craig, late governor of Canada, with a certain Captain John Henry, who was the secret agent spoken of, and who had himself made the disclosure to the government, and given, them the document, alleging, as the reason, that the British government had refused to give him his reward. The documents were transmitted by Mr. Henry to Mr. Monroe, the American secretary, in a letter, dated Philadel- phia, 20th of Feb. 1812, in which he said, that his great object in making the disclosure, was to produce unanimity among all parties in America. No. 2. contained the general instructions from Sir James Craig to Mr. Henry, dated on the 6th of Feb. 1809, respecting his secret mission. The following was the most material part of them :- “It has been supposed, that if the federalists of the eastern states should be successful in obtain- ing that decided influence which may enable them to direct the public opinion, it is not impro- bable, that rather than submit to a continuance of the difficulties and distress to which they are now subject, they will exert that influence to bring about a separation, from the general union. The earliest information on this subject may be of great consequence to our government, as it may also be, that it should be informed how far, in such an event, they would look up to England for assist- ance, or be disposed to enter into a connection with us. * “Although it would be highly inexpedient that you should, in any manner, appear as an avowed 1812, 894 HISTORY OF THE WARS 500K XI. Chap. II. S-º-N/*/ 1812. ºr *- =sr= <-- *** --~~ - - -ss- Arº--s-------, -, *-s----º-º-º-" " - * * * --- agent, yet if you could contrive to obtain an inti- macy with any of the leading party, it may not be improper that you should insinuate, though with great caution, that if they should wish to enter into any communication with our government through me, you are authorised to receive any such, and will safely transmit it to me.” No. 6. contained Mr. Henry's memorial to Lord Liverpool, enclosed in a letter to Mr. Peel, dated June 13, 1811 :—In this memorial he alluded to the object of his mission, which “Was to promote and encourage the federal party to resist the measures of the general govern- ment: to offer assurances of aid and support from his majesty's government of Canada: and to open a communication between the leading men en- gaged in that opposition and the governor-gene- ral, upon such a footing as circumstances might suggest; and, finally, to render the plans then in eontemplation subservient to the views of his ma- jesty's government. “ The undersigned undertook the mission which lasted from the month of January to the month of June inclusive, during which period those public acts and legislative resolutions of the assemblies of Massachusetts and Connecticut were passed, which kept the general government of the United States in check, and deterred it from carrying into execution the measures of hos- tilitv with which Great Britain was menaced.” he memorial concluded with saying, that “the appointment of judge-advocate-general of the province of Lower Canada, with a salary of 500l. a-year, or a consulate in the United States, sine curia, would be considered by him as a liberal discharge of any obligation that his majesty's go- vernment may entertain in relation to his ser- vices.” * Then followed some letters from Mr. Ryland, secretary to Sir James Craig, to Mr. Henry, dated Quebec, May, 1809, requesting him to return to Quebec, Mr. Erskine's arrangement having ren- dered his mission no longer necessary. Several petitions from Birmingham having been presented to the house of commons, against the orders in council, a committee of the whole house was appointed to take them into consideration. The evidence was printed, of which the following is the substance. Mr. Thomas Attwood, High-bailiff of Birming- ham, was 'first examined. #. stated,—“ I am a banker in Birmingham, and connected with the iron trade. The population of Birmingham and the neighbouring manufacturing districts amounts to º, of whom 50,000, at least, are employ- ed in manufacturing iron, besides those who work in brass-founderies, buttons, jewellery, &c. With- in these two years, trade has been in a deplorable state. Labourers, who twelve months ago could obtain twenty shillings a week, get now only ten & & *º-º-º-º: -- ~~~~ * * * * **** ====== gºes or twelve shillings, and a great number of work- men are dismissed. Every manufacturer is over- loaded with stock, and he cannot sell it at what it cost him. The principal trade of Birmingham is to America, but for the last twelve months there have been no exports to America. The value of the annual exports to America 800,000l. or 1,000,000l. During the last twelve months there has been a trifling export to Portugal, Spain, Malta, and South America, amounting to about 200,000l. or 300,000l. There has been recently at Birmingham a considerable extra employment in the manufacture of cast-iron pipes. This must have, during the last twelve months, amounted to nearly 100000l. and had it not been for that re- source, the situation of the trade must have been considerably worse. I am informed, that the Americans have erected steel furnaces, and are not likely to want any more steel from England. The manufacturers have, with great reluctance, dismissed many of their men. They have been accumulating stock for the last twelve months. They have thus exhausted the whole of their capital, partly from motives of interest, looking forward to markets opening to the trade, but prin- cipally from motives of honorable humanity. I have heard, that many orders have been received from America conditionally, on the repeal of the orders in council; but nails, and some other articles, have been omitted, on the ground of their being now manufactured in America.” The witness ascribed the decay of trade chiefly to the cessation of intercourse with the United States, and though he had heard that machinery had made consi- derable progress in America, he was of opinion, that their manufactures could not maintain a competition with the British if the markets were open. “Some manufactures which America used to be supplied with from England, are now sent from the continent. The transmission of our ma- nufactures through the northern colonies has failed ; and British manufactured goods can now be bought in Canada at less than prime, cost.” The whole manufactures of Birmingham the witness estimated at about one million, and one half he supposed used to be exported to America. In answer to the question, what has been the conduct of the labouring ma- nufacturers during the last twelve months? He answered, “ the labouring mechanics of Birming- ham, and I believe. of the whole district, have been looking for the opening of the American intercourse, and have relied upon it, under the hope, that upon the expiration of the restrictions, the difficulties with the United States of America would be made up.” If the non-intercourse act continued to be enforced, the witness was of opi- mion, that it would create manufactures in Ame- rica to such an extent, that it would, at last, become a part of the policy of the government of the OF THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 895 -- - -º- - - -------- -, -º- -- ------------ - - -------- -- - United States to protect them, by preventing the importation of British manufactures. He believed very little of the Birmingham hardwares go to the West Indies, perhaps not above 100,000l. annually. William Whitehouse, nail-monger, of West Bromwich, in Staffordshire, about six miles from Birmingham, stated, that the depression in trade commenced about August, 1810, and that it had been growing continually worse since that date. The nail manufactory in his district, when in a flourishing state, employed from 25 to 30,000 persons. The reduction of wages since August, 1810, has been from seven and a half to ten per cent. . Since February, 1811, the witness had ex- ported only one lot of goods to America. In the manufactory with which the witness was con- nected, the hands had been reduced from 1,200 pair to 500 pair. There are considerable orders in the country, to be executed immediately on the intercourse with America being opened. The witness considered the exports to South America increasing trade. About one-fourth of the nails manufactured, he supposed, are exported to North America. T. Potts, a merchant, residing at Birmingham, being examined, stated, that he had been in busi- ness sixteen or eighteen years. Had some know- ledge of the nail trade in Birmingham. The wages in this business are so low, that a man can scarcely exist. A rise had taken place, in the expectation of opening the trade with Ame- rica, but that expectation had been disappointed. Men in the button and plated lines, who would formerly earn from forty to fifty shillings a week, do not now get half those wages. In the town of Birmingham there were from 20 to 25,000 labour- ing men out of employ. The whole town is dif- ferent from what it used to be, there is a deficiency in every trade. Distresses are universal. “I think, in the course of two months, that necessity will oblige the merchants to dismiss at least two parts of their men out of three.” Witness exported Birmingham manufactures to America: the export was worse than ever. Their goods cannot be shipped from Liverpool: they will not be received. in the United States. The shipments began to fall off in 1808: there was no falling off in 1807. “The trade had been uniformly increasing, and we could always anticipate what would suit the mar- ket before the orders came, and that enabled us to keep the lower orders in the vicinity of the town constantly employed. The Americans were once considered bad payers, but they have im- proved progressively every year.” Witness had done no business with America since 1811. The attempt to smuggle goods to the United States had been attended by painful results. . Goods at Quebec, from Manchester and Birmingham, were cheaper than at the manufacturing towns. The - - - — — — — — — —-------> ------- - value of the export from Birmingham, previous to the distresses, was about a million: did not know whether it fell in 1809. Men had emi- grated from Birmingham to America. Joseph Shaw, chairman of the chamber of Foreign commerce of Birmingham, stated, that the hardware export trade to Europe, Turkey, and South America, had decreased since 1807. The trade to the continent had decreased since the orders in council, and was now almost at an end. James Ryland, a plater of coach-harness, &c. stated, that his business had greatly declined by the American markets being closed. Richard Spooner, banker, of Birmingham, cor- roborated the preceding statements respecting the falling off of the trade, and the distresses of the workmen. The increase on their poor-rates in eight years, amounted to 4,500l. William Blakeway, a lamp maker, employed sixty pair of hands at Birmingham. He stated that the trade of his article had fallen off, and the greater part of his stock remained on his hands, the American market being shut—should be obliged to turn off his hands if confined to the home trade of this country. Several other witnesses from Manchester, Spi- ...talfields, &c. deposed to the same effect. The following was the prince-regent's decla- ration respecting the Berlin and Milan decrees, and the orders in council, which was not founded on any document officially communicated from the French government, but on a message which Bonaparte sent to the conservative senate. “The government of France, having by an official report, communicated by its minister for foreign affairs to the conservative senate, on the 10th day of March last, removed all doubts as to the perseverance of that government in the asser- tion of principles, and in the maintenance of a system, not more hostile to the maritime rights and commercial interests of the British empire, than inconsistent with the rights and independ- ence of neutral nations; and having thereby plainly developed the inordinate pretensions which that system as promulgated in the decrees of Berlin and Milan, was from the first designed to enforce; his royal highness the prince-regent, acting in the name and on the behalf of his ma- jesty, deems it proper, upon this formal and au- thentic republication of the principles of those decrees, thus publicly to declare his royal high- ness's determination still firmly to resist the in- troduction and establishment of this arbitrary code, which the government of France openly avows its purpose to impose by force upon the world as the law of nations. “From the time that the progressive injustice and violence of the French government made it impossible for his majesty any longer to restrain the exercise of the rigº, # war within their ordi- l B()()K XI. CHAP. II. 1812. 896 HISTORY OF THE WARS Book xi. nary limits, without submitting to consequences - not less ruinous to the commerce of his dominions, CHAP. II. than derogatory to the rights of his crown, his 1812. majesty, has endeavoured, by a restricted and moderate use of those rights of retaliation, which the Berlin and Milan decrees necessarily called into action, to reconcile neutral states to those measures which the conduct of the enemy had rendered unavoidable; and which his majesty has at all times professed his readiness to revoke, so soon as the decrees of the enemy, which gave oc- casion to them, should be formally and uncondi- tionally repealed, and the commerce of neutral nations be restored to its accustomed course. . “At a subsequent period of the war, his ma- jesty, availing himself of the then situation of Europe, without abandoning the principle and object of the orders in council of November, 1807, was induced so to limit their operation, as materi- ally to alleviate the restrictions thereby imposed upon neutral commerce. The order in council of April, 1809, was substituted in the room of those of November, 1807, and the retaliatory sys- tem of Great Britain acted no longer on every country in which the aggressive measures of the enemy were in force, but was confined in its ope- ration to France, and to the countries upon which the French yoke was most strictly imposed; and which had become virtually a part of the domi- nions of France. “The United States of America remained ne- vertheless dissatisfied; and their dissatisfaction has been greatly increased by an artifice too suc- cessfully employed on the part of the enemy, who has pretended, that the decrees of Berlin and Milan were repealed, although the decree effect- ing such repeal has never been promulgated; al- though the notification of such pretended repeal distinctly described it to be dependent on condi- tions, in which the enemy knew Great Britain could never acquiesce; and although abundant evidence has since appeared of their subsequent execution. * “But the enemy has at length laid aside all dissimulation; he now publicly and solemnly declares, not only that those decrees still continue in force, but that they shall be rigidly executed until Great Britain shall comply with additional conditions, equally extravagant; and he further announces the penalties of those decrees to be in full force against all nations which shall suffer their flag to be, as it is termed in this new code, “denationalized.” “In addition to the disavowal of the blockade of May, 1806, and of the principles on which that blockade was established, and in addition to the repeal of the British orders in council—he de- mands an admission of the principles, that the goods of an enemy, carried under a neutral flag, shall be treated as neutral;-that neutral property, * under the flag of an enemy, shall be treated as hostile;—that arms and warlike stores alone (to the exclusion of ship timber and other articles of naval equipment) shall be regarded as contraband of war;-and that no ports shall be considered as lawfully blockaded, except such as are invested and besieged, in the presumption of their being taken, (en prevention a’etre pris), and into which a merchant ship cannot enter without danger. “By these and other demands, the enemy in fact requires, that Great Britain, and all civilized nations, shall renounce, at his arbitrary pleasure, the ordinary and indisputable rights of maritime war: that Great Britain, in particular, shall forego the advantages of her naval superiority, and allow the commercial property, as well as the produce and manufactures of France, and her confederates, to pass the ocean in security, whilst the subjects of Great Britain are to be in effect proscribed from all commercial intercourse with other nations; and the produce and manufactures of these realins are to be excluded from every country in the world, to which the arms or the influence of the enemy can extend. “Such are the demands to which the British government is summoned to submit, to the aban- donment of its most ancient, essential, and un- doubted maritime rights. Such is the code by which France hopes, under the cover of a neutral flag, to render her commerce unassailable by sea; whilst she proceeds to invade or to incorporate with her own dominions all states that hesitate to sacrifice their national interests at her command, and, in abdication of their just rights, to adopt a code, by which they are required to exclude, under the mask of municipal regulation, whatever is British from their dominions. “The pretext for these extravagant demands is, that some of these principles were adopted by voluntary compact in the treaty of Utrecht; as if a treaty once existing between two particular countries, founded on special and reciprocal con- siderations, binding only on the contracting par- ties, and which in the last treaty of peace between the same powers had not been revived, were to be regarded as declaratory of the public law of nations. “It is needless for his royal highness to de- monstrate the injustice of such pretensions. He might otherwise appeal to the practice of France herself, in this and in former wars; and to her own established codes of maritime law: it is sufficient that these new demands of the enemy form a wide departure from those conditions on which the al- leged repeal of the French decrees was accepted by America; and upon which alone, erroneously assuming that repeal to be complete, America has claimed a revocation of the British orders in council. “His royal highness, upon a review of all of the FRENCH REvolution. 897 these circumstances, feels persuaded, that so soon as this formal declaration, by the government of France, of its unabated adherence to the princi- ples and provisions of the Berlin and Milan de- crees, shall be made known in America, the go- vernment of the United States, actuated not less by a sense of justice to Great Britain, than by what is due to its own dignity, will be disposed to recal those measures of hostile exclusion, which, un- der a misconception of the real views and conduct of the French government, America has exclu- sively applied to the commerce and ships of war of Great Britain. “To accelerate a result so advantageous to the true interests of both countries, and so conducive to the re-establishment of perfect friendship be- tween them; and to give a decisive proof of his royal highness's disposition to perform the en- gagements of his majesty's government, by revok- ing the orders in council whenever the French decrees shall be actually and unconditionally repealed; his royal highness the prince-regent has been this day pleased, in the name and on the behalf of his majesty, and by and with the advice of his majesty's privy council, to order and declare: “That if at any time hereafter the Berlin and Milan decrees shall, by some authentic act of the French government, publicly promulgated, be ex- pressly and unconditionally repealed; then, and from thenceforth, the order in council of the 7th day of January, 1807, and the order in council of the 26th day of April, 1809, shall, without any further order, be, and the same hereby are declared from thenceforth to be wholly and absolutely re- voked; and further, that the full benefit of this order shall be extended to any ship or vessel cap- tured subsequent to such authentic act of repeal of the French decrees, although antecedent to such repeal such ship or vessel shall have com- menced, and shall be in the prosecution of a voy- age, which, under the said orders in council, or one of them, would have subjected her to capture and condemnation; and the claimant of any ship , or cargo which shall be captured at any time sub- sequent to such authentic act of repeal by the French government, shall, without any further order or declaration on the part of his majesty's government on this subject, be at liberty to give in evidence in the high court of admiralty, or any court of vice-admiralty, before which such ship or vessel, or its cargo, shall be brought for adjudica- tion, that such repeal by the French government had been by such authentic act promulgated prior to such capture; and upon proof thereof, the voyage shall be deemed and taken to have been as lawful, as if the said orders in council had ne- wer been made; saving, nevertheless, to the captors, such protection and indemnity as they may be equitably entitled to, in the judgement of the said court, by reason of their ignorance or uncertainty BOOK XI. as to the repeal of the French decrees, or of the recognition of such repeal by his majesty's go- º vernment, at the time of such capture. “His royal highness, however, deems it pro- per to declare, that, should the repeal of the French decrees, thus anticipated and provided for, after- wards prove to have been illusory on the part of the enemy; and should the restrictions thereof be still practically enforced, or revived by the enemy, Great Britain will be obliged, however reluctantly, after reasonable notice to neutral powers, to have recourse to such measures of re- taliation as may then appear to be just and ne- cessary. \ “Westminster, April 21, 1812.” Mr. Madison's complaint of Capt. Henry's mis- sion to the United States became a subject of consideration in the house of lords, May 5, when Lord Holland, after some preliminary observa- tions, moved for the communications from Sir James Craig, relative to the employment of Henry in a mission to the United States, and by reading two other motions, the one for the communica- tions from the secretary of state to Sir George Prevost, respecting the claims for compensation made by Henry, and the other for the instructions sent by the secretary of state to Sir James Craig, relative to the employment of any person on a mission to the United States. y The Earl of Liverpool said, the government here never authorised the employment of Henry, nor did they know of his being employed on the mis- . sion alluded to, till long after the transaction was past. His lordship then entered into a detail of the circumstances attending the transaction. Henry, he stated, who had for some years resided in Ca- nada, but who was, in 1808, in the United States, had of his own accord, in that year, opened a cor- respondence with the government of Canada, giving information of the state of parties and other matters, which was found useful—he subsequently returned to Canada. Towards the latter end of that year the commander-in-chief at Boston issued orders to the troops to be in readiness to march at an hour's notice. Congress also, in December, voted the raising of 50,000 volunteers. There was no doubt that the object of these hostile pre- parations was the attack of the British Nerth Ame- rica possessions, and when Mr. Erskine, either in the last day of December, 1808, or the 1st of January, 1809, very properly required an expla- nation of these hostile preparations, he was in- formed by Mr. Madison, that from the treatment experienced from both the belligerents, the go- vernment of the United States might consider itself as justified in commencing hostilities with- out further notice. Mr. Erskine, in consequence, very properly sent an express to Sir James Craig, 1812. 898 ~HISTORY OF THE WARS * BOOK XI. CHAP. II. N-ºxº- 1812. * —ºr informing him of these circumstances, and that there was no doubt of its being the intention of the American government to attack the British North American possessions; and Sir J. Craig had actually sent an express to Sir G. Prevost, at Halifax, to suspend, in consequence, his sailing on an expedition to Martinique. . It was under these circumstances of threatened hostility that Sir James Craig employed Henry. There were several interpolations in the papers as published, but he admitted the instructions of Sir J. Craig to be genuine. These instructions, however, had, he contended, been misinterpreted, the object was not to excite discontents, but to obtain inform- ation of the state of the discontents in America, with a view to the use that might be made of them in the event of hostilities, which were then expected almost immediately to commence. It was in, this expectation of hostilities that the in- structions were issued, and that there was no in- tention of applying them to a period of peace, was evident from Henry being recalled by Sir James Craig, when the arrangement with Mr. Erskine took place. He thought it right also to state, that in April, 1809, the most positive instruc- tions were sent from this country not to employ any person in the United States on any mission —w- which could excite irritation. He could not find any farther documents respecting Henry until last year, when this man applied for a compen- sation. He found, on reference to Mr. Ryland, that Henry had been employed as he stated, and had been promised by Sir James Craig an em- ployment in Canada. Several most respectable houses in the Canada trade also had recommend- ed him in the warmest terms, and it was under these circumstances that he had recommended him to Sir George Prevost, to be appointed to some employment. He saw no necessity for the noble lord's motion. Surely they were entitled to expect that the government of the United States, before making such a communication to congress, would have communicated with our minister there, or with their minister here, in order to have the transactions of which they complain- ed explained; and he trusted their lordships would give his majesty's ministers credit for not delaying to put the matter in a right course in the proper channel. Under these circumstanees, he could not, consistently with his public duty, con- sent to the motion. The house divided, when the numbers were— * twenty-seven ;-non-contents, seventy- three. CHAPTER III. Death and Biographical Sketch of Horne Tooke—A Key to the Orders in Council. ABOUT this time the celebrated Horne Tooke died: this remarkable character having com- menced his political career with the first Ameri- can war, certainly demands the present attention of the reader; for, in the period in which he lived, and the sphere which he filled, no man was ever more active or conspicuous. From the commencement of the reign of his present majesty, to the day of Horne Tooke's death, scarcely had any public occurrence passed in which he had not had a greater share than be- longed to his mere private station. He had ac- eordingly been the most active individual in a period of general activity. He had lived in more revolutions of politics and parties than any other man of the day, and in all of them his talents or his intrigue, his good or bad intentions, and his indefatigable spirit and exertions rendered him an actor. Mr. Tooke was born in an humble station of life; his father is said to have been a poulterer. But as his father, who lived in some of the small streets about Westminster, had the spirit to send 4 his son to a public school, and afterwards to a college, it is a reasonable conclusion either that he was richer than ordinary, or that he possessed a very superior mind to what usually belongs to his condition. His father at any rate was sufficiently respect- able to be the treasurer of a public charity. This was the Middlesex Hospital, of which Horne Tooke afterwards himself became one of the governors. Mr. Tooke was sent to Westminster School at a very early age, and , is said to have passed through all the forms of that distinguished semi- nary. This course of itself, in such a mind as that of Horne Tooke, was sufficient to render him the eminent scholar which he afterwards ex- hibited himself. It is the character of West- minster School, that it puts its pupils in the right way, and imbibes them with a right mind, and therefore they have only to follow in future life the plan which is there traced for them. This is all that any school can do, and it is more we be- lieve than is done by the greater part of them. OF THE FRENGH REVOLUTION. 899 ***—- X- -z— To begin well is to ensure a good conclusion. It is related in a memoir of Horne Tooke, inserted in a work published some time since, that he was removed from Westminster to Eton at the usual $. This, however, must be a mistake, as estminster and Eton are not in the relation of school and college to each other. It is possible that Horne Tooke might have had the advantage of both these eminent schools, but it is more pro- bable that this is an error. In the year 1754, he was sent to Cambridge, and entered himself of St. John's College. We do not know what was the reputation of this col- lege at the time, but it is certainly a high honor to its name in literature that it has sent forth such a profound scholar as Horne Tooke. He studied at college with the most exemplary industry, and he acquired the necessary fruit of such assiduity, an early proficiency in learning and philology. Mr. H. Tooke was educated for the church, and his first prospects are said to have been very promising. He entered into holy orders at the usual age, and immediately obtained the living of Brentford. He had connections whose favor did not stop at this point. The Duke of New- castle, we believe, from some kind of interest, took him into his patronage, and Horne Tooke obtained a promise, that he should be ºº:: one of the royal chaplains. Fortunately, how- ever, (for such we must consider it) for the in- terests of religion, Mr. Horne's star here inter- osed. The nation very º became convulsed by party dissentions. The English were too easily persuaded that Lord Bute possessed a dangerous and unconstitutional influence. The oppositoin, in parliament, remarkably, anxious at that time, to adopt any watch-word that might rally, the popular affections around them, filled the king- dom with exclamations against the double cabi- net, and the “influence behind the throne which controuled the throne itself.”—This was the elamour of the day. And the incidental af- fair of the expulsion of Wilkes, which in ordi- nary times would have been considered only as an irregularity, and rectified as such, added fuel to the flames, and rendered the country and metropolis one scene of mob, sedition, and cla- Tº OUlfe Mr. Horne immediately embraced the popular cause, and united himself with Wilkes. e vi- sited him at Paris during his exile, and when he failed in his attempt to obtain his return in par- hiament, in 1768, Mr. Horne warmly adopted his interests, canvassed the town and country for him, opened houses, solicited votes and sub- scriptions, and ultimately procured him to be re- turned as the member for Wij Shortly afterwards a rupture ensued between C ** * * - ** —k- ~~ these friends. Mr. Tooke did not find Wilkes Book XI. that violent patriot which he had anticipated. When Wilkes had obtained what he wº and CHAr. III. was provided for by the .."º; the city, who “º made him their chamberlain, Wilkes was satis- fied, and therefore quiet. Horne Tooke lost his firebrand, and he resented it by a public attack and abuse of him. Junius, the writer of the letters under that name, imputed this dispute to its just origin: Horne Tooke wrote a letter in reply to him, which appears in the collection of that work. It is certainly an admirable specimen of his talents, and only excites a regret, that such wit, satire, and eloquence, should be accompanied by so lit- tle goodness. * Junius replied in an angry declamation, and Horne Tooke rejoined in another, as singular for its boldness, as for its splendor and real elo- quence. In this answer, Mr. Tooke first an- nounced himself the champion of those princi- º: which afterwards set Europe in a flame. e employed, amongst others; the following pointed sentence, which, however true in the abstract, no honest man should openly produce as a maxim of action;–* The king, whose ae- tions justify rebellion to his government, deserves death from the hand of every subject, and should such a time arrive, I should be as free to act as - any.”—Now, though there is nothing erroneous in the bare abstract assertion of this principle, yet it is one of those which tend to weaken the necessary respect and attachment of sovereigns and subjects. Questions of this nature must ne- ver, be argued. The matter must speak for itself. Mr. Horne again came forward as the popular advocate in the American war. When the war was commenced by the skirmish at Lexington, Mr. Horne opened a subscription, and advertised in the public papers “ for the relief of our un- fortunate brethren in America, basely murdered by the British troops.” The attorney-general very properly prosecuted him for this insult on the government, and the jury very justly found him guilty.—He was in consequence imprisoned in the King’s Bench. Mr. Horne Tooke had now nothing to hope from ecclesiastical preferment. He therefore, with the most shameless indecency, if not with direct impiety, threw off his clerical gown, and produced himself as a layman. He resigned the living at Brentford, and entered himself of the society of the Inner Temple. He kept his com- mons regularly, and studied the law as a profession. The period at length arrived, in which, having kept the necessary terms, he was to be called to the bar. He put in his claim for this nomination. But the benchers, with a feeling which did them honor, unanimousl rejected him, on the 10 U. 1812. HISTORY OF THE WARS BOOK XI. CHAP. III. \_ºf 1812, Tº --s ~ * Af grounds, that having been in holy orders they could not countenance such an indecent and impious desertion. e As Mr. Horne Tooke's abilities, and his vio- lence were sometimes of great use to the leaders of parties, he was occasionally much courted and highly considered by them. Mr. Fox declared him to be a man of very eminent use to the com- monwealth, and publicly patronised and praised him. . Mr. Tooke came forward as a candidate for Westminster in 1790. Mr. Fox and lord Hood stood at the same time. On this occasion he kept himself in reserve till the very morning of the election, when he published a hand-bill, in which he declared his purpose. Mr. Tooke did not of course succeed, and he presented in consequence a petition to parliament, in which he treated all parties with the utmost insolence. It was writ- ten, however, in his usual style of plain energy and popular eloquence. Mr. "Tooke next appeared as the advocate of the French revolution, and he soon attracted the attention of government upon his movements, and avowed principles. He was arrested as a traitor, and ºf by a special commission. The jury ac- quitted the whole of them, but the popular voice, or at least the best part of the people, though they did not approve of the violence of the accu- sation, felt only one regret, that they had not been all tried for sedition instead of treason. Mr. Tooke, in the interval of his political pur- suits, published several excellent pieces of litera- ture. His principal work of this kind is the “Di- versions of Purley,” a most profound and learned grammatical treaties. Mr. Tooke likewise published an attack on his royal highness the prince-regent, and in a pam- phlet on the marriage-act, took occasion to speak with his usual contempt of the royal family. Lord Camelford, an eccentric character, at Hength procured Mr. Tooke to be returned as member of parliament for the borough of Old Sarum. On Monday, Feb. 16, 1801, he took his seat, and on the 4th of May he was declared ineligible, as having been in holy orders. His seat was in consequence vacated, and a new writ issued. From this poriod Mr. Tooke has been only known as the friend and political instructor of Sir Francis Burdett, and whatever might have been the feeling of the ceuntry upon the loss of a man of so much faction, bustle, and celebrity, Sir Francis, we believe, had occasion sincerely to regret his death. Mr. Horne Tooke died at Wimbledon, about twelve o’clock on the night of March 18, 1812, in the seventy-seventh year of his age. He had lost the use of his lower extremities, and his dis- solution had been for some time expected. Symp- *— -*— ~r- -wr-ºr- ...” toms of mortification recently appeared, which soon occasioned his death. #. was attended by his two daughters, Dr. Pearson, Mr. Cline, and Sir Francis Burdett. Being informed of his ap- º change, he signified, with a placid ook, that he was fully prepared, and had reason to be grateful for having passed so long and so happy a life, which he would willingly have had extended if it had been possible. He ex- ressed satisfaction at being surrounded in his ast moments by those most dear to him ; and his confidence in the existence of a supreme being, whose final purpose was the happiness of his creatures. His facetiousness did not forsake him. When supposed to be in a state of entire insensibility, Sir Francis Burdett mixed up a cor- dial for him, which his medical friends said it would be to no purpose to administer; but Sir Francis persevered, and raised Mr. Tooke, who opened his eyes, and seeing who offered the draught, took the glass and drank the contents with eagerness. He had previously observed, that he should not be like the man of Strasburgh, who, when doomed to death, requested time to }. till the patience of the magistrates was ex- austed, and then, as a last expedient, begged to be permitted to close his life with his favourite amusement of nine-pins, but who kept bowlin on, with an evident determination never to finis the game. He desired that no funeral ceremony should be said over his remains, but that six of the poorest men in the parish should have a guinea each for bearing him to the vault in his garden. From the importance and universal interest which attached at this crisis to the orders in coun- cil, we shall conclude this chapter with a full and perspicuous representation of them, and endea- vour, by an impartial, compendious, and chrono- logical statement of the several official docu- ments, to bring the whole series of the French, British, and American proceedings in one view. 1. The first of these documents, the Berlin de- cree, so called because it was issued from the cam near that city on the 21st of November, 1806. It consisted of two parts : 1st. A statement of land. 2d. Of the measures which these wrongs oblig- ed the emperor to adopt. The first part stated: “That England had ceased to observe the Haws of civilized nations— that she considers the individual of a hostile na- tion as enemies—that she seizes as prize the pro- perty of such individuals—that she blockades commercial ports, bays, and mouths of rivers, , and other places not fortified—that she declares places to be in a state of blockade where she has no actual force to enforce the blockade—that this abuse is intended to aggrandize the commeree and the wrongs done by Eng- OF THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 901 **-*i---...adº *- -*-* *- …& rººf ºt industry of England by means of the commerce and industry of the continent—that those who traffic in English commodities on the continent second her views and render themselves her ac- complices—that this conduct of England is worthy the age of barbarism, and is advantageous to her at the expence of every other nation—that it is just to attack her with the same weapons which she employs.” And in pursuance of this assertion the second part proceeded to decree:— “That the British islands are in a state of blockade.” “That all commerce and correspondence with the British isles are prohibited.” “That letters and packets addressed to Eng- land or to Englishmen, or written in English, shall be intercepted.” “That every British individual whom the troops of France or those of her allies can lay hold of, shall be a prisoner of war.” “That every warehouse, any commodity, every article of commerce which may belong to a British subject is good prize.” “That the trade in English goods is prohibited, and every article that behongs to England, or is the produce of her manufactories or colonies, is good prize.” “That no ship from England or her colonies, or which shall have touched there, shall be admit- ted into any harbour.” “That this decree shall be communicated to all our allies whose subjects as well as those of France have been victims of the injustice and barbarity of the English maritime code.” “And this decree is further stated to be in force, and considered as a fixed and fundamental -law of the French empire, as long as England shall adhere to the principles herein complained of.” The sum of this decree was, that England should be erased from the list of commercial and even civilized nations, until she abandoned her maritime code, which had raised her to her pre- sent pitch of superiority over other nations, and that France and her allies and dependants were pledged and required invariably to maintain this, which had been since called the continental sys- tem, till England should have been reduced to make these concessions. . 2. On the 24th of November, 1806, the above decree was recapitulated in a proclamation from the French minister to the senate of Hamburgh, which stated: “That as several of the citizens of Hamburgh were notoriously engaged in trade with England, the Emperor of the French was obliged to take possession of the city in order to execute his decree.” ‘’ ” . º ! .. This threat was the same day executed by Mar- wr ;:# * . . . . . .'; g ** = * wº--wºº. 4 st- sº shal Mortier, at the head of a division of the French army. This proclamation and occupation of Ham- burgh was particularly important, as being the first act of that principle on which France, at this period, proceeded, of not only extending her con- tinental system to all places within her reach, but actually seizing upon neutral countries that she might extend the continental system to them; so that the original violence and injustice against England became the source and pretence of more violence and injustice against all rights and laws of nations, and an excuse for the most outrageous usurpation and hostile seizure of neutral territory that had ever been attempted. ſº 3. These proceedings of the government of France produced, on the part of England, the measure which was called Lord Grey's order in council, because his lordship was secretary of state at the time it was issued—7th January, 1807. This order stated: * “That the decrees issued by the French go- vernment to prohibit the commerce of neutral nations with the British dominions, or in their produce or manufactures, are in violation of the usages of war.” “That such attempts on the part of the enemy would give his majesty an unquestionable right of retaliation, and would warrant his majesty in en- forcing against all commerce with France, the same prohibition which she vainly hopes to effect against us.” * “That his majesty, though unwilling to proceed to these extremities, yet feels himself bound not to suffer such measures to be taken by the enemy, without some step on his part to restrain this violence, and to retort upon them the evils of their own injustice.” “And that, therefore, it is ordered, that no ves- sel shall be permitted to trade from one port to another belonging to France or her allies, or so far under her controul that British vessels may not freely trade thereat.” This was, as it expressed itself to be, a miti- gated measure of retaliation; one intended rather to call France to a sense of her injustice and the neutrals to a sense of their own duty, than to inflict a vengeance on the enemy adequate to his aggression; but it very properly stated, the right in Great Britain to go the whole length of com- plete retaliation; and it strongly, intimated, that if this moderate proceeding should fail of its ef- fect, more effective, but equally justifiable modes of retaliation would be adopted. Shortly after the publication of this order, Lord Grenville's and Lord Grey's ministry went out of power, and that of the Duke of Portland, which included Mr. Perceval and Mr. Canning, came in. Finding the measures of further reta- BOOK XI. ** * *-**=ſº CHAP s III. \*yºs-V 1812. HISTORY OF THE WARS BOOK XI. CHAP. III. \ºvº-Z 1812. ------- **- - -- *- \a - - liation threatened in Lord Grey's order of January preceding, were become absolutely necessary from the increasing violence of the French, and the continued supineness of the neutrals, 4. On the 11th of Nov. 1807, the Duke of Port- land's administration issued two orders in council; the first of which stated: “That the orders of the 7th of January has not effected the desired purpose, either of com- pelling the enemy to recal his orders, or of induc- ing neutral nations to interpose against them; but, on the contrary, that they have been recently enforced with increased rigour.” “That his majesty is, therefore, obliged to take further measures for vindicating the just rights and maritime powers of his people, which are not more essential to our own safety than to the independence and general happiness of mankind; and in pursuance of these principles of retaliation, (already asserted in the first order) all the ports of France, and her allies, and all other ports or places in Europe from which the British flag is excluded, shall be considered in a state of block- ade; and all their goods and manufactures shall be considered as lawful prize, thus retaliating upon France and her allies their own violence.” “That his majesty would, of course, be justified in making this retaliation, as unqualified and without limit, as the original offence; but that unwilling to subject neutrals to more inconve- nience than is necessary, he will permit to neutrals such trade with the enemy's ports, as may be car- ried on directly with the ports of his majesty's dominions, under several specifications and con- ditions which are set forth as favorable exceptions to the general rules of blockade.” The second order in council of this date set forth : - “That articles of the growth or manufacture of foreign countries cannot be by law, (namely the navigation act,) imported into Great Britain, ex- cept in British ships, or the native shipping of the country itself which produces the goods.” “That in consequence of the former order of this date, which says, that all neutral trade with France must touch at a British port, it is expe- dient to relax, in some degree, this law, and to per- mit the shipping of any friendly or neutral coun- try to import into Great Britain the produce or manufactures of countries at war with her.” “That all goods so imported shall be liable to the same duties, and under the same warehousing regulation as if imported according to the naviga- tion act.” * The sum of these orders in council is, that France having declared that there should be ho trade in communication with England, his majesty re- solved that the ports of France, and every port from which, by º of France, the #. flag was excluded, should have no trade except to or from a British port; but that his majesty was still desirous to encourage and protect neutral commerce, as far as was consistent with such an º to the enemy's measures, as was essen- tial to the safety and prosperity of the British dominions. Next came the degree, dated Milan, December 17, and published in Paris the 26th of December, 1807, reciting: “That the ships of neutral and friendly pow- ers are, by the English orders in council of the IIth of November, made liable not only to be searched, but to be detained in England, and to pay a tax rateable per centum on the cargo. “That, by these acts, the British government denationalizes ships of every nation; and that it is not competent to any sovereign or country to sub- mit to this degradation of the neutral flag, as England would construe such submission into an acquiescence in her right to do so; as she has al- ready availed herself of the tolerance of other governments, to establish the infamous principle that free ships do not make free goods, and to give the right of blockade an arbitrary extension, which infringes on the sovereignty of every state, and it is therefore decreed, “That every ship, to whatever nation it uay belong, which shall ſº submitted to be searched by an English ship, or to a voyage to England, or shall have paid any English tax is, for that alone, declared to be denationalized, to have for- feited the protection of its own sovereign, and to have become English property.” !. “That all such ships, whether entering the ports of France, or her allies, or met at sea, are good prizes.” * # “That the British islands are in a state of blockade, both by sea and land, and that all ves- sels sailing from England, or any of her colonies, or the port of any of her allies to England, or her colonies, or the port of an ally, are declared good and lawful prizes.” “That these measures (which are resorted to only in just retaliation of the barbarous system adopted by England, which assimilates its legis- lation to that of Algiers,) shall cease to have effect with respect to all nations who shall have the firmness to compel the English government to respect their flag. They shall continue to be rigorously enforced as long as that government does not return to the principle of the law of nations, which regulates the relation of civilized states in a state of war. The provisions of the present decree shall be abrogated and null, in fact, as soon as the English abide again by the principles of the law of nations, which are also the principles of justice and honor. 5–A goed deal of discussion arose with Ame- rica about the operation of these decrees and or- ders upon the American trade; and in order to OF THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 903 &. simplify the construction of the latter, and to apply the principle of retaliation more directly against France herself, and with less injury to neutrals, the orders of November, 1807, were su- perseded by that of the 26th of April, 1809; which declared “the whole coast of France and her dominions, as far northward as the river Ems, and southward to Pesaro and Orbitello in Italy, to be under blockade, and all vessels com- ing from any port whatever to any French port, liable to capture and condemnation;” the effect of this order was to open all ports, not actually ports of France, even though the British flag should be excluded therefrom, to neutral commerce, and to place France, and France only, in the precise situation in which, by her decrees, she endea- voured to place Great Britain. 7. By a decree of the French government, is- sued at Fontainbleau on the 19th of October, 1810, it was expressly declared, “that in pursu- anice of the fourth and fifth articles of the Berlin decrees, all kinds of British merchandize and ma- nufactures which may be discovered in the cus- tom-houses, or other places of France, Holland, the Grand Duchy of Berg, the Hanse Towns, (from the Mayne to the sea,) the kingdom of Italy, the Illyrian provinces, the kingdom of Na- ples, and in such towns of Spain and their vicini- ties as may be occupied by French troops, shall be confiscated and burned.” Thus the matter stood; on the side of France the decrees of Berlin and Milan were in force, and to them were opposed the British order of the 26th of April, 1809; and as long as the blockade of England by France remained unrepealed, so long England possessed an undoubted right to persist in her system of retaliation. It now becomes necessary to explain shortly the conduct of America towards England and France respectively: from which we shall judge whether America acted with a strict impartiality towards the two belligerents, and whether she really had any fair ground of complaint against Great Britain. 8. A very short time before France began to act upon these new principles, a treaty of com- merce had been, in 1806, negociated at London, (between Lords Holland and Auckland on the part of Englahd, and Messrs. Monroe and Pinck- ney on that of America,) and sent over to Ame- rica to be ratified: but the Berlin decree having appeared almost at the moment of the signature of this treaty, it was accompanied by a declara- tion by Lords Holland and Auckland on the part of England:— “That in consequence of the new and extra- ordinary rheasures of hostility on the part of France, as stated in the #in decree, Great Britain reserved to herself (if the threats should be executed, and that neutrals should acquiesee . 63. —t in such usurpations) the right of retaliating on Book xi. the enemy in such manner as circumstances might require.” 9. This treaty, the President of the United States refused to ratify; principally because the question ºf impressing seamen was not definitively settled. The British Government replied, that “this was a subject of much detail, and of con- siderable difficulty, arising out of the almost im- possibility of distinguishing British subjects from Americans;” and, it added, “ that it would be highly inexpedient that the general treaty should be lost, or even delayed, on this account; that Great Britain was ready immediately to proceed in a separate negociation in this point; and that, in the mean time, her officers should be ordered to exercise the right of search and impressment with the greatest possible forbearance.” These arguments and this proposition did not, however, induce the American president to ratify the treaty. It unfortunately happened (as before intimated in this book) that in June, 1807, the commanding officer of his majesty's ship Leopard having un- derstood that some deserters from his ship had been received on-board the American frigate Chesapeake, and having in vain required their release from the American captain, attacked the Chesapeake at sea, and obliged her to strike; but he then contented himself with taking out of her his own men, and restored the ship to the American commander. An event of this nature called for, and received the immediate disavowal of his majesty's government; the captain was tried, arid his admiral superseded; and Mr. Rose was sent, without loss of time, to America to offer reparation, and to state to the American govern- ment, “ that Great Britain did not pretend to a right to demand by force any sailors whatever from the national ship of a power with which she was on terms of peace and amity.” In the mean time the president had issued a proclamation, ex- cluding all English ships of war from the Ame- rican harbours. 10. Exclusive of this affair of the Chesapeake, America appeared, in the spring of 1808, to have considered herself equally aggrieved by the acts of both countries. In this view they laid a gene- ral embargo upon all the shipping in their ports, and denied themselves all commercial intercourse whatever with any European state. 11. This act of the American Government was very unpopular throughout the Union, and on the lst of March, 1809, the non-intercourse law was substituted in its place, by which the commerce of Ameriea was opened to all the world except to England and France, and British and French ships of war were equally excluded prospectively from the American ports. 12. In the interval, *; Canning had instructed -čh.” Chap. III. Jºvº-Z 1812. 904 HISTORY OF THE WARS BOOK XI. CHAP. III. NeºN ºr 1812. **===* Mr. Erskine, his majesty's minister, to offer to America a reciprocal repeal of the prohibitive laws on both sides, upon certain terms; namely, 1st. The enforcement of the non-intercourse and non-importation acts against France. 2dly, The renunciation, on the part of America, of all trade with the enemy's colonies, from which she was excluded during peace. 3dly, Great Britain to enforce the American embargo against trade with France, or powers acting under her decrees. 13. In the mean time, the French government, in a decree dated from Rambouillet, 23d of March, 1810, declared, “that from the 20th of May, 1809, all American vessels which should enter the French ports, or ports occupied by French troops, should be sold and sequestered. This act, how- ever, was not made known till the 14th of May, 1810. 14. Notwithstanding these acts of violence on the part of France, America could not be per- suaded that her honor and interests demanded some immediate act of retaliation, and nothing was done till the non-intercouse act expired, when an act of the congress was passed, even- tually renewing certain parts of the non-inter- course act in certain events. By this act it was decreed, “that in case either of the belligerents should cease to violate the neutral rights of Ame- rica before the 2d of February, 1811, the non- importation articles of the non-intercourse act should be revived against the other.” By this act, America still contemplated France and Eng- land equally injuring her commerce; and eon- tented herself with merely complaining, through her minister, of the operation of the Rambouillet decree, though it was, at the same time, charac- terised by America “as a signal aggression on the principles of justice and good faith.” 15. The condition thus offered by America, France determined speciously to accept; but in accepting it to act in such a manner as still to reap the advantages accruing from her decrees, without relieving England from her part of the pressure occasioned by them. 16. As England could not, upon this insidious offer, accept the first part of the alternative of fered by France, America, in her turn, accepted the second, and declared that she would cause her flag to be respected: but as there would be some inconvenience in demanding from England the abandonment of her most sacred maritime rights, such as the right of visiting and searching a neutral ship for enemy's property—the right of blockading, by actual force, the ports and har- bours and rivers of the enemy's coast, the right of precluding a neutral from carrying on, in time of war, the trade of a belligerent, to which she is not admitted in time of peace—(all of which, and more indeed, was demanded by France, and ap- parently acceded to by America) the government -º-º- —& and congress of the United States deemed it to be sufficiently conformable to the demands of France, “that they should exclude British ships of war from their ports, and prohibit all impor- tation of British produce;” and France seemed to consent to consider “ these restrictions as tan- tamount to causing the American flag to be re- spected, and as rescuing the American ships from the imputation of being denationalized.” Upon this principle the president proclaimed the re- º of the mon-importation articles of the non- intercourse act against Great Britain on the 2d of November, 1810, and the congress enacted the same by law on the 28th of February, 1811. When this act passed, the relations of peace and com- mercial intercourse were restored between France and America, and French ships were allowed to enter into the American ports, at a time when France still retained many millions of American property, seized under the Rambouillet decree, which had had a retrospective effect for the space of twelve months, and when the operation of the burning decree was carried into effect, without any regard whether or not the produce of British industry, so destroyed, had legally become, by purchase or barter, the bona fide property of neutral merchants. With respect to England, who by the act of the 28th of February, 1811, was put upon the foot- ing of an enemy, the only source of complaint which America possessed, was, that the blockade of the French coast was still persisted in and enforced, as the only effectual means of retaliat- ing upon the violent and unjust decrees of the enemy. 3. 17. On the 1st of November, 1811, Mr. Foster, his majesty’s minister in America, was at length enabled to bring to a conclusion the differences which had arisen on the Chesapeake affair, with- out sacrificing the rights of Great Britain, or de- rogating from the honor of his majesty's crown; but it cannot be said, that the American govern- ment accepted the concession and atonement with either dignity or grace.—(See page 887.) 19. While America was thus asserting that the French decrees were repealed, the minister of foreign relations at Paris put an end to all doubt on the subject, by an official report to the em- peror, dated the 10th of March, 1812, which set forth—first, an explanation of the maritime laws of the nations, viz. – “The flag covers merchandize; the goods of an enemy, under a neutral flag, are neutral ; and the goods of a neutral, under an enemy's flag, are enemy's goods. The only goods not covered by the flag, is contraband of war; and the only contraband of war are arms and ammunition. In visiting neutrals, a belligerent must send only a few men in a boat; but the belligerent ship must keep out of cannon shot. Nºi. may trade G F THE FRENCH T.EVOLUTION, 905 between one enemy's port to another, and between enemy's and neutral ports. The only ports ex- cepted, are those really blockaded; and ports really blockaded, are those only which are actu- ally invested, besieged, and in danger of being taken. Such are the duties of belligerents, and the rights of neutrals.” The report then pro- ceeded to state, that the Berlin and Milan de- crees “have rendered the manufacturing towns of Great Britain deserts; distress has succeeded prosperity; and the disappearance of money, and the want of employment, endangers the public tranquillity.” And then-it denounced, that * until Great Britain recals her orders in council, and submits to the principles of maritime Haw above- mentioned, the French decrees must subsist * Great Britain, and such neutrals as should allow their flags to be denationalized.” And, finally, the report avowed, that “nothing will divert the French emperor from the objects of these decrees; that he has already, for this pur- ose, annexed to France, Holland, the Hanse Towns, and the coasts from the Zuyder Zee to the Baltic; that no ports of the continent must remain open, either to English trade or dena- tionalized neutrals; and that all the disposeable force of the French empire shall be directed to every part of the continent, where British and denationalized flags still find admittance; and, finally, this system shall be persevered in, till England, banished from the continent, and sepa- rated from all other countries, shall return to the laws of nations recognized by the treaty of Utrecht.” Thus the Berlin and Milan decrees were in full force, and would continue to be so, until England should not only recal her orders in coun- cil, but should also abandon all her great mari- time rights; and that these decrees would subsist against not England alone, but America, and all other countries which should not unite in an en- deavour to overthrow the ancient system of ma- ritime law; and, further, that France considered herself authorized to invade and seize any neutral territory whatsoever, for the sole object of exclud- ing all British trade from the continent; and that all his violent and outrageous usurpations in Hol- land, Germany, and the shores of the Baltic, had been prompted, and were attempted to be justi- fied, by this motive. 22. In order to bring to a distinct issue the verbal discussion between England and Ame- rica, and to place the relative measures of Eng- land and France clearly before the neutrals, the British government, on the 21st of April, 1812, put forth to the public a declaration and order in council, detailing the present state of the contest between the two belligerents; and stating, “that as soon as the Berlin and Milan decrees are re- voked, the orders in council are abrogated;” and engaging beforehand, “ that a proof of the ab- solute repeal of the French decrees, produced in an admiralty court, shall be held, in fact, to be a satisfactory proof of the absolute revocation of the British orders in council.”—(For this decla- ration see the preceding chapter.) 21. Since this declaration, but before it reached America, an embargo was jaid on, by act of con- i. for ninety days, from the 4th day of April, 1812. Thus the matter stood ; and, until France re- pealed her decrees, it was impossible that Great Britain could relinquish the principle of retalia- tion. The repeal of the orders in council would have had the following effects:— 1. It would restore the American trade; and that portion of manufactures, which are usually consumed in America itself, would immediately revive. 2. It would open to England no other market for any branch of manufacturing whatsoever than the home market of America; for France having a right, by municipal regulations, to exclude Bri- tish articles from her territory, and to extend, for this purpose, her territory over the whole face of Europe, any article of British produce and ma- nufacture imported by an American, would be liable to be confiscated or burned. 3. France would be relieved from all the pres- sure she at this time felt. America would supply her with all kinds of raw materials, as well as of colonial produce; and would convey to her, from the distant parts of Europe, all kinds of stores and timber, and the various materials of naval strength. France would have just what trade she pleased to have; she would continue the pro- hibition, all over Europe, of British manufac- tures, with a double view : first, to encourage her own; and next, to ruin those of Great Britain. And all inconvenience and pressure being thus removed from her, there would no longer have existed any means or hopes of forcing her to a system more equitable towards Great Britain. 4. America would have become the carrier of the world; she and France would have divided the trade of the globe; and Great Britain, with all her command of the sea, would have had the mortification to have seen the ocean covered with the commerce of France, protected under the American flag. & 5. The British shipping interest would have been annihilated, and that of America would have risen up in its stead. The East and West Indies, and the home coasting trade, would alone have remained to England; and the two former could not have been long retained, in competition with a rival whose means of ship-building were in- exhaustible; whose flag would have been the only neutral flag in the world; whose ships alone could have traded at the ports of the continent of Eu- BOOK XI. Cha P. III. Nºvº- 1812, 906 HISTORY OF THE WARS BOOK XT. CHAP. III. Neº- 1812, -º- —w wn. rope; whose rates of freight and insurance would have been proportionably small; in short, who would have had all possible advantages, while Great Britain would have laboured with every possible disadvantage. 6. All British produce and manufacture would have declined and expired, except only those for American or home consumption ; because Ame- rica, which would have brought the produce of all other countries to France, would have returned with the manufacture of France to all other coun- tries. It might have been said, that England would have undersold France: and so she cer- tainly would have done in a fair state of trade; but, excluded from Europe, and rivalled by Ame- ~, r- - - —a - « * :-...-Fr - ºr +vv--------r: rica, there would have remained neither the means nor motives of commercial enterprize. 7. Nor would the American market itself have been of the advantage to Great Britain as at first imagined; much of the iron-work, and all the linens of Germany, would have soon undersold the simi- lar articles of English or Irish manufacture; and the increased intercourse between America and France, would inevitably have obliged the mer- chants of the former to take returns in the pro- duce of France, or the continent of Europe; and, by degrees, the natural result of such an inter- course would have been the advancement of ma- nufactures, and the influence of France, and the decline of those of Great Britain. CHAPTER IV. The Prince-Regent's second Declaration respecting the Orders in Council.—Eetters of Marque and Reprisal issued against England.—Declaration of War by America against England— Consequences.—Case of the American Ship Snipe. THE following second declaration, which ap- peared as a supplement to the London Gazette of Tuesday, June 23, is a further testimony of the pacific disposition of the British government to- wards the United States:— “ At the court at Carlton-house, the 23d of June, 1812, present, his Royal Highness the Prince-Regent in council. “Whereas his royal highness the prince-regent was pleased to declare, in the name and on the behalf of his majesty, on the 21st day of April, 1812, “that if at any time hereafter the Berlin and Milan decrees shall, by some authentic act of the French government, publicly promulgated, be absolutely and unconditionally repealed, then, and from thenceforth, the order in council of the 7th of January, 1807, and the order in council of the 26th of April, 1809, shall, without any farther order, be, and the same are hereby declared from thenceforth to be; wholly and absolutely revoked.” “And whereas the chargé des affaires of the United States of America, resident at this court, did, on the 20th day of May last, transmit to Lord Viscount Castlereagh, one of his majesty's prin- cipal secretaries of state, a copy of a certain in- strument, then for the first time communicated to this court, purporting to be a decree passed by the government of France, on the 28th day of April, T811, by which the decrees of Berlin and Milan, are declared to be definitely no. longer in force, in regard to American vessels. “And whereas. lirº, highness the prince- regent, although he cannot consider the tenour of the said instrument as satisfying the conditions. set forth in the said order of the 21st of April last, upon which the said orders were to cease and determine; is nevertheless disposed, on his part, to take such measures as may tend to re- establish the intercourse between neutral and belligerent nations, upon its accustomed princi- ples. His royal highness the prince-regent, in the name and on the behalf of his majesty, is therefore pleased, by and with the advice of his majesty's privy council, to order and declare, and it is hereby ordered and declared, that the order in council, bearing date the 7th day of January, 1807, and the order in council, bearing date the 26th day of April, 1809, be revoked, sofar as may regard American vessels, and their cargoes, being American property, from the 1st day of August neXt. “But whereas by certain acts of the government of the United States of America, all British armed vessels are excluded from the harbours and waters of the said United States, and the armed vessels of France being permitted to enter therein; and the commercial intercourse between Great Britain and the said United States is interdicted, the commercial intercourse between France and the said United States having been restored; his royal highness the prince-regent is pleased hereby farther to declare, in the mattle and on the behalf of his majesty, that if the government of the said. United States shall not, assoon as may be, after OF THE FRENCH REVOLUTION, 907 this order shall have been duly notified by his majesty's minister in America to the said govern- ment, revoke, or cause to be revoked, the said acts, this present order shall in that case, after due notice signified by his majesty's minister in Ame- rica to the said government, be thenceforth null and of no effect. “It is further ordered and declared, that all American vessels, and their cargoes, being Ame- rican property, that shall have been captured subsequently to the 26th day of May last, for a breach of the aforesaid orders in council alone, and which shall not have been actually con- demned before the date of this order; and that all ships and cargoes as aforesaid, that shall henceforth be captured under the said orders, prior to the 1st day of August next, shall not be pro- ceeded against to condemnation till further orders; but shall, in the event of this order not becoming null and of no effect, in the case aforesaid, be forthwith liberated and restored, subject to such reasonable expences on the part of the captors as shall have been justly incurred. “Provided, that nothing in this order contained, respecting the revocation of the orders herein- mentioned, shall be taken to revive wholly, or in part, the orders in council of the 11th of Novem- ber, 1807, or any other order not herein-mention- ed, or to deprive parties of any legal remedy to which they may be entitled under the order in council of the 21st of April, 1812. “His royal highness the prince-regent is hereby leased further to declare, in the name and on the behalf of his majesty, that nothing in this present order contained, shall be understood to preclude his royal highness the prince-regent, if circum- stances shall so require, from restoring, after reasonable notice, the orders of the 7th of Janu- ary, 1807, and 26th of April, 1809, or any part thereof, to their full effect, or from taking such other measures of retaliation against the enemy as may appear to his royal highness to be just and necessary. “And the right honorable the lords commis- sioners of his majesty's treasury, his majesty’s principal secretaries of state, the lords commis- sioners of the admiralty, and the judge of the high court of admiralty, add the judges of the courts of vice-admiralty, are to take the necessary mea- sures herein, as to them may respectively apper- tain. “JAMEs BULLER.” Before this declaration was known to the United States, it was understood that the Ameri- can government had authorised the issuing of letters of marque and reprisal against England. In the house of commons, July 10, Mr. Brougham rose, and said, that it was rumoured that the house of representatives had moved a resolution for war with England: he wished to know whether go- 63. # vernment had received any official intelligence from their diplomatic agent in America. If war should take place, it was referable, in his opinion, to the declaration published by the late govern- ment in April. Lord Castlereagh said, that government had re- ceived advice from his majesty's minister in Ame- rica, that a warlike motion, of which the precise nature was not known, had passed the house of representatives, and was carried to the upper house, where the consideration of it was for some time delayed, and the exact result not known. In the house of lords, July 21, the Duke of Norfolk rose to ask a question before his majes- ty's ministers left the house, respecting the re- ports which had recently been in circulation, of a declaration of war on the part of the United States of America against Great Britain. He wished to know whether those reports were true; and, if true, whether his majesty's ministers had any consolation to offer under this unfortunate situation of affairs? w The Earl of Liverpool stated, that his majes- ty's ministers had received information, through an indirect channel, that the senate of the United States had come to a vote concurring in the bill proposed by the house of representatives, for de- claring war against Great Britain; but what mea- sures the president had adopted in consequence of this vote of the senate, his majesty's ministers were at present uninformed. He could not, therefore, at the present moment, enter into any further ex- planation upon the subject. At length the following declaration of war, by America, appeared in the British journals:— JMessage.—To the Senate and House of Repre- sentatives of the United States. “I communicate to congress certain docu- ments, being a continuation of those heretofore laid before them, on the subject of our affairs with Great Britain. “Without going beyond the renewal, in 1803, of the war in which Great Britain is engaged, and omitting unrepaired wrongs of inferior magnitude, the conduct of her government presents a series of acts hostile to the United States, as an inde- pendent and neutral nation. “ British cruisers have been in the continued practice of violating the American flag on the great highway of nations, and of seizing and car- rying off persons sailing under it; not in the ex- ercise of a belligerent right, founded on the law of nations, against an enemy, but of a municipal prerogative over British subjects. British juris- diction is thus extended to neutral vessels, in a situation where no haws can operate but the law of nations, and the laws of the country to which the vessels belong; and a self-redress is assumed, which if British *:::: were wrongfully de- 1. BOOK XI. CHAP. IV. 1812. 90S HISTORY OF THE WARS BOOK XI. CHAP. IV. \_º-S/~/ 1812. tained and alone concerned, is that substitution of force for a resort to the responsible sovereign, which falls within the definition of war. Could the seizure of British subjects, in such cases, be regarded as within the exercise of a belligerent right, the acknowledged laws of war, (which forbid an article of captured property to be adjudged, without a regular investigation before a competent tribunal,) would imperiously demand the fairest trial, where the sacred rights of persons were at issue. In place of such trial, these rights are subjected to the will of every petty com- mander. “The practice, hence, is so far from affecting British subjects alone, that under the pretext of searching for these, thousands of American citizens, under the safeguard of public laws, and of their national flag, have been torn from their country, and from every thing dear to them; have been dragged on-board ships of war of a foreign nation, and exposed, under the severities of their disci- pline, to be exiled to the most distant and deadly climes, to risk their lives in the battles of their op- pressors, and to be the melancholy instruments of taking away those of their own brethren. “Against this crying enormity, which Great Britain would be so prompt to avenge, if com- mitted against herself, the United States have in vain exhausted remonstrances and expostulations. And that no proof might be wanting of their con- ciliatory dispositions, and no pretext left for con- tinuance of the practice, the British government was formally assured of the readiness of the United States to enter into arrangements, such as could not be rejected, if the recovery of the British subjects were the real and the sole object. The communication passed without effect. “British cruisers have been in the practice also of violating the rights and the peace of our coasts. They hover over and harass our entering and de- parting commerce. To the most insulting pre- tensions they have added lawless proceedings in our very harbours, and have wantonly spilt Ame- rican blood within the sanctuary of our territorial jurisdiction. The principles and rules enforced by that nation, when a neutral nation, against armed vessels of belligerents hovering near her coasts, and disturbing her commerce, are well known. When called on, nevertheless, by the United States, to punish the greater offences com- mitted by her own vessels, her government has be- stowed on their commanders additional marks of honor and confidence. “Under pretended blockades, without the pre- sence of an adequate force, and sometimes without the practicability of applying one, our commerce has been plundered in every sea: the greatstaples of our country have been cut off from their legitimate markets; and a destructive blow aimed at our agricultural and maritime interests. In aggrava- tion of these predatory measures, they have been considered as in force from the dates of their noti- fication; a retrospective effect being thus added, as has been done in other important cases, to the unlawfulness of the course pursued. And to ren- der the outrage the more signal, these mock block- ades have been reiterated and enforced in the face of official communications from the British govern- inent, declaring, as the true definition of a legal blockade, ‘that particular ports must be actually invested, and previous warning given to vessels bound to them not to enter.’ “Not content with these occasional expedients for laying waste our neutral trade, the cabinet of Great Britain resorted, at length, to the sweeping system of blockades, under the name of orders in council, which has been moulded and managed as might best suit its political views, its commercial jealousies, or the avidity of British cruisers. “To our remonstrances against the complicated and transcendent injustice of this innovation, the first reply was, that the orders were reluctantly adopted by Great Britain, as a necessary retalia- tion on decrees of her enemy proclaiming a gene- ral blockade of the British isles, at a time when the naval force of that enemy dared not to issue from his ports. She was reminded, without effect, that her own prior blockades, unsupported by an adequate naval force actually applied and conti- nued, were a bar to this plea; that executed edicts against millions of our property could not be re- taliation on edicts confessedly impossible to be executed; that retaliation, to be just, should fall on the party setting the guilty example, not on an innocent party, which was not even chargeable with an acquiescence in it. “When deprived of this flimsy veil for a prohi- bition of our trade with Great Britain, her cabinet, instead of a corresponding repeal of a practical discontinuance of its orders, formally avowed a de- termination to persist in them against the United States, until the markets of her enemy should be laid open to British products; thus asserting an obligation on a neutral power to require one belligerent to encourage, by its internal regula- tions, the trade of another belligerent, contradict- ing her own practice towards all nations in peace as well as in war; and betraying the Insincerity of those professions which inculcated a belief, that, having resorted to her orders with regret, she was anxious to find an occasion for putting an end to them. “Abandoning still more all respect for the neu- tral rights of the United States, and for its own consistency, the British government now demands, as prerequisites to a repeal of its orders, as the relate to the United States, that a formality should be observed in the repeal of the French decrees no wise necessary to their termination, nor exempli- fied by British usage; and that the French repeal, OF THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 909. Jº- besides including that portion of the decrees which operates within a territorial jurisdiction, as well as that which operates on the high seas, against the commerce of the United States, should not be a single special repeal in relation to the United States, but should be extended to whatever other neutral nations unconnected with them may be affected by those decrees. “And, as an additional insult, they are called on for a formal disavowal of conditions and pre- tensions advanced by the French government, for which the United States are so far from having been themselves responsible, that, in official ex- planations, which have been published to the world, and in a correspondence of the American minister at London with the British minister of foreign affairs, such a responsibility was expli- citly and emphatically disclaimed. “It has become indeed sufficiently certain, that the commerce of the United States is to be sacri- ficed, not as interfering with belligerent rights of Great Britain, not as supplying the wants of their enemies, which she herself supplies, but as inter- fering with the monopoly which she covets for her own commerce and navigation. She carries on a war against the lawful commerce of a friend, that she may the better carry on a commerce with an enemy, a commerce polluted by the forgeries and perjuries which are for the most part the only pass- ports by which it can succeed. “Anxious to make every experiment, short of the last resort of injured nations, the United States have withheld from Great Britain, under succes- sive modifications, the benefits of a free inter- course with their market, the loss of which could not but outweigh the profits accruing from her restrictions of our commerce with other nations. And to entitle those experiments to the more fa- vorable consideration, they were so framed as to enable her to place her adversary under the ex- clusive operation of them. ... To these appeals her government has been equally inflexible, as if wil- ling to make sacrifices of every sort, rather than yield to the claims of justice, or renounce the errors of a false pride. Nay, so far were the at- tempts carried to overcome the attachment of the British cabinet to its unjust edicts, that it received every encouragement within the competency of the executive branch of our government, to ex- pect that a repeal of them would be followed by a war between the United States and France, un- less the French edicts should also be repealed. Even this communication, although silencing for ever the plea of a disposition in the United States to acquiesce in those edicts, originally the sole plea for them, received no attention. d “If no other proof existed of a predetermina- tion of the British government against a repeal of its orders, it might be found in the correspondence of the minister plenipotentiary of the United States at London, and the British secretary for Book XI. foreign affairs, in 1810, on the question whether the blockade of May, 1806, was considered as in force or as not in force. It had been ascertained that the French government, which urged this blockade as the ground of its decree, was willing, in the event of its removal, to repeal that decree; which being followed by alternate repeals of the other offensive edicts, might abolish the whole system on both sides. This inviting opportunity for accomplishing an object so important to the United States, and professed so often to be the desire of both the belligerents, was made known to the British government. As that government admits that an actual application of an adequate force is necessary to the existence of a legal blockade; and it was notorious, that if such a force had ever been applied, its long discontinu- ance had annulled the blockade in question, there could be no sufficient objection on the part of Great Britain to a formal revocation of it; and no imaginable objection to a declaration of the fact that the blockade did not exist. The declaration would have been consistent with her avowed principles of blockade, and would have enabled the United States to demand from France the pledged repeal of her decrees; either with suc- cess, in which case the way would have been opened for a general repeal of the belligerent edicts; or without success, in which case the United States would have been justified in turn- ing their measures exclusively against France. The British government would, however, neither rescind the blockade, nor declare its non-existence, nor permit its non-existence to be inferred and af- firmed by the American plenipotentiary. On the contrary, by representing , the blockade to be comprehended in the orders in council, the United States were compellad so to regard it in their subsequent proceedings. “There was a period when a favorable change in the policy of the British cabinet was justly considered as established. The minister ple- nipotentiary of his Britannic majesty here pro- posed an adjustment of the differences more im- mediately endangering the harmony of the two countries. The proposition was accepted with a promptitude and cordiality corresponding with the invariable professions of this government. A foundation appeared to be laid for a sincere and lasting reconciliation. The prospect, how- ever, quickly vanished. The whole proceeding was disavowed by the British government, with- out any explanation which could at that time re- press the belief that the disavowal proceeded from a spirit of hostility to the commercial rights and prosperity of the United States. And it has since come into proof, that at the very moment when the public minister was holding the lan- guage of friendship, and inspired confidence in CHAP. IV. Jºvº 1812. 910 HISTORY OF THE WARS BOOK XI. Chap. IV. *N*-> 1812. ) * the sincerity of the negociation with which he was charged, a secret agent of his government was employed in intrigues, having for their ob- ject a subversion of our government, and a dis- memberment of our happy union. “In reviewing the conduct of Great Britain towards the United States, our attention is ne- cessarily drawn to the warfare just renewed by the savages on one of our extensive frontiers—a warfare which is known to spare neither age nor sex, and to be distinguished by features pecu- liarly shocking to humanity. It is difficult to account for the activity and combinations which have for some time been developing themselves among the tribes in constant intercourse with the British traders and garrisons, without connecting their hostility with that influence, and without recollecting the authenticated examples of such interpositions heretofore furnished by the officers and agents of that government. “Such is the spectacle of injuries and indigni- ties which have been heaped on our country; and such the crisis which its unexampled for- bearance and conciliatory efforts have not been able to avert. It might, at least, have been ex- pected, that an enlightened nation, if less urged by moral obligations, or invited by friendly dis- positions on the part of the United States, would have found in its true interests alone a sufficient motive to respect their rights and their tranquil- lity on the high seas; that an enlarged policy would have favored the free and general circu- lation of commerce, in which the #j, nation is at all times interested ; and which, in times of war, is the best alleviation of its calamities to her- self, as well as the other belligerents; and more especially that the British cabinet would not, for the sake of a precarious and surreptitious inter- course with hostile markets, have persevered in a course of measures which necessarily put at ha- zard the invaluable market of a great and grow- ing country, disposed to cultivate the mutual ad- vantages of an active commerce. “Other councils have prevailed. Our moder- ation and conciliation have had no other effect than to encourage perseverance, and to enlarge pretensions. ... We behold our seafaring citizens still the daily victims of lawless violence, com- mitted on the great and common highway of na- tions, even within sight of the country which owes them protection. We behold our vessels freighted with the products of our soil and in- dustry, on returning with the bonest proceeds of them, wrested from their lawful destinations, con- fiscated by prize-courts, no longer the organs of public law, but the instruments of arbitr edicts; and their unfortunate crews dispersed and lost, or forced, or inveigled, in British ports, into British fleets; whilst arguments are em- ployed in support of *, aggressions, which have no foundation but in a principle equally supporting a claim to regulate our external com- merce in all cases whatsoever. “We behold, in fine, on the side of Great Bri- tain, a state of war against the United States— and on the side of the United States, a state of peace towards Great Britain. “Whether the United States shall continue passive under these progressive usurpations, and these accumulating wrongs; or, opposing force to force, in defence of their natural rights, shall com- mit a just cause into the hands of the Almighty Disposer of events; avoiding all connections which might entangle it in the contests or views of other powers, and preserving a constant readi- ness to concur in an honorable re-establishment of peace and friendship, is a solemn question, which the constitution wisely confides to the le- gislative department of the government. In re- commending it to their early deliberations, I am happy in the assurance that the decision will be worthy the enlightened and patriotic councils of a virtuous, a free, and a powerful nation. “Having presented this view of the relations of the United States with Great Britain, and of the solemn alternative growing out of them, I proceed to remark, that the communications last made to congress, on the subject of our relations with France, will have shown that since the revo- cation of her decrees as they violated the neutral rights of the United States, her government has authorised illegal captures by its privateers and public ships, and that other outrages have been practised on our vessels and our citizens. It will have been seen also, that no indemnity had been provided, or satisfactorily pledged, for the exten- sive spoliations committed under the violent and retrospective order of the French government against, the property of our citizens seized within the jurisdiction of France. “I abstain at this time from recommending to the consideration of congress, definitive measures with respect to that nation, in the expectation that the result of unclosed discussions between our minister plenipotentiary at Paris and the French government, will speedily enable con- gress to decide with greater advantage on the course due to the rights, the interests, the honor of our country. “JAMES MADison. “Washington, June 1, 1812.” The following is the act which was read in a secret sitting of the two houses on the 1st of June, and which gave rise to the motion that placed the two countries in a state of war:— “An act, declaring war between the United King- dom of Great Britain and Ireland, and the de- pendencies thereof, and the United States of America, and their territories. “Be it enacted, by the senate and house of OF THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 911 representatives of the United States of America, in congress assembled, that war be, and the same is hereby declared to exist between the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland, and the idependencies, thereof, and the United States of America, and their territories; and that the Pre- sident of the United States be and he is hereby authorised to use the whole land and naval forces of the United States to carry the same into ef- fect; and to issue to private armed vessels of the United States, commissions of letters of marque and general reprisal, in -such form as he shall think proper, and under the seal of the United. States, against the vessels, goods, and effects of the government of the said United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland, and the subjects thereof—June 18, 1812–Approved. “JAMEs MADison.” In consequence of the above declaration of war, orders were issued, July 31, from the ad- miralty, to all commanding officers of the navy, to detain and send in all American vessels what- ever. An embargo was at the same time laid on all American vessels in the river, and an order to a similar effect was sent off to all the out-ports. This war against Great Britain had several opponents in the United States. Mr. Randolph, in an interesting address to his constituents, thus concluded;— “Having learned, from various sources, that a declaration of war would be attempted on Mon- day last with closed doors, I deemed it my duty to endeavour, by an exercise of my constitu- tional functions, to arrest this heaviest of all pos- sible calamities, and avert it from our unhappy country. I accordingly made the effort of which I now give you the result, and of the success of which you will already have been informed before these pages reach you. I pretend only to give the substance of my unfinished arguments. The glowing words—the language of the heart—have passed away with the occasion that called them forth: they are no longer under my cºntroul. My design is simply to submit to you the views which have induced me to consider a war with England, under existing cireumstances, as com- perting neither with the interest nor the honor of the American people; but as an idolatrous sacri- fice of both, on the altar of French rapacity, per- fidy, and ambition. France has for years past offered us terms of undefined commercial ar- rangement, at the price of a war with England, which hitherto we have not wanted firmness and virtue to reject. The price is now to be paid. “We are tired of holding out; and, following the example of the nations of continental Europe, entangled in the artifices, or awed by the power of the destroyer of mankind, we are prepared to become instrumental to his projects of universal 63. r— dominion. Before these pages meet your eye, the last republic of the earth will have enlisted under the banners of the tyrant, and become a BOOKXXI. CHAP. IV. party of his cause. The blood of American free- Sºº- men must flow, to cement his power, to aid in stifling the last struggles of afflicted and perse- cuted man,—to deliver up into his hands the pa- triots of Spain and Portugal, to establish his empire over the ocean, and ever the land that gave our forefathers birth, to forge our own chains; and yet, my friends, we are told, as we were told in the days of the mad ambition of Mr. Adams, ‘ that the finger of heaven points to war.’ Yes, the finger of heaven does point to war. It points to war, as it points to the mansion, of eternal misery and torture, as to a flaming beacon, warning us of that vortex which we may not approach but, with certain destruction. It points to desolated Europe, and warns us of the chastisement of those nations who have offended against the justice, and almost beyond the mercy of heaven. It announces the wrath to come upon those who, ungrateful for the bounty of Provi- dence,—not satisfied with peace, liberty, security, plenty at home,—fly, as it were, into the face of the most high, and tempt his forbearance. “To you I can speak with freedom, and it becomes me to do so; nor shall. I be deterred by the cavils, and the sneers of those who hold as ‘foolishness’, all that favours not of worldly wis- dom, from expressing fully and freely these sen- timents, which it has pleased God, in his mercy, to engrave upon my heart. These are no ordi- nary times. The state of the world is unexam- pled. The war of the present day is not like that of our revolution, or any which preceded it, at least, in modern times. . It is a war against the liberty and happiness of mankind: it is a war, of which the whole human race are the victims, to gratify the pride and Just of power of a single individual. “I beseech you, put it to your own bosoms, how far it becomes you as freemen, as christians, to give your aid and sanction to this in pious and bloody warfare against your brethren of the hu- man family. To such among you, if any such there be, who, are insensible to Imotives not more dignified and manly than they are intrinsically wise, I would make a different appeal. I adjure you, by the regard which you have for your own security and property, for the liberties and inhe- ritance of your children, by all that you hold dear and sacred, to interpose your constitutional powers, to save your country and yourselves from a calamity, the issue of which it is not given to human foresight to divine. “Ask yourselves, if you are willing to become the virtual allies of Bonaparte? Are you willing, for the sake of annexing Canada to the Northern States, to submit to º grºwing system of F812, 912 History of The wars BÖOK XI. CHAP. IV. Nºsºvº-Z' 1812. penetrate into the interior of the republic. **** taxation, which sends the European labourer supperless to bed?—to maintain, by the sweat of your brow, armies, at whose hands you are to re- ceive a future master? Suppose Canada ours, is there any one among you who would ever be, in any respect, the better for it, the richer, the freer, the happier, the more secure? And is it for a boon like this, that you join in the warfare against the liberties of man in the other hemisphere, and put your own in jeopardy ?” Mr. Foster is said to have recommended that the war, in the first instance, should not be pur- sued with vigour on the part of the British, under the hope that conciliation would be the result, as soon as the real intentions of the British govern- ment should be ascertained. It was not sup- posed, that, of the American army, more than 1,000 men were in a fit state to undergo the discipline, and undertake the duties of war; and that Sir George Prevost, with 8,000 men, might º IIl- mediately after war was declared, Mr. Foster demanded and received his passports. About this time (July 31) Sir William Scott pronounced the judgment of the admiralty-court in the case of the American ship Snipe, the ar- guments upon which had lasted for several days. * The captor had contended, that the ship was liable to condemnation, under the orders in coun- cil, she having been taken, on the 28th of March, 1812, entering the river of Bourdeaux; while, on the other hand, the claimants contended, that those orders in council had ceased to operate be- fore the capture, on account of a French decree, bearing date the 28th of April, having repealed the Berlin and Milan decrees, to Wii, those orders had only been retaliatory measures, which the British government were pledged to annul from the date of the repeal of the French de- crees. As the claimants contended that the Ber- lin and Milan decrees were actually repealed by the French decree of 1811, it was for them to prove that those decrees were so repealed, and that they were repealed in such a manner, as to impose an obligation on other nations to take no- tice of such a repeal. This sort of evidence, which was only to be got in the enemy's country, was perfectly accessible to the claimants (if any such evidence existed), but was not accessible to the captors. The Berlin and Milan decrees had been ushered into the world with the greatest solemnity, and published in the French official papers. There was no one who could doubt their existence or authenticity. If those decrees were intended to be repealed, why were they not repealed in a manner equally authentic and offi- cial 3 In the said month of March, they were, however, officially spoken of by the French go- vernment as not only being in existence, but as fundamental laws of the empire. If that word **. *—-- carried any meaning, it must imply that the French government would not abandon those decrees. Those decrees had been promulgated to the world in the most authentic and public manner; and if there had been any intention of repealing them, it might be expected, on every principle of good faith and honest policy, that the revocation should be made equally public, or, at least, that it should be made public to all those whom it might concern. The British govern- ment, however, by no means recognized the au- thenticity of the instrument put into their hands on the 20th of May, or acknowledged that paper as a bona fide decree of repeal, bearing the date prefixed to it; but revoked the orders in council, as a measure of conciliation to America. The date of this paper was neither subsequent to his majesty's declaration of the 21st of April, nor had it been publicly promulgated, nor had it been acted upon. To meet the terms of the declara- tion of April, it ought to have been a repeal of the Berlin and Milan decrees generally, and not merely with respect to America. It ought to have been unconditional, and its authenticity re- gularly proved. This was, in fact, the title-deed under which the parties claimed: and its authen- ticity was, therefore, the first thing to be proved by them. The paper had no appearance of au- thenticity on the face of it, as it bore date in April, 1811, and had never been produced or heard of till May, 1812. “An untrue date being found attached to it was a falsification of a fatal nature, when the decep- tion was evidently intended for the purpose of fraud. There was every reason to believe that the instrument never had existence, until the French government had received the declaration of the 21st of April. There was no individual who ventured to assert any knowledge of its pre- vious existence. . In the warm controversy which had taken place between America and this coun- try on the subject, the correspondence on our part consisted very much of a demand for the production of any authentic document repealing those decrees. No such document was known hy the American minister; no such document was known to the tribunals, or prize-courts of France; or to those persons who were principally affected by it. He would be doing a great injus- tice, indeed, to Mr. Russel, if he were to attri- bute his silence, upon this head, to any thing but his complete ignorance of the existence of such a document: he was the American minister in France, at the date of this decree, and yet he had never made any allusion to such a document, in answer to the many pressing solicitations which had been made to him to procure evidence of the repeal. When the ruler of France chose to send this paper into the world, antedated by above a year, it was evidentiºn. of those exorbitant de- of The FRENeh REvolution. 913 mands which that person is in the habit of making on the credulity of mankind. The court would not now admit farther proof of such a document having been in existence; such proof could only be sought in the officina fraudis, whence the fa- brication first issued, with every stain of inbred corruption on its front. It appeared that the French ruler left the question of restitution of American vessels to be determined by his special pleasure. Now this country did demand, and had a right to demand, Éhat there should be a clear and definite rule of law, acting in a clear and definite manner; and that matters of this sort should not be left in a state of uncertainty, of º fluctuation. It, therefore, appeared to im, that there was no evidence that any legal Tºº revocation of those decrees had taken place; and BOOK XI. that the instrument relied upon by the claimants, as their title-deed, had no marks of authenticity about it, but was evidently fabricated for a par- ticular purpose. He should determine on the case before him, and on all those that depended on the same principle, that the instrument, purporting to be a French decree, dated in April, 1811, did not take those cases out of the general operation of the law, as described in the orders in council; and that, therefore, those vessels captured under them, before the 20th of May, 1812, could not be discharged from their operation. It was only to the vessels captured after the 20th of May, that the revocation of the orders in council applied.” CHAPTER V. The Conduct of the United States retaliated.—Commencement of Hostilities by an American Squa- dron.—-Gallant Conduct of the Belvidera English Frigate.—Captures of several American Privateers.-Posture of Affairs on the Canadian Lines.—Disturbances at Baltimore.—Murder of General Lingan.-Interesting Eatract from Hanson's Letter. As the conduct of America demanded retalia- tion, the following resolutions took place at the court at Carlton-house, October 13, his royal highness the prince-regent present in council. “ Whereas, in consequence of information having been received of a declaration of war by the government of the United States of America against his majesty, and of the issue of letters of marque and reprisal by the said government against his trajesty, and his subjects, an order in council, bearing date the 31st of July last, was issued, directing that American ships and goods should be brought in, and detained till further orders. And whereas his royal highness the prince regent, acting in the name and on the behalf of his majesty, forebore, at that time, to direct letters of marque and reprisal to be issued against the ships, goods, and citizens of the said United States of America, under the expectation that the said government would, upon the notifi- cation of the order in council of the 23d of June last, forthwith recal and annul the said declara- tion of war against his majesty, and also annul the said letters of marque and reprisal : “ And whereas the said government of the United States of America, upon due notification to them of the said order in council of the 23d of June last, did not think fit to recal the said declaration of war and letters of marque and reprisal, but have proceeded to condemn, and per- sisted in condemning, the ships and property of his majesty's subjects as prize of war, and have re- fused to ratify a suspension of arms agreed upon between Lieutenant-general Sir George Prevost, his majesty's governor-general of Canada, and General Dearborn, commanding the American forces in the northern provinces of the United States, and have directed hostilities to be recom- menced in that quarter: “His royal highness the prince-regent, act- ing in the name and on the behalf of his majesty, and with the advice of his majesty's privy-council, has hereby pleased to order, and it is hereby or- dered, that general reprisals be granted against the ships, goods, and citizens of the United States of America, and others inhabiting within the terri- tories thereof (save and except any vessels to which his majesty's license has been granted, or which have been directed to be released from the embargo, and have not terminated the original voyage, on which they were detained and re- leased), so that as well his majesty's fleets and ships, as also all other ships and vessels that shall be commissioned by letters of marque, or general reprisals, or otherwise, by his majesty's commis- sioners for executing the office of lord-high-admi- ral of Great Britain, shall and may lawfully seize all ships, vessels, and goods belonging to the government of the United States of America, or the citizens thereof, or others inhabiting within. Chap. VI. Jº/*-Z 1812, 914 HISTORY OF THE WARS BOOK XI. CHAP. W. \ºvº-Z 1812. , * *e 1 * \ the territoriés thereof, and bring the same to judgment in any of the courts of admiralty within his majesty's dominions; and to that end his ma- jesty's advocate- general, with the advocate of the admiralty, are forthwith to prepare the draught of a commission, and present the same to his royal highness the prince-regent, at this board, autho- rising the commissioners for executing the office of lord-high-admiral, or any person or persons by them empowered and appointed, to issue forth and grant letters of marque and reprisals to any of his majesty's subjects, or others whom the said commissioners shall deem fitly qualified in that behalf, for the apprehending, seizing, and taking the ships, vessels, and goods belonging to the government of the United States of America, or the citizens thereof, or others inhabiting within the countries, territories, or dominions thereof (except as aforesaid); and that such powers and clauses be inserted in the said commission as have been usual, and arey according to former prece- dents; and his jº. advocate-general, with the advocate of the admiralty, are also forthwith to prepare the draught of a commission, and pre- sent the same to his royal highness the prince- regent, at this board, authorising the said com- missioners, for executing the office of lord-high- admiral, to will and require the high court of admiralty of Great Britain, and the lieutenant and judge of the said court, his surrogate or sur- rogates, as also the several courts of admiralty within his majesty's dominions, to take cogni- zance of, and judicially proceed upon, all and all manner of captures, seizures, prizes, and reprisals of all ships and goods that are or shall be taken, and to hear and determine the same ; and ac- cording to the course of admiralty, and the laws of nations, to adjudge and condemn all such ships, vessels, and goods, as shall belong to the government of the United States of America, or the citizens thereof, or to others inhabiting within the countries, territories, and dominions thereof (except as aforesaid); and that such powers and clauses be inserted in the said commission as have been usual, and are according to former prece- dents; and they are likewise to prepare and lay before his royal highness the prince-regent, at this board, a draught of such instructions as may be proper to be sent to the courts of admiralty, in his majesty's foreign governments and planta- tions, for their guidance herein; as also another draught of instructions, for such ships as shall be commissioned for the purpose above-men- tioned. , - ... “His royal highness the prince-regent is ne- vertheless pleased hereby to declare, in the name and on the behalf of his majesty, that nothing in this order contained shall be understood to recal or affect the declaration which his majesty's naval commander on the American station has been .*w- amity * authorised to make to the government of the United States , of America—namely, that his royal highness, animated by a sincere desire to arrest the calamities of war, has authorised the said commander to sign a convention, recalling and annulling, from a day to be named, all hostile orders issued by the respective governments, with a view of restoring, without delay, the relations of and commerce between his majesty and the United States of America. “From the court at Carlton-house, the 13th of October, 1812. “CASTLEREAGH. BATHURST. N. VANSITTART. MELVILLE. CHARLEs LoNG. SIDMoUTH.” Liverpool. The American government having fitted out a fleet, with all possible dispatch, hostilities were commenced by an action with the Belvidera English frigate, which little vessel gallantly re- sisted an American squadron. The following account of this engagement was written by an officer on-board his majesty's ship Belvidera, dated Halifax, June 27. “You will perceive by reports, which doubtless have reached England, that our little vessel can do something for her country. The event has been fortunate, and a source of joy and happiness to us.-On the 23d, at day-light, five sail were seen in chase of a merchantman, all standing, before the wind. We chased, and discovered them to be men-of-war. The tables were soon turned, b Qur being chased: at twelve o’clock, the head- most ship, the President, was within gun-shot and an half; the United States within two gun-shots; and the Essex about three gun-shots. At half- past twelve, the President topped his spritsail-yard to windward. We then expected a shot, but all re- mained quiet; piped to dinner. The President was at some distance till three o’clock, when she began to draw on us, having got the wind first; the whole of us being before the wind: at about ten minutes before four, she then being three cables' length from us, she gave us a shot right through the rud- der coat, which damaged the rudder; two more shots were fired, the second of which killed one man, and wounded several others. This shot being of a bad quality, it split into about fifty pieces. ... One of these men, who died twenty-four hours after of his wounds, had his arms amputated high up, and would have lived, had not two of his ribs been fractured, and driven into his lungs; notwithstanding which, after his wounds were dressed, he wanted to go on deek to have another shot at the cowards (so he termed them.) The rest of the wounded have merely flesh-wounds, except one, who has a large splinter in the knee, but will not lose the limb. Our captain, officers, and men, were cool and détermined. The fine OF THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 915 fellows asked the captain, if they should give it them. “Poor Captain Byron has received a violent contusion in the upper and inside part of the thigh, which by the surgeon's account will turn to an abscess, and will be well in about a fortnight. The President's commander is a coward—he might have been alongside of us had he chosen it. #. gave us seven or eight broadsides, independent of his bow guns; we tickled him with four, and only four stern-chasers, which were well applied to his bows; they were thrown into confusion, and I doubt not that many of the yankeys have left off messing. Our stern is cut much with their grape, but that did not kill any men. Six shots struck our counter; one went through our main-top-mast, and another through our cross-jack yard, from their trying to disable us in our rigging, and we to hull them. The annexed is a statement of our weight of metal, as compared with that of our American antagonists: —Belvidera, twenty-six eighteen-pounders, two nine-pounders, fourteen thirty-two-pounders, forty-two guns.—President frigate, mounting sixty-four guns, twelve and twenty-four-pounders; Constitution, fifty-four guns; United States, fifty-four guns; Essex, not certain; Argus, twenty guns.” His majesty's ship Acasta captured the Ameri- can privateer brig Curlew, pierced for twenty guns, but having only sixteen on-board, with a complement of one hundred and seventy-two men. The sloop Colibri captured the American ship privateer Catherine, from Boston, out eight days, a beautiful and well-equipped ship, pierced for sixteen guns, mounting fourteen-long six-poun- ders, and a complement of eighty-eight men, com- manded by Francis A. Burnham; she had one man killed, and one wounded; her men ran below, which accounts for their suffering so simall a loss. The sloop Emulous captured the American pri- vateer brig Gossamer, of fourteen carriage-guns, with one hundred men; she left Boston on the 24th of August, had made one capture, the ship Mary Anne of Greenock, from Jamaica bound to Quebec. On the other hand, his majesty's ship Alert was captured by the American frigate Essex, (Aug. 13.) The captain of the Essex ingeniously em- ployed the Alert as a cartel, by which expedient, she was secure from re-capture; otherwise she would probably have been re-taken before she had reached the American port St. John's, New- foundland. The British armed ship Queen Charlotte, who had been lying at Fort Erie, left her moorings soon after the declaration of war was received, and proceeded up the lake; and afterwards lay at Fort Malden, the great depôt of Indian sup- plies. His majesty's sloop of war Hunter went up the straits of Mackina, passed into Lake Mi- 63. chigau, and captured an American merchant- vessel. General Brock, president of the parliament of Upper Canada, acting governor of the province and commander-in-chief of his majesty's forces in Upper Canada, was early in July at Newark, su- perintending the various defences on the river. This able and experienced officer came from Little York soon after hearing the declaration of war, and it was believed, with a serious intention of attacking Fort Niagara; but, contrary to what had been reported, he made no demand of a sur- render. Expecting a descent from the American army, the Canadians had, for several days, been removing their families and effects from the river into the interior. At Newark, Queenston, and other villages on the river, there were no inhabitants left, except a few civil officers and soldiers. An immense quantity of specie, plate, &c. from various parts of the province, had also been boxed up, and destined for Quebec. The British had about six or seven hundred regular troops stationed between the lakes, from Fort George to Fort Erie. These men were ge- nerally those who had seen service in various parts of the world. The militia of the province were ordered out en masse. The British had more than one hundred pieces of flying, field, and garrison artillery, in the dif- ferent defences on the Niagara river. Fort Erie had been strengthened considerably. There was also a small battery on the point below Chip- pawa, mounted with two pieces of heavy artillery, calculated to play upon the store-house and mills of Schlosser. #. the falls there was a small stone battery, near the bank of the river, where the lower ladder formerly stood. A rifleman who had deserted from the other side, and crossed the river immediately below the falls, on a pine log, stated, that but a little way from the battery up the river, a field-piece was stationed in the bushes in order to fire into 'Schlosser village. On the hill about half a mile from the stone battery, were placed two eighteen-pounders. The ladders on both sides of the river were taken up. During a thick foggy morning, four British soldiers, who stood as sentinels on the river, near Fort St. George, swam over to the American shore: three of them brought over their arms. An American force having crossed the river under General Hull, hostilities commenced on the borders of Canada. At this time war was an employment so new to the people of the United States, that the humble operations of General Hull and his army were given with the most minute de- tail; and the driving in of a few advanced-posts actually delivered in a tone of triumph not unwor- thy a German campaign. composed entirely o, !", neighbouring militia, {) OK XI. CHAP. W. \ºvº- 1812. The American force, . 916 HISTORY OF THE WARS BOOK XI. CHAP. W. \_º_*- 1812. passed the river on the night of the 11th of July, at the town of Sandwich, two miles below Detroit; the British out-posts having been withdrawn the night before. On the 13th, the standard of the United States was erected in Canada, and a pro- clamation published, inviting the Canadian militia to retire to their homes, and promising peaceable and friendly treatment to the inhabitants on con- dition of neutrality. Considerable fear seemed to have been entertained of the junction of the Indians with the British; and the proclamation declared, that if they were once brought forward, no quarter was to be given. The next operation was to be an attack on Fort Malden, a work re- presented as of considerable strength. The pas- sage of the river gave rise to an affair between the advance of the Americans, amounting to 300, and the British and Indians. On the first sight of their enemy, the Indians fled into a wood, and the British followed them, with the loss of one or two killed: but down to the 22d, no movement appeared to have been made; and General Hull, by building block-houses, and forming entrenched camps, seemed to be labouring under some ap- prehensions for his own security. Great riots were now occasioned by the pub- lication of a journal called the “Federal Repub- lican.” A mob was excited to assassinate the pub- lisher and editors. About nine o'clock at night, an attempt was made to destroy Mr. Hanson's house in South Charles-street. The editors having anticipated the attack, had removed all the furniture, and had collected a number of their friends from the federal counties, among whom were Generals Lee and Lingan, of Virginia and Georgetown. The mob could make no impression on the house, only breaking the windows with stones. Every time they attacked they were fired upon, and two were killed, and a number wounded. Towards morning, about forty infantry, and twenty horsemen, assembled and lined the street in front of the house, at which time the greatest part of the noble defenders of the house issued out in the rear, while those more imme- diately concerned remained, and told General Striker and the mayor, that they were willing to deliver themselves up to the civil authority, pro- vided their safety was guaranteed by the general and the mayor. This was done; and the troops being formed into a hollow square, they opened the door, and were marched to jail. The following gentlemen went to prison:—Wm. Schroeder, John Thompson, General Harry Lee (of Virginia), W. B. Bend, Otho Sprigg, Henry Kennedy, Charles Kigore, Henry Nelson, John E. Hall, George Winchester, Peregrine Warfield, Alexan- der C. Hanson (editor), George Richards, Edward Gwynn, David Hoffman, Horatiohiglow, Ephraim Gaither, Wm. Gaither, Jacob Schley, Mark U. Pringle, Daniel Murray, Richard S. Crabb, James **Gºº-º-º-º-º: -º-c-ºs- *º -** * Lingan. About the time the troops assembled, the mob had procured a 4-pounder to fire on the house, but were prevented from using it by the military. The troops had been ordered out for the protec- tion of the prison, and to keep the peace of the city; but, to their disgrace, they refused. The next day the mob forced the jail, and fell with the fury of cannibals on twenty-six unarmed prisoners, and beat them with clubs until no signs of life remained, when they left them, thinking they had fully completed the bloody deed: providentially they all, in a short time, showed signs of life, ex- cept General Lingan, who never recovered: he was a man of great influence in his county, hav- ing been formerly collector of the customs at Georgetown, to which office he had been appointed by General Washington, of whom he was a favo- rite, and who used frequently to visit him. He was about seventy years of age when his skull was split open. Mr. Thompson was reserved for a public spec- tacle. After beating him, they put him into a cart, and rolled him in tar and feathers, set the feathers in a blaze, and at last lodged him in the watch- house. They still kept him confined, with his tar and feathers on him. The mayor and other influential characters of the party endeavoured to get him from them, but without effect. General Harry Lee died, and little hopes were entertained of the lives of others. Mr. Hanson, with three or four others, jumped amongst the mob, in the lobby of the prison, and escaped. A general and unbounded indignation at the inhuman murder of General Lingan pervaded Montgomery and other parts of the state. The mangled corpse of this general had been thrown out of prison on the earth, where it lay exposed till the middle of the next day, when it was ob- tained and buried by a relative. Many of the citizens put on mourning for him, declaring they would not lay it aside until his death was properly avenged. At this time Johnson, the Mayor of Baltimore, issued a proclamation in the Bonapartean style, threatening, “summarily to punish the riotous and ill-disposed.” The following interesting ex- tract of a letter from A. C. Hanson, dated near Baltimore, August 3, will best convey to the reader's conception the then distracted state of affairs:— “Next to the death of General Lingan, whose exit was noble and truly characteristic, the panic prevailing among the federalists, in and near Bal- timore, has smitten my heart more severely than all the wrongs and sufferings inflicted by the blind and ferocious agents of malignant, cowardly, blood-thirsty enemies, sheltering themselves for a time behind an irresponsible banditti. — My wounds, it is true, are numerous and severe, but they reach not my mind, nor give a moment's un- OF THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 917 \. easiness or grief, but the gloom and despondency pervading the body of federalists within the sphere of Baltimore influence, inflame my very brain, and are as a thousand daggers aimed at my heart. The late scenes in the emporium of Maryland, originating demonstrably at Washington, and made by many a party question, I consider merely the commencement of a long series of struggles, to terminate happily or unfortunately for the coun- try, as men of respectability, property, and talents, Fº the parts assigned them by patriotism. f they look on quietly, or rather fly their posts, and permitahundredth part of the population of any given place, and that too composed of pickpockets, footpads, foreign vagabonds, and privateermen, to usurp the government, they may blame themselves when their property, persons, and families, are disposed of by the same rules of ‘summary adju- dication.” “Of my friends and fellow-martyrs, when I say they would vie with the picked men of Leonidas, facts will attest the truth of the assertion. Although they had not slept for thirty-six hours, to the last moment, they were cheerful, conversible, and sometimes gay. Not even when the forcing of the jail-door was announced by the savage yell of the mob, nor when they came to the door of the apartment in which we were confined, was there a look, a whisper, or motion of the body, expressive of any thing but cool, collected courage, and con- tempt of death. A different conduct was not to be expected of men, who had embarked in such a cause, with a perfect knowledge of all the conse- quences, though they never could have anticipated being delivered over to the executioner, through the inhuman treachery of the civil authorities. The liberty of the press, the security of property and person, the rights, civil and political, belong- ing to the meanest citizen, the very principles aud privileges, for the assertion and defence of which the war of independence was declared, we had pledged ourselves to maintain, and at the risk of our lives, and at every extremity not forbidden by the laws. With the mob and civil authority united against us, the contest was indeed unequal.- However, my situation allows me to add but little. “All my partners in persecution and suffering, whom I have seen or heard from since the massa- cre, agree in ascribing their injuries to the same men. The names of the mayor, General Stricker, and John Montgomery, are first on the catalogue of the perfidious, barbarous monsters; and it will appear, that the advice of the latter, dictated by cowardiee, produced the catastrophe. “My writing to you is more of an experiment than otherwise, and I cannot dictate, as no one will be my amanuensis, the doctors and nurses all uniting in their vows, that I shall not write or talk, and I can do neither without danger. “I have six wounds on the head, either of which are sufficiently severe to induce an inflamma- tion of the brain, without great care. Both collar- bones are hurt. The extremity of the spinal bone injured, and excessively painful. The breast bruised, and now painful. The º of the right hand broken, and the whole hand, injured, having been twice stabbed, once through, with a pen-knife; and the nose broken.—These are the injuries I have received, but they do not give me half the pain that the despondency of my political friends inflicts.” CHAPTER VI. Extracts from a Memorial addressed to the President of the United States—List of American Privateers taken and destroyed by his Majesty's Vessels.-Ineffectual Attempts of Commodore Rodgers' upon the Belvidera-Ridiculous Compliments paid to Captain Hull, for the Capture of English.-President's Message to Congress. ABout 1,500 of the inhabitants of the county of Rockingham, in New Hampshire, addressed a memorial to the President of the United States on the 5th of August, from which the following are extracts:— “We have witnessed, with sincere and deep regret, a system of policy pursued by the general government, from the embargo of 1807 to the La Guerriere.—Honorable Aequittal of Captain Dacres.—Attack on Canada-Gallantry of the present time, tending most obviously, in our view, to the destruction of the commerce of these States. “The alarm excited in our minds by the fa- vorite and long-continued “Restrictive System,” is raised still higher by the late declaration of war against Great Britain; an event which, we believe, in the present defenceless circumstances 7 BOOK XI. CHAP. V. Jºvº/ 1812. 918 HISTORY OF THE WARS BOOK XI. CHAP. VI. *2^^*~ 1812. of the country, will be productive of evils of in- calculable magnitude. “The impressment of our seamen, which forms the most plausible and popular of the alleged causes of war, we believe to have been the sub- ject of great misrepresentation. The number of these cases has been extravagantly exaggerated. Every inquiry on the subject strengthens our conviction, that the reputed number bear little relation to the true number. We are among those to whom instances of impressment, if they did actually exist to any considerable extent, must be known; yet we cannot find them out. Some of the members of this meeting have been constantly employed in commercial pursuits, and have had ships on the ocean from the peace of 1783, until the ocean became unnavigable, as to us, by the embargo of 1807; and yet, during abl that time, have never suffered the loss of one na- tive American seaman by impressment. Other members of this meeting have, as masters of ves- 'sels, long inhabited, as it were, on the seas, and have been visited hundreds of times by British ships of war, and never had an American seaman taken from them by impressment. “If so many of our seafaring fellow-citizens were actually in bondage, they must have been taken from the inhabitants of the Atlantic coast. They would be from among our brethren, sons, Telations, and friends. “It is well worthy of notice, that the greatest apparent feeling on this subject of impressments, and the greatest disposition to wage war on that account, are entertained by the representatives of those states which have no seamen at all of their own; while those sections of the community, in which more than three-fourths of the mariners of the United States have their homes, are, by great majorities, against that war, among the professed objects of which, the release of impressed seamen forms so principal a figure. “It is well known that England pretends to no right of impressing our seamen. She insists only that she has a right to the service of her own subjects, in time of war, even though found serv- ing on-board the merchant-ships of other nations. This claim we suppose to be neither unfounded nor novel. It is recognized by the public law of Europe, and of the civilized world. Writers of the highest authority maintain, that the right be- longs to all nations. For the same reason, say they, that the father of a family m. y demand the aid of his children to defend himself and his house, a nation may call home her subjects to her defence and protection in time of war. “But if this were not so, is our nation to plunge into a ruinous war, in order to settle a question of relative right between the government of a fo– reign nation and the subjects of that government? Are we to fight the battles of British seamen? -- ~~'s Nay more—are we to espouse their cause, in op- position to the cause of our native mariners? “Fatal, indeed, would it be to the important interests of the navigating states, if the conse- quence of this war should be, that the American flag shall give the American character to all who sail under it, and thus invite thousands of foreign seamen to enter into our service, and thrust aside our own native citizens. “England has always professed a willingness to adjust this subject by amicable arrangement. She has repeatedly called on us to do our part towards effecting such adjustment. She has re- minded us of the facility, we may say the falsity, with which American protections are obtained; of the frequent instances in which Irishmen, and even men that cannot speak a word of our lan- guage, are found with American protections in their pockets. She has expressly and officially offered to prohibit, by severe laws, all impress- ment from American vessels, if the American go- vernment would enact laws prohibiting American officers from granting protections or certificates of citizenship to British subjects. She has, also, through her minister, offered to restore every na- tive seamen that our government could name, as being under impressment. For years preceding the declaration of war, our government has been, in a manner, silent on this subject. When the arrangement was made with Mr. Erskine, the present administration themselves did not consi- der any existing difficulties on the subject of im- pressment as insuperable obstacles to peace. “The blockade, and orders in council,—the other causes of war, bear no better examination than the subject of impressment. The blockade, now so grievous to be endured, we know was re- garded, at the time it was laid, as a measure fa- vourable to our interest. We know this, upon the express declaration of Mr. Monroe, then our minister in England. . We have his own words, that it would be regarded “in a favorable light,” and that it “promised to be highly satisfactory to our commercial interests.” “By what train of reasoning this favor is now turned into an injury of such magnitude as to jus- tify war, we are utterly at a loss to comprehend. “We are equally unsatisfied with the argu- ments used, to prove that the decrees of France were repealed in November, 1810. Against such supposed repeal of the French decrees, we have the express declaration of the French government itself, as late as March, 1812, alleging that those decrees did then exist. We have also had daily evidence of their operation, in the destruction of our property; and some members of this meeting have convictions of the existence and operation of those decrees, down to the very moment of our declaration of war; which convictions being pro- duced by great and repeated personal losses, in OF THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 919 the seizures, detention, confiscation, and burnings, under those very decrees, are not likely to be re- moved, by any ingenious comments on the terms of an ambiguous, deceptive, and fallacious instru- ment like the Duke of Cadore's letter. “The conduct of France, in relation to the re- peal of her edicts, exhibits to our view a scene of the most contemptible fraud and juggling that ever disgraced the court of any nation. “The British orders in council, we are in- formed, are now revoked. We cannot but la- ment, that the declaration of war was forced and hurried, as if to put us beyond the benefit of fa- vorable events. Every attempt at postponement was ineffectual; and the question was taken, at a moment, when, perhaps, a month's delay would have removed the principal ground of complaint, and averted the awful calamity. “But although we lament the present war, on all accounts, yet do we deprecate it most of all, as we view in it, as we fear, the harbinger of French alliance. “On the subject of any French connection, either close or more remote, we have made up our minds. We will, in no event, assist in unit- ing the republic of America with the military des- potism of France. We will have no connection with her principles or her power. If her armed troops, under whatever name or character, should come here, we shall regard them as enemies. No pressure, domestic or foreign, shall ever com- el us to connect our interests with those of the ouse of Corsica; or to yoke ourselves to the tri- umphal car of the conqueror and the tyrant of Europe.” The following list of American privateers, taken and destroyed by his majesty's º and vessels, on the Halifax station, between July 1 and Au- gust 25, was transmitted by Vice-admiral Saw- yer to G. W. Croker, esq. in a letter bearing the latter date. Active schooner, of two guns and twenty men, captured by the Spartan, ë. Brenton, 16th of July, 1812, off Cape Sable. Fair Trader schooner, of one gun and twenty men, captured by the Indian, Captain Jane, and Plumper, Lieutenant Bray, 16th of July, 1812, Bay of Fundy. Argus schooner, of one gun and twenty-three men, captured by the Plumper, Lieutenant Bray, 17th July, 1812, Bay of Fundy. Friendship schooner, of one gun and eight men, captured by the Plumper, Lieutenant Bray, 18th of July, 1812, Bay of Fundy. Actress sloop, of four guns and fifty-three men, captured by the Spartan, Captain Brenton, 18th of July, 1812, off Cape St. Mary. Intention schooner, of one gun, three swivels, twenty-nine men, captured by the Spartan, Cap- tain Brenton, 19th of July, 1812, off Annapolis. 64. Gleaner sloop, of six guns, and forty men, cap- tured by the Colibri, Captain Thompson, 23d of July, 1812, off Cape Sable. Curlew brig, of sixteen guns, 172 men, and 270 tons, captured by the Acasta, Captain Kerr, 24th July, 1812, lat. 44. 15. N. long. 62. 30. W. pierced for twenty guns, off Cape Sable. , Catherine ship, of fourteen guns, and eighty- eight inen, captured by the Colibri, Captain Thompson, 26th of July, 1812, off Cape Sable. Gossamer brig, of fourteen guns and 100 men, captured by the Emulous, Captain Mulcaster, 30th of July, 1812, off Cape Sable. Morning Star schooner, of one gun, four swi- vels, fifty men, and seventy tons, captured by the Maidstone, Captain Burdet, and Spartan, Captain Brenton, 1st of August, 1812, Bay of Fundy; burnt by the boats in a creek called Baily's Mis- take. Polly schooner, of one gun, four swivels, forty men, and sixty tons, captured by the Maidstone, Captain Burdet, and Spartan, Captain Brenton, Ist of August, 1812, Bay of Fundy; burnt by the boats in a creek called Baily's Mistake. Commodore Barry, a revenue-cutter, of six guns, piercêd for ten guns, captured by the Maid- stone, Captain Burdet, and Spartan, Captain Brenton, 3d of August, 1812, Bay of Fundy; at- tacked in Little River, and brought out by the boats; the chief part of the crew escaped. Madison schooner, of two guns, captured by the Maidstone, Captain Burdet, and Spartan, Captain Brenton, 3d of August, 1812, Bay of Fundy; attacked in Little River, and brought out by the boats; the chief part of the crew es- caped. ði. schooner, of two guns, captured by the Maidstone, Captain Burdet, and Spartan, Cap- tain Brenton, 3d of August, 1812, Bay of Fundy; attacked in Little River and brought out by the boats; the chief part of the crew escaped. Spence schooner, of two guns, captured by the Maidstone, Captain Burdet, and Spartan, Cap- tain Brenton, 3d of August, 1812, Bay of Fundy; attacked in Little River, and brought out by the boats; the chief part of the crew escaped. Polly schooner, of four guns and thirty-five men, captured by the Colibri and Statira, 11th of August, 1812, entrance of Bay of Fundy. Buckskin schooner, of one gun, three swivels, and thirty-two men, captured by the Colibri and Statira, 11th of August, 1812, off Cape Sable. Dolphin schooner, of one gun, one swivel, and twenty-eight men, captured by the Earl Moira, tender to Guerriere, 12th of August, off Shel- burne. Regulator schooner, of one gun and forty men, captured by the Colibri, Captain Thomson, 12th of August, 1812, off Cape Sable. Dolphin schooner, of two guns and forty-eight 11 TB BOOK XI. CHAP. VI. Jºvº, 1812, 920 HISTORY OF THE WARS BO ()K XI. CHAP. VI. Jºr "ºss- | Si2. --- x=-r- ---, ~g- *-e- men, captured by the Colibri, and Maidstone, 13th of August, 1812, off Cape Sable. Lewis schooner, of six guns and thirty men, captured by the Hope, tender to the Africa, 14th of August, 1812, off Halifax. Pythagoras schooner, of three guns and thirty- five men, captured by the Bream, Lieutenant Timpson, 9th of August, 1812, off Shelburne, after an action of twenty-minutes; enemy had two men wounded. Bunker’s Hill schooner, of seven guns and seventy-two men, captured by the Belvidera, 21st of August, 1812, Sambro light-house, N. W. 242 miles. Mr. Madison depended much upon the services of Commodore Rodgers, who, in the affair with the Little Beit, had proved himself a bitter enemy to Great Britain. He was appointed to cruise with several vessels under his command, but according to his own accounts, was unsuc- cessful in his attempts. We shall subjoin the commodore's letter to the secretary of the navy, and an extract from his journal. “ United States Frigate President, Boston, September 1, 1812. “Sir, I had the honor yesterday of informing you of the arrival of the squadron, and have now to state the result and particulars of our cruise. “Previous to leaving New York on the 21st of June, I heard that a British convoy had sailed from Jamaica for England, on or about the 20th of the preceding month; and on being informed of the declaration of war against Great Britain, I determined, in the event of Commodore Deca- tur joining me with the United States, Congress, and Argus, as you had directed, to go in pursuit of them. The United States, Congress, and Argus, did join me on the 21st; with which ves- sels, this, ship, and the Hornet, I accordingly sailed in less than an hour after I received your orders of the 18th of June, accompanied by your official communication of the declaration of war. “On leaving New York I shaped our course south-easterly, in the expectation of falling in with vessels, by which I should hear of the before- mentioned convoy, and the following night met with an American brig, which gave me the sought- for information. The squadron now crowded sail in pursuit; but, the next morning, was taken out of its course by the pursuit of a British frigate, that I since find was the Belvidera, relative to which I beg leave to refer you to the enclosed extract from my journal. After repairing, as far as possible, the injury done by the Belvidera to our spars and rigging, we again crowded all sail, and resumed our course in pursuit of the convoy, but did not receive farther intelligence of it until the 29th of June, on the western edge of the Bank of Newfoundland, where we spoke an Ame- =v-wºr---ºmrºw-im---wv-r *F rican schooner, the master of which reported, that he had two days before passed them, in lat. 43. long. 65. steering to the eastward. I was sur- prised to find that the convoy was still so far to the eastward of us, but was urged, however, as well by what I considered my duty, as by incli- nation, to continue the pursuit. On the 1st of July, a little to the eastward of Newfoundland Bank, we fell in with quantities of cocoa-nut shells, orange-peels, &c. which indicated that the convoy were not far distant, and we pursued it with zeal, although frequently taken out of our course by vessels it was necessary to chase, with- out gaining any farther intelligence until the 9th of July, in lat. 45. 30. long. 23. we captured the British private armed brig Dolphin, of Jersey, and was informed by some of her crew that they had seen the convoy the preceding evening; the weather was not clear at the time, but that they had counted thirty-five sail; and that the force charged with its protection consisted of one two-decker, a frigate, a sloop of war, and a brig. This was the last intelligence I received of the before-men- tioned convoy, although its pursuit was continued until the 13th of July, being then within eighteen and twenty hours sail of the British channel. “From this we steered for the island of Ma. deira, passed close by it on the 21st of July; thence near the Azores, and saw Corvo and Flores; thence steered for the Banks of New- foundland; and from the latter place (by the way of Cape Sable) to this port, it having become indispensably necessary, by the time we reached our own coast, to make the first convenient port in the United States, owing, I am sorry to say, to that wretched disease, the scurvy, having made its appearance on-board of the vessels, most ge- nerally to a degree seriously alarming. “From the western part of the banks of New- foundland, to our making the island of Madeira, the weather was such, at least six days out of seven, as to obscure from our discovery ever object that we did not pass within four or five miles of; and indeed, for several days together, the fog was so thick as to prevent our seeing each other, even at cable's length asunder, more than twice or thrice in the twenty-four hours. “From the time of our leaving the United States until our arrival here, we chased ever vessel we saw ; and you will not be a little asto- nished when I inform you, that, although we .. brought to every thing we did chase, with the exception of four vessels, we only made seven captures, and one recapture. “It is truly an unpleasant task to be obliged to make a communication thus barren of benefit to our country; the only consolation I individu- ally feel on the oceasion being derived from knowing, that our being at sea obliged the enemy to concentrate a considerable portion of his most, OF THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 921 +--- —ºr- active force, and thereby prevented his capturing an incalculable amount of American property, that would otherwise have fallen a sacrifice. “I am aware of the anxiety you must have experienced at not hearing from me for such a length of time; but this, F am sure, you will not attribute in any degree to neglect, when I inform you, that not a single proper opportunity occurred, from the time of leaving the United States until Our return. “The four vessels we chased, and did not come up with, were—the Belvidera; a small pilot- boat schooner, supposed to be an American pri- vateer; the hermaphrodite brig privateer Yankee, which we lost sight of in a fog, but whose cha- racter we afterwards learnt; and a frigate, sup- posed to be British, which we chased on the 28th ult, near the shoal of George's Bank, and should certainly have come up with, had we have had the advantage of two hours more day-light. “On-board of the several vessels of the squa- dron, there are between 80 and 100 prisoners, taken from the vessels we captured during our late cruise. The government not having any agent for prisoners here, I shall send them to Commodore Bainbridge, to be disposed of in such manner as best appears with the interest of the United States, and which, I hope, may meet your approbation.—With great respect, “I have the honor to be, Sir, “Your obedient servant, “John RodgeRs. “The Hon. Paul Hamilton, Secretary of the Navy, Washington.” “List of Vessels captured, re-captured, and destroyed. “July 2.-Brig Traveller, 277 tons, J. Amory, master, of Newcastle, E. ten men, bound from the Bay of Fundy, owned by Geo. Watson, Mat. Dunn, Geo. Dunn, and John Stoker; cargo of timber—burnt. “July 4.—Brig Duchess of Portland, six guns, eleven men, of Newcastle, E. bound to Newcastle N. in ballast—burnt. “July 9.—Brig Dolphin, 241 tons, twelve guns, and twenty-three men, Philip Cobbet, of Jersey, England, bound from Jersey to Newfoundland, in ballast, and some cargo, owned by Winter and Nicoll—sent into the United States. “July 24–Ship John, of Lancaster, sixteen guns, and thirty men, bound from London to Martinique, in ballast—sent into the United States. “Aug. 2–Brig Argo, 165 tons, ten guns, and sixteen men, Wm. Middleton, master, of London, laden with cotton, fustic, and about 8,000 dollars. in gold—ordered for the United States. *Aug. 17.—Schooner Adeline, of London, ten ~ T -sº men, bound from Hayti to London, laden with coffee—ordered for the United States. “Aug. 25.—Schooner Betsey, of Marblehead, from Naples, laden with honey, recaptured from the Guerriere, who had ordered her for Halifax; four men and a midshipman (prize-master)— ordered her for the United States. “JoiiN RodgeRs.” After describing the first ineffectual attempts of the President upon the Belvidera, the Ameri- can commander thus proceeded in his journal:— “I now endeavoured, by altering course half a point to port, and wetting our sails, to gain a more effectual position on his starboard quarter, but soon found myself losing ground. After this, a similar attempt was made at his larboard quar- ter, but without any better success, as the wind, at this time, was very light, and both ships sailing so nearly alike, that by making an angle of only half a point from the course she steered, enabled him to augment his distance. No hope was now left of bringing him to close action, except that derived from being to windward, and the expec- tation that the breeze might favor us first : I ac- cordingly gave orders to steer directly after him, and to keep our bow-chace guns playing on his spars and rigging, until our broadside would more effectually reach him. At five, finding from the advantage his stern-guns gave him, that he had done considerable injury to our sails and rigging, and being within point-blank shot, I gave orders to put our helm to starboard, and fire our main- deck guns. This broadside did some further damage to his rigging, and I could perceive that his fore-topsail yard was wounded; but the sea was so very smooth, and the wind so light, that the injury done was not such as materially to af- fect his sailing. After this broadside, our course was instantly renewed in his wake (under a gall- ing fire from his stern-chase guns, directed at our spars and rigging), and continued until half-past six; at which time, being within reach of his grape, and finding our sails, rigging, and several spars, particularly the main-yard (which had little left to support it, except the lifts and braces), very much disabled, I again gave orders to lull across his stern, and give him a couple of broadsides. “The enemy, at this time, finding himself so hardly pressed, and seeing, while in the act of firing, our head-sails to left, and supposing that the ship had, in a measure, lost the effect of her helm, he gave a broad yawl, with the intention of bringing his broadside to bear. Finding the Pre- sident answered the helm too quick for his pur- pose, he immediately re-assumed his course, and , precipitately fired his four after main-deck guns, on the starboard side, although they did not bear upon us at the time by twenty-five to “thirty. BOOK XI. **** Cha P.VI. 1812. 922 HISTORY OF THE WARS BOOK XI. CHAP. VI. \-sº-,-2 1812. degrees, and he now commenced lightening his ship, by throwing overboard all his boats, waste anchors, &c. and by this means was enabled, by a quarter before seven, to get so far a-head as to prevent our bow-chase guns doing execution; and I now perceived, with more mortification than words can express, that there was little or no chance left of getting within gun-shot of the enemy again. Under every disadvantage of disabled spars, sails, and rigging, I, however, continued the chase with all the sail we could set, till half- past eleven, p.m.; when, perceiving he had gained upwards of three miles, and not the slightest prospect left of coming up with him, I gave up the pursuit, and made the signal to the other ships, as they came up, to do the same. “During the first of the chase, while the breeze was fresh, and sailing by the wind, I thought the whole of the squadron gained upon the enemy. It was soon discoverable, however, the advantage he acquired by sailing large, and this, I conceive, he must have ...i. in so great a degree, by starting his water, as I could perceive, upwards of an hour before we came within gun-shot, water running out of his scuppers. “While in chase, it was difficult to determine whether our own situation, or that of the other vessels of the squadron, was the most unpleasant. The superior sailing of the President was not such (off the wind), as to enable us to get upon the broadside of the enemy; the situation of the others was not less irksome, as not even the head- most, which was the Congress, was able, at any time, to get within less than two gun-shots dis- tant, and even at that but for a very little time. “ In endeavouring to get alongside of the enemy, the following persons were killed and wounded : sixteen of whom were killed and wounded by the bursting of our own gun.” [Here follow the names of the killed and wounded, being in all three killed, and nineteen wounded; among the latter was Commodore Rodgers himself.] In eonsequence of the capture of his majesty's ship La Guerriere, great honors were paid to Captain Hull, who was hailed as a Lord Nelson: pieces of plate were voted to him, public dinners given in celebration of him, addresses of thanks presented to him, and songs of triumph composed upon him; the battle was represented at the American theatres; and his portrait, by Stuart, exhibited for money. On the 2d of October, a court-martial was held on-board his majesty's ship Africa, at Halifax, for the trial of Captain Dacres, and the surviving officers and crew of his majesty's late ship La Guerriere, for the surrender of that ship to the United States frigate Constitution, on the 19th of August: Vice-admiral Sawyer, president; Cap- tain Sir J. P. Beresford, vice-president; B. Broke, J. Bastard, and C. Gill, members.- After a mature consideration, the court came to the following opinion :- “That the surrender of the Guerriere was pro- per, in order to preserve the lives of her remain- ing crew, and that her being in that lamentable situation was from the accident of her masts going, which was occasioned more by their defective state, than from the fire of the enemy, though so greatly superior in guns and men. The court do, therefore, unanimously and honorably acquit the said Captain Dacres, the officers and crew of his majesty's late ship La Guerriere, and they are hereby honorably acquitted accordingly. “The court, at the same time, feel themselves called upon to express the high sense they enter- tain of the conduct of the ship's company in ge- neral, when prisoners, but more particularly of those who withstood the attempts made to shake their loyalty, by offering them high bribes to enter into the land and sea-service of the enemy, and they will represent their merits to the commander- in-chief?” Admiral Sir John Thomas Duckworth, com- mander-in-chief of his majesty's ships and vessels at Newfoundland, transmitted to J. W. Croker, esq. a list of thirty-three American vessels de- tained, and two English vessels (taken by Ame- rican privateers) recaptured by the squadron under his command. The American schooner Providence was cap- tured, September 12, by his majesty's ship Do- II] IIll Cas His majesty's forces, aided by the militia and Indians, stationed on the Niagara frontier, com- pletely repelled an attempt of the Americans to invade Upper Canada, and took 900 of the enemy's army. Their commander, Brigadier-general Wadsworth, surrendered himself on the field of battle, to Major-general Sheaffe. The gallant Major-general Brock fell early, at the head of the flank companies of the 49th regiment, while nobly encouraging them to sustain their position, in opposition to an infinitely superior force, until the reinforcements he had ordered to advance to their support should arrive. The following was Major-general Sheaffe's account of this battle:— “Fort George, Oct. 18. “Sir, I have the honor of informing your ex- cellency, that the enemy made an attack, with a considerable force, this morning before day-light, on the position of Queenstown. On receiving in- telligence of it, Major-general Brock immediately proceeded to that post, and I am excessively grieved in having to add, that he fell whilst gal- Iantly cheering his troops to an exertion for main- taining it. With him the position soon was lost; 2 OF THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 943 but the enemy was not allowed to retain it long. Reinforcements having been sent up from his post, composed of regular troops, militia and In- dians, a movement was made to turn his left, while some artillery, under the able direction of Captain Wolcroft, supported by a body of in- fantry, engaged his attention in front. This ope- ration was aided too by the judicious position which Norton, and the Indians with him, had taken on the woody brow of the high ground above Queenstown. A communication being thus opened with Chipawa, a junction was formed with succours that had been ordered from that post. The enemy was then attacked, and after a short but spirited conflict, was completely de- feated. I had the satisfaction of receiving the sword of their commander, Brigadier-general Wadsworth, on the field-of-battle; and many officers, with upwards of 900 men, were made prisoners, and more may yet be expected. A stand of colours, and one six-pounder, were also taken. The action did not terminate till nearly three o’clock in the afternoon, and their loss in killed and wounded must have been consider- able. Ours I believe to be comparatively small in numbers; no officer was killed besides Major- general Brock, one of the most gallant and zea- lous officers in his majesty's service, whose loss cannot be too much deplored; and Lieutenant- colonel Mac Donell, provincial aid-de-camp, whose gallantry and merit rendered him worthy of his .. “Captains Dennis and Williams, commanding the flank companies of the 49th regiment, which were stationed at Queenstown, were wounded, bravely contending at the head of their men, against superior numbers; but I am glad to have it in my power to add, that Captain Dennis for- tunately was able to keep the field, though with pain and difficulty; and Captain Williams's wound is not likely to deprive me long of his services. “I am particularly indebted to Captain Hol- croft, of the royal-artillery, for his judicious and skilful co-operation with the guns and howitzers under his immediate superintendance; the well- directed fire from which contributed materially to the fortunate results of the day. “ Captain Derinzy, of the 41st regiment, brought up the reinforcement of that corps from Fort George, and Captain Bullock led that of the same regiment from Chipawa; and under their command those detachments acquitted them- selves in such a manner, as to sustain the reputa- tion which the 41st regiment had already ac- quired in the vicinity of Detroit. “Major-general Brock, soon after his arrival at Queenstown, had sent down orders for batter- ing the American fort Niagara; Brigadier-go- 64. neral Major Evans, who was left in charge of Book XI. Fort George, directed the operations against it with so much effect as to silence its fire, and to CHAP. VI. force the troops to abandon it; and by its prudent precautions he prevented mischief of a most se- rious nature, which otherwise might have been effected, the enemy having used heated shot in firing at Fort George. In these services he was most effectually aided by Colonel Clans, (who re- mained in the fort at my desire,) and by Captain Vigoreux, of the royal engineers. Brigade- major Evans also mentions the conduct of Cap- tains Powell and Cameron, of the militia artillery, in terms of commendation. “Lieutenant Crowther, of the 41st regiment, had charge of two three-pounders that had accom- panied the movement of our little corps, and they were employed with very good effect. “Captain, Clegg, of the 49th regiment, aid-de- camp to our lamented friend and general, af. forded me most essential assistance; and I found the services of Lieutenant Fowlers, of the 41st regiment, assistant deputy quarter-master-gene- ral, very useful. I derived much aid too from the activity and intelligence of Lieutenant Kerr, of the Glencary j. whom I employed in communicating with the Indians and j. flank- ing parties. “I was unfortunately deprived of the aid, ex- perience, and ability of Lieutenant-colonel Myers, deputy quarter-master-general, who had been sent up to Fort Erie a few days before, on duty which detained him there. “Lieutenant-colonels Butler and Clarke, of the militia, and Captains Hatt, Durand, Rowe, Ap- plegarth, James Crooks, Cooper, Robert Hamil- ton, Mac Ewen, and Duncan Cameron, and Lieu- tenants Richardson, and Thomas Butler, com- manding flank companies of the Lincoln and York militia, led their men into action with great spirit. Major Merritt, commanding the Niagara dragoons, accompanied me and gave me much assistance with part of his corps. Captain A. Hamilton, belonging to it, was disabled from rid- ing, and attached himself to the guns under Captain Holcroft, who speaks highly of his ac- tivity and usefulness. I beg leave to add, that volunteers Shaw, Thomson, and Jarvis, attached to the flank companies of the 49th regiment, conducted themselves with great spirit; the first wounded, and the last taken prisoner; I beg leave to recommend these young men to your excel- lency’s notice. Norton is wounded, but not badly; he and the Indians particularly distin- guished themselves, and I have very great satis- faction in assuring your excellency, that the spirit and good conduct of his majesty's troops, of the militia and of the other provincial corps, were eminently completon fºliº occasion- 1812, 944 HISTORY OF THE WARS BOOK XI. CHAP. VI. *Jº Tºº- 1812, “I have not been able to ascertain yet the number of our troops or of those of the enemy engaged; ours, I believe, did not exceed the num- ber of the prisoners we have taken; and their ad- vance, which effected a landing, probably amount- ed to 1,300 or 1,400 men. “I shall do myself the honor of transmitting to your excellency further details, when I shall have received the several reports of the occur- rences which did not pass under my own obser- vation, with the return of the casualties, and those of the killed and wounded, and of the ordnance taken. “I have the honor to be, &c. Signed) “R. H. SHEAFFE, major-general. “To his Excellency Sir G. Prevost, Bart. &c.” Major-general Roger Hall Sheaffe was ap- pointed to the command of the troops in the up- per province, and to administer the civil govern- melt of the same. He humanely consented to a cessation of offensive hostility, on the solicitation of Major-general Van Ranseller, for the purpose of allowing the Americans to remove the bodies of the slain and wounded. It was stated, by private accounts, that the Americans whe crossed over in the night, con- sisted of about 1,f 00 men: the whole of whom were killed, wounded, or taken prisoners; and about 500 more, who attempted to cross after- wards, were drowned. The total numbers en- gaged on the side of the English, did not exceed 700 men, and their loss was not more than fifty killed and wounded. Major-general Sir Isaac Brock was a native of Guernsey. On the opening of the imperial parliament, November 30, the prince-regent in his speech thus alluded to this victory: “The declaration of war by the government of the United States of America, was made under circumstances which might have afforded a reason- able expectation, that the amicable relations be- tween the two nations would not long be inter- rupted. It is with sincere regret that I am obli- ged to acquaint you, that the conduct and pre- tensions of that government have hitherto pre- vented the conclusion of any pacific arrangement. Their measures of hostility have been principally directed against the adjoining British provinces, and every effort has been made to seduce the in- habitants of them from their allegiance to his majesty. The proofs, however, which I have re- ceived of loyalty and attachment from his majes- ty's subjects in North America, are highly satis- factory. The attempts of the enemy to invade Upper Canada have not only proved abortive, but, by the judicious arrangements of the gover- nor-general, and by the skill and decision with which the military operations have been conducted, the forces of the enemy assembled for that pur- º: pose in one quarter, have been compelled to ca- pitulate, and in another have been completely de- feated.” On the 4th of November, the President of the United States had communicated the following message to the congress: “ Fellow-citizens of the senate and house of representatives, On our present meeting, it is my first duty to invite your attention to the pro- vidential favors which our country has experi- enced in the unusual degree of health dispensed to its inhabitants, and in the rich abundance with which the earth has rewarded the labours be- stowed on it. In the successful cultivation of other branches of industry, and in the progress of general improvement favorable to the national prosperity, there is just occasion also for our mu- tual congratulations and thankfulness. “With these blessings are naturally mingled the pressures and vicissitudes incidental to the state of war, into which the United States have been forced by the perseverance of a foreign power, in its system of injustice and aggression. Previous to its declaration, it was deemed proper, as a mea- sure of precaution and forecast, that a consider- able force should be placed in the Michigan ter- ritory, with a general view to its security; and, in the event of war, to such operations in the upper- most Canada as would intercept the hostile in- fluence of Great Britain over the savages; obtain the command of the lake, on which that part of Canada borders; and maintain co-operating rela- tions with such forces as might be most conveni- ently employed against other parts. “Brigadier-general Hull was charged with this provisional service, having under his command a body of troops, composed of regulars and of volunteers from the state of Ohio: having reach- ed his destination, after his knowledge of the war, and possessing discretionary authority to act of. fensively, he passed into the neighbouring territory of the enemy, with a prospect of an easy and vic- torious progress. The expedition, nevertheless, terminated unfortunately, net only in a retreat to the town and fort of Detroit, but in the surrender of both, and of the gallant corps commanded by that officer. The causes of this painful reverse will be investigated by a military tribunal. A distin- guishing feature in the operations which preceded and followed this adverse event, is the use made by the enemy of the merciless savages under their influence. Whilst the benevolent policy of the United States invariably recommended peace, and promoted civilization amongst that wretched por- tion of the human race, and was making exertions to dissuade them from taking either side in the war, the enemy has not scrupled to call to his aid their ruthless ferocity, armed with the horrors of those instruments of carnage and torture which are known to spare neither age nor sex. In this OF THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 945 outrage against the laws of honorable war, and against the feelings sacred to humanity, the Bri- tish commanders cannot resort to a plan of reta- liation; for it is committed in the face of our ex- ample. They cannot mitigate it by calling it a self-defence against men in arms, for it embraces the most shocking butcheries of defenceless fa- milies; nor can it be pretended that they are not answerable for the atrocities perpetrated, since the savages are employed with the knowledge, and even with menaces, that their fury could not be controuled. Such is the spectacle which the deputed authorities of a nation, boasting its re- ligion and morality, have not been restrained from presenting to an enlightened age. “The misfortune at Detroit was not, however, without a consoling effect. It was followed by signal proofs, that the national spirit rises accord- ing to the pressure on it. The loss of an im- portant post, and of the brave men surrendered with it, inspired every where new ardour and de- termination. In the states and districts least re- mote, it was no sooner known, than every citizen was eager to fly with his arms at once to protect his brethren against the blood-thirsty savages let loose by the enemy on an extensive frontier; and to convert a partial calamity into a source of in- vigorated efforts. . This patriotic zeal, which it was necessary rather to limit than excite, has em- bodied an ample force from the states of Kentucky and Ohio, and from parts of Pennsylvania and Vir- ginia. It is placed, with the addition of a few regulars, under the command of Brigadier-general Harrison, who possesses the entire confidence of his fellow-soldiers; among whom are citizens,— some of them volunteers in the ranks,—not less distinguished by their political stations than by their personal merits. “The greater portion of this force is proceed- ing on its destination towards the Michigan ter- ritory, having succeeded in relieving an important frontier post, and in several incidental operations against hostile tribes of savages. endered indis. pensable by the subserviency into which they had been seduced by the enemy; a seduction the more cruel, as it could not fail to impose a neces- sity of preeautionary severities against those who yielded to it. \ “At a recent date, an attack was made on a post of the enemy, near Niagara, by a detachment of the regular and other forces, under the com- mand of Major-general Van Rensellaer, of the militia of the State of New York. The attack, it appears, was ordered in compliance with the ardour of the troops, who executed it, with dis- tinguished gallantry, and were for a time victo- rious; but not receiving the expected support, they were compelled to yield to reinforcements of British regulars and savages. Our loss has been considerable, and is deeply * be lamented. That tº as wº of the enemy, less ascertained, will be the more Book XI. felt, as it includes among the killed the com- manding-general, who was also governor of the province; and was sustained by veteran troops, from inexperienced soldiers, who must daily im- prove in the duties of the field. “Our expectation of gaining the command of the Lakes, by the invasion of Canada, from De- troit, having been disappointed, ineasures were instantly taken to provide on them a naval force superior to that of the enemy. From the talents and activity of the officer charged with this object, every thing that can be done may be expected. Should the present season not admit of complete success, the progress made will ensure for the next a naval ascendancy, where it is essential, to a permanent peace with, and a controul over the savages. “Among the incidents to the measures of the war, I am constrained to advert to the refusal of the governors of Massachusetts and Connecticut, to furnish the required detachments of militia to- wards the defence of the maritime frontier. The refusal was founded on a novel and unfortunate exposition of the provisions of the constitution re- lating to the militia. The correspondence, which will be before you, contain the requisite informa- tion on the subject. It is obvious, that if the au- thority of the United States, to call into service and command the militia for the public defence can be thus frustrated, even in a state of deelared war, and of course under apprehensions of inva- sion preceding war, they are not one nation for the purpose most of all requiring it, and that the public safety may have no other resource than those large and permanent military establishments which are forbidden by the principles of our free government, and against the necessity of which the militia were meant to be a constitutional bul- wark. “On the coasts, and on the ocean, the war has been as successful as circumstances, inseparable from its early stages, could promise. Our public ships and private cruizers, by their aetivity, and, where there was occasion, by their intrepidity, have made the enemy sensible of the , difference between a reciprocity of captures, and the long confinement of them to their side. Our trade, with little exception, has safely reached our ports, having been much favored in it by the course pursued by a squadron of our frigates, under the command of Commodore Rodgers; and in the instance in which skill and bravery were more particularly tried with those of the enemy, the American flag had an auspicious triumph. The frigate Constitution, commanded by Captain Hull, after a close and short e 'gagement, completely disabled and captured a British frigate ; gaining for that officer, and all on-board, a praise which cannot be too liberally bestowed—not merely fox § $– -** d CHAP. VI. -º-, * 1812. 946 HISTORY OF THE WARs BOOK XI. Ch AP. WI. \ºvºy 1812. the victory actually achieved, but for that prompt and cool exertion of * talents, which, giving to courage its highest character, and to the force applied its full effect, proved that more could have been done in a contest requiring more. “Anxious to abridge the evils from which a state of war cannot be exempt, I lost no time, after it was declared, in conveying to the British government the terms on which its progress might be arrested, without waiting the delays of a for- mal and final pacification: and our chargé d'af- faires at London was, at the same time, autho- rised to agree to an armistice, founded upon them. These terms required, that the orders in council should be repealed, as they affected the United States, without a revival of the blockades, violating acknowledged rules; that there should be an immediate discharge of American seamen from British ships, and a stop to impressments from American ships, with an understanding that an exclusion of the seamen of each nation, from the ships of the other, should be stipulated; and that the armistice should be improved into a de- finitive and comprehensive º: of de- pending controversies. “Although a repeal of the orders, susceptible of explanations meeting the views of this govern- ment, had taken place before this pacific advance was communicated to that of Great Britain, the advance was declined, from an avowed repug- nance to a suspension of the practice of impress- ment during the armistice, and without any inti- mation that the arrangement proposed, with respect to seamen, would be accepted. Whether the subsequent communications from this govern- ment, affording an occasion for reconsidering the subject, on the part of Great Britain, will be viewed in a more favorable light, or received in a more accommodating spirit, remains to be known. It would be unwise to release our mea- º in any respect, on a presumption of such a *Sult. “The documents from the department of state, which relate to this subject, will give a view also of the propositions for an armistice, which have been received here, one of them from the autho- rities at Halifax and in Canada; the other from the British government itself, through Admiral Warren ; and of the grounds upon which neither of them could be accepted. “Our affairs with France retain the posture which they held at my last communication to Où. “Notwithstanding the authorised expectation of an early as well as favorable issue of the dis- cussions on foot, these have been procrastinated to the latest date. The only intervening occur- rence meriting attention, is the promulgation of a French decree, purporting to be a definitive repeal of the Berlin and Milan decrees. This proceed- > → —m. ing, although made the ground of the repeal of the British orders in council, is rendered, by the time and manner of it, liable to many objections. “The final communications from our special minister to Denmark, afford further proofs of the good effects of his mission, and of the amicable disposition of the Danish government. From Russia we have the satisfaction to receive assur- ances of continued friendship, and that it will not be affected by the rupture between the United States and Great Britain. Sweden, also, professes sentiments favorable to subsisting harmony. “With the Barbary powers, excepting that of Algiers, our affairs remain on the ordinary foot- ing. The consul-general residing with that re- gency has suddenly, and without cause, been banished, together with all the American citizens found there. Whether this was the transitory effect of capricious despotism, or the first act of predetermined hostility, is not ascertained. Pre- cautions were taken by the consul on the latter supposition. p “The Indian tribes, not under foreign instiga- tions, remain at peace, and receive the civilising attentions which have proved so beneficial to them. “With a view to that vigorous prosecution of the war, to which our national faculties are ade- quate, the attention of congress will be particu- larly drawn to the insufficiency of the existing provisions for filling up the military establish- ment. Such is the happy condition of our coun- try, arising from the facility of subsistence, and the high wages for every species of occupation, that notwithstanding the augmented inducements provided at the last session, a partial success, only has attended the recruiting service. The defi- ciency has been necessarily supplied, during the campaign, by other than regular troops, with all the inconveniencies and expences incident to them. The remedy lies in establishing more favorably, for the private soldier, the proportion between his recompence, and the term of his en- listment: and it is a subject which cannot too soon, or too seriously, be taken into consideration. The same insufficiency has been experienced in the provisions for volunteers, made by an act of the last session. The recompence for the service required in this case, is still less attractive than in the other; and although patriotism alone has sent into the field some valuable corps of that descrip- tion, those alone, who can afford the sacrifice, can reasonably be expected to yield to the impulse. It will merit consideration also, whether, as auxi- liary to the security of our frontier, corps may not be advantageously organized, with a restric- tion of their services to particular districts conve- nient to them ; and whether the local or occa- sional services of marines, or others in the sea- port towns, under a similar organization, would OF THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 947- * * not be a proper addition to the means of their defence. I recommend a provision for an increase of the general-officers of the army, the deficiency of which has been illustrated by the number and distance of separate commands, which the cause of the war and the advantage of the service have required: and I cannot press too strongly on the earliest attention of the legislature, the import- ance of the reorganization of the staff-establish- ment, with a view to render more distinct and definite the relations and responsibilities of its several departments: that there is room for in- provements, which will materially promote both economy and success, in what appertains to the army and the war, is equally inculcated by the examples of other countries, and by the experi- ence of our own. “A revision of the militia-laws, for the purpose of rendering them more systematic, and better adapting them to emergencies of the war, is at this time particularly desirable. Of the addi- tional ships, authorised to be fitted for service, two will be shortly ready to sail; a third is under repair, and delay will be avoided in the repair of the residue. Of the appropriations for the pur- chase of materials for ;. the greater part has been applied to that object, and the pur- chases will be continued with the balance. The enterprising spirit which has characterized our naval force, and its success, both in restraining insults and depredations on our coasts, and in reprisals on the enemy, will not fail to recom- mend an enlargement upon it. “There being reason to believe that the act, prohibiting the acceptance of British licenses, is not a sufficient guard against the use of them, for purposes favorable to the interests and views of the enemy, further provisions on that subject are highly important. Nor is it less so, that penal enactments should be provided for cases of cor- rupt and perfidious intercourse with the enemy, not amounting to treason, nor yet embraced by any statutory provisions. * A considerable number of American vessels, which were in England when the revocation of the orders in council took place, were laden with British manufactures, under an erroneous im- pression that the non-importation act would in- mediately cease to operate, have arrived in the United States. It did not appear proper to ex- ercise, on unforeseen cases of such magnitude, the ordinary powers vested in the treasury de- partment, to mitigate forfeitures, without previ- ously affording congress an opportunity of making on the subject such provisions as they may think proper. In their decisions they will, doubtless, equally consult what is due to equitable consi- derations, and to the public interest. “The receipts in the treasury, during the year ending on the 30th of September last, have ex- 64. *~~~~ ceeded sixteen millions and an half of dollars; BOOK XI. which have been sufficient to defray all the de- mands on the treasury to that day, including a C*-Y!. •ºvº-Z necessary reimbursement of near three millions of the principal of the public debt, . In these receipts are included a sum of near 8,850,000, received on account of the loans, authorised by the acts of last session. The whole sum actu- ally obtained on loan, amounts to eleven millions of dollars: the residue of which being receivable subsequent to the 30th of September, will, toge- ther with the current revenue, enable us to defray all the expences of this year. “The duties on the late unexpected importa- tions of British manufactures, will render the revenue of the ensuing year more productive than could have been anticipated. The situa- tion of our country, fellow-citizens, is not without its difficulties, though it abounds in animating considerations, of which the view here présented of our pecuniary resources is an example. With more than one nation we have serious and unset- tled controversies, and with one powerful in the means and habits of war, we are at war. The spirit and strength of this nation are, nevertheless, equal to the support of all its rights, and to carry it through all its trials. They can be met in that confidence. Above all, we have the inestimable consolation of knowing, that the war in which we are actually engaged, is a war neither of am- bition nor vain-glory; that it is waged, not in violation of the rights of others, but in the main- tenance of our own; that it was preceded by a patience without example, under wrongs accumu- lating without end; and that it was, finally, not declared, until every hope of averting it was ex- tinguished, by the transfer of the British sceptres into new hands, clinging to former councils, and until declarations were reiterated, in the last hour, through the British envoy here, that the hostile edicts against our commercial rights, and our maritime independence, would not be revoked; nay, that they could not be revoked, without vio- lating the obligations of Great Britain to other powers, as well as to her own interests. To have shrunk, under such circumstances, from manly resistance, would have been a degradation, blast- ing our best and proudest hopes. It would have struck us from the high rank where the virtuous struggles of our fathers had placed us, and have betrayed the magnificent legacy which we hold in trust for future generations. It would have acknowledged, that on the element which forms three-fourths of the globe we inhabit, and where all independent nations have equal and common rights, the American people were not an inde- pendent people, but colonists and vassals! “It was at this moment, and with such an al- ternative, that war was chosen. The nation felt the necessity of it, and #"; for it. The appeal l . 1812. 948. history of the wans 18OOK XI. CHAP. VI. N-ºv’º, 1812. was accordingly made, in a just cause, to the just and powerful Being who holds in his hands the chain of events, and the destiny of nations. It remains only, that faithful to ourselves, entangled with no connections with the views of other pow- ers, and ever ready to accept peace from the hand —r- of justice, we prosecute that war with united council, and with the ample faculties of the na- tion, until peace be so obtained, and as the only means, under the divine blessing, of speedily obtaining it. “JAMES MADison.” CHAPTER VII. An Indian Town destroyed.—His Royal Highness the Prince-regent's Declaration in answer to the .American Manifesto, relative to the War between Great Britain and the United States.—Madison re-elected President.—His Speech. A DETACHMENT from General Hopkins's army, under Colonel Russell, of the 7th United States’ regiment, succeeded in surprising one of the Pioria towns. With 400 men, the colonel, by rapid marches, approached the town, shot a straggling Indian, assailed and carried the town. It was defended by about 150 warriors, who left twenty- five dead, and who fled to a swamp where their squaws and children had previously secreted themselves. . The Americans took four prisoners, sixty horses laden with the baggage of the Indians, and seven scalps which were taken in September, near fort Harrison. The town and every thing in it was destroyed, which could not be brought away, and among it several Indians who had been wounded during the fall. Seven hundred Indians of the neighbouring towns had marched to meet General Hopkins, leaving the above 150 in charge of the women and children. The Mar- shal of the United States, for the district of South Carolina, had detained in custody twelve British subjects as hostages for the lives of six American seamen, who had been taken out of the privateer Sarah Ann, at Nassau, New Providence, and sent to Jamaica to be tried for treason. The following declaration of the prince-regent, in answer to the American manifesto, relative to the war between Great Britain and the United States, appeared in a supplement to the London Gazette, January 9, 1813. “The earnest endeavours of the prince-regent to preserve the relations of peace and amity with the United States of America having unfortu- mately failed, his royal highness, acting in the name and on the behalf of his majesty, deems it proper publicly to declare the causes and origin of the war, in which the government of the United States have compelled him to engage. “No desire of conquest, or other ordinary mo- tive of aggression, has been, or can be, with any colour of reason, in this case imputed to Great 2 *Ar Britain. That her commercial interests were on the side of peace, if war could have been avoided without the sacrifice of her maritime rights, or without an injurious submission to France, is a truth which the American government will not deny. “His royal highness does not, however, mean, to rest on the favorable presumption to which he is entitled. He is prepared, by an exposition of the circumstances which have led to the present war, to show that Great Britain has throughout acted towards the United States of America with a spirit of amity, forbearance, and conciliation; and to demonstrate the inadmissible nature of those pretensions which have at length unhappily in- volved the two countries in war. *** “It is well known to the world, that it has been the invariable object of the ruler of France to destroy the power and independence of the British empire, as the chief obstacle to the ac- complishment of his ambitious designs. “He first contemplated the possibility of as- sembling such a naval force in the channel as, . combined with a numerous flotilla, should-enable him to disembark in England an army sufficient, in his conception, to subjugate this country; and through the conquest of Great Britain he hoped to realize his project of universal empire. “By the adoption of an enlarged and provi-. dent system of internal defence, and by the valour of his majesty's fleets and armies, this design was . entirely frustrated; and the naval force of France, after the most signal defeats, was compelled to . retire from the ocean. & “An attempt was then made to effectuate the same purpose by other means—a system , was . brought forward, by which the ruler of France hoped to annihilate the commerce of Great Bri- tain, to shake her public credit, and to destroy. her revenue; to render useless her maritime su- periority, and so to avail himself of his continental, of The FRENch Revolution. 949 hºm **---º-º-º: ſº —w- ascendancy, as to constitute himself, in a great measure, the arbiter of the ocean, notwithstanding the destruction of his fleets. “With this view, by the decree of Berlin, fol. lowed by that of Milan, he declared the British territories to be in a state of blockade; and that all commerce or even correspondence with Great Britain was prohibited. He decreed that every vessel and cargo, which had entered, or was found proceeding to a British port, or which, under any circumstances, had been visited by a British ship of war, should be lawful prize: he declared all British goods and produce, wherever found, and however acquired, whether coming from the mother country or from her colonies, subject to confiscation: he further declared to be denationalized, the flag of all neutral ships that should be found offending against these his de- crees: and he gave to this project of universal tyranny, the name of the continental system. “For these attempts to ruin the commerce of Great Britain, by means subversive of the clearest rights of neutral nations, France endeavoured in vain to rest her justification upon the previous conduct of his majesty's government. “ Under circumstances of unparalleled provo- cation, his majesty had abstained from any mea- sure which the ordinary rules of the law of na- tions did not fully warrant. Never was the mari- time superiority of a belligerent over his enemy more complete and decided. Never was the op- posite belligerent so formidably dangerous in his power, and in his * to the liberties of all other nations. France had already trampled so openly and systematically on the most sacred rights of neutral powers, as might well have jus- tified the placing her out of the pale of civilized nations. Yet in this extreme case, Great Britain had so used her naval ascendancy, that her enemy could find no just cause of complaint: and, in order to give to these lawless decrees the ap- pearance of retaliation, the ruler of France was obliged to advance principles of maritime law unsanctioned by any other authority than his own arbitrary will. “The pretexts for these decrees were, first, that Great Britain had exercised the rights of war against private persons, their ships and goods; as if the only object of legitimate hostility on the ocean were the public property of a state, or as if the edicts and the courts of France itself had not at all times enforced this right with pe- culiar rigour; secondly, that the British orders of blockade, instead of being confined to fortified towns, had, as France asserted, been unlawfully extended to commercial towns and ports, and to the mouths of rivers; and, thirdly, that they had been applied to places, and to coasts, which nei- ther were, nor could be, actually blockaded. The last of these charges is not founded on fact; whilst the others, even by the admission of the American government, are utterly groundless in point of law. “Against these decrees, his majesty protested and appealed—he called upon the United States to assert their own rights, and to vindicate their independence, thus menaced and attacked; and as France had declared, that she would confiscate every vessel which should touch in Great Bri- tain, or be visited by British ships of war, his majesty, having previously issued the order of January, 1807, as an act of mitigated retaliation, was at length compelled, by the persevering vio- lence of the enemy, and the continued, acquies- cence of neutral powers, to revisit upon France, in a more effeetual manner, the measure of her own injustice, by declaring, in an order in coun- cil, bearing date the 11th of November, 1807, that no neutral vessel should proceed to France or to any of the countries from which, in obedi- ence to the dictates of France, British commerce was excluded, without first touching at a port in Great Britain, or her dependencies. At the same time, his majesty intimated his readiness to repeal the orders in council, whenever France should rescind her decrees, and return to the ac- customed principles of maritime warfare; and at a subsequent period, as a proof of his majesty's sincere desire to accommodate, as far as possible, his defensive measures to the convenience of neutral powers, the operation of the orders in council was, by an order issued in April, 1809, limited to a blockade of France, and of the coun- tries subjected to her immediate dominion. “Systems of violence, oppression, and tyranny, can never be suppressed, or even checked, if the power against which such injustice is exercised be debarred from the right of full and adequate retaliation : or, if the measures of the retaliating power are to be considered as matters of just of. fence to neutral nations, whilst the measure of original aggression and violence are to be tole- rated with indifference, submission, or compla- cency. * “The government of the United States did not fail to remonstrate against the orders in council of Great Britain. Although they knew that these orders would be revoked, if the decree of France, which had occasioned them, were re- pealed; they resolved at the same moment to re- sist the conduct of both belligerents, instead of requiring France, in the first instance, to rescind her decrees. Applying most unjustly the same measure of resentment to the aggressor and to the party aggrieved, they adopted measures of commercial resistance against both—a system of resistance which, however varied in the succes-- sive acts of embargo, non-intercourse, or non- importation, was evidently unequal in its oper- ation, , and principally levelled against the su- BOOK XI. CHAP. VII. ^*\rº- 1813. 950 HISTORY OF THE WARS BOOK XI. CHA P. VII. J813. rescind her orders. *-ºr- x-a- rº *- -º- —r perior commerce, and maritime power of Great Britain. “The same partiality towards France was ob- servable in their negociations, as in their mea- sures of alleged resistance. “ Application was made to both belligerents for a revocation of their respective edicts; but the terms in which they were made were widely dif- ferent. “Of France was required a revocation only of the Berlin and Milan decrees, although many other edicts, grossly violating the neutral com- merce of the United States, had been ... ted by that power. . No security was demanded, that the Berlin and Milan decrees, even if re- voked, should not under some other form be re- established: and a direct engagement was offered, that upon such revocation the American govern- ment would take part in the war against Great Britain, if Great Britain did not immediately Whereas no corresponding engagement was offered to Great Britain, of whom it was required, not only that the orders in coun- cil should be repealed, but that no others of a similar nature should be issued, and that the blockade of May, 1806, should be also abandoned. This blockade, established and enforced according to accustomed practice, had not been objected to by the United States at the time it was issued. Its provisions were on the contrary represented by #. American minister, resident in London at the time, to have been so framed, as to afford, in his judgment, a proof of the friendly disposition of the British cabinet towards the United States. “Great Britain was thus called upon to aban- don one of her most important maritime rights; by acknowledging the order of blockade in ques- tion, to be one of the edicts which violated the commerce of the United States, although it had never been so considered in the previous nego- eiations—and although the president of the United States had recently consented to abrogate the non-intercourse act, on the sole condition of the orders in council being revoked; thereby dis- tinctly admitting these orders to be the only edicts which fell within the contemplation of the law under which he acted. “A proposition so hostile to Great Britain, could not but be proportionably encouraging to the pretensions of the enemy. As by their al- leging that the blockade of May, 1806, was il- legal, the American government virtually justified, so far as depended on them, the French decrees. “After this proposition had been made, the French minister for foreign affairs, if not in con- cert with that government, at least in conformity with its views, in a dispatch, dated the 5th of Au- gust, 1810, and addressed to the American mi- nister resident at Paris, stated that the Berlin and Milan decrees were revoked, and that their —i- * operation would cease from the 1st day of No- vember following, provided his majesty would revoke his orders in council, and renounce the new principles of blockade; or that the United States would cause their rights to be respected; meaning thereby, that they would resist the re- taliatory measures of Great Britain. “Although the repeal of the French decrees thus announced was evidently contingent, either on concessions to be made by Great Britain, (con- cessions to which it was obvious Great Britain could not submit,.) or on measures to be adopted by the United States of America; the American pººl at once considered the repeal as abso- ute. Under that pretence the non-importation act was strictly enforced against Great Britain, whilst the ships of war, and merchant-ships of the enemy, were received into the harbours of America. “The American government, assuming the re- peal of the French decrees to be absolute and effectual, most unjustly required Great Britain, in conformity to her declarations, to revoke her or- ders in council. The British government denied that the repeal, which was announced in the letter of the French minister for foreign affairs, was such as ought to satisfy Great Britain; and, in order to ascertain the true character of the mea- sure adopted by France, the government of the United States was called upon to produce the in- strument, by which the alleged appeal of the French decrees had been effected. If these de- crees were really revoked, such an instrument must exist, and no satisfactory reason could be given for withholding it. “At length, on the 21st of May, 1812, and not before, the American minister in London did pro- duce a copy, or at least what purported to be a copy, of such an instrument. “It professed to bear date the 28th of April, 1811, long subsequent to the dispatch of the French minister of Foreign affairs of the 5th of August, 1810, or even the day named therein, viz. the 1st of November following, when the operation of the French decrees was to cease. This instru- ment expressly declared that these French decrees were repealed in consequence of the American legislature having, by their act of the 1st of March, 1811, provided that British ships and merchandize should be excluded from the ports and harbours of the United States. “By this instrument, the only document pro- duced by America as a repeal of the French de- crees, it appears, beyond a possibility of doubt or cavil, that the alleged repeal of the French de- crees was conditional, as Great Britain had asserted, and not absolute or final, as had been maintained by America: that they were not re- pealed at the time they were stated to be repealed by the American government: that they were Ó F THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 951 *-T- w r- ~B →urs ------ - not repealed in conformity with a proposition simultaneously made to both belligerents; but that in consequence of a previous act on the part of the American government, they were repealed in favor of one belligerent, to the º: of the other: that the American government having adopted measures restrictive upon the commerce of both belligerents, in consequence of edicts issued by both, rescinded these measures, as they affected that power which was the aggressor, whilst they put them in full operation against the party aggrieved, although the edicts of both powers continued in force; and, lastly, that they excluded the ships of war belonging to one bel- ligerent, whilst they admitted into their ports and harbours the ships of war belonging to the other, in violation of one of the plainest and most essential duties of a neutral nation. “Although the instrument thus produced was by no means that general and unqualified revo- cation of the Berlin and Milan decrees which Great Britain had continually demanded, and had a full right to claim; and although this in- strument, under all the circumstances of its ap- pearance at that moment, for the first time, was open to the strongest suspicions of its authenti- city; yet, as the minister of the United States produced it, as purporting to be a copy of the instrument of revocation, the government of Great Britain, desirous of reverting, if possible, to the ancient and accustomed principles of maritime war, determined upon revoking, conditionally, the orders in council. Accordingly, in the month of June last, his royal highness the prince-regent was pleased to declare in council, in the name and on the behalf of his majesty, that the orders in council should be revoked, as far as respected the ships and property of the United States, from the 1st of August following. This revocation was to continue in force, provided the govern- ment of the United States should, within a time to be limited, repeal their restrictive laws against British commerce. His majesty's minister in America was expressly ordered to declare to the government of the United States, that “this mea- sure had been adopted by the prince-regent in the earnest wish and hope, either that the govern- ment of France, by further relaxations of its sys- tem, might render perseverance on the part of Great Britain, in retaliatory measures, unneces- sary; or, if this hope should prove delusive, that his majesty's government might be enabled, in the absence of all irritating and restrictive regu- lations on either side, to enter, with the govern- ment of the United States, into amicable expla. nations, for the purpose of ascertaining whether, if the necessity of retaliatory measures should unfortunately continue to operate, the particular measures to be acted upon by Great Britain 64. --ms- could be rendered more acceptable to the Ame- rican government, than those hitherto pursued.” “. In order to provide for the contingency of a declaration of war on the part of the United States, previous to the arrival in America of the said order of revocation, instructions were sent to his majesty's minister plenipotentiary, accre- dited to the United States (the execution of which instructions, in consequence of the discontinuance of Mr. Foster's functions, were, at a subsequent period, entrusted to Admiral Sir John Boriase Warren), directing him to propose a cessation of hostilities, should they have commenced; and, further, to offer a simultaneous repeal of the or- ders in council, on the one side, and of the restric- tive laws on British ships and commerce, on the other. “They were also respectively empowered to acquaint the American government, in reply to any inquiries with respect to the blockade of May, 1806, whilst the British government must conti- nue to maintain its legality, ‘ that, in point of fact, this particular blockade had been disconti- nued for a length of time, having been merged in the general retaliatory blockade of the enemy’s ports, under the orders in council; and that his majesty's government had no intention of recur- ring to this, or to any other of the blockades of the enemy's ports, founded upon the ordinary and accustomed principles of maritime law, which were in force previous to the orders in council, without a new notice to neutral powers, in the usual form.’ “The American government, before they re- ceived intimation of the course adopted by the British government, had, in fact, proceeded to the extreme measure of declaring war, and issuing “letters of marque, notwithstanding they were previously in possession of the report of the French minister for foreign affairs, of the 12th of March, 1812, promulgating anew the Berlin and Milan decrees as fundamental laws of the French empire, under the false and extravagant pretext, that the monstrous principles therein contained were to be found in the treaty of Utrecht, and were therefore binding upon all states. From the penalties of this code no nation was to be exempt which did not accept it, not only as the rule of its own conduct, but as a law, the observ. ance of which it was also required to enforce upon Great Britain. “In a manifesto, accompanying their declara- tion of hostilities, in addition to the former com- plaints against the orders in council, a long list of grievances was brought forward; some trivial in themselves, others which had been mutually adjusted, but none of them such as were ever before alleged by the American government to , be grounds for war. 11 E. BOOK XI. CHAP. VII. Nºvº/ 1813, i 952 HISTORY OF THE WARS BOOK XI. 1813. “As if to throw additional obstacles in the — way of peace, the American congress at the same CHAP. WII. time passed a law prohibiting all intercourse with Great Britain, of such a tenor as deprived the executive government, according to the presi- dent’s own construction of that act, of all power of restoring the relations of friendly intercourse between the two states, so far, at least, as con- cerned their commercial intercourse, until con- gress should reassemble. “The President of the United States has, it is true, since proposed to Great Britain an armis- tice; not, however, on the admission that the cause of war, hitherto relied on, was removed, but on condition that Great Britain, as a preli- minary step, should do away a cause of war, now brought forward as such, for the first time, name- ly, that she should abandon the exercise of her undoubted right of search, to take from American merchant-vessels British seamen, the natural- born subjects of his majesty; and this concession was required upon a mere assurance, that laws would be enacted by the legislature of the United States, to prevent such seamen from entering into their service; but, independent of the objec- tion to an exclusive reliance on a foreign state, for the conservation of so vital an interest, no explanation was, or could be afforded by the agent, who was charged with this overture, either as to the main principles upon which such laws were to be founded, or as to the provisions which it was proposed they should contain. “This proposition having been objected to, a second proposal was made, again offering an ar- mistice, provided the British government would secretly stipulate to renounce the exercise of this right in a treaty of peace. An immediate and formal abandonment of its exercise, as prelimi- nary to a cessation of hostilities, was not de- manded; but his royal highness the prince-regent was required, in the name and on the behalf of his majesty, secretly to abandon what the former overture had proposed to him publicly to concede. “This most offensive proposition was also re- jected, being accompanied, as the former had been, by other demands of the most exceptionable na- ture, and especially of indemnity for all American vessels detained and condemned under the orders in council, or under what were termed illegal blockades—a compliance with which demands, exclusive of all other objections, would have amounted to an absolute surrender of the rights on which those orders and blockades were founded. “Had the American government been sincere in representing the orders in council as the only subject of difference between Great Britain and the United States, calculated to lead to hostilities, it might have been expected, so soon as the revo- cation of those orders had been officially made 4. - - ------------- - -wº- --------, known to them, that they would have spontane- ously recalled their “letters of marque,” and mani- fested a disposition immediately to restore the rela- tions of peace and amity between the two powers. “But the conduct of the government of the United States by no means corresponded with such reasonable expectations. “The orders in council of the 23d of June being officially communicated in America, the govern- ment of the United States saw nothing in the re- peal of the orders in council, which should of itself restore peace, unless Great Britain were prepared, in the first instance, substantially to relinquish the right of impressing her own seamen, when found on-board American merchant-ships. j “The proposal of an armistice, and of a simul- taneous repeal of the restrictive measures on both sides, subsequently made by the commanding officer of his majesty's naval forces on the Ameri- can coast, were received in the same hostile spirit by the government of the United States. The suspension of the practice of impressment was insisted upon, in the correspondence which passed on that occasion, as a necessary preliminary to a cessation of hostilities: negociation, it was stated, might take place without any suspension of the exercise of this right, and also without any armis- tice being concluded; but Great Britain was re- quired previously to agree, without any knowledge of the adequacy of the system which could be substituted, to negociate upon the basis of accept- ing the legislative regulations of a foreign state as the sole equivalent for the exercise of a right which she has felt to be essential to the support of her maritime power. “If America, by demanding this preliminary concession, intends to deny the validity of that right, in that denial Great Britain cannot acquiesce; nor will she give countenance to such a pretension, by acceding to its suspension, much less to its aban- . donment, as a basis on which to treat. If the American government has devised, or conceives it can devise, regulations which may safely be accepted by Great Britain, as a substitute for the exercise of the right in question, it is for them to bring forward such a plan for consideration. The British government has never attempted to ex- clude this question from amongst those on which the two states might have to negociate: it has, on the contrary, uniformly professed its readiness to receive and discuss any proposition on this subject, coming from the American government: it has never asserted any exclusive right, as to the im- pressment of British seamen from American vessels, which it was not prepared to acknowledge, as appertaining equally to the government of the United States, with respect to American seamen when found on-board British merchant-ships. But it cannot, by acceding to such a basis in the OF THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 953 \ W × º *— first instance, either assume, or admit that to be practicable, which, when attempted on former oc- casions, has always been found to be attended with great difficulties; such difficulties as the British commissioners, in 1806, expressly declared, after an attentive consideration of the suggestions brought forward by the commissioners on the part of America, they were unable to surmount. “Whilst this proposition, transmitted through the British admiral, was pending in America, another communication, on the subject of an ar- mistice, was unofficially made to the British go- vernment in this country. The agent from whom this proposition was received, acknowledged that he did not consider that he had any authority himself to sign an agreement on the part of his government. It was obvious that any stipula- tions entered into, in consequence of this overture, would have been binding on the British govern- ment, whilst the government of the United States would have been free to refuse or accept them, according to the circumstances of the moment. This proposition was therefore necessarily de- clined. “After this exposition of the circumstances which preceded, and which have followed the de- claration of war by the United States, his royal highness the prince-regent, acting in the name and on the behalf of his majesty, feels himself cal- led upon to declare the leading principles by which the conduct of Great Britain has been re- gulated in the transactions connected with these discussions. “His royal highness can never acknowledge any blockade whatsoever to be illegal, which has been duly notified, and is supported by an adequate force, merely upon the ground of its extent, or be- cause the port or ports blockaded are not at the same time invested by land. “His royal highness can never admit, that neutral trade with Great Britain can be constituted a public crime, the commission of which can ex- pose the ships of any power whatever to be dena- tionalized. “His royal highness can never admit, that Great Britain can be debarred of its right and just and necessary retaliation, through the fear of eventually affecting the interest of a neutral. “His royal highness can never admit, that in the exercise of the undoubted, and hitherto undis- puted, right of searching neutral merchant-vessels in time of war, the impressment of British seamen, when found therein, can be deemed any violation of a neutral flag. Neither can he admit, that the taking such seamen from on-board such vessels can be considered by any neutral state as a hos- tile measure, or a justifiable cause of war. “There is no right more clearly established, than the right which a sovereign has to the allegi- ance of his subjects, more especially in time of war. Their allegiance is no optional duty, which BOOK XI. they can decline and resume at pleasure. It is a call which they are bound to obey; it began with their birth, and can only terminate with their existence. “If a similarity of language and manners may make the exercise of this right more liable to par- tial mistakes, and occasional abuse, when prac- tised towards vessels of the United States, the same circumstances make it also a right with the exercise of which, in regard to such vessels, it is more difficult to dispense. “But if to the practice of the United States to harbour British seamen be added their assumed right to transfer the allegiance of British subjects, and thus to cancel the jurisdiction of their legiti- mate sovereign, by acts of naturalization and cer- tificates of citizenship, which they pretend to be as valid out of their own territory as within it, it is obvious, that to abandon this ancient right of Great Britain, and to admit these novel preten- sions of the United States, would be to expose to danger the very foundation of our maritime strength. “Without entering minutely into the other topics which have been brought forward by the government of the United States, it may be pro- per to remark, that whatever the declaration of the United States may have asserted, Great Britain never did demand that they should force British manufactures into France: and she formally de- clared her willingness entirely to forego, or modify, in concert with the United States, the system by which a commercial intercourse with the enemy had been allowed under the protection of licenses; provided the United States would act towards her, and towards France, with real impartiality. “The government of America, if the difference between states are not interminable, has as little right to notice the affair of the Chesapeake. The aggression, in this instance, on the part of a British officer, was acknowledged, his conduct was disapproved, and a reparation was regularly tendered by Mr. Foster on the part of his majesty, and accepted by the government of the United States. “It is not less unwarranted in the allusion to the mission of Mr. Henry; a mission undertaken without the authority, or even knowledge, of his majesty’s government, and which Mr. Foster was authorized formally and officially to disavow. “The charge of exciting the Indians to offensive measures against the United States is equally void of foundation. Before the war began, a policy the most opposite had been uniformly pursued, and proof of this was tendered by Mr. Foster to the American government. “Such are the causes of war which have been put forward by the government of the United States. But the real origin of the present contest Char. VII. \sº, 1813. 954 HISTORY OF THE WARS Book xi. will be found in that spirit which has long un- CHAP. VII. Nºvº-Z I 813. happily actuated the councils of the United States: their marked partiality in palliating and assisting the aggressive tyranny of France; their systematic endeavours to enflame the people against the defensive measures of Great Britain; their unge- merous conduct towards Spain, the intimate ally of Great Britain; and their unworthy desertion of the cause of other neutral nations. It is through the prevalence of such councils that America has been associated in policy with France, and com- mitted in war against Great Britain. “And under what conduct, on the part of France, has the government of the United States thus lent itself to the enemy? The contemptuous vio- lation of the commercial treaty of the year 1800 between France and the United States; the treacherous seizure of all American vessels and cargoes in every harbour subject to the controul of the French arms: the tyrannical principles of the Berlin and Milan decrees, and the confiscations under them; the subsequent condemnations under the Rambouillet decree, antedated or concealed to render it the more effectual; the French commer- cial regulations which render the traffic of the United States with France, almost illusory; the burning of their merchant-ships at sea, long after the alleged repeal of the French decrees—all these acts of violence, on the part of France, produce from the government of the United States, only such complaints as end in acquiescence and submission, or are accompanied by suggestions for enabling France to give the semblance of a legal form to her usurpations, by converting them into municipal regulations. “This disposition of the government of the United States—this complete subserviency to the ruler of France—this hostile temper towards Great Britain—are evident in almost every page- of the official correspondence of the American with the French government. * “Against this course of conduct, the real cause of the present war, the prince-regent solemnly protests. Whilst contending against France, in defence not only of the liberties of Great Bri- tain but of the world, his royal highness was en- titled to look for a far different result. From their common origin, from their common interest, from their professed principles of freedom and independence, the United States were the last power in which Great Britain could have ex- pected to find a willing instrument and abettor of French tyranny. “Disappointed in this, his just expectation, the #!"; i. will still Fº the policy which the British government has so long and invaria- bly maintained, in repelling injustice, and in sup- porting the general rights of nations; and, under the favor of Providence, relying on the justice of his cause, and the tried loyalty and firmness of the British nation, his royal highness confidently looks forward to a successful issue to the contest in which he has thus been compelled most reluc- tantly to engage. “Westminster, Jan. 9, 1813.” James Madison having been chosen president, and Eddridge Gcrry, vice-president of the United States for the ensuing four years, from the 4th of March, 1813; the former having at-- tended, at twelve o'clock on the above day, the capitol, for the purpose of taking the oath of office, delivered to the vast concourse of people assembled on the occasion, the following speech: “About to add the solemnity of an oath to the obligations imposed by a second call to the sta- tion in which my country has here before placed me, I find, in the presence of this respectable assembly, an opportunity of publicly repeating my profound sense of so distinguished a confi... dence, and of the responsibility united with it. The impressions on me are strengthened by such an evidence, that my faithful endeavours to dis- charge my duties have been favorably estimated; and by a consideration on the momentous period: at which the trust has been renewed. From the weight and magnitude , now belonging to it, I should be compelled to sink if I had less reliance on the support of an enlightened and generous people, and feel less deeply a conviction that the war with a powerful nation, which forms so pro- minent a feature in our situation, is stamped with that justice which invites the smiles of heaven on, the means of conducting it to a successful termi-. nation. * “May we not cherish this sentiment without presumption, when we reflect on the characters by which this war is distinguished? “It was not declared on the part of the United States until it had been long made on them in reality, though not in name ; until arguments and expostulations had been exhausted; until a posi- tive declaration had been received that the wrongs. provoking it would not be discontinued, nor until this appeal could no longer be delayed without breaking down the spirit of the nation, destroy- ing all confidence in itself and in its political in- stitutions; and either perpetuating a state of dis- graceful suffering, or regaining, by more costly sacrifices, and more severe struggles, our lost rank and respect among the independent powers. “On the issue of the war are staked'our national sovereignty on the high seas, and security of an important class of citizens, whose occupations give the proper value to those of every other class. Not to contend for such a stake, is to sur- render our equality with other powers on the element common to all; and to violate the sacred: title which every member of the society has to its protection. 6F THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 955 * ** --→-- – “. “I need not call into view, the unlawfulness of the practice by which our mariners are forced, at the will of every cruising officer, from their own vessels into foreign ones, nor paint the outrages inseparable from it. The proofs are in the re- cords of each successive administration of our go- vernment—and the cruel sufferings of that por- tion of the American people have found their way to every bosom, not dead to the sympathies of human nature. “As the war was just in its origin, and neces- sary and noble in its objects, we can reflect with a proud satisfaction, that in carrying it on no prin- ciple of justice or honor, no usage of civilized nations, no precept of courtesy, or humanity, have been infringed. The war has been waged on our part with scrupulous regard to all these obliga- tions, and in a spirit of liberality which was ne- ver surpassed. - “How little has been the effect of this exam- ple on the conduct of the enemy? They have retained, as prisoners of war, citizens of the United States, not liable to be so considered under the usages of war. “They have refused to consider as prisoners of war, and threatened to punish as traitors, and de- serters, persons emigrating without restraint to the United States; incorporated by naturalization into our political family, and fighting under the authority of their adopted country, in open and honorable war, for the maintenance of its rights and safety. Such are the avowed principles of a government which is in the practice of naturaliz- ing, by thousands, citizens of other countries, and not only of permitting, but compelling them to fight its battles against their native country. “They have not, it is true, taken into their own hands the hatchet and the knife, devoted to in- discriminate massacre; but they have let loose the savages armed with these cruel instruments; have allured them into their service, and carried them into battle by their sides, eager to glut their. savage thirst with the blood of the vanquished, and to finish the work of torture and death on maimed and defenceless captives. And, what was never seen before, British commanders have extorted victory over the unconquerable valour of our troops, by presenting to the sympathy of their chief awaiting massacre from their savage as- sociates. “And now we find them, in further contempt of the modes of honorable warfare, supplying the place of a conquering force, by attempts to dis- organize our political society, to dismember our confederated republic. Happily, like others, those will recoil on the authors; but they mark the degenerate councils from which they eman- ate, and, if they did not belong to a series of un- exampled inconsistencies, might excite the greater wonder, as proceeding from a government which book XI. founded the very war in which it has been so long --- engaged, on a charge against the disorganizing Chaº. VII, and insurrectional policy of its adversary. “To render the justice of the war on our part more conspicuous, the reluctance to commence it was followed by the earliest and strongest manifes- tations of a disposition to arrest its progress. The sword was scarcely out of the scabbard before the enemy was apprised of the reasonable terms on which it would be re-sheathed. Still more precise advances were repeated, and have been received in a spirit forbidding every reliance not placed in the military resources of the nation. “These resources are amply sufficient to bring the war to an honorable issue. Our nation is, in number, more than half that of the British Isles. It is composed of a brave, a free, a virtuous, and an intelligent people. Our country abounds in the necessaries, the arts, and comforts of life. A gene- ral prosperity is visible in the public countenance. The means employed by the British cabinet to undermine it, have recoiled on themselves; have given to our national faculties a more rapid developement; and, draining or diverting the pre- cious metals from British circulation and British vaults, have poured them into those of the United States. It is a propitious consideration, that an unavoidable war should have found this seasonable facility for the contributions required to support it. When the public voice called for war, all knew, and still know, that without them, it could not be carried on through the period which it might last; and the patriotism, the good sense, and the manly spirit of our fellow-citizens are pledges for the cheerfulness with which they will bear each his share of the common burden. To render the war short, and its success sure, ani- mated and systematic exertions alone are neces- sary; and the success of our arms now may long preserve our country from the necessity of another resort to them. Already have the gallant exploits of our naval heroes proved to the world our in- herent capacity to maintain our rights on one ele- ment. If the reputation of our arms has been thrown under clouds on the other, presaging flashes of heroic enterprize assure us, that nothing is wanting to correspondent triumphs there also, but the discipline and habits which are in daily progress.” his speech was well calculated to excite the feelings of the vulgar; but all Mr. Madison's arguments had been already, and indeed, incon- trovertibly, answered by the memorial of about 1,500 of the inhabitants of the United States, extracts of which have been given in the com- mencement of the preceding chapter. The pre- sident, it seems, had studied the Bonapartean style: “they have lºgº the savages armed 1813. 956 HISTORY OF THE WARS BOOK XI. CHAP.VII. Nesºvº- 1813 with the hatchet and the knife;” but he was not aware that he was railing at the then French empe- ror, who had invited Turks, &c. to join him in his ambitious views. Canada was at this time in the possession of the English: it was originally taken by them in 1628; restored to France, 1631; and again taken September 13, 1759. CHAPTER VIII. Remarks.--Capture of the Frolic, by the Americans.—Of the JMacedonian.—Retreat of General Dearborn from Champlain-Repulse of the American General Smyth.-Blockade of the Chesa- peake and Delaware by the British–Capture of the Java by the Constitution.—Defeat and Cap- ture of General Winchester and his Army.—Defeat of the Americans at Ogdenburg.—Capture of York by General Dearborn-Surrender of Mobile to the Americans.—Loss of the Peacock-Block- ade of New York, Charleston, &c.—Successes of Admiral Cockburn, in the Bay of Chesapeake.— Proceedings in the British Parliament relative to the War with the United States. The loss and disgrace which the American dual officer being wounded, and not more than arms sustained in Canada were in some degree twenty of the crew remaining unhurt, the enemy balanced by their continued success on the ele- * ment which had long been the theatre of triumph to their adversaries. The strength of the navy of the United States consisted in a few frigates, of the rate corresponding to the largest British; but in size, weight of metal, and number of men, , almost equal to ships of the line-of-battle. This difference seems not to have been known, or not attended to, in the British navy, the officers of . account of this action, dated on-board the United which, with their habitual readiness to meet an enemy, would certainly never decline an encoun- ter when the nominal force was any thing near a *- parity. Indeed, the superiority of British skill and valour, in engaging with other enemies, had often compensated the difference of force; but the American navy were manned by sailors, many of whom were unfortunately British, and many more had been trained in British service. The Ame- ricans, in manning their navy, not only took care to select able seamen, but almost doubled the usual compliment; while the crews of the British were mostly ordinary seamen. On the 18th of October his majesty's armed brig Frolic, convoying the homeward-bound trade from the bay of Honduras, while in the act of re- pairing damages to her masts and sails received in a violent gale on the preceding night, descried a vessel which gave chase to the convoy. She proved to be the United States sloop of war Wasp, which the Frolic gallantly brought to action, though in her crippled state, in order to save her convoy. She soon, however, became so unma- nageable, that the Wasp was enabled to take a raking position, whilst the Frolic could not get a gun to bear. The result was, that every indivi- boarded, and made prize of the brig. Before the day closed, however, his majesty's ship Poictiers coming up, not only recaptured the Frolic, but took the Wasp. : On the 25th of October, a very severe action took place between the Macedonian frigate, Cap- tain Carden, and the United States frigate, Com- modore Decatur, which terminated in the capture of the former. The following is Captain Carden's States, at sea, 28th of October, 1812. “Sir, It is with the deepest regret I have to acquaint you, for the information of my lords com- missioners of the admiralty, that his majesty's late ship Macedonian was captured on the 25th instant by the United States' ship United States, Commodore Decatur commander: the detail is as follows:— “A short time after daylight, steering N. W. by W. with the wind from the southward, in lat. 29 deg. N. and long. 29 deg. 30 min. W. in the exe- cution of their lordships' orders, a sail was seen on the lee-beam, which I immediately stood for, and made her out to be a large frigate under American colours: at nine o'clock I closed with her, and she commenced the action, which we re- turned; but from the enemy keeping two points off the wind, I was not enabled to get as close to her as I could have wished. After an hour's ac- tion, the enemy backed and came to the wind, and I was then enabled to bring her to close bat- tle; in this situation I soon found the enemy's force too superior to expect success, unless some § fortunate chance occurred in our favour; and with this hope I continued the battle to two hours - OF THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 957 and ten minutes, when, having the mizen-mast shot away by the board, topmasts shot away by the caps, main-yard shot in pieces, lower masts badly wounded, lower rigging all cut to pieces, a small proportion only of the foresail left to the fore-yard, all the guns on the quarter-deck and forecastle disabled but two, and filled with wreck, two also on the main-deck disabled, and several shot between wind and water, a very great pro- portion of the crew killed and wounded, and the enemy comparatively in good order, who had now shot a-head, and was about to place himself in a raking position, without our being enabled to re- turn the fire, being a perfect wreck, and unman- ageable log; I ...} it prudent, though a pain- ful extremity, to surrender his majesty's ship; nor was this dreadful alternative resorted to till every hope of success was removed even beyond the reach of chance, nor till, I trust, their lordships will be aware every effort had been made against the enemy by myself, my brave officers and men; nor should she have been surrendered whilst a man lived on-board, had she been manageable. I am sorry to say, our loss is very severe: I find, by this day's muster, thirty-six killed, three of whom lingered a short time after the battle; thirty-six severely wounded, many of whom can- not recover; and thirty-two slightly wounded, who may all do well:—total, one hundred and four. “The truly noble and animating conduct of my officers, and the steady bravery of my crew, to the last moment of the battle, must ever render them dear to their country. “My first lieutenant, David Hope, was severely wounded in the head towards the close of the battle, and taken below; but was soon again on deck, displaying that greatness of mind and exer- tion, which, though it may be equalled, can never be excelled; the third lieutenant, John Bulford, was also wounded, but not obliged to quit his quarters: second lieutenant Samuel Mottley, and he, deserve my highest acknowledgments. The cool and steady conduct of Mr. Walker, the mas- ter, was very great during the battle, as also that of Lieutenants Wilson and Magill, of the ma- I’II] eS. “On being taken on-board the enemy's ship, I ceased to wonder at the result of the battle. The United States is built with the scantling of a se- venty-four gun-ship, mounting thirty long 24- pounders (English ship-guns) on her main-deck, and twenty-two 42-pounders carronades, with two long 24-pounders on her quarter-deck and forecastle, howitzer-guns on her tops, and a tra- velling carronade on her upper-deck, with a com- plement of 478 picked men. . “The enemy has suffered much in her masts, rigging, and hull above and below water: her 7 loss in killed and wounded I am not aware of, BOOK XI. but I know a lieutenant and six men have been thrown overboard. “Enclosed you will be pleased to receive the names of the killed and wounded on-board the Macedonian; and have the honour to be, &c. “John S. CARDEN. “To J. W. Croker, Esq. Admiralty.” In these several defeats sustained by the Bri- tish navy, no honor was lost, since every thing was done in defence that could be effected by courage and conduct against superior force. The unusual circumstance, however, of English ships striking to foreign of a similar class, produced as much mortification on one side as triumph on the other. The American government, notwithstanding its failures by land, persisted in its purpose of invad- ing Canada. On the 10th of November, the Americans sent out seven sail of armed vessels from Sackett's harbour, on Lake Ontario, man- ned by the crew of one of the American frigates, and commanded by some of their naval officers, having on-board a considerable detachment of troops, for the purpose of carrying the port of Kingston by surprise, and of destroying |. II].3- jesty's ship Royal George, then lying there. The vigilance and military skill of Colonel Vincent, however, who commanded at Kingston, frustrated their designs; and after many hours of ineffectual cannonade, the American flotilla hauled off, and on the following day returned into port. The British general, Sir George Prevost, having re- ceived information of the advance of the enemy under General Dearborn with their whole force of regulars and militia encamped at Plattsburgh, from that place to the village at Champlain, about six miles from the province line, with the avowed purpose of penetrating to Montreal, directed the brigade of troops at Montreal, consisting of two companies of the royals, seven companies of the 8th or king's, four companies of the Montreal volunteer militia, and the fifth battalion of the em- bodied Canadian militia, with one troop of volun- teer cavalry, and a brigade of light artillery, the whole under the command of Colonel Baynes, to cross the St. Lawrence and advance to the sup- port of Major-general De Rottenburgh, whose front was threatened by this movement of the enemy: the troops crossed with uncommon expe- dition on the evening of the 19th, and reached La Prairie that night. Immediately upon the alarm being given that the enemy were advancing, the sedentary militia flocked in from all quarters, with a zeal and ala. crity which cannot be too much praised. Th; enemy, after their advance to Champlain, made C.H. VIII. Jºvº-Z 1812. 958 history of the wars BOOK XI. Ch. VIII. N-ºv/º/ 1812, *-e-r-sº -ms-ºr ~~~ several reconnoissances beyond the lines into the rovince; one in particular, on the night of the 19th, with a detachment of cavalry, and a body of about 1,000 of their regular infantry, the whole under the command of Lieut-col. Pike, who was esteemed, in the United States, an able officer; but falling in unexpectedly with a small part of voyageurs and Indians, one of the British ad- vanced-pickets, by whom they were fired upon, they were thrown into the greatest confusion, and commenced a fire upon each other, which was attended with a loss of about fifty of their men in killed and wounded, when they dispersed. . The picket made good their retreat unmolested, and without a man being hurt. Nothing more occurred in this quarter during the remainder of the year. General Dearborn, seeing the vigorous preparations of Sir George Prevost to receive him, was afraid to advance any further; and, on the 22d of November, he com- menced a retreat with his whole army, which he conducted upon Plattsburg, Burlington, and Al- bany, where he took up his winter-quarters. On the 28th of November a partial action took place, in which the main body of the Americans, under Brigadier-general Smyth, was repulsed with loss, in an attempt to force the Niagara frontier, between Chippawa and fort Erie, by a small divi- sion of British, under Lieutenant-colonel Bishopp. On the 26th of December a public notice was issued by the prince-regent, that the ports and harbours of the Chesapeake and Delaware were placed in a state of blockade. Before the year closed, the Americans obtained another triumph over the British navy, in the capture of his majesty's frigate Java, Captain Lambert, on the 29th of December. The Java was bound to the East Indies, and off the coast of Brazil met with the American frigate Consti- tution, where a very severe action ensued, in the course of which Captain Lambert having received a mortal wound, and the ship being rendered quite unmanageable, from the damages she had sustained in her masts and rigging, Mr. Chads, the first lieutenant, who succeeded to the com- mand, was under the disagreeable necessity of striking his colours. This unfortunate event was communicated to the admiralty, by Mr. Chads, in the following manner:— United States Frigate Constitution, off St. Sal- vador, Dec. 31, 1812. “Sir-It is with deep regret that I write you, for the information of the lords commissioners of the admiralty, that his majesty's ship Java is no more, after sustaining an action, on the 29th in- stant, for several hours, with the American frigate Constitution, which resulted in the capture and ultimate destruction of his majesty's ship. Cap- tain Lambert being dangerously wounded in the height of the action, the melancholy task of writ- ing the detail devolves on me. “On the morning of the 29th instant, at eight, a.m. off St. Salvador, (coast of Brazil,) the wind at north-east, we perceived a strange sail; made all sail in chase, and soon made her out to be a ‘large frigate; at noon prepared for action, the chase not answering our private signals, and tack- ing towards us under easy sail; when about four miles distant she made a signal, and immediately tacked and made all sail away upon the wind. We soon found we had the advantage of her in sailing, and came up with her fast, when she hoist- ed American colours; she then bore about three points on our lee-bow. At fifty minutes past one, p.m. the enemy shortened sail, upon which we bore down upon her; at ten minutes past two, when about half a mile distant, she opened her fire, giving us a larboard-broadside, which was not returned till we were close on her weather- bow. Both ships now manoeuvred to obtain ad- vantageous positions, our opponent evidently avoiding close action, and firing high to disable our masts, in which he succeeded too well, having shot away the head of our bowsprit with the jib- boom, and our running rigging so much cut as to prevent our preserving the weather-gage. “At five minutes past three, finding the enemy's raking-fire extremely heavy, Captain Lambert ordered the ship to be laid on-board, in which we should have succeeded, had not our fore-mast been shot away at this moment, the remains of our bowsprit passing over his taffrail; shortly after this the main-top-mast went, leaving the ship to- tally unmanageable, with most of our starboard #. rendered useless from the wreck lying over them. “At half-past three our gallant captain received a dangerous wound in the breast, and was carried below; from this time we could not fire more than two or three guns until a quarter past four, when our mizen-mast was shot away; the ship then fell off a little, and brought many of our starboard guns to bear; the enemy's rigging was so much cut that he could not now avoid shooting a-head, which brought us fairly broadside and broadside. Our main-yard now went into the slings, both ships continued engaged in this manner till thirty- five minutes past four, we frequently on fire in consequence of the wreck lying on the side en- gaged. Our opponent now made sail a-head out of gun-shot, where he remained an hour re- pairing his damages, leaving us an unmanageable wreck, with only the main-mast left, and that tot- tering. Every exertion was made by us during this interval to place the ship in a state to renew the action. We succeeded in clearing the wreck of our masts from our guns, a sail was set on the stumps of the fore-mast and bowsprit, the weather 6F THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 959 *-*—ia. half of the "main-yard remaining aloft, the main- tack was got forward in the hope of getting the ship before the wind, our helm º: still perfect: the effort unfortunately proved ineffectual, from the main-mast falling over the side, from the heavy rolling of the ship, which nearly covered the whole of our star-board guns. We still waited the attack of the enemy, he now standing towards us for that purpose; on his coming nearly within hail of us, and from his manoeuvre perceiving he intended a position a-head, where he could rake us without a possibility of our returning a shot. I then consulted the officers, who agreed with my- self, that our having a great part of our crew kil- led and wounded, our bowsprit and three masts §." several guns useless, we should not be justi- ed in wasting the lives of more of those remain- ing, who, I hope their lordships, and the country will think have bravely defended his majesty's ship. Under these circumstances, however reluctantly, at fifty minutes past five, our colours were lowered from the stump of the mizen-mast, and we were taken possession of, a little after six, by the Ame- rican frigate Constitution, commanded by Com- modore iº. who, immediately after ascer- taining the state of the ship, resolved on burning her, which we had the satisfaction of seeing done as soon as the wounded were removed. Annexed I send you a return of the killed and wounded, and it is with pain I perceive it so numerous; also a statement of the comparative force of the two ships, when I hope their lordships will not think the British flag tarnished, although success has not attended us. It would be presumptuous in me to speak of Captain Lambert's merits, who, though still in danger from his wound, we enter- tain the greatest hopes of his being restored to the service and his country. “It is most gratifying to my feelings to notice the gallantry of every officer, seaman, and marine, on- board: in justice to the officers, I beg leave to mention them individually. I can never speak too highly of the able exertions of Lieutenants Hevringham and Buchanan, and also of Mr. Ro- binson, master, who was severely wounded, and Lieutenants Mercer and Davis, of the royal ma- rines, the latter of whom also was severely wound- ed. To Captain John Marshal, R. N. who was a passenger, I am particularly obliged for his ex- ertions and advice throughout the action. To Lieutenant Aplin, who was on the main-deck, and Lieutenant Saunders, who commanded on the forecastle, I also return my thanks. I cannot but notice the good conduct of the mates and mid- shipmen, many of whom are killed, and the greater part wounded. To Mr. T. C. Jones, sur- geon, and his assistants, every praise is due, for their unwearied assiduity in the care of the wounded. Lieutenant-general Hislop, Major Walker, and Captain Wood, of his staff, the latter ſjö. of whom was severely wounded, were solicitous to Book x1. assist and remain on the quarter-deck. I cannot conclude this letter, without expressing my grate- ful acknowledgments, thus publicly, for the gene- rous treatment Captain Lambert and his officers have experienced from our gallant enemy, Com- modore Bainbridge and his officers. “I have the honor to be, &e. “ H. D. CHADs, first lieutenant of his majesty's late ship Java. * P. S. The Constitution has also suffered se- verely both in her rigging and men, having her fore and mizen-masts, main top-mast, both main- top sail-yards, spanker-boom, gaff, and trysail- mast badly shot, and the greatest part of the standing rigging very much damaged, with ten men killed, the commodore, fifth lieutenant, and forty-six men wounded, four of whom are since dead.” Force of the two Ships. JAVA. 28 long 18-pounders. 16 carronades, 32-pounders. 2 long 9-pounders. 46 guns. Weight of metal, 1034lbs. Ship's company and supernumeraries, 377. CONSTITUTION. 32 long 24-pounders. 22 carronades, 32-pounders. I carronade, 18-pounder. 55 guns. Weight of metal, 1490. Crew, 480. The gallant Captain Lambert died, in conse- quence of his wounds, a few days after the action, and was interred, with all military honors, in Fort St. Pedro. The following extract of a letter from New York will shew in what manner these successes operated upon the minds of the Americans. “The unexpected success of the navy has much roused the spirit of the nation, and |'. duced a disposition in all parties to foster and in- crease it. The fashionable doctrine now is, that an American ship of war is more than a match for a British one of equal force. The idea of pro- tecting British seamen against the allegiance they owe to their country, is getting exploded by all parties; and the only difficulty is to hit upon an expedient that will be satisfactory to the British government, in securing to them the services of those people, in place of the very obnoxious mode of impressment.” The success of the Americans, by sea, seems to have inspired them with so much confidence, that they determined to try the issue of another | H. G. CH. VIII. ~gº/*-*. 1812. 960 {} F THE WARS HISTORY BOOK XI. Ch. VIII. \-sºº. *- 1813. vºws r: ** --saw-ºr attack on Canada. Accordingly, Brigadier-ge- ral Winchester, with a division of the American forces, consisting of more than 1,000 men, being the right-wing of Major-general Harrison's army, advanced, in January, 1813, to the attack of De- troit, and obtained possession of French-town, twenty-six miles from that place. But on the 22d, however, he was completely defeated by Co- lonel Proctor, who commanded in the sº territory, with a force which he had hastily col- lected upon the approach of the enemy, consisting of a small detachment of the 10th royal veteran battalion, three companies of the 41st regiment, a party of the royal Newfoundland fencibles, the sailors belonging to the Queen Charlotte, and 150 of the Essex militia, and about 600 Indians; the result of the action was the surrender of Brigadier- general Winchester; with 500 officers, non-com- missioned officers, and privates of the American army, and with a loss on their part of nearly the like number in killed and wounded. For the details of this affair, which reflects the highest credit upon Colonel Proctor, for the promptitude, gallantry, and decision which he manifested upon this occasion, we must refer to the following letter, which he transmitted to Major-general Sheaffe, dated Sandwich, January 25: º “Sir, In my last dispatch I acquainted you that the enemy was in the Michigan territory, marching upon Detroit, and that I therefore deem- ed it necessary that he should be attacked without delay, with all and every description of force within my reach. Early in the morning of the 19th, I was informed of his being in possession of Frenchtown, on the river Raisin, 26 miles from Detroit, after experiencing every resistance that Major Reynolds, of the Essex militia, had it in his power to make, with a three-pounder well served and directed by Bombardier Kitson, of the royal artillery, and the militia, three of whom he had well trained to the use of it. The retreat of the gun was covered by a brave band of Indians, who made the enemy pay dear for what he obtain- ed. This party, composed of militia and Indians, with the gun, fell back eighteen miles to Brown's town, the settlement "of the brave Wyandots, where I directed my force to assemble. On the 21st instant, I advanced twelve miles to Swan- creek, from whence we marched to the enemy, and attacked him at break of day on the 22d in- stant; and after suffering, for our numbers, a con- siderable loss, the enemy's force posted in houses and enclosures, and which, from dread of falling into the hands of the Indians, they most obsti- nately defended, at length surrendered at discre- tion; the other part of their force, in attempting to retreat by the way they came, were, I believe, all, or with very few exceptions, killed by the Indians. Brigadier-general Winchester was taken in the *. pursuit by the Wyandot chief, Roundhead, who afterwards surrendered him to me. You will perceive that I have lost no time; indeed, it was necessary to be prompt in my movements, as the enemy would have been joined by Major-general Harrison in a few days. The troops, the marine, and the militia, displayed great bravery, and be- haved uncommonly well. Where so much zeal and spirit were manifested, it would be unjust to attempt to particularize any; I cannot, however, refrain from mentioning Lieutenant-colonel St. George, who received four wounds in a gallant attempt to occupy a building which was favorably situated for annoying the enemy; together with Ensign Kerr, of the Newfoundland regiment, who, I fear, is very dangerously wounded. The zeal and courage of the Indian department were never more conspicuous than on this occasion, and the Indian warriors fought with their usual bravery. I am much indebted to the different departments, the troops having been well and timely supplied with every requisite the district could aft. I have fortunately not been deprived of the services of Lieutenant Troughton, of the Froyal artillery, and acting in the quarter-master-general's depart- ment, although he was wounded, to whose zealous and unwearied exertions I am greatly indebted, as well as to the whole of the royal artillery, for their conduct in this affair. I enclose a list of the killed and wounded, and cannot but lament that there are so many of both; but of the latter I am happy to say a large proportion will return to their duty, and most of them in a short time. I also enclose a return of the arms and ammunition which have been taken, as well as of the prisoners, whom you will perceive to be equal to my utmost force, exclusive of the Indians. It is reported that a party, consisting of 100 men, bringing 500 hogs for General Winchester's force, i. been completely cut off by the Indians, and the convoy taken. Lieutenant M'Lean, my acting brigade- major, whose gallantry and exertions were conspi- cuous on the 22d instant, is the bearer of this dis- patch, and will be able to afford you every infor- mation respecting our situation. A. “ I have the honor to be, &c. (Signed) “HENRY PRoctor.” The loss of the British, in this action, was twenty-four killed, and 158 wounded. The Americans posted at Ogdenburg, near the river St. Lawrence, having availed themselves of the frozen state of that river to make frequent predatory incursions upon the inhabitants on the Canadian' border, Sir George, Prevost, arriving, on the 21st of February, at Prescot, opposite the enemy, directed, an attack of his position at Og- denburgh, which took place on the following day, under the command of Major Macdonald, of the 7 OF THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 961 **- *** *------ —ºr- jºr- *…*.*.*.*.*- º -*-*— Glengarry light-infantry fencibles, at the head of about 480 regulars and militia. The following is Major Macdonald's account of this affair:- “I this morning, about seven o’clock, crossed the river St. Lawrence, upon the ice, and attacked and carried, after a little more than an hour's ac- tion, his position in and near the opposite town of Ogdensburgh, taking eleven pieces of cannon, and all his ordnance, marine, commissariat, and quar- ter-master-general’s stores, four officers and se- venty prisoners, and burning two armed schooners and two large gun-boats, and both his barracks. My force consisted of about 480 regulars and mi- litia, and was divided into two columns: the right, commanded by Captain Jenkins, of the Glengarry light-infantry fencibles, was composed of his own flank-company, and about seventy militia; and from the state of the ice, and the enemy's position in the old French fort, was directed to check his left, and interrupt his retreat, whilst I moved on with the left column, consisting of 120 of the king's regiment, º of the royal Newfoundland corps, and about militia, towards his position in the town, where he had posted his heavy field-artillery. The depth of the snow in some degree retarded the advance of both columns, and exposed them, particularly the right, to a heavy cross-fire from the batteries of #. enemy, for a longer period than I had expected; but pushing on rapidly after the batteries began to open upon us, the left co- lumn soon gained the right bank of the river, un- der the direct fire of his artillery and line of mus- ketry, posted on an eminence near the shore;— moving on rapidly my advance, consisting of the detachment of the royal Newfoundland and some select militia, I turned his right with the detach- ment of the king's regiment, and after a few dis- charges from his artillery, took them with the bayonet, and drove his infantry through the town, some escaping across the †. river into the fort, but the majority fled to the woods, or sought refuge in the houses, from whence they kept such a gal- ling fire, that it was necessary to dislodge them with our field-pieces, which now came up from the bank of the river, where they had stuck on landing, in the deep snow. f “Having gained the high ground on the brink of the Black river, opposite the fort, I prepared to carry it by storm; but the men, being quite ex- hausted, I procured time for them to recover breath, by sending in a summons, requiring an unconditional surrender. During these transac- tions, Captain Jenkins had gallantly led on his co- lumn, and had been exposed to a heavy fire of seven guns, which he bravely attempted to take with the bayonet, though covered with 200 of the enemy's best troops: iº. as rapidly as the deep snow, and the exhausted state (in conse- quence) of his men would admit, he ordered a charge, and had not proceeded many paces, when *~~~~ * …º- 1–------ —ºr- wº-mº- his left arm was broken to pieces by a grape- BOOK XI. shot; but still undauntedly running on with his men, he almost immediately afterwards was de- ºr Vºſſ. prived of the use of his right arm by a discharge of case-shet; still heroically disregarding all per- sonal consideration, he nobly ran on, cheerin his men, to the assault, till exhausted by pain .# loss of blood, he became unable to move. His company gallantly continued the charge, under Lieutenant M'Auley; but the reserve of militia not being able to keep up with them, they were compelled, by the great superiority of the enemy, to give way, leaving a few on a commanding po- sition, and a few of the most advanced in the ene- my's possession, nearly about the time that I gained the height above-mentioned. The enemy hesitating to surrender, I instantly carried his eastern battery, and by it silenced another which now opened again, and ordering on the advance the detachment of the king's and the Highland company of militia, under Captain Eustace, of the king's regiment, he gallantly rushed into the fort; but the enemy retreating by the ". entrance, escaped into the woods, which I should effectually have prevented, if my Indian warriors had return- ed sooner from a detached service on which they had, that morning, been employed. I cannot close this statement without expressing my admiration of the gallantry and self-devotion of Captain Jen- kins, who has lost one arm, and is in danger of losing the other. I must also report the intrepi- dity of Captain Lelievre, of the Newfoundland regiment, who had immediate charge of the mili- tia under Colonel Fraser; of Captain Eustace, and the other officers of the king's regiment, and particularly of Lieutenant Ridge, of that corps, who very gallantly led on the advance; and of Lieutenant M'Auley and Ensign M'Donnell, of the Glengarry regiment; as also Lieutenant Gan- gueben, of the royal engineers; and of Ensign Mºkay, of the Glengarry light-infantry; and of Ensign Kerr, of the militia, each of whom had charge of a field-piece; and of Lieutenant Impey, of the militia, who has lost a leg. I was also well supported by Captain Fraser and the other officers and men of the militia, who emulate the conspi- cuous bravery of all the troops of the line. I en- close a list of the killed and wounded. The ene- my had 500 men under arms, and must have sus- fained a considerable loss. (Signed) “G, MACDONALD.” On the other hand, the city of York, the capital of Upper Canada, was captured by the Americans in April. General Dearborn, with a force of nearly 3,000 men, states, in a letter to the secre- tary at war, that arriving, by water, at the place in the morning of the 27th of April, he began land- ing the troops under a heavy fire....The British commander in York was General Sheaffe, whose § --& ----- d 1813. 962 HISTORY OF THE WARS Book XI. force is stated at 700 regulars and militia, and 100 Indians. These he had stationed in the Ch. VIII, woods near the landing-place, and a spirited re- 1813. sistance was kept up, till the landing of General Pike with 7 or 800 men, and the approach to the shore of the remainder of the assailants, induced the British to retreat to their works. When the Americans had advanced within sixty rods of the míain work of the town, an explosion took place from a magazine, which killed and wounded about 100 of the Américans and forty of the British. General Pike lost his life on this occasion, and was much regretted by the Americans as a brave and skilful officer. In the mean time, Commodore Chauncey had worked into the harbour with his flotilla, and opened a fire upon the British batteries. It now became evident that the numbers of the British were inadequate to the task of defending York any longer against the vast superiority of force brought against it. General Sheaffe, therefore, soon after the explosion, marched out of the place with the regulars, and left the commander of the militia to capitulate. In consequence, all resist- ance immediately ceased, and the terms of sur- render were agreed upon, by which all the mili- tary and naval men and officers, (about 300 in number) were made prisoners of war. Before the surrender, a large ship on the stocks and much naval stores had been set fire to, but a consider- able quantity of military stores and provisions remained undamaged. The Americans, how- ever, were forced to evacuate York in the follow- ing month. This period was marked by an act of hostility on the part of the Americans against the Spa- niards, which, at any other time, would probably have involved the two countries in a state of war. This was the capture of the fortress of Mobile, in West Florida. The Americans alleged, that this place was within the limits of the purchase of Louisiana by the United States, and which the Spaniards had hitherto retained on various pretexts. A detachment from General Harrison's army was therefore sent against it, which made a landing on the 12th of April. The commander advancing to the fort with scaling-ladders prepared for an assault, summoned the Spanish garrison to evacuate the place, with which requisition they complied, and were embarked for Pensacola. A numerous artillery and a considerable quantity of ammunition were found in the fortress. In addition to the losses which the British navy had sustained by sea, in the commencement of the contest with the Americans, must be added, that of the destruction of the sloop of war Pea- eock, of eighteen guns. Captain Lawrence, of the American sloop of war Hornet, in his account of this unfortunate action, states, that in cruizing from the coast of Surinam to that of Demerara, after making the latter, on the morning of the --- —Frt- 24th of February, he discovered a vessel at an chor, apparently, an English brig of war. On beating round a bank, in order to get to her, he descried another sail on his weather-quarter, eding down to him. This proved to be the Peacock; and after some manoeuvring to get the weather-gage, in which the American succeeded, the action commenced about half-past five, p. m. Captain Lawrence ran his antagonist close on- board on the starboard-quarter, and kept up so heavy a fire, that in less than fifteen minutes, by his own account, but by that of some English who escaped, after an action of forty-five minutes, she surrendered, by hoisting a signal of distress. On sending a lieutenant on-board the Peacock, it was found that her commander, Captain Peake, was killed, and many other officers and men killed and wounded, and that the ship was sinking fast, having six feet water in her hold. Notwithstand- ing every endeavour to keep her afloat till the prisoners were removed, she went down, carrying with her thirteen of her crew, and three American sailors. Four of her men had previously taken her stern-boat, and got to land. The Peacock was considered as one of the finest vessels of her class, and appears to have entered into action with con- fidence of success. The Hornet, however, was of somewhat superior force, and her fire was de- scribed as truly formidable. In order to destroy the trade of the Americans, a public ratification was issued by the prince-re- gent on the 30th of March, that necessary mea- sures had been taken for blockading the ports and harbours of New York, Charleston, Port Royal, Savannah, and the river Mississippi. These were additional to the blockades of the Chesapeake and Delaware. Admiral Sir J. B. Warren, being of opinion that a flotilla of small vessels might be usefull employed in penetrating the rivers at the head of Chesapeake bay, detached in April Rear-admiral Cockburn with a light squadron for that purpose. This officer made a successful attempt by the Fantome and Mohawk on French-town, a consi- derable distance up the Elk river, where was a depôt of stores. A resistance was made by a six- gun battery, but it was abandoned, and the town and stores left to their fate. The latter, consist- ing of flour and army necessaries, together with five vessels, were burnt. In a few days after- wards, Admiral Cockburn attacked Havre-de- Grace, a place at the entrance of the Susque- hanna, where the Americans had erected a bat- tery. The attack was made by two divisions of seamen and marines, who drove the enemy from the battery and town, set fire to some houses of the latter, and then proceeded to a cannon-foun- dery at some distance, which they entirely de- stroyed, with a number of guns, and also took one hundred and thirty staud of arms. He afterwards made an attack upon George-town, and Frede- 6 F THE 963 FRENCH REVOLUTION. **. rick’s-town. A body of four hundred militiamen, by whom they were defended, was soon dispersed, and the villages were destroyed, with the excep- tion of the houses of some peaceable inhabitants who took no part in the hostilities. Some other places, in which there were no public stores or property, and no preparations made for resistance, were spared, and thus the expedition terminated. It was of no other consequence than as it might impress the minds of the people in those parts with a desire for the termination of hostilities. The events of this war excited a considerable degree of interest in England, and, early in the year, ministers called the attention of parliament to the subject. On the 18th of February, Lord Castlereagh rose in the House of Commons, and made a speech on the subject of the negociations with America which had been laid before the house, concerning which, he said, that the chief point to- wards which their attention would be directed, was, whether it had been in the power of ministers, by any exertion, to have prevented the much-to- be-deprecated war in which we were now engag- ed. After expressing the great concern he him- self felt at this occurrence, he said, that the question before the house was simply this, whe- ther in this war justice was or was not on the side of Great Britain? and the proposition he meant to ground on their decision in the affirmative, was, that an address should be presented to the prince-regent, calling upon him to direct a vigorous prosecution of the war, with assurance of support from parliament. He then entered on a kind of commentary upon the regent's decla- ration, which will be found in our last chapter, in which all the arguments were repeated con- cerning the justice of the measures on the part of Great Britain that led to the hostile termination, which had been so often advanced during the ne- gociations. One circumstance of fact produced by his lordship may deserve to be recorded. The Americans, in their complaints against this coun- try, had assumed, that Great Britain had impressed 15 or 20,000 of her citizens. But, upon particu- lar enquiry by the admiralty, it had appeared, that out of 145,000 seamen employed in the Bri- tish service in January 1811, the whole number claiming to be American subjects was 3,500; and, as it had been found that of the individuals advanc- ing such claim, only about one in four could make it good upon examination, the real number would be reduced to 16 or 1700. He asked, then, if the house could believe that for such a consi- deration as 1700 sailors his majesty's govern- ment would irritate the feelings of a neutral nation, or violate public justice. After stating the par- ticulars of the negociations preceding the declara- tion of war, with a view of shewing that the Bri- tish ministry had not been wanting in temper and due forbearance, and also that they had not been deficient in proper precautions against a possible hostile termination; his lordship concluded with moving, “ that an humble address be presented to his royal highness the prince-regent, to ac- quaint his royal highness that we have taken into our consideration the papers laid before us by his royal highness's command, relative to the late discussions with the government of the United States of America: that whilst we deeply regret the failure of the endeavours of his royal highness to preserve the relations of peace and amity be- tween this country and the United States, we entirely approve of the resistance which has been opposed by his royal highness to the unjustifiable pretensions of the American government, being satisfied that those pretensions could not be ad- mitted without surrendering some of the most ancient, undeubted, and important rights of the British empire; that, impressed as we are with these sentiments, and fully convinced of the jus- tice of the war in which his majesty has been com- pelled to engage, his royal highness may rely on our most zealous and cordial support in every measure which may be necessary for prosecuting the war with vigour, and for bringing it to a safe and honourable termination.” Mr. Ponsonby, after premising that he conceiv- ed the house was bound at present to support the crown in the prosecution of the war, observed, that from the papers laid before the house, three particular stages of negociation were apparent. The first stage was, the overture made by Mr. Russell to the noble lord for an armistice, with the understanding, that during its continuance there was to be a negociation between this coun- try, and America on the subject of impressment, and that, while it was pending, the right of im- pressment should be waived. This overture, he allowed, could not be admitted. The second was, the proposition that though no formal recognition of a suspension of the disputed right should take place, yet a secret understanding of that kind should be preserved between the two countries, till the matter in controversy was decided. This, also, he should have concurred with the noble lord in rejecting. The third stage presented a third overture, which, as he understood it, was made by Mr. Monroe to Sir John Warren, namely, that the question of impressment being the prin- cipal subject of dispute, an agreement on which might put an end to the war, the American go- vernment was willing to negociate upon it flag- rante bello, whilst this country was continuing to exercise its accustomed controul. Against this proposal he thought there could be no objection; for though, in the prince-regent's declaration, as a reason against such a negociation, it was observ- ed that it would be commenced on the basis of receiving a legislatiºn from a foreign BOOK XI. Ch. VIII. 1813. 964 HISTORY OF THE WARS BOOK XI. C.H. VIII. Nºvº-Z 1813. state, in the place of a right which Great Britain had long been accustomed to exercise; yet it did not appear to him that this right was abandoned merely by entering into a negociation on the sub- ject. The right honorable gentleman enlarged upon this point, and asked, was the war to be eter- nal? but if a treaty was ever to be made, it must be by means of negociation upon this very sub- ject. He then touched upon the naval successes of America since the commencement of the war, which he could not but think showed some want of foresight and preparation in the ministers. Mr. Baring said, that he did not believe that the noble lord’s assertion was correct, that the American declaration of war had any connection with the state of France or Russia; and in his opinion the cause of the war was solely in the orders-of-council; and he appealed to Mr. Foster, the late ambassador to that country, and now sit- ting in the house, whether an earlier repeal of these orders would not have prevented the war. Now, however, the subject of impressment was the only obstacle to peace, and a most important one it was. He was sensible how much the safety of the country would be endangered by a surren- der of the right without a sufficient substitute, and was aware of the great difficulty of finding such a substitute. He thought, however, that Mr. Rus- sel’s proposal ought to have been rejected in a more conciliatory manner, and the door not to have been shut against future negociation, with a phrase about maritime rights. The noble lord had stated that there were about 1,600 American seamen in our service, but had not noticed that there were at least ten times as many of British seamen in the service of America; which he men- tioned, to show that it was even more for our in- terest than for that of America to court negocia- tion on this point. He observed, that though there might be only 1,600 American seamen de- tained for life in our navy, it was no captious ground of complaint: it was a matter not to be settled by a balance of numbers, nor ought it to be regarded in that light. He then adverted to the conduct of the war, and held, that with our naval establishment we ought to have blockaded the whole American coast. Mr. Foster then rose, and in reply to the appeal of the last speaker, said that he could not affirm that the revocation of the orders-in-council, pre- viously to the commencement of hostilities, would have had the effect of averting them. Their re- peal might have weighed something with the go- vernment, but he did not think that the govern- ment was sufficiently master of the congress to be able to do what it thought most beneficial for the country. He could not agree with the opi- nion of the honorable gentleman, that there was no party in America friendly to France: the re- volution had made a strong impression there; and —r- *º-suggº although the subsequent turn of affairs might have detached the better part from them, they were yet a powerful party. There was also an anti-anglican party, who took every opportunity to foment animosity against Great Britain. There were no fewer than six united Irishmen in the congress, distinguished by their inveterate enmity to this country. Mr. F. made many observations on the state of parties in America, and on its ef- fect in producing the measures which had Îed to hostilities. The war, he said, was carried in congress by that rancorous faction against the English, who persuaded others to join them through fear that a difference might break up the democratic party; and in the senate the war measure was carried by the opponents of govern- ment, who were desirous of making it unpo- pular. Mr. Whitbread was glad to have heard from the honorable gentleman, that neither Mr. Mon- roe or Mr. Madison seemed to him to be actu- ated solely by a spirit of hostility towards this country. The latter person had been much re- viled by the noble lord and others for his attach- ment to the politics of France, but it now ap- peared that the war had been produced by causes beyond his controul. He could not consider America as being wholly to blame in the produc- tion of the war; and he was justified by a re- view of the history and progress of the preceding negociations to ascribe to the conduct of our own government the existing rupture between the two countries. On this point, Mr. W. entered into various particulars; and with respect to the Ame- rican practice of naturalizing British-born sub- jects, and denationalizing them, he observed that there were two acts upon our statute-books by which every foreigner who served two years in any vessel, military or merchant, was entitled to every protection of a natural-born subject of this realm: and he apprehended that if an American had served two years in our navy, and the vessel in which he sailed was boarded by an American armed ship, which should claim him, he would be entitled to the protection of this country, and our government would have a right to refuse to give him up. Mr. W. then strongly reprehended the attempts to attribute the conduct of America on this occasion to French influence, and denied that she had ever declared in favour of France. If truth must be spoken, she had always been in the right in all her disputes with us until, by the declaration of war, she had changed her situation, and he hoped that this advantage which she had given us would be used on our parts with wisdom and discretion. Mr. Canning, in a long and eloquent speech, in which he was frequently greeted with cheers, undertook the defence of the British government in its proceedings previous to the late negocia- OF THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 965 tions, and in the negociations themselves. With respect to the English acts relative to foreign sailors, referred to by Mr. W. he said that he had understood them only as granting municipal pri- vileges to such persons, and by no means as im- pairing their native allegiance to their own sove- reigns; and therefore that there was no similitude between these enactments and the pretensions of America in their naturalizations. With regard º *> to the right of search, he repeated the arguments used in the regent's declaration against first abandoning a right of which we are in lawful ossession, and then trusting to negociation for its restoration, or the substitution of an equiva- lent. But the topic on which he principally em- ployed his eloquence, was an invective against the American government for having taken the time when great Britain was deeply engaged in the glorious struggle for the emancipation of Eu- rope from tyranny, to impede her exertions, and league itself with the oppressor. Having thus declared his sentiments concerning the general #. of the dispute between the two countries, e assumed his part of a censurer of the present administration, by remarking on their want of vigour and decision in the measures which had followed the declaration of war. After Mr. Croker had made some observations in defence of the conduct of the admiralty, and had stated some facts in proof of the misrepre- sentations and unfair proceedings of the Ameri- cans relative to the impressing of seamen; and a few words had been added by other members; the question was put, and carried without oppo- sition. A similar address being moved in the house of lords by Earl Bathurst, on Feb. 18th, the day for taking into consideration the papers relative to the war with America, a debate ensued, in which the arguments employed were so perfectly similar to those above reported, that it is unne- cessary to particularize them. The address was carried without a division. In the house of lords, on the 14th of May, the Earl of Darnley rose to call the attention of their lordships to our naval disasters. He said, he had hoped that during the interval between giv- ing his notice and bringing forward his motion, something would have occurred to compensate the past disasters; but, on the contrary, another unfortunate event had been reported, attended with circumstances still more melancholy than the former ones. He alluded to the action be- tween the British sloop of war Peacock, and the American brig Hornet of equal force. He should not now enter upon any question concerning the course or policy of the war, but it could not be disputed that ministers must have been long aware that war, sooner or later, must take place. This being the case, how were we prepared to meet it? With respect to Canada, the events BOOK XI. there had greatly added to our military reputa- tion, but they were events entirely unexpected. Ch. VIII. It was, however, with regard to our naval force -Tº- that he should confine his inquiries. It appeared that from April to July in the last year, there were on the Halifax station, under Admiral Saw- yer, exclusive of smaller vessels, one ship of the line and five frigates. That such a force only should have been stationed there, when a timely reinforcement might have atchieved the most im- portant objects, loudly called for inquiry. He was well informed that five ships of the line, se- venteen frigates, and an adequate number of smaller vessels, on that station, the whole coast of the United States might have been blockaded. It had been said that a sufficient force could not be spared for that purpose; but by sending to sea vessels which were lying useless, and taking one ship from each of the blockading squadrons, this might have been effected. It might be as- serted that the force already on the Halifax sta- tion was equal to that of the American navy; but it had long been a matter of notoriety, that the American frigates were greatly superior to ours in size and weight of metal. If the war was in- evitable, it was very extraordinary that govern- ment did not give orders for the construction of vessels able to cope with our antagonists. It would only be necessary to refer to dates to prove the criminal negligence of ministers. War was declared on the 18th of June, and it was not till October 13th that letters of marque and reprisal were issued; and more than two months longer elapsed before the Chesapeake and Delaware were declared to be blockaded. Certain other ports were declared to be blockaded on the 18th of March last, but Rhode Island and Newport remained open, and in the last the American fri- gate was refitted that took the Macedonian. In all the unfortunate cases, the cause was the same; the superior height of , the enemy, and their greater weight of metal, by which our ships were crippled and dismasted early in the action, were circumstances surely deserving of inquiry. His lordship then called the attention of the house to the manner in which our trade had been left ex- posed to the depredations of the enemy; and he strongly reprobated the licences given by govern- ment for the importation of American cotton, thereby favoring their commerce to the detriment of our colonies. He then touched upon the mis- management in our dock-yards ; and upon the whole he contended that a case had been made out loudly demanding investigation. He con- cluded by moving, “ That a select committee be appointed to inquire into the circumstances of the war with the United States, and more particu- larly into the state, conduct, and management of our naval affairs, as competed with it.” 966 HISTORY OF THE WARS BOOK XI. C.H. VIII. \_º 1813. The motion was seconded by Earl Stanhope. Lord Melville then rose and said, that though the conduct, and not the grounds of the war was the matter now to be considered, yet there was one circumstance connected with the declaration of it on which it was necessary to say a few words. Although the government of the United States had for some time before been in such a frame of mind as ultimately led to hostilities, yet a general opinion prevailed, that the revocation of the orders in council would have pacified it. He protested against the noble earl’s proposition, that it was the duty of ministers always to have kept there a fleet sufficient to blockade all the orts in America.-There were other important ranches of the service to which their attention was called, and our force on other stations was no more than sufficient, the blockading force in many places being less than the force blockaded. He had never met with a naval officer who enter- tained the opinion of the noble mover respecting the possibility of completely blockading the Ame- rican ports. As to what he had said relative to the ships which had been opposed to the Ameri- cans, Lord Melville .. that we were not to alter the classes of ships in the British navy merely because there were three American ships of unusual dimensions. All naval officers agreed in the opinion that it was not proper to multiply the classes of vessels; and it was far better to send out seventy-four's than to set about building ships only fit to cope with the American navy. The advice to diminish the number of small ves- sels was one in which no experienced person could concur, since these were peculiarly requi- site to protect our trade against the enemy's pri- vateers. The balance of capture was so far from Theing in favor of the Americans, that it was the reverse. With respect to not sooner issuing letters of marque, the delay was for the purpose of know- ing the reception given by the Americans to our proposals of accommodation. As to the charge of mismanagement in the dock-yards, measures had been taken to remedy defects. Some of our ships, it was true, had undergone a rapid decay, through haste in the building ; but it was neces- sary that our exertions should keep pace with those of the enemy.—For all these reasons he should give his vote against the motion. Earl Stanhope made a speech chiefly relative to his own plans for the improvement of naval architecture. The most remarkable part was his reference to the contrivances of Mr. Fulton for blowing up ships under water, whose offers, he said, had been rejected by Bonaparte, but had been accepted by Mr. Pitt and Lord Melville, ------ - - ----------- ~~~~~- ------------------ ~---------------- - - - - - - - *** ***-**-*-*--- --—-- ~~~~~s===s, sº es-...s.--~~~ - **** ***** -º-º: * ~ * --- -* * who, after his failure at Boulogne, made a com- promise with him for a considerable sum, with which he went to America. Earl S. said, he had given a plan to the admiralty for preventing the effect of his inventions, which he thought of a formidable nature. The Earl of Galloway entered into some pro- fessional remarks respecting the naval disasters oi the American war, which he attributed very much to the power of the enemy to man their few large frigates with prime sailors; whereas the great demand for men in our navy had rendered it necessary to admit a large proportion of an in- ferior class. He touched upon the propensity of our seamen to desert, which he thought might be best obviated by an increase of petty officers made from the best among them, and by more liberal remuneration. He was also of opinion, in opposition to Lord Melville, that ships of pre- cisely the same kind with those of the Americans should be built, in order to contend with them. He asserted that he should have approved of the motion had its object been not censure, but in- UIII"We É. Grey began with adverting to the contract of the admiralty with Mr. Fulton, and the com- promise which he himself had negociated, in the conviction that his invention would not prove of the smallest utility. He confessed, however, that such was his dislike to this mode of warfare, that he had passed many uneasy nights from the idea of its impracticability. He then made a number of remarks relative to the expediency of an in- quiry on the present occasion, not only on ac- count of our naval disasters, but the whole ma- nagement of the American war. He dwelt par- ticularly on the neglect in protecting the trade of the West Indies and of the coast of South Ame- rica, and on the superiority of ſorce which the Americans had been suffered to construct on the Canadian lakes. Earl Bathurst defended the conduct of minis- ters upon similar grounds with those taken by Lord Melville. Lord Grenville said, that the doctrine advanced by Lord Galloway, that inquiry implied censure, would lead to the abdication of all the functions of parliament; for no inquiry could be instituted, in that case, without incurring the guilt of con- demning the parties unheard. He recapitulated some of the charges against ministry which had been already urged in support of the motion. After the j of Liverpool had spoken in de- fence of the ministers, and the noble mover had briefly replied, the house divided, for the motion 59; against it, 125. Majority, 66. • OF THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 967 ------------- --- * **** Tº sº ºrºgº ºn “º "wº ºrººº-ºº: CHAPTER IX. United States of America.--Rapid Increase in Wealth and Population.—Commerce.—Political Parties.—Character of the Americans.—JWumber of Inhabitants.-State of the Army and JWavy.— Satire upon American Discipline.—Political Life of Mr. Madison.— Biographical Sketch, and Character of Mr. Randolph.-Importance of Canada.-Its Military Force, Population, &c. No country, perhaps, ever increased in popula- tion and wealth, or rose into importance, more rapidly than the United States of America. This may be traced to a variety of causes. Durin the last twenty years, great numbers of †. subjects, disaffected to the government, or borne down by adverse circumstances, have sought the shores of America. The long continuance of a state of war in Europe has also greatly contri- buted to swell the lists of emigrants, who, car- rying with them their arts and collective expe- rience, have increased both their numerical force and political importance. To this may be added the advantages which they derived from neutral commerce when all Europe were engaged in war. Before hostilities commeneed, their commerce was in the most flourishing, state. . According to an official document, which was laid before the house of representatives in 1808, the exports of the United States, from the 1st of October, 1806, to the 1st of October, 1807,were valued as follows: The goods, wares and merchandize of . Pollars. domestic growth or manufacture 48,699,592 Do. of foreign growth or manufacture 59,643,558 Total dellars - - 108,343,150 Tn this prosperous career, the Americans might have proceeded had they pursued a wise policy, and not involved themselves in a war which was foreign to their interests. The establishment of their independence has created an evident change in their moral as well as political character; and from this, no doubt, arises that self-consequence and conceit in the young American, which gives such an air of rude, licentious liberty to the mass of the people. This kind of liberty frequently proves more tyrannical in society than the occa- sional abuse of magisterial power in a monar- chical government; for a man in the United States, if he does not happen to be on the popu- lar side of the question, is often afraid to speak his sentiments, lest he should be abused and ill- treated. These political animosities and arbi-. trary conduct extend even to . courts of justice, where the judges on the “bench too often feel their contagious effects. These political parties are distinguished under the titles of federal-republicans and democrats. Both parties view this country with considerable 66. jealousy; but the democrats, who may be styled “ the people,” carry this to the extremity of the most Jºd and rancorous malice; rendered, indeed, comparatively impotent by its wildness and extravagance; while the federalists, who are in general the opulent, have more just and con- sistent views. The drinking of toasts at public dinners is a very common method of ventin party spleen in America, and of drinking de- struction to their enemies. The newspapers pub- lish long lists of these toasts the next day, as so many proofs of patriotism and virtue; and take a pride in shewing how brilliantly their partizans can blackguard public characters in their cups. An able writer has observed, that an obvious trait in the American character is vanity. Osten- tatious and conceited in an eminent degree, the Americans will allow nothing to be excellent or praiseworthy in foreigners. All other men, Britons not excepted, are regarded by them with contemptuous disdain; and should one of the latter reside in America, or join in the society of her people, he will be soon informed, to his great surprise, that all British subjects are slaves and vassals, that tyranny and oppression pervade every department of the state, and that their own º country, and admirable constitution, is the only resort for hopeless misery. There, men are all free ; there alone the virtues flourish; and thither, as to a place of refuge, are the arts and sciences destined to flee, when the progress of ºy in Europe shall have banished them thence. His astonishment would be increased by further hearing that the people of the “old coun- try,” meaning Great Britain, are degenerated, not only in moral virtue; but in physical power; and that they now are karger bodied, more brave, enlightened, and ingenious. The Americans, in their commercial transac- tions, are exceedingly enterprising, which would deserve high commendation, were it always con- ducted on just and liberal principles; but the re- verse is in general the case: 'fraud, smuggling, and perjury, are ſº with success, and with- out reserve; and thus cupidity prevails among them to an astonishing degree. . An eminent di- vine of Boston thus justly characterized his countrymen from the pulpit, on “ putting away the easily besetting. *i; There have existed BOOK XI. Chap. IX. *N*/ 1812, 968 HIS'I'ORY OF THE WARS BOOK XI. CHAP. IX. 1812. at all times,” said he, “not only personal and peculiar, but also national sins; for instance, among the ancients the Asiatics were accused of effeminacy, the Carthaginians of perfidy, &c. So among the moderns the French are said to be vo- latile and frivolous, the Spaniai ds proud and cruel, the English haughty, and evincing too great con- tempt for strangers; and we, my brethren, of be- ing greedy of gain, and not over scrupulous how we obtain it.” In America all are politicians, and every man a federalist or a democrat. The eagerness of the people for news far surpasses even that of this country. Newspapers are not charged with any duty, and seldom cost more than two-pence half- penny and about a halfpenny more for the car- riage. Hence these vehicles of intelligence and information are accessible to every class of peo- ple in the states; and there is scarcely a poor owner of a miserable box hut, who lives on the borders of the stage-road, but has a newspaper left at his door. When politics are not the sub- ject of conversation, no distinction between a fe- deralist or a democrat can be discerned; but the moment it turns upon the conduct of a Jefferson or Adams, of the English and French nations, open war immediately commences, not only be- tween rival politicians, but between friends and acquaintances. Religious toleration is allowed in its fullest ex- tent in every state of the Union; and people of every sect and form of worship are admitted to a share of the government. The population of the United States, which, in 1777, was estimated at 1,500,000, is now above 10,000,000. In 1808, the navy consisted of ten frigates and eighty-one sloops and gun-boats; the regular army amounted to no more than 2,000 men. But throughout the states, every able-bodied white male-citizen, be- tween the age of eighteen and forty-five, is en- rolled in the militia, and free people of colour are enrolled as pioneers. ôj of the militia may be marched out of each state by order of the executive of the United States, on particular emergencies, and under certain conditions; and treated in every respect the same as the regular troops, except that in cases of courts-martial the court is to be selected from the militia of the state. The militia of the United States, however, is for the most part badly disciplined. In general, they meet only to eat, drink, and make merry. The following excellent satire upon one of those meet- ings may afford our readers some amusement, and give them some idea of American tactics:– “I hap- pened, not long since, to be present at the muster of a captain's company, in a remote part of one of the counties; and as no general description could convey an adequate idea of the achievements of that day, I must be permitted to go a little into the detail, as well as my recollection will serve me. The men had been notified to meet at nine o'clock, ‘armed and equipped as the law directs,” that is to say, with a gun and cartouch-box at least; but, as directed by the law of the United States, “with a good firelock, a sufficient bayonet and belt, and pouch with a box to contain not less than twenty-four sufficient cartridges of powder and ball.’ At twelve o’clock about one-third, perhaps half, the men had collected; and an in- spector's return of the number present would have stood nearly thus: one captain, one lieutenant, en- sign none, serjeants two, corporals none, drum- mers none, fifers none, privates present, twenty- five, ditto absent, thirty, guns fifteen, gunlocks twelve, ramrods ten, rifle pouches three, bayonets none, belts none, spare-flints none, cartridges none, horsewhips, walking-canes, and umbrellas, twenty-two. “A little before one o'clock, the captain, whom I shall distinguish by the name of Clodpole, gave directions for forming the line of parade. In obe- dience to this order, one of the serjeants, the strength of whose lungs had long supplied the place of a drum and fife, placed himself in front of the house, and began to bawl with great vehe- mence, “All Captain Clodpole's company to pa- rade there! come, gentlemen, parade here! pa- rade here!’ says he, “and all you that hasn’t guns, fall into the lower eend.’ He might have bawled till this time, with as little success as the Syrens sung to Ulysses, had he not changed his post to a neighbouring shade; there he was immediatel joined by all who were then at leisure; the others were at that time engaged either as parties or spectators at a game of fives, and could not just then attend: however, in less than half an hour the game was finished, and the captain was en- abled to form his company, and proceed in the duties of the day. “‘Look to the right and dress!” “They were soon, by the help of the non-com- missioned officers, placed in a straight line; but as every man was anxious to see how the rest stood, those on the wings, pressed forward for that pur. pose, till the whole line assumed nearly the form of a crescent. “Whew! look at 'em!" says the captain, ‘why, gentlemen, you are all crookin here at both eends, so that you will get on to me by and by: come, gentlemen, dress I dress." “This was accordingly done; but impelled, by the same motive as before, they soon resumed their former figure, and so they were permitted to remain. “Now, gentlemen, says, the captain, ‘I am going to carry you through the revolutions of the manual exercise, and I want you, gentle- men, if you please, to pay every particular atten- tion to the word of command, just exactly as I give it out to you. I hope you will have a little patience, gentlemen, if you please, and I’ll be as short as possible; and if I should be a-going OF THE FRENCH REVOLUTION, 969 -gºgº- wrong, I will be much obliged to any of you, gentlemen, to put me right again, for I mean all for the best, and I hope you will excuse me if you please. And one thing, gentlemen, I must cau- tion you against, in particular, and that is this, not to make any mistakes if you can possibly help it, and the best way to do this, will be to do all the motions right at first, and that will help us to get along so much the faster, and I will try to have it ever as soon as possible. Come, boys, come to a shoulder. “‘Poise foolk!—Cock foolk!—Very handsome- ly done.—Take aim l—Ram down cartridge!—No No! Fire. I recollect now, that firing comes next after taking aim, according to Steuben; but with your permission, gentlemen, I’ll read the words of command just exactly as they are printed in the book, and then I shall be sure to be right.” “O yes! read it, captain, read it, exclaimed twenty voices at once, ‘‘that will save time.” “‘’Tention the whole then : please to observe, gentlemen, that at the word fire!, you must fire; that is, if any of your guns are loaden’d, you must not shoot in yearnest, but only make pretence like; and all you gentlemen fellow-soldiers, who's arm'd with nothing but sticks, and riding-switches, and corn-stalks, needn’t go through the firings, but stand as you are, and keep yourselves to yourselves. “‘ Half cock foolk!—Very well done. “‘S, h, u, t, (spelling) shet pan!—That too would have been very handsomely done if you hadn’t have handled the cartridge instead; but I suppose you wasn’t noticing. Now ‘tention, one and all, gentlemen, and do that motion again. “‘Shet pan!—Very good, very well indeed, you did that motion equal to any old soldiers; you improve astonishingly. “‘Handle cartridge!—Pretty well, considering ou done it wrong eend foremost, as if you took the cartridge out of your mouth, and bit off the twist with the cartridge-box. “‘Draw rammer!—Those who have no rammers to their guns need not draw, but only make the motion; it will do just as well, and save a great deal of time. “‘ Return rammer l—Very well again—But that would have been done, I think, with greater expertness, if you had performed the motion with a little more dexterity. “Shoulder foolk!—Very handsomely done, in- deed, if you had only brought the foolk to the other shoulder, gentlemen. Do that motion again, gen- tlemen, and bring thefoolk up to the left shoulder. “ Shoulder foolk!—Very good. “‘Order foolk ſ—Not quite so well, gentlemen; not quite altogether: but perhaps I did not speak loud enough for you to hear me all at once; try once more if you please; I hope you will be pa- tient, gentlemen, we will soon be through. “‘Order foolk!—Handsomely done, gentlemen! very handsomely done! and altogether too, ex- cept that a few of you were a leetle too soon, and some others a leetle too late. “‘ In laying down your guns, gentlemen, take care to lay the locks up, and other sides down. “‘’Tention the whole! Ground foolk!—Very well. “‘Charge bag.onet ! (Some of the men)— ‘That can't be right, captain, pray look again, for lºw can we charge bag.onet without our uns?” - “‘ (Captain) I don’t know as to that, but I know I’m right, for here it is printed in the book c, h, a, r, yes, charge bag.onet, that's right, that's the word, if I know how to read; come, gentle- men, do, pray, charge bag.onet! Charge, I say! Why don't you charge? Do you think it an’t so? Do you think I have lived to this time of day, and don't know what charge bag.onet is? Here, come here, you may see for yourselves; it's as plain as the nose on your fa stop—stay—no! —halt! no, no! faith I’m wrong! I’m wrong ! I turned over two leaves at once. But I beg your pardon, gentlemen, we will net stay out long; and we’ll have something to drink as soon as we’ve done. Come, boys, get up off the stumps and logs, and take up your guns, and we’ll soon be done; excuse me if you please. “‘Fia, bag.onet! “‘Advance arms!—Very well done, turn the stocks of your guns in front, gentlemen, and that will bring the barrels behind; and hold them straight up and down if you !". Let go with your left hand, and take hold with your right just below the guard. Steuben says the gun must be held up p, e, r, perticular: yes, you must always mind and hold your guns very perticular. Now, boys, 'tention the whole ! “‘Present arms!—very handsomely done! onl hold your guns over the other knee, and the other hand up, turn your guns round a leetle, and raise them up higher, draw the other foot back! Now you are nearly right. Very well done, gentle- men; you have improved vastly since I first saw you: you are getting too slick. What a charm- ing thing it is to see men under good discipline! Now, gentlemen, we are come to the revolutions: but, Lord, men, how did you get into such a hig- glety-pigglety?” “The fact was, the shade had moved consi- derably to the eastward, and had exposed the right wing of these hardy veterans to a gallin fire of the sun, Being but poorly provided wit umbrellas at this end of the line, they found it convenient to follow the shade, and in huddling to the left for this purpose, they had changed the figure of their line from that of a crescent to one j more nearly resembled a pair of pothooks. 4 BOOK XI. CHAP. IX. Jº rºse 1812. 970 History of THE WARs BOOK XI. Chap. IX. \ºvº, 1812. “‘Come, gentlemen, says the captain, “spread yourselves out again into a straight line, and let us get into the wheelings and other matters as soon as possible.” “But this was strenuously opposed by the sol- diers. They objected to going into these revolu- tions at all, irasmuch as the weather was extremely hot, and they had already been kept in the field upwards of three quarters of an hour. They re- minded the captain of his repeated promise to be as short as he possibly could, and it was clear he could dispense with all this same wheeling and flourishing if he chose. They were already very thirsty, and if he would not dismiss them, they declared they would go off without dismission, and get something to drink; and he might fine them if that would do him any good; they were able to pay their fine, but could not go without drink to please any body; and they swore they would never vote for another captain who wished to be so unreasonably strict. “The captain behaved with great spirit upon this occasion, and a smart colloquy ensued; when, at length, becoming exasperated to the last de- gree, he roundly asserted, that no soldier ought ever to think hard of the orders of his officer; and, finally, he went as far as to say, that he did not think any gentleman on that ground had any just cause to be offended with him. The dispute was, at length, settled by the captain's sending for some grog, for their present accommodation, and agreeing to omit reading the military law, as di- rected by a late act, and also all the military manoeuvres, except two or three such easy and simple ones as could be performed within the compass of the shade. After they had drank their grog, and ‘spread themselves they were divided into platoons. “‘’Tention the whole!—To the right wheelſ Each man faced to the right about. “‘Why, gentlemen, I didn't mean for every man to stand still and turn natyrally right round; but when I told you to wheel to the right, I in- tended for you to wheel round to the right as it were. Please to try that again, gentlemen; every right-hand man must stand fast, and only the others turn round.” “In a previous part of the exercise it had, for the purpose of sizing them, been necessary to de- nominate every second person a ‘right-hand man.” A very natural consequence was, that on the pre- sent oceasio, those right-hand men maintained their position, and all their intermediate ones faced about as before. “‘Why look at 'em now!' exclaimed the cap- tain in extreme vexation. “I’ll be d–d if you can understand a word I say... Excuse me, gen- tlemen, but it-rayly seems as if you couldn't come at it exactly. In wheeling to the right, the right- -wº hand eend of the platoon stands fast, and the other eend comes round like a swingle tree. Those on the outside must march faster than those on the inside, and those on the inside hot near so fast as those on the outside. You certainly must understand me now, gentlemen; and now please to try once more.’ “In this they were a little more successful. “‘Very well, gentlemen; very well indeed: and now, gentlemen, at the word wheel to the left, you must wheel to the left. “‘’Tention the whole! To the left—left no— right—that is, the left—I mean the right—left, wheel / march 1” “‘ In this he was strictly obeyed; some wheel- ing to the right, some to the left, and some to the right, left, or both ways. “Stop! halt! let us try again! I could not just then tell my right hand from my left; you must excuse me, gentlemen, if you please; experience makes perfect, as the saying is; long as I’ve serv- ed, I find something new to learn every day, but all's one for that: now, gentlemen, do that motion once more.” º “By the help of a non-commissioned officer in front of each platoon, they wheeled this time with considerable regularity. . . . k “‘Now, boys, you must try to wheel by divi- sions, and there is one thing in particular, which I have to request of you, gentlemen, and it is this, not to make any blunder in your wheeling. You must mind and keep at a wheeling distance; and not talk in the ranks, nor get out of fix again; for I want you to do this motion well, and not make any blunder now. * * “‘’Tention the whole! By divisions ! to the right wheel ! march!” f = r * “In doing this, it seemed as if bedlam had broke loose; every man took the command— * Not so fast on the right!—How now! how now!' —Haul down those umbrellas!—Faster on the left —Keep back a little in the middle there- Don’t crowd so—Hold up you gun, Sam—Go faster, there! — Faster! —Who trod on me?— D—m your huffs, keep back! keep back!— Stop us, captain, do stop us—Go faster there— I’ve lost my shoe—Get up again—Ned, halt! halt! halt!—Stop, gentlemen! stop! stop!— , , , “By this time they got into utter and inexpli- cable confusion, and so I left them.” º As Mr. Madison, the President of the United States, has generally been considered an enemy to this country, and a partizan of France, we shall here present the reader with the political life of that'gen- tleman. He is considered as the pupil of Mr. Jeffer- son. He was but a youth at the early part of the re- volution, yet was actively employed under his great leaders, Franklin, Jefferson, and others, in pro- OF THE FRENCH REVOLUTION, 971 *—- -º-º-º- moting the views of the republican party. His name appears as one of the deputies from Virgi- nia in 1787, for the purpose of forming a new constitution; after which he was variously em- ployed in the subordinate departments of the government, particularly during the secretaryship of Mr. Jefferson in 1793, when he brought for- ward his project of a commercial discrimination, for the * of imposing heavier duties on fo– reign goods, and promoting domestic manufac- tures. The French minister, Fauchet, says that Mr. Jefferson was the real author of the propo- sition thus introduced by Mr. Madison: at all events, it is certain that the former gentleman, in his capacity as secretary of state, had previously made a report to congress on the subject of com- merce in the autumn of 1793. In that report, Mr. Jefferson proposes the en- couragement of domestic manufactures, and cer- tain restrictions upon foreign commerce, particu- larly upon that of Great Britain, who, it seems, had imposed high duties on some of the American p.” and excluded others altogether from er ports. At that time there was no treaty_of commerce between the two countries. Mr. Ma- dison's proposition was therefore brought forward rather as a measure of retaliation than to favor any of the views of the French faction; though, in some measure, it unavoidably had that effect: consequently, it excited the violent opposition of the . party, and was ultimately negatived. Every country, however, possesses a right to re- gulate its commerce in whatever manner is most to its own advantage. Great Britain had done this, and it was proposed that America should do the same; nor can we see in what shape either Mr. Jefferson or Mr. Madison can be i. with partiality to France on that score. The federal- ists, however, persisted in the opinion, that “their real object was to promote and foster the languish- ing manufactures of France, by an exclusion of those of Great Britain, at the expense of the United States.” Fortunately for both countries, a treaty was shortly after concluded by Mr. Jay, who had been appointed envoy to England for that purpose; and thus the commerce and pro- ductions of each nation were put upon a recipro- cal footing, without resorting to unpleasant and irritating measures. From that period until he became secretary of state in Mr. Jefferson's presidency, Mr. Madison bore no very conspicuous part in public affairs; but on his entering upon that important office, his name became familiar to all who interested themselves in the affairs of America and the two great belligerent powers of Europe. The repeat- ed disputes, and consequent explanations and ne- gotiations, which have taken place between the three nations for several years past, have certainly sº Mr. Madison full employment in his official capacity, and made him known to the world in the character of a diplomatician. The abilities which he has displayed are of no mean stamp; but he has exhibited in his diplomatic style of writing a studied obscurity and an intricate ver- bosity which seem to carry with it a desire in the writer to puzzle, perplex, and prolong the discus- sion of a business, which ought rather to have been candidly, fairly, and briefly stated, in order to its being brought to an immediate adjustment, It has confessedly been the policy of Mr. Jef. ferson, and is also the policy of Mr. Madison, his successor, to negotiate rather than fight: hence we have an elucidation of the motives which have hitherto baffled the attempts of the British go- vernment to settle our disputes with America: for, had such a settlement taken place as we de- sired, the United States would inevitably have been plunged into a war with France. This it has been Mr. Jefferson's policy to avoid; in doin which, a show of hostility was necessarily j to be kept up towards England. In the course of the disputes between the two parties on their differences with England and France, they have generally defended the pro- ceedings of that nation to whom they were at- tached from political or party motives; but this contest has been carried on chiefly by newspaper politicians, and a few factious demagogues, mostly French or British renegadoes, whose inflamma- tory writings in favor of French principles have been imprudently patronized by the democratic Americans, and hence their party has incurred the severe but just animadversions of the fede- ralists. As to the great body of the American people, Mr. Lambert is of opinion that they are attached neither to England nor France, further than their owninterest leads them; or, if any preferenee does exist, it is in favor of England, with whom they traffic to a greater extent than any other nation in the world, and with whose interests their own are so closely blended. Their peculiar form of government, however, renders them liable to be divided in favour of one or other of their principal statesmen who offer themselves as candidates for the presidency. Hence they become split into parties, and range themselves under their favorite leaders. Euro- peans settled in the country, as foreigners or adopted citizens, naturally attach themselves to that side which is most congenial to their politi- cal sentiments; and the imprudent length which many of them have gone in divulging their opinions, has not only disgraced those who were connected with them, but has injured the American character in the eyes of foreign nations. An American writer, speaking of the impress- ment of American seamen by the British ships BOOK XI. CHAP. IX. N-º/*- 1813. 972 HISTORY OF THE WARS BOOK XI. CHAP. IX NeºN/*- 1813. tº º ſº * ** –-º-º: of war, acknowledges that protections are indis- criminately granted to foreigners in the American service. “It must not be forgotten,” says he, “that certificates bearing testimony of a seaman's being an American citizen are very easily obtained by a little hard swearing. A dollar and a false oath very often transform a foreigner into an Ame- rican; and if this ready-made countryman of ours be impressed into a British ship, we clamour loudly about the cruelty and injustice of British naval officers. “‘Not many months since, an English lad, not quite nineteen, who had deserted from a British man of war, wished to go out from New York to the East Indies, as seaman, with an American captain. The captain represented the danger of his being impressed by the British, and advised him, at all events, to go and get a certificate of his being a native American. The seaman follow- ed this advice, and returned within a few hours, flourishing a certificate, testifying he was born in America. The captain asked him how he got it. The seaman told him, that he went into the street and found an Irishman, whom he asked to go along with him to the proper officer, and swear that he was born in America; to which the Irish- man agreed, and the sailor got the certificate. The captain asked him, how much he gave the Irishman. ‘Two dollars,’ says the sailor. “That was too much,' replied the other, “you should have got him to do it for half.” “Why,” says the sailor, * I tried to beat him down to a dollar; but he in- sisted upon it, that two dollars were little enough in all conscience for a false oath, and that he would not perjure himself for less!’” The biography of Mr. John Randolph, an eminent character in the United States, and the avowed friend of this country, cannot fail to be interesting. This gentleman, whose name many }. have confounded with that of Edmund andolph, is a native of Virginia, and born of a very respectable family. Bred up to the profes- sion of the law, attached to antifederal principles, he came into office under Mr. Jefferson’s admi- nistration. Previous to this Mr. Randolph had, for several years, been a member of Congress; and upon several occasions during Mr. Adams's presidency he contrived materially to turn the cur- rent of popular opinion from the federalists to his party. The indiscreet and intemperate warmth shown by the ruling party towards Great Britain, and their º. tame acquiescence in the mea- sures of Bonaparte, at length disgusted Mr. Ran- dolph. He began by rebuking Mr. Madison, at that time secretary of state, for acceding to the demand of Turreau, the French ambassador; on which occasion Mr. Madison replied, “that France was in want of money, and must have some from the United States.” . The pretext was payment for the Floridas and Louisiana. This shuffling sº-º. *-i-º-...ººm-- —w *— •º- * -* –h. *- conduct occasioned Mr. Randolph to withdraw himself from the confidence of President Jeffer- son, and he then repeatedly told the house, that there no longer existed a cabinet-council. Since then he has taken an active part in oppo- sition to the measures of the democratical party, without absolutely joining the federalists. In thus steering a middle course he has been joined by many other members, who, under his auspices, have lately risen into public notice and esteem. Among them the names of Gardenir, Key, Dana, Otis, and Quincy, are the most conspicuous. In many instances Mr. Randolph's speeches have been favorable to English measures and princi- ples, as opposed to those of France; yet, never- theless, he possessed that amor patriae which con- sults only the good of his own country. The integrity and virtue of this eminent cha- racter are sufficiently substantiated by his senti- ments respecting the late Mr. Crowninshiel's pro- position for cancelling the national debt in case of war with England. “ The gentleman from Massachusetts,” says Mr. Randolph, “ is for spunging the national debt. I can never consent to it. I will never bring the ways and means of fraudulent bankruptcy into your committee of supply. Confiscation and swindling shall never be found among my estimates to meet the current expenditure of peace and war. No, Sir, I have said with the doors closed, and I say so when they are open, “Pay the public debt.” Get rid of that dead weight upon your government that cramps all your measures, and then you may set the world at defiance. So long as it hangs upon you, you must have revenue, and to have revenue you must have commerce—commerce, peace.” Acting up to these patriotic and virtuous prin- ciples, #. Randolph was induced to bring for- ward a series of charges against General Wilkin- son for corruption, in having received money at various times from the Spanish government at New Orleans in aid of traitorous practices against the United States. One of the dº which Mr. Randolph presented to the house on that oc- casion, is as follows: Translation. “In the galley the Victoria, Bernardo Molina patron, there have been sent to Don Vincent Folch, nine thousand six hundred and forty dol- lars, which sum, without making the least use of it, you will hold at my disposal, to deliver it at the moment an order may be presented to you by the American general, Don James Wilkinson. God preserve you many years! “The Baron de CARONDELET. “New Orleans, 20th January, 1796.” “I certify that the foregoing is a copy of its original, to which I refer. (Signed) “Thomas PortelL. “New Madrid, 27th June, 1796.” OF THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 973 sºr * -sºr, * ºr = - ºr º cate discussion by his opponents, he yields with Book x1, infinite reluctance to the imperious necessity of — speaking to the judgment, without being permit- Chap. IX. ted to charm and captivate the imagination. Yet, SºY- Mr. Randolph, upon this and other documents, impeached Wilkinson of being a Spanish pen- sioner, and pledged himself to prove the charges which he brought against him. A motion was accordingly made to request the president to in- stitute an inquiry into Wilkinson's conduct. In the mean time, Wilkinson challenged Randolph, who replied, that he would not fight him till he had cleared up his character: in consequence of which, the general posted an advertisement up in different parts of the city of Washington, pro- claiming John Randolph a prevaricating poltroon and scoundrel. Mr. Randolph, however, displayed his courage and magnanimity by treating this libel with con- tempt; and patriotically continued to persevere in the investigation of this unpleasant business. At the examination of witnesses Mr. Randolph, on introducing Mr. Clark's affidavit, said, “The proofs, Mr. Speaker, which have this day been produced against your general-in-chief, together with what I hold in my hand, will convince you, sir, and the world, that he is a base traitor. Be- lieve me, Mr. Speaker, that this poison, this in- fectious, corrupted disease, is not confined to your general alone; it has, to the disgraee of the Ame- rican character, I am sorry to say, extended to the army under your general’s command ' The very stores which descended the Ohio for the Burr conspiracy, were taken, sir, from the American arsenal!” If this last allegation is true, and it never has been contradicted, we may easily account for the acquittal of General Wilkinson, which afterwards took place. A military court of inquiry was in- stituted by the president to investigate the charges against him. They acquitted him of all corrupt practices; but acknowledged that he had, at va- rious times, received large sums of money from the governor of New Orleans for tobaccoſ. Excel- lent management! We think they order these matters better in America than in Europe. Mr. Randolph's figure is ordinary and forbid- ding: tall, lean, pale, and emaciated; he repulses rather than invites. His voice is somewhat femi- nine; but that is little noticed in the moment he has entered fully upon his subject, whether it be at the convivial table or at the house of represen- tatives. The defects of his person are then for- gotten in one continued blaze of shrewd, sensible, and eloquent remarks. By a manner peculiar to himself, he arrests the wandering attention of his auditors, and rouses every slumbering faculty of the mind. The reasoning of Mr. Éa. is never strong and forcible; having a genius which despises the shackles of restraint, he throws off, in the paroxysms of feeling, the chains of argumenta- tion, and ranges, as it were, with a quickened pace •nd gladdened heart through the wide field of $º-oral remark. If forced into a subtle and intri- nevertheless, when he exhibits his subject naked, it has the nerve of Hercules, and is not relieved loy a single feature of Adonis, With the most powerful talents, with superior cultivation of id: and with the most unsuspect- ing sincerity in the expression of all his opinions, Mr. Randolph is not calculated for a popular leader. The arts of conciliation are unknown to him. Governed by the dictates of his own manly judgment, he cannot conceive that dependence which shackles weaker minds. It is thus that he never has been known to consult, to advise, or to compromise. His propositions are original: they are brought forward without one inquiry of who is to support, or who is to oppose them. Conscious of the purity of his own intentions, and satisfied with the correctness of his own judg- ment, he wishes not to defend the one, he seeks , not to confirm the other, by his personal popu- larity. Individually, there is no man in the district where he resides who is not, better known, or whose manners and public habits are not more pleasing to the people, than Mr. Randolph's. It is probable, that if his election were put on that issue, he would never have held a seat in con- gress. About him there is an atmosphere of re- ulsion which few dare to penetrate; but he who as the firmness to do it is eminently rewarded. Ardent and affectionate in his disposition, he is susceptible of strong and permanent affection : but if injured, he exhibits but little of that mild forbearance which is inculcated in the gentle pre- cepts of our holy religion. . His private history, however, abounds with evidences of the most hu- mane and philanthropic feeling. One trait in his character denotes his inclination to live in peace and friendship with those around him; he never will converse upon political subjects but with the greatest reluctance, well knowing what acri- mony and discord they create, even between the warmest friends. Although Mr. Randolph possesses general in- formation, he cannot be considered a literary cha- racter. Except a minute knowledge of history and geography, his reading has been otherwise superficial. The wit of Mr. Randolph is keen, and too often indulged without regard to its ef- fects on the feeling of others... Sometimes, how- ever, its application is peculiarly happy. Dr. Dana, proverbial for his pedantry, once ob- served, in the presence of Mr. Randolph, that they were waiting for their stalking library (al- luding to Dr. Mitchill): “Sir” said Randolph, “I heard him just now inquire for his index.” The adversaries of Mr. Rangph have lately at- 1813. 974 HISTORY OF THE WARS BOOK XI. CHAP. IX. Jºaº- 1813. tempted to dishearten him by contumely and vul- gar abuse; but he very properly refuses to be drawn into personal conflicts with whole hosts of enemies, who wish to drown their vengeance in his blood. “May he live long,” says one of his friends, “ and never cease to lash corruption with a calm disdain l’” Of all the colonies of Great Britain, none is of such vital importance as her North American provinces; partly because they employ the great- est quantity of shipping, and also as being capa- ble of supplying the mother-country, and her other dependencies, with an abundance of the articles necessary for her wants and enjoyments. The possessions of the British in North America, are Labrador, Upper and Lower Canada, Nova Scotia, and New Brunswick. Of these provinces, in a political peint of view, the two Canadas are of the most importance, in consequence of their vicinity to the territories of the United States. Upper and Lower Canada have rapidly im- proved, but not in proportion to their neigh- bours, for colonies have not the vigour and spirit of independent states. The population of the two provinces is estimated at 350,000. Their commerce has increased wonderfully of late years. Even in 1808, the number of ship- ping that cleared out from Quebec alone amount- ed to 334, laden principally with timber, pot- ash, pitch, tar, and turpentine; wheat, flax- seeds, staves, &c. The tonnage was 70,275, and the number of seamen 3,330. The exports were valued at , 1,156,060l.; and the imports at 610,000l. ; thus leaving a balance in favor of the colony of 546,060l. Canada supplies Great Bri- tain with hemp, and every other description of naval stores. Having originally been a French colony, the majority of the inhabitants of the lower province are descendants from the French. The wise and beneficent measures, however, which have been pursued towards them, have tended to conciliate them to the British govern- ment. French as well as English, catholics as well as protestants, are all unanimous in defence of their country. Every man throughout the Canadas is a sol- dier; and during the last campaign, every one of them cheerfully attended the call of arms. This interesting fact cannot but convey to the mind the most pleasing sensations; since we find a nation of ancient foes, both in polities and reli- gion, now united in the strictest friendship, and vying with each other who shall display the great- est ardour in protecting that government under whieh they have j so much happiness. Quebec is the capital of Lower Canada, the fortifications of º are extremely strong, being considered a second Gibraltar. While the Bri. tish hold possession of this place, the Americans can never make any impression upon the country. The Americans, however, were so confident of success, when they invaded Canada, in 1812, that General Dearborn had actually prepared a triumphal coat, richly decorated with oak leaves, as the victor's mead, which was destined to be worn on entering Quebec. The popular toast was, “ May the army eat its Christmas din- ner in Quebec.” Indeed, one of the arguments used in congress on behalf of a declaration of war, was the ease and certainty with which these provinces would be conquered. It was even represented, that the provincials would not resist, but meet their invaders and recognise in them deliverers from tyranny and oppression; or that if, contrary to expectation, they did re- sist, they might, when conquered, be retained as a pledge, to secure more favorable terms of peace. Britain, it was said, “ would make any sacrifice rather than leave valuable colonies in the enemy's hands,” while, among the many cu- rious speculations that were made of the import- ance of these provinces to the United States, it was estimated that the coal alone of Cape Bre- ton and Nova Scotia would repay the expences of a seven years war. - The militia of Upper and Lower Canada amounts to 60,000 effective men. The province of Upper Canada, which has borne the chief brunt of this unnatural contest, was, before the former war, nearly one vast wilderness: a few forts and small settlements for the convenience of the fur-trade, were all that relieved that gloomy 'appearance of interminabie forests and immense lakes. Since the conclusion of that war, the set- tlement and cultivation of this province have been an object of much attention on the part of the British government. The loyalists who were driven from the United States, found here a com- fortable asylum, and, together with numerous families who emigrated from Scotland, soon formed a respectable colony. The settlements were also considerably, increased by the dis- banded officers and soldiers who had served in America. These people received large grants of land from government as a reward for their services, and either cultivated the spots them- selves, or sold them to others who did. This zeal for peopling the upper province met with every encouragement from home, as it tended to form a strong barrier against any future invasion from the neighbouring states. Towns of consi- derable magnitude were in a few years construct- ed upon the sites of old forts and blockhouses: and the shouts of hunters and the Indian war- hoop gave place to the busy hum of trade and commerce. The lakes became covered with ships instead of canoes; and every town resem- bled a sea-port. The principal lakes of tº province are called Ontario, Erie, and Surerior. OF THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 975 *- *-m- -º- They are capable of receiving the largest fleets: one of them, viz. Superior, is upwards of 400 miles in length, and 1,500 in circumference. The depth of these vast lakes, in many places, cannot be ascertained; and the storms, which frequently occur, are often more destructive than those which happen on the ocean, The climate of Upper Canada is more mild and temperate than that of the lower province, and for that reason is preferred to the }. by most of the European emigrants who proceed to North America. Vegetation of all kinds is most BOOK XI. abundant; the harvests are extremely luxuriant; and, by many people, Upper Canada is termed the garden of North America. The English laws entirely prevail in this province. The taxes are very trifling; and any man with a small sum of money has it in his power to acquire a very handsome competency. The manners, customs, and amusements of the inhabitants resemble those of the British nation. CHAPTER X. Report of Committee of Foreign Relations.—President's JMessage to Congress.-Order of the Marshal of New York-Action on the Miami.-Capture of Fort George.—Attack on Sackett's Harbour.— Defeat of the Americans at Burlington Heights—Proclamation of Sir George Prevost.—Capture of Colonel Boestler and his Troops by the British-Landings in the Chesapeake.—Capture of the Islands of Portsmouth and Ocracoke.—Capture of the American Frigate Chesapeake by the Shan- non.—JMessage of the President to Congress. On the 29th of January, a report was laid be- fore the house of representatives from the com- mittee of foreign relations, which merits attention, as stating the grounds of the war with Great Bri- tain, and the causes which produced the failure of the attempts that were made for its extinction. Having noticed the refusal of Mr. Madison to con- eur in the proposal for an armistice made by Ad- miral Warren, because nothing was said in it on the subject of impressment, the committee express their entire approbation of his conduct, observing; that, “ to appeal to arms in defence of a right, and to lay then down without receiving it, would be considered in no other light than a relinquish- ment of it.” They then proceed to consider the precise nature of that cause which has hithertº prevented an accommodation, “Great Britain,” they say, “claims a right to impress her own sea- men, and to exercise it in American vessels. It insists that every American seaman should carry with him the evidence of his citizenship, and that all those who are unprovided with such evidence should be impressed. Not to object that such a document may be lost or destroyed, on what Prin- ciple does the British government require from the United States such a degradation? Ought the free citizens of an independent power to carry an evidence of their freedom on the main ocean, and in their own vessels, and are all to be consi- dered as British subjects who do not bear with them that badge? Would Great Britain herself 66. submit to such an usurpation of authority?” Af. ter some more observations on this point, they go on to say, “Let it be distinctly understood, in case of an arrangement between the two nations, whereby each should exclude from its service the citizens and subjects of the other, that this house will be prepared, so far as depends on it, to give it effect: and for that purpose to enact laws, with such regulations and penalties as will be ade- quate.” They consider it as the duty of the house to declare, in the most decisive terms; that should the British government decline such an arrangement, and persist in the practice of impress- ment from American vessels, the United States will resist it unceasingly with all their force. The report dwells with a good deal of prolixity on this topic, touching upon no other point of dif- ference between the two nations; and it concludes by recommending the passing of a bill “for the regulation of seamen on-board public vessels, and in the merchants’ service, of the United States.” A proclamation, issued by the governor of Ber- muda, reciting a British order-of-council, provid- ing for the supply of the West India islands by a trade under special licenses from the ports of the United States, but confining such licenses to those of the eastern states exclusively, gave great offence to Mr. Madison. On the 24th of Febru- ary, he sent a message to congress, couched in terms of indignation and reproach, which denoted the acuteness of his º with respect to any ll L. º: CHAP. IX. ^*\º-2 1813. 976 HISTO1& Y OF 'T1H E W A 18S BOOK XI. CHAP. X. See "S/~/ }8] 3. attempt for separating the interests of different parts of the union, and particularly when favoring that part in which he was conscious of being un- popular. He suggested to Congress the expedi- ency of a prohibition of any trade whatever by the citizens of the United States, under special licen- ses, and also a prohibition of all exportation from the United States in foreign bottoms. The address breathed a keen spirit of resent- ment against the British nation; and, in fact, the war this year exasperated the feelings on both sides, and produced altercations, hereafter to be mentioned, scarcely compatible with civilized hestility. The Congress closed its session on the 5th of March, without passing the prohibitory bills recommended by the president. On the 4th of March, an order was issued by the marshal of the district of New York, for com- pelling all British merchants, residing within forty miles of the American coast, to retire beyond that distance into the interior; thus forcing them to break up their establishments, to desert their pro- perty, and to seek new situations, without affording them the means of support: in short, rendering them prisoners of war, without the protection and assistance which all civilized governments feel themselves bound to extend to persons in that un- fortunate situation: and yet Mr. Madison, in his speech at the capital, had the modesty to assert, that the war, on the part of the American govern- ment, was waged in a spirit of liberality which was never surpassed. * A party of the American army having taken post near the foot of the rapids of the Miami, a river flowing into Lake Erie, Colonel Proctor, on the 23d of April, embarked with a force of regu- lars and militia, consisting of between eight and nine hundred, to whom were joined about twelve hundred Indians, and sailed for the Miami. In consequence of heavy rains he was not able to open his batteries till the 1st of May, at which time the enemy had so well secured himself, by blockhouses and batteries, that no impression could be made on him. Whilst Colonel Proctor was still lying there, a reinforcement of American troops, to the amount of 1,300, under the com- mand of Brigadier-general Clay, descending the river, made a sudden attack upon him, aided by a sally of the garrison. For a few minutes the enemy was in possession of his batteries, and took some prisoners; but after a severe though short contest, they were repulsed, and the greatest part, except the party from the garrison, were killed or taken. Their loss was estimated at between 1,000 and 1,200 men, of whom about 500 were prisoners. The killed, wounded, and missing of the British did not exceed 100. In this decisive affair, the officers and men of the 41st regiment charged and acted with distinguished gallantry. Colonel Proctor, however, in consequence of being 1– wr- *- –a. deserted by half of the militia, and nearly all the Indians, was not able to preserve his situation at the Miami. In the mean time, the Americans having col- lected a powerful force by land and water, at the head of Lake Ontario, proceeded against Fort George, on the Niagara, which they cannonaded from their ships and batteries the whole of the 24th and 25th of May. On the 27th, at day-break, under cover of their fleet, which kept up a tre- mendous and most destructive fire, they succeed- ed in landing a body of troops, and advanced to the attack of the place. They were very gal- lantly opposed by the British troops, notwith- standing their superiority in numbers; and a ju- dicious position was occupied by , Lieutenant-co- lonel Myers, which checked their progress. That zealous and meritorious officer, however, was obliged to quit the field, having received three wounds; but being replaced by Lieutenant-colonel Harvey, the unequal contest continued some time longer, with upshaken gallantry and determination. At length Colonel Vincent, the commander, con- sidering further perseverance against an over- whelming force a fruitless sacrifice of invaluable lives, having gained by their intrepid resistance the means of dismantling the fort, and destroying the stores, he directed the troops to fall back on Queenston, which was done with perfect order. The loss of the British, in this affair, amounted to about 300 in killed, wounded, and missing. Colonel Vincent, in his retreat, was joined b Lieutenant-colonel Bishopp, with all the detach- ments from Chippawa to Fort Erie, and by other parties, which augmented his force to about 1,600 men. With them he took up a position near the head of the lake. The American army, meanwhile, pushed on a considerable detachment towards Queenston. Its whole force was esti- inated at nearly 10,000 men, which rendered them complete masters of the Niagara frontier. About the close of May, an attempt upon the American port at Sackett's harbour was planned by Sir George Prevost, and its execution was committed to Colonel Baynes, aided by a fleet of boats under Sir James Yeo. On the night of the 28th, the expedition, composed of draughts from different regiments, and a company of Glen- garry light-infantry, proceeded from Kingston to the harbonr, hoping to land before the enem should be sufficiently apprized of the attack, to line the woods on the coast with troops; but a strong current and the darkness of the night frustrated this purpose, so that at the dawn of day the Americans were fully prepared for their re- ception. It was the intention of Colonel Baynes to have landed in the cave formed by Horse Island, but finding the enemy prepared, he di- rected the boats to pull round to the other side of the islands, where a lauding was effected in good OF THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. r=~ --- - - ... -- - - *** * order and with little loss, although executed in the face of a corps formed with a field-piece in the {} wood, and under the enfilade of a heavy gun of the enemy's principal battery. The advance was led by the grenadiers of the 100th regiment, with undaunted gallantry, which no obstacle could arrest: a narrow causeway, in many places under water, not more than four feet wide, and about 400 paces in length, which connected the island with the main land, was occupied by the enemy in great force with a 6-pounder. It was forced and carried in the most spirited manner, and the gun taken before a second discharge could be made from it: a tumbril, with a few rounds of ammunition, was found; but, unfortunately, the artillerymen were still behind, the schooner in which they were embarked not having been able to get up in time; and the troops were exposed to so heavy and galling a fire from a numerous, but almost invisible foe, as to render it impossible to halt for the artillery to come up. At this spot, two paths led in opposite directions round the hill. Colonel Baynes directed Colonel Young, of the king's regiment, with half of the detachment, to penetrate by the left, and Major Drummond, of the 104th, to force the path by the right, which proved to be more open and was less occupied by the enemy. On the left the wood was very thick, and was most obstinately maintained by the enemy. The gun-boats, which had covered the landing, afforded material aid, by firing into the woods; but the American soldier, secure behind a tree, was only to be dislodged by the bayonet. The spirited advance of a section produced the flight of hundreds—from this observation all firing was directed to cease, and the detachment being formed in as regular order as the nature of the ground would admit, pushed forward through the wood upon the enemy, who, although greatl superior in numbers, and supported by field- pieces, and a heavy fire from their fort, fled with precipitation to their block-house and fort, aban- doning one of their guns. The division under Colonel Young was joined in the charge by that under Major Drummond, which was executed with such spirit and promptness, that many of the enemy fell in their enclosed barracks, which were set on fire by the British troops. The Americans had previously set fire to their store-houses in the vicinity of the fort. But as it was impossible for the expedition, with the , means it possessed, to attain any further object; and the troops being exposed to a heavy fire from the enemy's can- non, they were re-embarked, with the loss of about 260 in killed, wounded, and missing. Although the failure of this expedition tended to inspire the Americans with considerable confi- deace, yet the gallantry and good conduct of the British troops was never more conspicuous than - =-w on this occasion; and but one sentiment of regret BOOK XI. and mortification prevailed on being obliged to quit a beaten enemy, whom a small band of Bri- Char. X. tish soldiers had driven before them for three hours, through a country abounding in strong positions of defence, but not offering a single spot of cleared ground favorable for the operations of disciplined troops, without having fully accom- plished the duty they were sent to perform. On the 3d of June, the British gun-boats on Lake Ontario, supported by detachments from the garrison of Isle au Noix, captured two Ame- rican armed vessels, of eleven guns and fifty men each. An action took place on the 6th, greatly to the credit of the British troops, at Burlington Heights, near the head of Lake Ontario, where Colonel Vincent was posted with a division of troops. Receiving information that the Ameri- cans had advanced from Forty Mile Creek with 3,500 infantry and 250 cavalry, with eight pieces of artillery, for the purpose of attacking him, he sent Lieutenant-colonel Harvey, with two light companies, to reconnoitre, and from his report was led to determine upon a nocturnal attack of the enemy's camp, about seven miles distant. Accordingly, about "half-past eleven, he moved forwards with the fifth company of the 8th (or king's) and the 49th regiments, amounting alto- gether to only 704 firelocks; Lieutenant-colonel Harvey, who conducted it with great regularity and judgment, gallantly led on the attack. The enemy was completely surprised, and driven from his camp, after having repeatedly formed in dif- ferent bodies, and been as often charged by the British troops, whose conduct throughout this brilliant enterprise was above all praise. The action terminated before day-light, when three guns, and one brass, howitzer, with three tum- brils, two brigadier-generals, Chandler and Win- der, first and second in command, and upwards of 100 officers, non-commissioned officers, and privates, were made prisoners. Not conceiving it prudent to expose our small force to the view of the enemy, who, , though routed and dispersed, was still formidable as to numbers and position, Colonel Vincent ordered the troops back to their cantonments. After the British had retired, and it had become broad day, the enemy ventured to re-occupy his camp, only, however, for the purpose of destroying his in- cumbrances, such as blankets, carriages, provi- sions, spare arms, ammunition, &c. after which he commenced a precipitate retreat towards the Forty Mile Creek, where he effected a junction with a body of 2,000 men, who were on their march from Niagara to reinforce him. The appearance of the squadron of Sir James Yeo, off Forty Mile Creek, determined the Ame- ricans to a further retreat, in which almost the 813 978 HISTORY OF THE WARS BOOK XI. CHAP. X. * \sºvº- 1813. whole of their camp-equipage, and a quantity of stores and provisions, fell into the hands of their adversaries. General Dearborn afterwards con- centrated his forces at Fort George; and Colonel Vincent, in consequence, made a forward move- ment from the head of the lake in order to sup- port the light-infantry and Indians who were em- ployed in cutting off the supplies of the Ameri- CallS. On the 14th of June, Sir George Prevost is- sued the following proclanation, in answer to one from the American colouel, Preston, in which that officer had addressed the inhabitants of Up- er Canada as a conquered people. * “ His excellency the commander of the forces having seen a public declaration made by Lieutenant-colonel P. Preston, of the 12th regi- ment of the United States infantry, dated at Fort Erie, the 30th of May last, in which he professes to hold out the protection of the United States to all those who shall come forward and voluntarily enrol their names with him, and threatening with rigorous and disastrous consequences those who shall have the spirit and loyalty to pursue a dif- ferent course of conduct; his excellency deems it necessary to caution his majesty's subjects in this province against listening to this insidious offer of the enemy, or trusting to their assurances of protection, which subsequent events have clearly proved they are so little able to afford to themselves. With the bare possession of a nar- row strip of our frontier territory, not obtained by them without a severe contest and correspond- ing loss, with an unconquered and unbroken army in their front, at an inconsiderable distance from them, and ready to dispute every inch of ground over which they should attempt to ad- vance into the country, it was hardly to be ex- pected that the enemy's presumption would have led them to consider themselves as in the pos- session of this province, or have induced them contrary to the established usages of civilized warfare, to treat its peaceable inhabitants as a eonquered people. & “The brilliant result of the action of the 6th instant, the rout and complete dispersion of a large division of the enemy's forces on that day, attended with the capture of their artillery and of their ablest generals, their subsequent retreat and flight, with the loss of the whole of their bag- gage, provisions, and tent-equipage, before the victorious army of Brigadier-general Vincent, daily increasing in strength from the powerful reinforcements reaching it, and assisted by the squadron under Sir James Yeo, now in undis- turbed possession of the lake; all these events, which followed in rapid succession within a very few days after Lieutenant-colonel Preston's de- claration, shew more strongly than any language can possibly describe, the futility of the offers -º-º: held out by it, and produce the strongest incen- tive to his majesty's subjects to hold fast that al- legiance from which the enemy would so insi- diously withdraw them. “His excellency, therefore, confidently calls upon all the loyal and well-disposed in this pro- Vince, who are not under the immediate controul, or within the power of the enemy, to use every pººl. effort in repelling the foe, and drivin im from our soil, assuring them that they wil be powerfully aided by the reinforcements daily arriving at this post, and pressing on to their sup- port. To those of his majesty’s subjects who are unfortunately situated within that inconsiderable portion of the territory occupied by the enemy, his excellency recommends a quiet and peaceable conduct, such as shall neither afford a just cause to the enemy for treating them with the severity and rigour they have threatened, or incompatible with their allegiance to, the best of sovereigns. His excellency, at the same time, declares, that he shall be compelled, however reluctantly, instantly to retaliate upon the American pri- soners in his possession, every violation of the persons or property of any of his majesty's subjects so peaceably demeaning themselves, and hereby publicly protests against such treat- ment, as equally unsanctioned by the usages of war, or by the example afforded by bis majes- ty's forces with regard to any of the American prisoners in their possession.” An occurrence took place, on the 24th of June, which General Dearborn termed unfortunate and unaccountable. That officer had detached, on the evening of the 23d, Lieutenant-colonel Boestler, with 570 men, to march by the way of Queens- ton to the Beaver Dams, eight or nine miles thence, in order to disperse a body of British collected there for the purpose of procuring pro- visions. This detachment was attacked by the Indians, from an ambuscade in the woods, and retired to clear grounds, whence the commander sent express for a reinforcement. Meanwhile, Lieutenant Fitzgibbon arriving with a British force, the American leader seemed to have lost his presence of mind, and without waiting for suc- cours, agreed to a capitulation, by which two field- officers, twenty-one other officers, twenty-seven non-commissioned officers, and 482 privates were surrendered prisoners of war, with their colours. and field-pieces. About this time, Admiral Sir J. B. Warren, ly- ing in the Chesapeake, on the intelligence that the enemy were fortifying Craney-island, the posses- sion of which was necessary to enable the light vessels to proceed up the narrow channel towards Norfolk, directed a body of troops, under Sir Sid- ney Beckwith, to land on the nearest point to that place; but upon approaching the island, the shoal- ness of the water, and the strength of the enemy's OF THE FRENCH REVOLUTION." 979 * I defences, rendered the enterprize too difficult to be undertaken with any prospect of suc- cess. In consequence, the troops were ordered back, after some loss had been sustained from the sinking of the boats. An attack which was made upon an American post at Hampton was more successful. This post, defended by a considerable corps, and command- ing the communication between the upper part of the country and Norfolk, was thought by the admiral a proper object for an attempt. Accord- ingly, on the night of the 25th, the troops, under the command of Sir S. Beckwith, were embarked on-board the light squadron commanded by Rear- admiral Cockburn, which were landed at day- light the following day, to the westward of Hamp- ton. Whilst the enemy's attention. was engaged by a fire from the armed vessels upon the bat- teries, the troops unobserved gained their flanks, and the action which ensued terminated in ob- taining possession of their camp and batteries. Some loss was sustained by the British, but that of the Americans was very considerable. Admiral Cockburn having received directions from Sir J. B. Warren, to put an end to the com- merce carried on by the Americans from the port of Ocracoke, in North Carolina, by means of in- land navigation, and to destroy any vessels which might be in that harbour, .# off the bar on the 11th of July, with a light squadron, having on- board detachments of troops under Lieutenant- colonel Napier, and proceeded to put the design into execution. Three divisions of boats and small vessels, with seamen and soldiers, being equipped, were sent into the harbour on the morning of the 12th, when a fire was opened upon them by two armed vessels, one of eigh- teen guns and the other a schooner. They were, however, soon silenced and taken pos- session of by the first division of boats; and the troops landing upon the islands of Ports- mouth and Ocracoke, became masters of them without opposition, and thus command was ob- tained of the channel between them and the coast, through which the inland navigation was conducted. IBy this mode of warfare, the coasts and inlets of this part of America were kept in continual alarm by the motions and enterprises of the blockading squadrons. The time had now arrived, when the British navy was to recover a large share of its accus- tomed honors from that foe against whom its glory had suffered a temporary eclipse. Captain Broke, of his majesty's ship Shannon, who was stationed off Boston, had been singularly assi- dueus in exercising his men at small arms, and bringing them into a state of the most perfect dis- cipline. In that harbour lay the United States frigate Chesapeake, Captain Lawrence, who had been promoted for the gallantry he had displayed 66. \ *— A in the action with the Peacock. Captain Broke BOOK XI. had long been watching for this vessel, desirous only of contending with it on fair terms; and that the enemy might not be prevented from coming out by the apprehension of having more than one antagonist to deal with, on the 1st of June he stood close in with Boston light-house, present- ing himself as a challenger to single combat. This being accepted by Captain Lawrence, the Chesa- peake sailed out of the harbour, and a severe but short action ensued, for the particulars of which we cannot do better than refer the reader to the dispatch of Captain Broke.—It was fought in view of an immense concourse of people on shore. (º “Shannon, Halifax, June 6, 1813. “Sir, I have the honor to inform you, that being close in with Boston light-house, in his majesty's ship under my command, on the 1st instant, I had the pleasure of seeing that the United States frigate Chesapeake (whom we had long been watching) was coming out of the harbour to en- gage the Shannon; I took a position between Cape Ann and Cape Cod, and then hove-to for him to join us; the enemy came down in a very handsome manner, having three American ensigns flying ; when closing with us, he sent down his royal yards. I kept the Shannon's up, expecting the breeze wº die away. At half-past five, p.m. the enemy hauled up within hail of us on the starboard-side, and the battle began, , both ships steering full under the topsails; after ex- changing between two and three broadsides, the enemy's ship fell on-board of us, her mizen-chan- nels {j in with our fore-rigging. I went forward to ascertain her position, and observing that the enemy were flinching from their guns, I gave orders to prepare for boarding. Our gallant bands appointed to that service immediately rush- ed in, under their respective officers, upon the enemy's decks, driving every thing before them with irresistible fury. The enemy made a des- perate but disorderly resistance. The firing con- tinued at all the gangways and between the tops, but in two minutes’ time the enemy were driven, sword in hand, from every post. The Ameriean flag was hauled down, and the proud old British union floated triumphant over it. In another mi- nute they ceased firing from below, and called for quarter. The whole of this service was achieved in fifteen minutes from the commencement of the action. “I have to lament the loss of many of my gal- lant shipmates, but they fell exulting in their conquest. º, brave first lieutenant, Mr. Watt, was slain in the moment of victory, in the act of hoisting the British colours; his death is a severe loss to the serviee. Mr. Aldham, º * who had spi- ** * - HA p. X. }813. 980 WARS HISTORY OF THE BOOK XI. CHAP. X. \_*N*-Z 1813. →m- ritedly volunteered the charge of a party of small- arm men, was killed at his post on the gangway. My faithful old clerk, Mr. Dunn, was shot by his side. Mr. Aldham has left a widow to lament his loss. I request the commander-in-chief will re- commend her to the protection of the lords-com- missioners of the admiralty. My veteran boat- swain, Mr. Stephens, has lost an arm. He fought under Lord Rodney on the 12th of April. I trust his age and services will be duly rewarded. “I am happy to say, that Mr. Samwell, a mid- shipman, of much merit, is the only officer wound- ed besides myself, and he not dangerously. Of my gallant seamen and marines we had twenty- three slain and fifty-six wounded. I subjoin the names of the former. No expressions I can make use of can do justice to the merits of my valiant officers and crew; the calm courage they dis- played during the cannonade, and the tremendous precision of their fire, could only be equalled by the ardour with which they rushed to the assault. I recommend them all warmly to the protection of the commander-in-chief. Having received a se- vere sabre-wound at the first onset, whilst charg- ing a part of the enemy who had rallied on their forecastle, I was only capable of giving command, till assured our conquest was complete, and then directing second Lieutenant Wallis to take charge of the Shannon, and secure the prisoners, I left the third lieutenant, Mr. Falkiner, (who had head- ed the main-deck boarders) in charge of the prize. I beg to recommend these officers most strongly to the commander-in-chief's patronage, for the gallantry they displayed during the action, and the skill and judgment they evinced in the anxious duties which afterwards devolved upon them. “To Mr. Etough, the acting-master, I am much indebted, for the steadiness in which he conn'd the ship into action. The Lieutenants Johns and Law, of the marines, bravely board- ed at the head of their respective divisions. It is impossible to particularize every brilliant deed performed by my officers and men; but I must mention. when the ships’ yard-arms were locked together, that Mr. §º. who com- manded in our main-top, finding himself screened from the enemy by the foot of the topsail, laid out at the main-yºrd-arm to fire upon them, and shot three men in that situation. Mr. Smith, who com- manded in our fore-top, stormed the enemy's fore- top from the fore-yard-arm, and destroyed all the Americans remaining in it. I particularly beg leave to recommend Mr. Etough, the acting mas- ter, and Messrs. Smith, Leake, Clavering, Ray- mond, and Littlejohn, midshipmen. This latter officer is the son of Captain Littlejohn, who was slain in the Berwick. The loss of the enemy was about seventy killed and 100 wounded. Among the former were the four lieutenants, a lieutenant of marines, the master, and many other officers. Captain Lawrence is since dead of his wounds. “The enemy came into action with a complement of 440 men; the Shannon having picked up some recaptured seamen, had three hundred and thirty. The Chesapeake is a fine frigate, and mounts forty-nine guns, eighteens on her main-deck, two- and-thirties on her quarter-deck and forecastle. Both ships came out of action in the most beautiful order, their j appearing as perfect as if they had only been exchanging a salute. “ I have the honor to be, &c. (Signed) “ P. B. V. BROKE. “To Captain, the Hon. T. Bladen Capel, &c. Halifax.” Captain Lawrence was honorably inferred at Halifax. The humiliated feelings of the nume- rous spectators on shore, who, instead of a new º, saw their gallant ship in so short a time led captive, may easily be conceived. It is said, that Captain Lawrence was so confident of return- ing victorious into port, that he had neglected to -provide accommodations on-board for the wound- ed, which was the cause of much subsequent distress. The following message from the president of the United States was received by congress on the 25th of May. “ Fellow citizens of the senate, and of the house of representatives, Atan early day after the close of the last session of congress, an offer was for- mally communicated from the Emperor of Russia, of his mediation as the common friend of the United States and Great Britain, for the purpose of facilitating a peace between them. The j character of the Emperor Alexander heing a sa- tisfactory pledge for the sincerity and impartiality of his offer, it was immediately accepted; and as a further proof of the disposition, on the part of the United States, to meet their adversary in honorable experiments for terminating the war, it was deter- mined to avoid intermediate delay, incident to the distance of the parties, by a definitive provision for the contemplated negociation. Three of our eminent citizens were accordingly commissioned with the requisite powers, to conclude a treaty of peace with persons clothed with like powers on the part of Great Britain. They were authorized also to enter into such conventional regulations of the commerce between the two countries as may be mutually advantageous. The two envoys who were in the United States at the time of their appointment, have proceeded to join their col- league already at St. Petersburgh. “The envoys have received another commis- sion, authorizing them to conclude with Russia a treaty of commerce, with a view to strengthen the amicable relations, and improve the beneficial in- tercourse between the two countries. “The issue of this friendly intercourse of the Russian emperor, and this pacific manifestation on the part of the United States, time only can OF THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 981 decide. That the sentiments of Great Britain towards that sovereign will have produced an ac- ceptance of his offered mediation, must be pre- sumed. That no adequate motives exist to pre- fer a continuance of war with the United States, to the terms on which they are willing to close it, IS Cérfalth. “The British cabinet also must be sensible, that, with respect to the important question of im- pressment, on which the war so essentially turns, a search for or seizure of British persons or pro- perty on-board neutral vessels in the high seas, is not a belligerent right derived from the law of , nations; and it is obvious, that no visit or search, or use of force for any purpose, on-board the ves- sel of one independent power on the high seas, can, in war or peace, be sanctioned by the laws or authority of another power. It is equally ob- vious, that for the purpose of preserving to each state its sea-faring members, by excluding them from the vessels of the other, the mode heretofore proposed by the United States, and now enacted by them as an article of municipal policy, cannot, for a moment, be compared with the mode prac- tised by Great Britain, without a conviction of its title to preference; inasmuch as the latter leaves the discrimination between the mariners of the two nations to officers exposed to unavoidable bias, as well as by a defect of evidence, to a wrong decision, under circumstances precluding, for the most part, the enforcement of controlling penal- ties, and where a strong decision, besides the irre- parable violation of the sacred rights of persons, might frustrate the plans and profits of entire voyages; whereas the mode assumed by the United States guards, with studied fairness and efficacy, against errors in such cases, and avoids the effect of casual errors, or the safety of navi- gation, and the success of mercantile expedi- tions. “If the reasonableness of expectations, drawn from these considerations, could guarantee their fulfilment, a just peace would not be distant. But it becomes the wisdom of the national le- gislature to keep in mind the true §: or rather the indispensable obligation, of adapting its mea- sures to the supposition, that the only course to that happy event is in the vigorous º: of the resources of war: and painful as the reflec- tion is, this duty is particularly enforced by the spirit and manner in which the war continues to be waged hy the enemy, who, uninfluenced by the unvaried examples of humanity set them, are adding to the savage fury of it on one frontier a system of plunder and conflagration on the other, equally forbidden by respect for national charac- ter, and the established rule of civilized warfare. “As an encouragement to persevering and invigorating exertions to bring the contest to a happy result, I have the satisfaction of being able to appeal to the auspicious progress of our own BOOK XI. arms, both by land and on the water. “In continuation of the brilliant achievements of our infant navy, a signal triumph has been gain- ed by Captain Lawrence and his companions in the Hornet sloop of war, which destroyed a British sloop of war with a celerity so unexampled, and with a slaughter of the enemy so disproportionate to the loss in the Hornet, as to claim for the conquerors the highest praise, and the full recompence pro- vided by congress in preceding cases. Our pub- lic ships of war in general, as well as the private armed vessels, have continued also their activity and success against the commerce of the enemy, and by their vigilance and address have greatly frustrated the efforts of the hostile squadrons dis- tributed along our coasts, to intercept them in re- turning into port, and resuming their cruises. The augmentation of our naval force, as authorized at the last session of congress, is in progress. On, the lakes our superiority is near at hand, where it is not already established. “The events of the campaign, so far as they are known to us, furnish matter of congratulation, and show, that under a wise organization and efficient direction, the army is destined to a glory not less brilliant than that which already encircles the navy. The attack and capture of York is, in that quarter, a presage of future and greater victories, —while on the western frontiers, the issue of the late siege of Fort Meigs leaves nothing to regret but a single act of inconsiderate valor. “The sudden death of the distinguished citizen who represented the United States in France, without any special arrangements by him for such a contingency, has left us without the expected sequel to his last communications; nor has the French government taken any measures for bring- ing the depending negociations to a conclusion through its representative in the United States. This failure adds to delays before so unusually spun out. A successor to our departed minister has been appointed, and is ready to proceed on his mission. The course which he will pursue in fulfilling it, is that prescribed by a steady re- gard to the true interests of the United States, which equally avoids an abandonment of their just demands, and a conneetion of their features with the system of other powers. “The receipts into the treasury from the Ist of October to the 31st of March last, including the sums received on account of treasury-notes, and of the loans authorised by the acts of the last and the preceding session of congress, have amounted to 15,412,000 dollars. The expenditures during the same period amounted to 15,920,000, and left in the treasury, on the 1st of April, t,857,000 dol- lars. The loan of 16,000,000 of dollars, authorised by the act of the 8th of February last, has been contracted for. Of that sum more than a million. *** N. •s -º-º-º-º: CHAP. X. ** 1813. 982 HHSTORY OF THE WARS Book XI. of dollars had been paid into the treasury prior to the 1st of April, and formed a part of the re- Char. X. ceipts as above stated. The remainder of that 1813. loan, amounting to near 15,000,000 of dollars, with the sum of 5,000,000 of dollars authorised to be issued in treasury-notes, and the estimated receipts from the customs, and the sales of public lands, amounting to 9,000,000 dollars, and making in the whole 29,300,000 dollars, to be received during the last nine months of the present year, will be necessary to meet the expenditures already au- thorised, and the engagements contracted in re- lation to the public debt. These engagements amount, during that period, to 10,500,000 dollars, which, with near one million for the civil, miseel- laneous, and diplomatic expenses, both foreign and domestic, and 17,800,000 for the military and naval expenditures, including the ships of war building, and to be built, will leave a sum in the treasury at the end of the present year equal to that of the 1st of April last. A part of this sum may be considered as a resource for defraying any extraordinary expenses already authorised by law beyond the sum above-mentioned; and a further resource for any emergency may be found in the sum of 1,000,000 of dollars, the loan. Öf which to the United States has been authorised by the state of Pennsylvania, but which has not yet been brought into effect. “ This view of our finances, whilst it shews that due provision has been made for the ex- penses of the current year, shews, at the same time, by the limited amount of the actual revenue, and the dependence on loans, the necessity of providing more adequately for the future supplies of the treasury. This can best be done by a well- digested system of internal revenue, in aid of existing sources; which will have the effect both of abridging the amount of necessary loans, and on that account, as well as by placing the public credit on a more satisfactory basis, of improving the terms on which loans may be obtained. “The loan of 16,000,000 was not contracted for at a less interest than about seven and a half per cent.'; and although other causes may have had an agency, it cannot be doubted, that with the advantage of a more extended and less precarious revenue, a lower rate of interest might have suf- ficed. A longer postponement of the advantage could not fail to have a still greater influehee on future loans. “In recommending to the national legislature * *-*** *** --~ * --- ~~~ -- *-** ~ *-** - - ------------ – --- this resort to additional taxes, I feel great satis- faction in the assurance, that our constituents, who have already displayed so much zeal and firmness in the cause of their country, will cheer- fully give other proofs of their patriotism which it calls for. Happily no people, with local and territorial exceptions never to be wholly avoided, are more able than the people of the United States to spare for the public wants a portion of their private means, whether regard be had to the ordinary profits of industry, or the ordinary price of subsistence in our country, compared with those in any other. And in no case could stronger reasons be felt for the yielding the requi- . site contributions. “By rendering the public resources certain, and commensurate to the public exigencies, the constituted authorities will be able to prosecute the war more rapidly to its proper issue: every hostile hope founded on a calculated failure of our resources will be cut off; and by adding to the evidence of bravery and skill, in combats on the ocean and on the land, and an alacrity in sup- plying the treasury, necessary to give them their fullest effect, and thus demonstrating to the world the public energy which our political institutions combine, with the personal liberty distinguishing them, the best security will be provided against future enterprises on the rights, or the peace of the nation. “The contest in which the United States are engaged appeals for its support to every motive that can animate an uncorrupted and enlightened people,_to the love of country, to the pride of liberty,+to the glorious founders of their indepen- dence,—by a successful vindication of its violated attributes; to the gratitude and sympathy which demands security from the most degrading wrongs of a class of citizens who have proved so worthy of the protection of their country by their heroic zeal in its defence; and, finally, to the sacred obli- gations of transmitting, entire, to future genera- tions, that precious patrimony of national rights and independence, which is held in trust by the present from the goodness of Divine Providence. “Being aware of the inconveniences to which a protracted session, at this season, would be liable, I limit the present communication to oh- jects of primary importance. In special messages which may ensue, regard will be had to the same consideration. “JAMES MADison.” “Washington, May 25, 1813.” tºº-ºººº. OF THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 983 CHAPTER XI. Attack on Black Rock-Torpedoes and eaploding Machines employed by the Americans.—Destruc- tion of the Arsenal, &c. at Plattsburg.—York plundered by the Americans.—Success of Sir James Yeo on Lake Ontario.—Failure of Attack on Sanduski.-Reconnoissance on Fort George.—Con- clusion of the Session of Congress.-Defeat of the British Squadron on Lake Erie.—Defeat of General Proctor.—Actions on Lake Ontario.—Invasion of Lower Canada by the Americans repulsed.—Defeat of General Boyd.—The Town of Newark burnt by the Americans.—Capture of Fort Niagara by the British.—Defeat of the Americans under General Hull.—Buffalo, &c. burnt. -Sir George Prevost’s Proclamation.—Conclusion of the Campaign.-Observations.—Meeting of Congress.-Message of the President. LIEUTENANT-CoIONEL Bishopp, with a detach- ment of troops from the centre division of the British army in Upper Canada, embarked early on the morning of the 11th of July, for the pur- pose of destroying the American naval establish- ment at Black Rock on Lake Ontario. The detachment landed, unperceived, before day- light, and immediately proceeded to attack the batteries, which they carried with little opposi- tion, the enemy retreating with precipitation. They then set fire to the block-houses, barracks, and navy-yard, with a large schooner; and the stores which could be got off were carried across the river. Before they could be taken away, however, the Americans, reinforced by a body of Indians, advanced, and rendered it expedient for the troops to retreat to their boats; and they re- crossed the river under a heavy fire, which occa- sioned a considerable loss, the commander him- self being severely wounded. The object of the expedition, however, was, in a great measure, accomplished. On the 29th of July, the president was induced to issue a strict injunction on all naval officers to exercise the utmost vigilance in stopping and de- taining all vessels and craft proceeding, or appa- rently about to proceed, towards the blockading ships; it being ascertained, that such intercourse ...' been carried on to a great extent, both by natives and foreigners, thereby conveying provi- sions and intelligence to the British. Aftempts were also publicly encouraged for the destruction of the British men-of-war upon the coasts of America by torpedoes and other explosive ma- chinery. &n. of the concealed methods of doing mischief, by the Americans, merits unqualified reprobation, from its truly insidious character. A schooner was fitted out from New York, laden with provisions and stores, under which were de- posited several casks of gunpowder, with trains communicating with a piece of clock-work con- trived to go offat a certain time. The vessel was º thrown in the way of the Ramilies, which sent a boat to take possession of her, when she was de- serted by her crew, and brought near the man- of-war. Fortunately the captain, Sir Thomas Hardy, directed, that she should be placed alongside of a captured sloop, and not of the Ramilies. A dreadful explosion soon took place, which proved fatal to the second lieutenant and ten seamen, who were on-board: had she been close to the Ramilies, the loss would have been much greater In Upper Canada the American forces still oc- cupied the position of Fort George and its imme- diate vicinity, where they were straitened by the advance of the British commander, Major-gene- ral De Rottenburg, to St. David's, within seven miles of the fort. The enemy's fleet, consistin of two ships, one brig, and eleven schooners, had sailed from Sackett's harbour some days before, and the British squadron had gone in search of it. With a view of calling off the attention of the Américans from this province to the defence of their own settlements, Sir George Prevost sent out an expedition of gun-boats and other vessels, with 800 picked men, to make a movement on Lake Champlain, which was attended with the most complete success. The land-forces, under Lieutenant-colonel Murray, proceeded to Platts- burg, where they destroyed the enemy's arsenal, block-house, commissary's buildings, and stores, together with the extensive barracks of Saranac, capable of containing 4,000 troops. A quantity of naval stores was brought off, particularly equipments for a large number of batteaux. The barracks and stores at Swanton were also destroyed. A detachment, sent to destroy the public building and stores at Champlain Town effected their purpose without opposition. The militia, assembled for the defence of Plattsburg, disbanded on the appearance of the armament. The naval part of the expedition captured and destroyed four vessels, without any attempt from the enemy's armed vessels Nº rescue them. At 11 BOOK XI. CHAP. XI. Jºvº-Z 18! 3. 984 º HISTORY OF THE WARS it. *_ --------" BOOK XI. this time, the American general, Hampton, had Chaº XI. 4,500 regulars, and a large body of militia, at 1813. concentrated his forces, which consisted of about Burlington. On the 31st of July, the American fleet on Lake Ontario appeared off the town of York; and making a landing under Commodore Chaun- cey, entered the place, liberated the prisoners in the gaol, and plundered the contents of some private stores, all public property having been previously removed. They landed again on the following day, burnt the small barrack, wood- yard, and store-house, and afterwards sailed away, having done very little damage except to individuals. The town was totally defenceless, the principal persons having left it, and the mili- tia being still under parole. During the month of August, Sir James Yeo made frequent attempts to bring the American squadron on Lake Ontario to action, but was frustrated by light and baffling winds, and the enemy's superiority in sailing. On the night of the 11th, however, he was able to get so close to them, that it was necessary for them either to engage, or to sacrifice two of their schooners. They preferred the latter; and after firing a few shots, Sir James took possession of two fine armed schooners, with a crew of forty men each. The Americans lost two others of their largest schooners by oversetting in carrying too much sail when chased by the British squadron, and about 100 men perished with them. sº Proctor, in compliance with the importunity of his Indian allies, made an ad- vance with about 350 of the 41st regiment, and 3 or 4,000 Indians; and, on the 2d of August, attempted to carry by assault the fort of San- dusky, near the head of Lake Erie, where the Americans had concentrated a considerable force. The Indians, however, keeping out of reach of the enemy's, fire, the few British were left to make the attack by themselves, in which they displayed great bravery ; but the fire from the defenders became so galling and destructive, that the general found it most prudent to order a retreat, which was effected with the loss of twenty-five killed, as many missing, and about forty wounded. About the middle of August, Sir George Pre- vost removed his head-quarters to St. David’s, on the Niagara frontier, where he found 2,000 British soldiers, on an extended line, cooping up in Fort George an American force exceeding 4,000 men. Feeling desirous of ascertaining, in person, the extent of the enemy’s works, and of viewing the means he possessed for defending the position he occupied, Sir George Prevost ordered a general demonstration to be made on Fort George, to cemmence by the attack and sur- prise of .# the American picquets thrown out in —a. -1- its front. This service was executed in a most brilliant manner; the picquets were driven in, a great part of them being taken, with a very tri- fling loss; and the British general found himself close to the fort and the new-entrenched camp, which was formed on the right of that work, both of them crowded with men, bristled with cannon, and supported by the fire from Fort Nia- gara, on the opposite side of the river; but no provocation could induce the American army to leave their places of shelter, and venture into the field. Having made a display of his forces in vain, Sir George Prevost retired without any loss. Congress closed its session in August, after conducting its business with unaccustomed dis- patch. The principal business of the meeting was the establishment of a system of war-taxes capable of defraying the interest of the existing debt and of future loans; and though there was considerable differences of opinion as to the fittest objects of taxation, the majority gave their sup- port to the measures proposed by the committee of ways and means. The duties imposed were, on licences to retailers of wine, spirituous liquors, and foreign merchandize ; on licences to distillers of spirituous liquors; on sales by auction of merchandize, and ships and vessels; on sugar re- fined in the United States; on bank-notes and certain negociable paper; and on imported salt: these to continue in force during the present war and a year after its termination. A further loan was authorized of 7,500,000 dollars for the ser- vice of the present year and the first quarter of the next. A variety of acts were also passed relative to the prosecution and conduct of the war, and the provision for widows and orphans; and greater encouragement was given to priva- teers in respect to prizes. An act also passed, conformably to the president's former recom- mendation, prohibiting the use of British com- mercial licences. * In September, the great object of the Ameri- cans, that of gaining possession of the lakes, was fully accomplished with respect to Lake Erie. Commodore Perry, their commander on that station, states, in his dispatch, that on the 10th he discovered the hostile squadron from his an- chorage at Putin Bay, and getting under weigh, they came to action a little before twelve. His vessel, the Laurence, was so much injured by the fire of his opponent, that it became unman- ageable; and after an engagement of two hours, the greatest part of her crew being killed or wounded, he quitted her, and went on-board the Niagara. Soon after, he saw the Laurence's colours struck, but the foe not being able to take possession of her, they were again hoisted. The Niagara then º through the adverse line, consisting of two ships, a brig, a large schooner, and a sloop; and being assisted by his small ves- of The FRENCH REVOLUTION. t 985 -1 sels, which were got into close action, the whole of them were compelled to surrender. Most of the officers of the British, or rather Canadian squadron, (for it is said to have been wholly equip- ped and chiefly manned by the inhabitants of Canada) were killed or wounded, as well as a great number of the crews. The remainder were Tanded as prisoners at Sandusky. The relation of this affair afterwards given by , the British commander, Captain Barclay, does not materially differ from the preceding. He says, he was re- duced to the necessity of sailing, wretchedly manned as he was, to fight the enemy, who block- aded the ports, on account of his urgent want of provisions and stores. His ship, the Detroit, being, after a severe engagement, rendered almost a wreck, himself wounded, and his first lieutenant mortally so, his consort, the Queen Charlotte, whose captain, Finnis, was killed, having struck, he was compelled to submit to the same fate. He represents the American squadron as greatly superior in strength; and says, that there were not more than fifty British seamen on-board his own vessels. He returns the loss in the action at three officers and thirty-eight men killed; nine. officers and eighty-five men wounded. The consequence of this disaster to the British was the relinquishment of the Michigan territory, excepting Michilimackanak, and the abandonment of the posts in Upper Canada beyond the Grand River. º General Proctor, on the 24th of September commenced his retreat from Sandwich, having previously dismantled the posts of Amherstburg and Detroit, and destroyed the public buildings and stores of every kind. On the 5th of October, when within a few miles of a strong position which he purposed to take at the Moravian village on the Thames, he was attacked by General Harri- son, with a force so much superior that resistance was vain, and his small army, consisting of not more than 450 regular troops, was obliged to dis- perse. Of these he afterwards collected about 200, with whom he at length reached Burlington Heights; the head-quarters of Major-general Vincent. In the American account of this action, the prisoners taken are said to amount to 601 regu- lars, including officers. Eight pieces of artillery were also captured. * - Sir George Prevost having received informa- tion, that the Americans were assembling a force on the Montreal frontier, thought it expedient to quit Kingston and repair to Montreal, where he arrived on the 25th of September. He found that the American Major-general Hampton, after advancing to the frontier-line, and overpowering one of the British picquets, had suddenly moved to the westward. Measures had been, in the mean time, taken by ast ºl aft Major-general Sir R. Sheaffe, the British coin- mander of the district, to resist the advance of BOOK XI. the enemy, by moving the whole of the froops Chap. XI. under his command nearer the frontier-line, and S-V-y by calling out about 3,000 of the sedentary mi- litia. Sir G. Prevost thought it necessary to in- crease this latter force to nearly 8,000, by embo- dying the whole of the sedentary militia upon the frontier, this being in addition to the six batta- lions of incorporated militia, amounting to 5,000 men: “It is with peculiar satisfaction,” says Sir George Prevost, in his dispatch to Earl Bathurst, “I have to report to your lordship, that his ma- jesty's Canadian subjects have, a secoud time, answered the call to arm in defence of their country, with a zeal and alacrity beyond all praise, and which manifests, in the strongest manner, their loyalty to their sovereign, and their cheerful obedience to his commands.” The force now assembled, by the Americans, at different points, for the purpose of invading the two Canadas, was greater than at any other period during the war. Major-general Harrison had under him at Sandusky, on the frontier of the Michigan territory, about 8,000 men, ready to avail himself of the absolute command lately ob- tained by their navy on Lake Erie, to advance upon Detroit and Amherstburg. Major-general Wilkinson commanded at Fort George and Nia- gara, with a force amounting to nearly 6,500 men; and Major-general Hampton, with a force under his command, which, by the last accounts, had been considerably increased, amounted to about 8,000 men. The whole of this force, amounting to 26,000 men, consisted of regular troops, exclu- sive of 10,000 militia. In consequence of Sir George Prevost's soli- citation to Admiral Sir J. Warren, for a supply of seamen for the lake service, he received the crews of two sloops of war, part of whom he sent to join Captain Pring at Isle au Noix, for the service of Lake Champlain, and the remainder proceeded to Lake Ontario. …” On Lake Ontario the opposite commanders, Sir James Yeo and Commodore Chauncey, ap- peared eager for an opportunity to bring each other to fair combat. On the 11th of September, there was a probability of a general engagement, the American fleet having, with the wind in their favor, got near enough to the British to do some mischief with their long guns, the fire of which could not be adequately returned. - The fleets, however, parted without coming to close action. On the 28th, the fleets had a running fight, in which the Pike, the American commander's ship, lost her main-top-mast; but a heavy gale separated the combatants. Little loss was incurred on either side in these affairs; but, on the 5th of October, the British suffered a se- were disaster. Six sail of transports, with troops 1813. 986 HISTORY OF THE WARS BOOK XI. ČHAP. XI. v_*N/*, 1813. -- **** -ms on-board, proceeding without convoy from York for Kingston, were intercepted and captured by the American fleet. The prisoners taken, of all descriptions, amounted to 264, a number which, at this period, could be ill-spared. The American general, Hampton, who had taken his post on the Chateauguay river, near a settlement called the Four Corners, crossed the boundary line into Lower Canada, with the army under his command, on the 21st of October, sur- prised a small party of Indians, and drove in a picquet of militia; and having made a road for bringing up his artillery, proceeded against the British advanced-posts. On the 26th, his ca- valry and light-troops were discovered advancing on both banks of the Chateauguay, by a detach- ment covering a working party of habitans em- ployed in felling timber, for the purpose of con- structing abbatis. Lieutenant-colonel de Sala- berry, who had the command of the advanced picquets, composed of the light-infantry company of the Canadian fencibles, and two companies of voltigeurs, on the north-side of the river, made so excellent a disposition of his little band, that he checked the advance of the enemy's principal column, led by Major-general Hampton in per- son, , and accompanied by Brigadier-general Izard; whilst the American light-brigade, under Colonel M’Carty, was, in like manner, repulsed in its º: on the south-side of the river, by the spirited advance of the right flank-company of the third battalion of the embodied militia, under Captain Daly, supported by Captain Bruyer's company of Chateauguay chasseurs. Captains Daly and Bruyer being both wounded, and their companies having sustained some loss, their position was immediately taken up by a flank-company of the first battalion of embodied militia; the enemy rallied, and repeatedly return- ed to the attack, which terminated only with the day, in his complete disgrace and defeat; being foiled, at all points, by a handful of men, who, by their determined bravery maintained their po- sition, and screened from insult the working parties, who continued their labours unconcerned. Sir George Prevost, who arrived soon after the commencement of the action, bestowed the highest praises on the conduct of the de- fenders, of whom the force actually engaged did not exceed 300. The prisoners stated, that the American army amounted to 7,000 infantry and 200 cavalry, with ten pieces of artillery. The loss of the British was trifling. That of the Americans was severe, and was partly incur- red from parties of their own firing upon each other in the woods. Hampton's army afterwards entirely quitted Lower Canada, and retreated to its former encampments at the Four Corners. In co-operation with this invasion, General Wilkinson, on the 30th of October, left Grenadier Island, on Lake Ontario, with 10,000 men, in small craft and batteaux, and proceeded down the St. Lawrence with the avowed intention of taking up his winter-quarters at Montreal. Hav- ing, on the 31st, halted a few miles below Gra- velly Point, on the south-side of the river, his po- sition was, on the following day, reconnoitred, and afterwards cannonaded by a division of gun- boats, under the command of Captain Mulcaster, of the royal navy. By keeping close to his own shore, the enemy arrived, on the 6th instant, within six miles of the port of Prescot, which he endeavoured to pass, unobserved, during the night of the 7th ; but the vigilance of Lieutenant- colonel Pearson, who commanded there, frustrat- ed his attempt, and the American armada was obliged to sustain a heavy and destructive can- nonade during the whole of that operation. Sir George Prevost having anticipated the probability of such a movement, had ordered a corps of observation, under the command of Lieu- tenant-colonel Morrison, amounting to 800 rank and file, to follow and watch the motions of the Americans. Upon this corps an attack was made by Brigadier-general Boyd, with 3 or 4,000 men, on the 11th of November. Upon the approach of the Americans, about two o'clock in the after- noon, the advance of the British troops gradually fell back upon the main body, which occu- pied a strong position; the right resting on the river, and the left on a pine-wood, º & front of about 700 yards. The ground being open, Celonel Morrisons disposed his troops in the following manner: the flank-companies of the 49th regiment, the detachment of the Cana- dian fencibles, with one field-piece, under Lieu- tenant-colonel Pearson, on the right, a little ad- vanced on the road; three companies of the 89th regiment, under Captain, Barnes, with a gun, formed in echellon, with the advance on its left supporting it. The 49th and 89th, thrown more to the rear, with a gun, formed the main body and reserve .."; to the woods on the left, which were occupied by the voltigeurs, under Major Herriot, and the Indians under Lieutenant An- derson. At about half-past two the action be- came general, when the enemy endeavoured, by moving forward a brigade from his right, to turn the left of the British, but was repulsed by the 89th, forming in potence with the 49th, and both corps moving forward, oecasionally firing by pla- toons. The efforts were next directed against the enemy's right; and to repulse this movement, the 49th took ground in that direction in echel- lon, followed by the 89th; when within half musket-shot the line was formed, under a heavy but irregular fire from the enemy. The 48th was then directed to charge the gun posted opposite to one of the British; but it be- came necessary, when within a short distance 6 OF THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 987 of it, to check the forward movement, in conse- quence of a charge from their cavalry on the right, lest they should wheel about, and fall upon their rear; but they were received in so galſant a manner by the companies of the 89th, under Captain Barnes, and the well-directed fire of the artillery, that they quickly retreated, and by an immediate charge from those companies one gun was gained. The Americans immediately concentrated their force to check the advance of the British, but such was the steady countenance and well-di- rected fire of the troops and artillery, that about half-past four they gave way at all points from an exceeding strong position, endeavouring, by their light-infantry, to cover their retreat, who were soon driven away by a judicious movement made by Lieutenant-colonel Pearson. The i. of the Americans in this action was es- timated. at 800 men in killed, wounded, and pri- soners; that of the British was about 180. The final result of this combined attempt of the Americans was, that both provinces of Canada were freed from the invaders, who retired to win- ter-quarters in their own territory. In the mean- time, a division of British gun-boats, on Lake Champlain, had burnt a depôt-magazine near Plattsburg. The manner in which the war had been con- ducted by the Americans against Canada seemed to prove, that there was great incapacity, not merely in the generals who commanded, but also in those branches of the executive which had lanned the expeditions and appointed the gene- rals. For these and other reasons, therefore, Mr. Madison proposed, that the Emperor of Rus- sia should mediate between Great Britain and America. But this proposal was decidedly ob- jected to by the British government; though at the same time they professed, as they had always done, an anxious desire to put an end to the war. A detachment of troops, sent by the comman- der-in-chief, under Colonel Murray, for the pur- pose of restraining the depredations of a party of banditti organized by the American government, upon the inhabitants of the Niagara district, , ar- rived at Fort George on the 12th of December, from which the enemy had made a hasty retreat across the river, burning the town of Newark as they fled. o Colonel Murray afterwards proceeded against Fort Niagara. He embarked his troops, about 500 in number, on the night of the 18th of De- cember; and on the following morning he landed three miles from the fort, provided with means for a scalade. He then advanced against the for- tress, which was carried in the most gallant man- ner, after a short but spirited resistance. The loss of the British, in this affair, was very trifling; but that of the Americans was estimated at 430 67, officers and men, in killed, wounded, and prison- ers, the whole belonging to the artillery and line. The ordnance taken was twenty-seven pieces of cannon, and about 3,000 stand of arms, and store- houses full of clothing and camp-equipage were the further prize of the victors. * The American general, Hull, after this affair, arrived at the town of Buffalo, and collecting all the troops in the vicinity, amounting to more than 2,000 men, took post at Black-rock, to check the further advance of the British. He was not, how- ever, long suffered to remain there unmolested. Major-general Riall, assembling a force of about 950 regulars and 50 militia, with 400 In- dians, crossed the Niagara river on the night of the 29th of December; and at day-break on the 30th, moved on to attack the enemy, who was strongly posted. After a vigorous resistance, the impetuosity of the assailants forced the Ame- ricans to give way, and they were driven through their batteries to the town of Buffalo, about two miles distanit. There a further resistance was made; but, in a short time, the American troops fled in all directions, and took to the woods, leav- ing behind them three pieces of cannon. Their loss was not known, but 130 prisoners was made; the rapidity of their flight preventing a larger capture. The loss of the British in this spirited action, amounted to Il2 in killed, wounded, and missing. Among the wounded, was Lieutenant- colonel Ogilvy, as he was gallantly leading the attack. After the engagement, an officer was sent with a detachment to destroy two schooners and a skop, part of the enemy's lake squadron that were on-shore below the town of Buffalo, which service was effectually performed. The town itself, the inhabitants having quitted it, was then committed to the flames, with the whole of the public stores, and the village of Black-rock was likewise burnt. A force was then directed to move down the river to Fort Niagara to destroy all the remaining cover of the enemy upon this frontier, which being effected, the whole frontier was left clear and naked. An expedition was sent against the enemy's posts and depôts at Derby, in the state of Ver- mont, which were taken possession of at day- break on the 17th of December. An extensive barrack, for 1,200 men, which had been but lately erected, was destroyed, together with the sta- bles and store-houses, and a considerable quan- tity of military stores were brought away. From several causes, it was not to be expected that the war between Great Britain and America would be carried on in the most humane and ho- norable mode, especially by the Americans: they had not yet forgotten the war of the revolution; and our employment of the Indians, though they BOOK XI. Chap. XI. \ºv-/ 1813. set us the example, exasperated them still more; , 988 HISTORY OF THE WARS BOOK XI. CHAP. XI. ~~~~ 1813. the consequences were such as might naturally be dreaded. In their different invasions of Ca- nada, the greatest inhumanities were exercised; especially at Sandwich, at the settlements on the Thames, at York, and at Fort George. Finding that remonstrances against this mode of con- ducting the war produced no effect, Sir George Prevost issued the following proclamation to the inhabitants of Canada, announcing a severe reta- liation:— f “The complete success which has attended his majesty's arms on the Niagara frontier, having placed in our possession the whole of the enemy's posts on that line, it became a matter of imperious duty to retaliate on America the miseries which the unfortunate inhabitants of Newark had been made to suffer upon the evacuation of Fort George. “The villages of Lewiston, Black-rock, and Buffalo, have accordingly been burned. “At the same time that his excellency, the com- mander of the forces, sincerely deprecates this mode of warfare, he trusts that it will be suffi- cient to call the attention of every candid and impartial person, both amongst ourselves and the enemy, to the circumstances from which it has arisen, to satisfy them that this departure from the established usages of war has originated with America herself, and that to her alone are justly chargeable all the awful and unhappy conse- quences which have hitherto flowed, and are likely to result from it. “It is not necessary to advert to the conduct of the troops employed on the American coast, in conjunction with his majesty's squadron, under Admiral Sir John B. Warren, since, as they were neither within the command, nor subject to the controul of his excellency, their acts cannot be ascribable to him, even if they wanted that jus- tification which the circumstances that occasioned them so amply afford. “It will be sufficient for the present purpose, and in order to mark the character of the war, as carried on upon the frontiers of these provinces, to trace the line of conduct observed by his ex- cellency and the troops under his command, since the commencement of hostilities, and to contrast it with that of his enemy. “The first invasion of Upper Canada took place in July, 1812, when the American forces, under Brigadier-general Hull, crossed over and took possession of Sandwich, where they began to ma- nifest a disposition so different from that of a magnanimous enemy, and which they have since invariably displayed, in marking out, as objects of their peculiar resentment, the loyal subjects of his majesty, and in dooming their property to plurider and conflagration. “Various instances of this kind occurred, both at Sandwieh and its neighbourhood, at the very *— —a -- *-*. period when his majesty's standard was waving upon the fort of Michilimackinac, and affording protection to the persons and property of those who had-submitted to it: within a few weeks af- terwards, the British flag was also hoisted on the fortress of Detroit, which, together with the whole of the Michigan territory, had surrendered to his majesty's arms. “Had not his excellency been actuated by sen- timents far different from those which had in- ‘fluenced the American government, and the per- sons employed by it, in the wanton acts of de- struction of private property, committed during their short occupation of a part of Upper Canada, his excellency could not have failed to have avail- zed himself of the gº. which the undis- turbed possession of the whole of the Michigan territory afforded him of amply retaliating for the devastating system which had been pursued at Sandwich and on the Thames. “But strictly in conformity to the views and dis- iposition of his own government, and to that libe- ral and magnanimous policy which it had dictated, he chose-rather to forbear an imitation of the ene- my's example, in the hope that such forbearance would be duly appreciated by the government of the United States, and would produce a return to othe more civilized usages of war. “The persons .# property, therefore, of the inhabitants of the Michigan territory were res- spected, and remained unmolested. “In the winter of the following year, when the success which attended the gallant enterprize against Ogdensburgh had placed that populous and flourishing village in our possession, the ge- nerosity of the British character was again con- spicuous in the scrupulous preservation of every article which could be considered as private pro- perty; such public buildings only being destroyed as were used for the accommodation of troops and for public stores, “The destruction of the defences of Ogdens- burgh, and the dispersion of the enemy's force in that neighbourhood, laid open the whole of their frontier, on the St. Lawrence, to the incursions of his majesty's troops; and Hamilton, as well as the numerous settlements on the banks of the river, might, at any hour, had such been the dis- position of his majesty's government, or of those acting under it, been plundered and laid waste. “During the course of the following summer, by the fortunate result of the enterprize against Plattsburgh, that town was, for several hours, in the complete possession of our troops, there not being‘any force in the neighbourhood which could attempt a resistance. Yet even there, under cir- cumstances of strong temptation, and when the recent example of the enemy, in the wanton de- struction of York, of ſº property and build- ings not used for military purposes, must have of The FRENch REvolution. 984) *- government has been apprised of the deiermina- tion of this government, to retaliate any other proceeding against us, contrary to the legitimate modes of warfare. “It is as fortunate for the United States, that they have it in their power to meet the enemy in this deplorable contest, as it is honorable to them, that they do not join in it but under the most imperious obligations, and with the humane pur- pose of effectuating a return to the established usages of war. “The views of the French government on the subjects which have been so long committed to negociation, have received no elucidation since the close of your late session. The minister-ple- nipotentiary of the United States at Paris had not been enabled, by proper opportunities, to #. the objects of his mission, as prescribed by is instructions. “ The militia being always to be regarded as the great bulwark of defence and security for free states, and the constitution having wisely committed to the national authority a use of that force, as the best provision against an unsafe mi- litary establishment, as well as a reseurce pecu- liarly adapted to a country having the extent and the exposure of the United States; I recommend to Congress a revision of the militia-laws, for the purpose of securing, more effectually, the services of all detachments called into the employment and placed under the government of the United States. “It will deserve the consideration of Congress also, whether, among other improvements in the militia-laws, justice ă. not require a regulation, under due precautions, for defraying the expense incident to the first assembling as well as to the subsequent movements of detachments called into the national service. “To give our vessels of war, public and pri- vate, the requisite advantage in their cruizes, it is of much importance that they should have, both for themselves and their prizes, the use of the ports of friendly powers. With this view, I re- commend to Congress the expediency of such legal provisions as may supply, the defects, or remove the doubts of the executive authority, to allow to the cruizers of other powers, at war with enemies of the United States, such use of the American ports and markets as may correspond with the privileges allowed by such powers to American cruizers. “During the year ending on the 30th of Sep- tember last, the receipts into the treasury have exceeded 37,000,000 and a half of dollars, of which 24,000,000 were the produce of Hoans. After meeting all the demands for public service, there remained in the treasury, on that day, near 7,000,000 of dollars. Under the authority con- of the FRENch Revolution. 993 ** tained in the act of the 2d of August, last, for borrowing 7,000,000 and a half of dollars, that sum has been obtained on terms more favorable to the United States than those of the preceding loan made during the present year. Further sums to a considerable amount will be necessary to be obtained in the same way during the en- suing year; and from the increased capital of the country, from the fidelity with which the public engagements have been kº, and the public cre- dit maintained, it may be expected, on good grounds, that the necessary pecuniary supplies will not be wanting. “The expences of the current year, from the multiplied operations falling within it, have ne- cessarily been extensive. #. on a just estimate of the campaign, in which the mass of them has been incurred, the cost will not be found dispropor- tionate to the advantages which have been gained. The campaign has indeed, in its latter stages, in one quarter been less favorable than was expected; but in addition to the importance of our naval success, the progress of the campaign has been filled with i. highly honourable to the American arms. * “The attacks of the enemy on Craney Island, on Fort Meigs, on Sackett's Harbour, and on Sandusky, have been vigorously and successfully repulsed: nor have they in any case succeeded on either frontier, excepting when directed against the peaceable dwellings of individuals, or villages unprepared or undefended. “On the other hand, the movements of the American army have been followed by the re- duction of York, and of Forts George, Erie, and Malden: by the recovery of Detroit, and the extinction of the Indian war in the West; and by the occupancy or command of a large portion of Upper Canada. , Battles have also been fought on the borders of the St. Lawrence, which, though not accomplishing their entire objects, reflect honour on the discipline and prowess of our soldiery, the best auguries of eventual victory. In the same scale are to be placed the late successes in the south, over one of the most powerful, which had become one of the most hostile also, of the Indian tribes. “It would be improper to close this communica- tion, without expressing a thankfulness, in which all ought to unite, for the numerous blessings with which our beloved country continues to be favoured; for the abundance which overspreads our land, and the prevailing health of its inha- bitants; for the preservation of our internal tranquillity, and the stability of our free institu- tions: and above all, for the light of divine truth, and the protection of º man’s conscience in the enjoyment of it. And although among our blessings we cannot number an exemption from the evils of war, yet these will never be regarded # Y_ + - -- * * * ******: *...* *- - as the greatest of evils by the friends of liberty and of the rights of nations. Our country has before preferred them to the degrading condition which was the alternative, when the sword was drawn in the cause which gave birth to our national independence: and none who contem- plate the magnitude, and feel the value of that glorious event, will shrink from a struggle to maintain the high and happy ground on which it laced the American people. “With all good citizens, the justice and necessity of resisting wrongs and usurpations no longer to be borne will sufficiently outweigh the privations and sacrifices inseparable from a state of war. But it is a reflection moreover, peculiarly consol- ing, that whilst wars are generally aggravated by their baneful effects on the internal improvements and permanent prosperity of the nations engaged in them, such is the favoured situation of the United States, that the calamities of the contest into which they have been compelled to enter, are mitigated by improvements and advantages, of which the contest itself is the source. “If the war has increased the interruptions of our commerce, it has at the same time cherished and multiplied our manufactures, so as to make us independent of all other countries for the more essential branches, for which we ought to be dependent on none; and is even rapidly giving them an extent which will create additional staples in our future intercourse with foreign markets. “If much treasure has been expended, no incon- siderable portion of it has been applied to ob- jects durable in their value, and necessary to our permanent safety. “If the war has exposed us to increased spolia- tions on the ocean, and to predatory incursions on the hand, it has developed the national means of retaliating the former, and of providing pro- tection against the latter; demonstrating to all, that every blow aimed at our maritime indepen- dence, is an impulse, accelerating the growth of our maritime power. “By diffusing through the mass of the nation the elements of military discipline and instruction, by augmenting and disturbing warlike prepara- tions applicable to future use, by evincing the zeal and valour with which they will be employ- ed, and the cheerfulness with which every neces- sary burden will be borne; a greater respect for our rights, and a longer duration of our future peace, are promised, than could be expected without these proofs of the national character and TeSOUITC0S- “The war has proved, moreover, that our free government, like other free governments, though slow in its early movements, acquires in its pro- gress a force proportioned to its freedom; and that the union of these states, the guardian of BOOK XI, Char. XI. <-exº~~º 1818. 994 History OF THE WARS BóOR XI. CHAP. XI. Nesºvº-e i813. * * *…* ~7– the freedom and safety of all and of each, is strengthened by every occasion that puts it to the test. ſº • In fine, the war, with all its vicissitudes, is illustrating the capacity and the destiny of the United States, to be a great, a flourishing, and powerful nation, worthy of the friendship which it is disposed to cultivate with all others; and authorised by its own example, to require from all, an observance of the laws of justice and reciprocity. , Beyond these, their claims have never extended; and in contending for these, we behold a subject for our congratulations, in the daily testimonies of increasing harmony through- out the nation, and may humbly repose our trust in the smiles of heaven on so righteous a cause. “JAMES MADison.” In the statements and anticipations of some wº *. +— ~amºa-ºº-º- parts of his message, Mr. Madison was justified by what had actually happened, or by what was likely to happen. But certainly, so far as he dwelt upon the military character of the United States, neither what had occurred, nor what in all probability would speedily occur, bore him out: almost every American general and army had fled with precipitation before an inferior force, compos- ed almost entirely of Canadian troops. Wilkinson and Hampton, the last who had fought, had derived no more honour than their predecessors: Sir George Prevost, on the contrary, exhibited his usual activity and courage; and after the defeat of the American generals, he pursued them so closely, that they were forced to take up their winter-quarters in their own territory. . As we have now brought the war in America down to the close of the year 1813, we shall turn our attention to the affairs of Europe. OF THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 995 BOOK XII. CHAPTER I. Jłffairs of France resumed.—Deputation sent to England to invite Louis XVIII. to the Throne.— Constitutional Charter.—Decree of the Senate, conveying the Provisional Government to JMon- sieur.—Decree of Monsieur.—Convention for the Suspension of Hostilities.—Treaty between JVapoleon and the .4llied Powers.--Anecdotes of Bonaparte.—His Departure for Elba, and .4ddress to the Army. In our tenth Book, Chap. XII. we brought down the affairs of Europe to the deposition of Napoleon, and the entrance into Paris of Mon- sieur, the brother of Louis XVIII. We shall now therefore resume our narrative of the trans- actions which took place in that city after its surrender to the allies. After the allies were in possession of Paris, and the depositien of Bonaparte, there could remain little doubt of the restoration of the Bourbons: in fact, soon after these events, deputies arrived in London to wait on Louis XVIII.; under these circumstances a constitution for the French peo- ple was soon formed, and immediately presented to the senate: it was read twice, and a commis- sion appointed to consider it. On the evening of the 5th of April, the commission made its report, and the constitution was adopted unanimously. By this constitution Louis was restored, by a constitutional charter, of which the following are the principal and most important features:— 1. The French government is monarchical, and hereditary from male to male in order of primogeniture. 2. The French call to the throne Louis, bro- ther of the late king. 3. The ancient nobility resume their titles; the new ones preserve theirs hereditarily; the legion of honor shall retain its prerogatives. 4. The executive power belongs to the king. 5. The king, the senate, and the legislative body, concur in the making of laws: those rela- ting to contributions can be proposed only in the legislative body: the sanction of the king is ne- vessary for the cornpletion of a law. 6. #. are 150 senators at least, and 200 at 68. most: they are named by the king; their dignity is immoveable, and hereditary from male to male: the present senators are retained; the revenues for the support of the senate are divided equally between them, and pass to their successors: in cases of death without male posterity; the por- tions return to the public treasure. The sena- tors who shall be named in future cannot partake of this endowment. 7. The princes of the blood and of the royal family are, by right, members of the senate: the funetions of a senator cannot be exercised under twenty-one years of age. 9. Each department shall send to the legisla- tive body, the same number of deputies it sent before: the duration of the function of the depu- ties is fixed at five years. 10. The legislative body shall assemble each year on the 1st of October: the king may con- voke it extraordinarily: he may adjourn it: he may also dissolve it: but, in the latter case, ano- ther legislative body must be formed, in three months at the latest, by the electoral colleges. 11. The legislative body has the right of dis- cussion: the sittings are public. 18. No , member of the senate or legislative body can be arrested without a previous autho- rity from the bedy to which he belongs: the trial of a member of the senate or legislative body be- longs exclusively to the senate. 14. The ministers may be members either of the senate or legislative body. 15. Equality of proportion in the taxes is of right: no tax can be imposed or received, unless it has been first consented to by the legislative. body and the senate. *: land-tax ean only be 11 Q, * BOOK XII. CHAP, I. v_s^*** 1814. 996 If I STORY WARS O F THE BOOK XI]. Cn AP. I. 18H4. - *------, --ms---------------- * ***. established for a year. The budget of the fol- lowing year, and the accounts of the preceding year, are presented annually to the legislative body and the senate, at the opening of the sitting of the legislative body. 16. The law shall fix the mode and the amount of the recruiting of the army. 17. The independence of the judicial person is guaranteed. No one can be removed from his natural judges. The institution of juries is pre- served, as well as the publicity of trial in criminal matters: the penalty of confiscation of goods is abolished. The king has the right of pardon. 18. The judges are for life, and irremovable: the commissions and extraordinary tribunals are repressed, and cannot be re-established. 21. The person of the king is sacred and in- violable: all the acts of the government are signed by a minister. The ministers are respon- sible for all which those acts may contain in vio- lation of the laws, public and private property, and the rights of citizens. 22. The freedom of worship and of conscience is guaranteed: the ministers of worship are treated and protected alike. 23. The liberty of the press is entire, with the exception of the legal repression of offences which may result from the abuse of that liberty. 24. The public debt is guaranteed. The sales of the national domains are irrecoverably main- tained. * 25. No Frenchman can be prosecuted for opi- nions or votes which he has given. 26. Every person has a right to address indi- vidual petitions to every constituted authority. 27. All Frenchmen are equally admissible to all civil and military employments. 28. All the laws existing remain in vigour, until they shall be legally repealed. The code of civil laws shall he entitled the civil code of the French. 29. The present constitution shall be sub- mitted to the acceptance of the French people, in the form which shall be regulated. Louis Stanislaus Xavier shall be proclaimed King of the French, as soon as he shall have signed and sworn, by an act stating, “I accept the constitu- tion. I swear to observe it, and cause it to be observed.” This oath shall be repeated in the solemnity, when he shall receive the oath of fide- lity of the French. On the 14th of April, the senate passed a de- cree, conveying the provisional government to Monsieur, under the title of lieutenant-general of the kingdom, “until Louis Stanislaus Xavier, of France, called to the throne of the French, has accepted the constitutional charter.” On occa- sion of presenting this decree to him, he was waited on by the senate and the legislative body. The senate was presented by M. Talleyrand, house to the throne of France. the Prince of Benevento, who addressed his royal highness as follows:– “Monseigneur, The senate presents to your royal highness the homage of its respectful devotion. “It has proposed the return of your august Too well in- structed by the present and the past, it desires, with the nation, to confirm for ever the royal authority upon a just division of powers and upon public liberty, the only guarantees of the happi- ness and interest of all. “The senate, persuaded that the principles of the new constitution are in your heart, conveys to you, by the decree which I have the honor to present to you, the title of lieutenant-general of the kingdom, until the arrival of your august brother. Our respectful confidence cannot better honor the ancient loyalty which was transmitted to you by your ancestors. - “Monseigneur, the senate, in these moments of public joy, obliged to remain more calm in appearance relative to the limits of its duties, is not the less penetrated with the universal senti- ment. Your royal highness will read our hearts through the reserve even of our language. Each of us, as Fi enchmen, is associated to those touch- ing and profound emotions which have accompa- nied you from the moment of your entrance to the capital of your forefathers, and which we feel still deeper under the dome of the palace to which hope and joy are at length returned with a descendant of St. Louis and of Hei.ry IV. “For myself, monseigneur, permit me to con- gratulate myself upon being the interpreter to your royal highness of the senate, which has done me the honor to choose me for its organ. The senate, which knows my attachment to its mem- bers, has wished to afford me one sweet and happy moment more. The sweetest indeed are those in which one approaches your royal high- ness to renew to you the testimony of one's respect and love.” His royal highness replied, “Gentlemen,_I have taken cognizance of the constitutional charter which recalls to the throne of . France the king my august brother. I have not received from him the power to accept the con- stitution; but I know his sentiments and prin- ciples, and I do not fear being disavowed when I assure you in his name that he will admit the basis of it. “The king, in declaring that he would main- tain the existing form of the government, has thereby acknowledged that the monarchy ought to be balanced by a representative government, divid- ed into two houses (these two houses are formed by the senate and the deputies of the departments;) that taxes shall be freely assented to by the representatives of the nation; public and indivi- dual liberty assured; the liberty of the press OF THE FRENCH REVOLUTION, 997 respected, with the exception of the restrictions necessary for order and public tranquillity; the liberty of worship guaranteed; property rendered sacred and inviolable ; ministers responsible and liable to be accused and prosecuted by the repre- sentatives of the nation; that the judges shall be irremovable, and the judicial power independent, no one being subject to be withdrawn from his proper judges; that the public debt shall be guaranteed; the pensions, ranks, and military honors preserved, as well of the ancient as of the new mobility; the legion of honor main- tained, of which the king shall determine the decoration; that all Frenchmen shall be admissi- ble to civil and military employments, and that no individual shall be disturbed on account of his opinions or votes, and that the sale of the national property shall be irrevocable. Such, gentlemen, appear to me the bases which are necessary and essential for consecrating all rights, traeing all duties, assuring all existing things, and guaranteeing our future condition.” After this speech Monsieur added, “I thank you, in the name of the king my brother, for the part which you have had in the restoration of our legitimate sovereign, and for having thereby secured the happiness of France, for which the king and all his family are ready to sacrifice their blood. There can no longer be among us but one sentiment; the past is no longer to be recollected. We must henceforth form only a people cf brothers. During the ; in which power shall be placed in my ands, a period which I hope will be very short, I shall exert all my endeavours to promote the public good.” One of the members of the senate havin exclaimed, “This is a real son of Henry IV.” “His blood, indeed, flows in my veins,” replied Monsieur; “I wish to have his talents, but I am certain I possess his heart and his love for the French.” After the senate and legislative body had been presented to Monsieur, he appointed nine persons to be the provisional council of state, the Prince of Benevento standing first. The Marshals Moncey and Oudinot were of the number. The Duke of Berri, son of Monsieur, made his entrance into Paris on the 21st. On the next day Monsieur issued a decree, by virtue of which an extraordinary commission of the king was deputed to each of the military divisions of the kingdom, for the purpose of disseminating an exact knowledge of the events which had pro- duced the restoration of the legitimate sovereigns of France; of insuring the execution of all the acts of the provisional government; of taking the requisite measures for facilitating the establish-, ment of the government; and of collecting infor- mation relative to all brºke. of the public service. They were invested with powers to command the assistance of all the civil and military authorities; to suspend , those whose conduct had been faulty, and appoint provisional successors; to set at liberty all persons under arbitrary arrests; to put a stop to all prosecutions and punishments consequent upon military con- scription; and to suspend all requisitions, levies, works, &c. ordered by the late government, on account of the war. In the mean time, every day was distin- guished by the accession of different French marshals, generals, and of various public bodies, to the new order of things. Indeed, a degree of unanimity appeared to pervade the whole nation. On the 19th Marshals Berthier, Moncey, Mortier, Ney, Oudinot, Marmont, Macdonald, Kellerman, Lefebvre, Perignon, and Serrurier, Generals Du- pont, Dessolles, Nausouty, Le Grand, and Delau- loy, had the honor to dine with Monsieur at the Thuilleries. The resolution of placing Louis XVIII. on the throne of his ancestors has been ascribed, by the best informed, to Talleyrand. This able politician, whose talents had made him necessary to Bonaparte, found no difficulty in transferring his allegiance from one who had slighted his counsels, and had brought on his own ruin, to a sovereign who would be indebted to him for his crown, and probably give him his entire confidence. Before the allies entered Paris, the Bourbons were unknown or forgotten by the mass of the nation, and the allied powers hadhithertocautiously avoided any open indications of intending to adopt their cause. The declaration in their favor at Bourdeaux was the work of a few : in Paris they had no party except some emigrants who had been permitted to return; and, it is said, that the Emperor of Russia, on his entrance into Paris, was undetermined how to act in this point. On the 23d, Monsieur ratified, with the allied ; a convention for the suspension of all ostilities. In the preamble it is said, that “the allied powers, united in the determination to put a period to the calamities of Europe, and to found its repose on a just distribution of power among the states which compose it, wishing to give to France, replaced under a government whose principles offer the necessary securities for the maintainance of peace, proofs of their desire to resume amicable relations with her; wishing also to cause France to enjoy, as much as possible, the benefits of peace, even before all the terms thereof have been settled, have resolved to pro- ceed conjointly with his royal highness Monsieur, lieutenant-general of the kingdom of France, to a suspension of hostilities between their respective forces, and to a re-establishment of the ancient relations of mutual friendship. The following are the articles: B() ()K X I1, CHAP. I. ~ºvº- 1814. 998 HISTORY OF THE WARS - BOOK XII. CHAP. I. Q-º-º/~/ 1814. Art. I. “All hostilities by land and sea are and remain suspended between the allied powers and France, namely:-For the land-forces, as soon as the generals commanding the French armies and strong places shall have made known to the generals commanding the allied troops who are opposed to them, that they have acknowledged the authority of the lieutenant-general of the kingdom of France, and both by sea, and with regard to maritime places and stations, as soon as the fleets and ports of the kingdom of France, or those occupied by French troops, shall have made the same submission. II. “To certify the re-establishment of amicable relations between the allied powers and France, and to enable the latter to enjoy as much as pos- sible beforehand the advantages of peace, the allied powers shall cause their armies to evacuate the French territory, such as it was on the 1st of January, 1792, in proportion as the º beyond those limits, still occupied by French troops, shall be evacuated and given up to the allies. III. “The lieutenant-general of the kingdom of France shall in consequence give orders to the commandants of those fortresses to deliver them up within the following periods, viz, the places situated on the Rhine, not comprehended within the limits of France, on the 1st of January, 1792, and those between the Rhine and the same limits, in the space of ten days, dating from the signature of the present act; the fortresses in Piedmont and the other parts of Italy which belonged to France, in the space of fifteen days, those of Spain within twenty days: and all other places, without exception, which are occupied by French troops, in such way that their complete surrender shall be effected by the 1st of next June. The garrisons of the fortresses shall march out with arms and baggage, and the soldiers and agents of all ranks shall retain their private property. They may carry with them field-artillery, in the proportion of three pieces for every thousand men, sick and wounded included. “Every thing belonging to the fortresses, not private property, shall be delivered up entire to the allies, without a single article being carried off. In these articles are included not only the depôts of artillery and ammunition, but all other stores of every kind, together with archives, in- ventories, plaus, charts, &c. 66. iº, after the signature of the present convention, commissaries of the allied powers and of France shall be sent to the fortresses, to ascer- tain the state in which they are, and to regulate in common the execution of this article. “The garrisons shall have reutes assigned them in different lines, as shall be agreed upon, for their return to France. “The blockade of fortresses in France shall be forthwith raised by the allied armies. The French troops, forming part of the army of Italy, or oc- cupying the strong places in that country, or on the Mediterranean, shall be immediately recalled by his royal highness. - IV: “The stipulation of the preceding article shall be equally applied to maritime places; the contracting powers always reserving to themselves the definitive regulation in the treaty of peace of the fate of the arsenals, vessels of war, armed and unarmed, which are in these places. W. “The fleets and vessels of France shall re- main in their respective situations, with the ex- ception of the departure of ships charged with missions; but the immediate effect of the present act, in regard to French ports, shall be the raising of all blockade by land or sea, the liberty of fish- ery, that of the coasting trade, particularly that which is requisite for the supply of Paris, and the restoration of commercial relations, conformably to the internal regulations of every country; and the immediate effect in respect to the interior shall be the free supply of towns, and the free passage of military or commercial transports. VI. “To prevent all subject of complaint, and of dispute, which might arise in consequence of cap- tures made at sea, after the signature of the pre- sent convention, it is reciprocall yagreed, that ſº * and merchandize which may “be taken on the coast of the channel and in the North Sea, twelve- days after the exchange of the ratifications of the present act, shall be mutually restored; that the period shall be a month, from the Channel and, the North Sea to the Canaries and the Equator; and, in fine, five months in all other parts of the globe, without exception, or any other distinction of time or place. VII. “On both sides all prisoners, officers and soldiers, by land and sea, of whatever nature they. may be, and especially the hostages, shall be im: mediately sent back to their respective countries, without ransom or exchange. VIII. “The administration of the departments, and of the towns at present occupied by the forces. of the co-belligerents, shall, immediately after the signature of the present act, be given up to magis- trates appointed by his royal highness the lieu- tenant-general of the kingdom. The royal au- thorities shall provide for the subsistence and wants of the troops, till the moment when the shall, have evacuated the French territory; the allied powers wishing, as an effect of their friend- ship for France, to cause military requisitions to cease as soon as the giving up of #. &c. to legitimate power should have been earried into effect. “Every thing that concerns the execution of this article shall be regulated by a particular conven- tion. IX. “An understanding shall be come to, in terms of Art. II, with regard to the routes which OF THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 999 *sº wºm-- the troops of the allies shall take on their march, in order that the means of subsistence thereon may be provided; and commissaries shall be ap- pointed to regulate all the arrangements of detail, and accompany the troops, till the moment of their quitting the French territory. In testimony whereof, the respective plenipo- tentiaries have signed the present convention, and have affixed thereto the seal of their arms.--Done at Paris, this 23d April, 1814. - (Here follow the signatures.) During these transactions at Paris, a consi- derable degree of curiosity was excited respect- ing a treaty which had been concluded on the 11th of April, between Napoleon and the allied powers, the terms of which sufficiently proved either his own remaining consequence in their opinion, or the powerful intercession that had been made in his favor. Indeed, subsequent events have proved, that his partizans were both numerous and powerful; and, that the army was entirely devoted to him. As the treaty is of peculiar importance, we shall here lay it before our readers. Treaty between the Allied Powers and his Majesty the Emperor JVapoleon. Art. “I. His majesty the Emperor Napoleon renounces for himself, his successors and descen- dants, as well as for all the members of his family, all right of sovereignty and dominion, as well to the #. empire and the kingdom of Italy, as over every other country. 2. “Their majesties the Emperor Napoleon and Maria Louisa shall retain their titles and rank, to be enjoyed during their lives. The mother, the brothers, sisters, nephews, and nieces, of the emperor, shall also retain, wherever they may reside, the titles of princes of his family. 3. “The Isle of Elba, adopted by his majesty the Emperor Napoleon as the place of his resi- dence, shall form, during his life, a separate prin- cipality, which shall be possessed by him in full sovereignty and property; there shall be besides ...; in full property to the Emperor Napo- Ieon, an annual revenue of 2,000,000 francs, in rent-charge, in the great book of France, of which 1,000,000 shall be in reversion to the empress. 4, “The duchies of Parma, Placencia, and Guastalla, shall be granted, in full property and sovereignty, to her majesty, the Empress. Maria Louisa; they shall pass to her son, and to the descendants in the right line. The prince, her son, shall, from henceforth, take the title of Prince of Parma, Placencia, and Guastalla. 5. “All the powers engage to employ their good offices to cause to be respected, by the Bar- 68. bary powers, the flag and the territory of the Isle Book xII. of Elba, for which purpose the relations with the Barbary powers shall be assimilated to those with France. 6. “There shall be reserved in the territories hereby renounced to his majesty, the Emperor Napoleon, for himself and his family, domains or rent-charges in the great book of France, pro- ducing a revenue, clear of all deductions and charges, of 2,500,000 francs. These domains or rents shall belong, in full property, and to be disposed of as they shall think fit, to the princes and princesses of his family, and shall be §. amongst them in such a manner that the revenue of each shall be in the following proportions, Chap. I. N-ºvº-Z : *} VIZ :- Francs. To Madame Mere . © © 309,000 To King Joseph and his queen 500,000 To King Louis Ç . . 200,000 To the Queen Hortense and to her " ..., children º © © © tº 400,000 To King Jerome and his queen . 500,000 : To the frinces Eliza . © 300,000 To the Princess Paulina . . . Q- 300,000 2,500,000 “The princes and princesses of the house of the Emperor Napoleon shall, besides, retain their property, moveable and immoveable, of what- ever nature it may be, which they shall possess by individual and public right, and the rents of which they shall enjoy (also as individuals.) 7. “The annual pension of the Empress Jose- phine shall be reduced to 1,000,000, in domains, or in inseriptions in the great book of France; she shall continue to enjoy, in full property, moveable and immoveable, with power to dispose of it con- formable to the French laws. 8. “There shall be granted to Prince Eugene, Viceroy of Italy, a suitable establishment out of France. 9. “The property which his majesty the Em- peror Napoleon possesses in France, either as extraordinary domain, or as private domain, at- tached to the crown the funds placed by the em- }. either in the great book of France, in the ank of France, in the Actions des Forets, or in any other manner, and which his majesty aban- dons to the crown, shall be reserved as a capital, which shall not exceed 2,000,000, to be expended in gratifications in favor of such persons, whose names shall be contained in a list to be signed by the Emperor Napoleon, and which shall be transmitted to the French government. 10. “All the crown-diamonds shall remain in France. 11. “His majesty the Emperor Napoleon shall return to the treasury, and to the other public 1814. chests, all the sums and effects that shall have 11 IR º • * -- * * * 1000 HISTORY OF THE WARS - - -- - ---as-s-- ~~~~~~ * * * --- - - - - - - -- rººms------ - - - —- –----------" "T" ==- *** -- -—r -* rº T-ºr--------- ºr ------ **-- - - - - - * -------- - ----- Book XII. been taken out by his orders, with the excep- * CHAP. I. \_ºvº-Z lS14. tion of what has been appropriated from the civil list. ~ 12. “The debts of the household of his ma- jesty the Emperor Napoleon, such as they were on the day of the signature of the present treaty, shall be immediately discharged out of the arrears due by the public treasury to the civil list, ac- cording to a list which shall be signed by a com- Inissioner appointed for that purpose. 13. “The obligations of the Mont-Napoleon, of Milan, towards all the creditors, whether Frenchmen or foreigners, shall be exactly fulfil- led, unless there shall be any change made in this respect. 14, “There shall be given all the necessary assports for the free-passage of his majesty the #. Napoleon, or of the empress, the princes and princesses, and all the persons of their suites who wish to accompany them, or to establish themselves out of France, as well as for the pas- sage of all the equipages, horses, and effects be- longing to them. The allied powers shall, in consequence, furnish officers and men for es- COrfs. 15. “The French imperial guards shall fur- nish a detachment of from 1,200 to 1,500 men, of all arms, to serve as an escort to the Emperor Napoleon to Saint Tropes, the place of his em- barkation. 16. “There shall be furnished a corvette and the necessary transport-vessels to convey to the place of his destination his majesty the Emperor Napoleon and his household: and the corvette shall belong, in full property, to his majesty the emperor. 17. “The Emperor Napoleon shall be allowed to take with him, and retain as his guard, 400 men, volunteers, as well officers as sub-officers and soldiers. 18. “No Frenchman who shall have followed the Emperor Napoleon or his family, shall be held to have forfeited his rights as such by not returning to France within three years; at least they shall not be comprised in the exceptions which the French government reserves to itself to grant after the expiration of that term. 19. “ The Polish troops of all arms, in the service of France, shall be at liberty to return home, and shall retain their arms and baggage, as a testimony of their honorable services. The officers, sub-officers, and soldiers, shall retain the decorations which have been granted to them, and the pensions annexed to those deco- rations. 20. “ The high allied powers guarantee the execution of all the articles of the present treaty, and engage to obtain that it shall be adopted and ... guaranteed by France. © º , & ; 21. “The present act shall be ratified, and the ratifications exchanged at Paris, within two days, or sooner if possible. “ Done at Paris, the 11th of April, 1814. (L. S.) “ The Prince DE METTERNICH. (L. S.) J. F. Comte DE STADION. (L. S.) ANDRE Comte DERAsoumourfsky. (L. S.) CHARLEs Robert Comte DE NEs- SELRODEs (L. S.) CHAs. Aug. Baron DE HARDEN- BERG. (L. S.) Marshal Ney. (L. S.) CAULINCourt.” After the allied powers had signed this treaty, they applied to the British government for their accession to it; but this was refused, except merely as far as regarded the arrangements for securing the duchies of Parma, &c. to Maria- Louisa and her son, in perpetuity, and the Isle of Elba to Bonaparte for life; to these articles alone the signature of Lord Castlereagh was affixed. Among the many curious anecdotes that have been related of Bonaparte before his downfal, we shall notice the following:—After the sanguinary reverses in Saxony, in 1813, he returned to Paris on the 9th of November: and on the 11th he held a council of state. Impatient to see what kind of face the emperor wore after his disasters, - the members of the council crowded into the saloon adjoining the council-chamber. To avoid, in some measure, the ermbarrassment of a first in- terview, the emperor abruptly called for the go- vernor of the bank, to whom he addressed a long discourse respecting that establishment. After speaking for about half-an-hour, during which the governor had not time to put in a single word, they passed into the council-room. The sitting was opened by the reading of a decree of finance, to be passed by imperial authority, without the sanction of the legislative body, which was, how- ever, convoked for the 2d of December. The decree was for nothing less than to raise the taxes one half. It passed without any objection to the principle, and solely after a short accessory discussion, in which the emperor expressed va- rious contradictory or absurd opinions. “Taxes,” said he, “have no limits—in general they present the idea of a fifth: but they may, according to circumstances, be raised to a quarter, third, half, &c. No–Taxes have no limits. If there be laws to say the contrary, they are laws badly made.” After this decree, the projet of a senatus con- sultum was read, to place at the disposal of the minister of war 300,000 men of the ancient con- scriptions, sofemnly liberated or exhausted. The most profound silence reigned in the assembly. The flatterers, when interrogated, remained si- lont for some time. A member, however, at OF THE FRENCII REVOLUTION. 1001 * * *-*.*.*.*.*-->s. ------- ~ * = r length said—“Sire, the safety of the empire.” ' Though his fall from the highest rank of so- BookxII. Another blamed the expression in the projet of Jºrontiers invaded, as being alarming. “Why?” replied the emperor, “it is better to tell the truth now. Is not Wellington in the South The Russians in the North? Do not the Austrians and Bavarians menace the East ! ... Wellington in France!—What a shame! and they did not rise in a mass to drive him out!—The English will laugh at the simplicity of our peasants. Tut the English have no ships there, they cannot practice their naval manoeuvres; they are on our territory; we must beat them and drive them out. All my allies have abandoned me; the Bavarians have betrayed me: Cowards! they would place themselves in my rear; they pretended to cut off my retreat, but they were well-paid for it; they were mowed down and massacred: I killed Wrede and all his relations with him. No: no peace till I have burned Munich! A triumvirate is formed in the North, the same that divided Poland. No peace till it be broken. Vienna next year! We shall see! I demand 300,000 men. I will form a camp of 100,000 at Bor- deaux, another at Lyons, and a third at Metz. With the former levy and what remains I shall have one million of men under arms; that will do for the moment. I demand 300,000 men; but I must have men, grown men. What are these young conscripts good for? to choak up the hos- pitals or die on the roads. The French are always brave—so are the Piedmontese and Fta- lians; they fight well; but these men of the north $.” they are good for nothing—It is not loed but water that flows in their veins ! I cannot really rely but on the inhabitants of an- cient France.”—“Sire, the Belgians,” said one member—“Yes, the Belgians,” replied the em- peror, “ they love me perhaps. What signify all these addresses they make them send? It is the height of ridicule!”—“Sire,” said another mem- ber, “ ancient France must remain to us.”— “And Holland,” said the emperor, turning short upon him, “ rather than give up Holland, I would bury it in the sea. As for Italy, if she be not under France she must be independent. “ Gentlemen, we must have an impulse: all must march. It may not come to that, but, in short, it should. M. Cambaceres, you too shall march, you shall be chief of a legion' “Counsellors of state! you are fathers of fami- lies; you are the chiefs of the nation. It is you that should give this impulse. I know it—you are effeminate, cowardly. They speak of peace —peace! peace! I hear no other word than peace! whilst all should cry out for war!” After this speech, the plan of senatus consul- tum was adopted. The emperor broke up the sitting, and every body withdrew, agitated by different sentiments. 7 vereignty, and the real power of wielding the first sceptre in Europe, to the station of lord of a C* I' petty island, was one of the greatest that history records, yet the alleviation by which it was attended, might, in some degree, flatter his pride and support his ideas of self-consequence. He set out from Fontainbleau on the 20th of April. The circumstances of the parting scene deserves to be mentioned. To the officers and subalterns of the old guard, who were still with him, Na- poleon spoke in nearly the following words:– “I bid you farewell. During the twenty years that we have acted together, I have been satisfied with you. I have always found you in the path of glory. All the powers of Eu- rope have armed against me : a part of my gene- rals have betrayed their duty: France itself has betrayed it. With your assistance, and that of the brave men who remained faithful to me, I have for three years preserved France from civil war. Be faithful to the new king whom France has chosen; be obedient to your commanders, and do not abandon your dear country, which too long has suffered. Pity not my fate: I shall be happy when I know that you are so hikewise. I might have died: nothing would have been more easy for me: but I still wish to pursue the path of glory. What we have done I will write. I cannot embrace you all; but I will embrace your general—come, general. (He embraced him.) Let the eagle be brought to me, that I may also embrace it. (On embracing it, he said) Ah, dear eagle, may the kisses which I bestow on you resound to posterity! Adieu, my chil- dren! Adien my brave companions! Once more encompass me.” The staff, accompanied by the commissioners of the four allied powers, formed a circle round him, and Bonaparte got into his carriage, mani- festly affected with .. scene. He was followed by fourteen carriages, and his suite employed sixty post-horses. The four commissioners ae- companied him, and the principal officers of his household were part of his suite. So great was the enthusiasm produced by this speech among the soldiers present, that it was received with shouts and cries of “Vive l'Empereurſ”—“.4 Paris 1*-* A Paris!” and when he departed under the custody of the allied commissioners the whole army wept; there was not a dry eye in the multitude who were assembled to witness his de- parture. Even the imperial guard, who had been trained in scenes of suffering from their first entry into the service, who had been inured, for a hong course of years, to the daily sight of human misery, and had constantly made a sport of all the afflictions which are fitted to move the human heart, shared in the general grief; they seemed to forget the degradation in which their com- 1814, 1002 HISTORY OF THE WARS Book XII. Ch Ap. I. NeºV"--> 1814. mander was involved, the hardships to which they had been exposed, and the destruction which he had brought upon their brethren in arms; they remembered him when he stood victorious on the field of Austerlitz, or passed in triumph through •ºr ºr- wºm —r— --wrº- ~& the gates of Moscow, and shed over the fall of their emperor those tears of genuine sorrow which they denied to the deepest scenes of pri- vate suffering, or the most aggravated instances of individual distress. * chapTER II. Operations of the Army under Lord Wellington.—Battle of Thoulouse.—Cessation of Hostilities.— . Remarks on the JMilitary Characters of Lord Wellington and Soult.—Affairs of Spain.— Proceedings of the Cortes.—Arrival of Ferdinand in Spain.—Affairs of Holland-The British repulsed in an Attack on Bergen-op-Zoom.—Belgium.—Carnot's Conduct at Antwerp.–Military Operations in Italy.—Treaty between the King of Waples and Emperor of Austria.-Armistice. —The French evacuate Italy.—Capture of Genoa by Lord Bentinck.-Restoration of the Pope to his Dominions. THE deposition of Bonaparte, and the restora- tion of the Bourbons, being the great crisis to which every other civil and military occurrence on the European continent was subordinate, we shall now bring up to that period the events which had been taking place in other parts. In the great work of the liberation of France, and through it of Europe, no country had acted a more honorable and conspicuous part than Great Britain; for many years, indeed, her co-operation had been almost entirely-confined to the supply of money; or, if she did send troops to the conti- nent, their courage was rendered of no avail, by incapacity either in the plan or execution of the purpose for which they were sent. At last the campaign in the Peninsula commenced; and the British soldiers displayed what they were capa- ble of doing when led on by a general worthy to command them, and taught the nations of Eu- rope, that the generals and soldiers of France were not invincible. - We have already mentioned, in our tenth book, that Soult had retreated in the direction of Thoulouse after the battle of Orthies. To that city he was followed by Lord Wellington. Be- fore, however, he attacked the enemy, Bonaparte had been overthrown, and intelligence of this event had been sent both to Lord Wellington and Soult; but the messengers being unaccount- ably detained on the road, hostilities between the two armies continued after peace was restored to the rest of France. Though Thoulouse was not na- turally very strong, yet Soult had had time to pre- are for its defence, by the continual falls of rain which impeded the advance of the allied army. This city is surrounded, on three sides, by the Garonne and the celebrated canal of Languedoc; and part of an ancient wall still remains: the French engineers took advantage of these cir- cumstances, and constructed tétes-du-pont com- manding the approaches by the eanal and the river, and supporting them by musketry and artillery from the wall. They had, besides, for- tified a commanding height to the eastward with five redoubts; and as the roads had become im- passable for artillery and cavalry, no alternative remained but to attack them in this formidable position. On the 8th of April, part of Lord Wellington's. army moved across the Garonne; and the cavalry of the enemy were driven from a village on a small river which falls into the Garonne below the town: between this river and canal of Lan- guedoc were the fortified heights which formed the chief strength of the enemy's position. Lord Wellington therefore resolved, that while these heights were stormed in front, the enemy's right should be turned, and the tete-du-pont on the ca. nal to the left should be threatened, and that these operations on the right of the Garonne should be supported by a simultaneous attack on the tete-du-pont formed by the suburb on the left of the river. The whole of the 9th was occupied in making preparations for these different attacks; and on the 10th they were carried into execution. Marshal Beresford carried the heights of Mont- . blanc, and forced his way to the point, at which he turned the enemy's right, while a Spanish corps moved forward to the attack in front; but the French troops, were so strongly posted, that they not only repulsed but pursued the assailants to some distance. At this time, the light divi, or the FRENch Revolution. F003 SL*a- *-*-*- W sion, under Sir Thomas Picton, was moved up to their assistance; they were formed again, and brought back to the attack. In the mean time Marshal Beresford had suc- ceeded in carrying the redoubt, which covered the extreme right of the enemy, and had esta- blished himself on the heights on which the four other redoubts were placed. As soon as the marshal's artillery could be brought up, and the Spaniards were formed again, the marshal con- tinued his movement along the heights, and stormed the two next redoubts, which covered the centre of the enemy; who, after being driven from them, made a desperate effort to regain them. There now remained only the two re- doubts on the enemy’s left, and these were soon carried by the British troops advancing along the ridge, while the S ai. at the same time, attacked in front. While these things were going on, Sir Thomas Picton drove the enemy's left within the táte-du-pont on the canal, and Sir Rowland Hill forced the works of the suburb on the left of the Garonne; so that, at the close of the day, the French were closely hemmed in, the allies having established themselves on three sides of Thoulouse, and the road of Carcassone being the only one left open. By this road Mar- sha Soult drew off the remainder of his troops, in the night of the 11th, leaving in the hands of the allies three generals, and 1,600 prisoners; and Lord Wellington entered Thoulouse in tri- *f; the following morning. he loss of the combined army in this battle was very severe, amounting to about 600 killed, and 4,000 wounded. It was not till the evening of that day (the 12th), that his lordship received from Paris intelligence of the events which had occurred in that capital. It was brought by Co- lonel Cooke, who was accompanied by a French officer (Colonel St. Simon), directed by the pro- visional government to convey the same informa- tion to Marshals Soult and Suchet. The former did not, at first, consider it to be so authentic as to induce him to send his submission to the new government; but proposed to Lord Wellington a suspension of hostilities, for the purpose of giving him time to ascertain the real state of affairs. To this his lordship refused his consent, and marched his troops forward, on the 15th and 17th, to Cas- telnaudary; in the mean time, he concluded a suspension with the commandant of Montauban. On the 16th, another officer arriving from Pâris, was forwarded to Soult, who, on the following day, sent Lord Wellington a letter, by the ge- neral-of-division Count Gozan, informing him that he had formally acknowledged the provi- sional government of France. In consequence, a convention for the suspension of hostilities was immediately entered into, which included not only the army under Marshal Soult, but that also - - -*-** *-* **--~ * -- - - *** **-sº-sº commanded by Suchet, who had likewise acknow- ledged the provisional government. - e have so often had occasion to dwell upon the transcendent talents of Lord Wellington, that it is almost needless to bring them again under the notice of our readers; yet, as hostilities were now brought to a conclusion, we may be per- mitted to say a few words on the subject. When Lord Wellington first took the command of the British army in the Peninsula, he had many pre- judices to contend against. The ambition, and the alleged vanity of his family, were much to his disadvantage; while thé convention of Cintra, and the very high reputation of the armies to which he was opposed, induced those who did not know him thoroughly, to anticipate only de- feat and disaster. Even when he retreated to the lines before Lisbon, his talents, as a general, were not duly appreciated ; but when it was seen that he had thus foiled Massena, one of the best and most experienced of Bonaparte's generals, his reputation began to rise; and ić subse- quent transaction, in which he was engaged, }. that it had not yet attained its just height. ndeed, there seems scarcely a single quality or talent, either of nature or experience, necessary to constitute a consummate general, which he does not possess. Endowed with great quick- ness and comprehension of mind, he unites with it more than a usual share of coolness and deter- mination; while he continues to inspire his offi- cers, and even his men, with many of his own qualities. To the comfort of his soldiers he was particularly attentive; so that while in point of discipline he was uncommonly strict, and even severe, he was yet a favorite with them on ac- count of his looking so carefully, and so much like a father, after their wants. Of all the French marshals and generals to whom Lord Wellington was opposed: Soult was undoubtedly the man of the most talent. Stern and unbending in his temper, he was possessed of uncommon vigour of mind, and of great per- sonal courage. The whole of his conduct in the south of Spain, particularly his mode of orga- nizing that part of the country, so as to maintain a large army there for so long a time, in the midst of the greatest difficulties, sufficiently proves that his talents were not merely those of a soldier; while the manner in which he opposed Lord Wellington, even after a great part of his old and best troops had been withdrawn by Bo- naparte, and had been replaced by raw and inexperienced conscripts, proves that he was wor- thy of contending with the British chief. One unfortunate event marked the close of the campaign in the south of France. Sir John Hope, after the battle of Orthies, invested Bay- onne; before this place the enemy had an en- trenched camp, from lºgº they made a sortie Bookxit. CHAP. II. Jºyº 1814. 1004 HISTORY OF THE WARs 4– RookxII. at three o'clock in the morning of the 13th of pril. The piquets were driven in ; and Sir Char. II. John Hope, in endeavouring to support them, 1814. came unexpectedly, in the dark, on part of the enemy: his horse was shot dead, and fell upon him; and not being able to disengage himself from it, he was unfortunately made prisoner. In this sortie Major-general Hay was killed, and several officers, wounded; but the enemy were at length driven back into their entrenched camp. The military transactions in Spain, subsequent to those of Sir John Murray, possessed no in- terest whatever. The greatest part of their country being freed from their invaders by foreign aid, the Spaniards appear to have been content to wait for the course of decisive events to effect their total liberation, whilst the French were re- duced to a merely defensive part, with forces con- tinually diminishing by drains for service at home. The civil affairs of Spain will make a very interesting chapter: but, at present, we shall confine ourselves to those which were previous to the resumption of monarchical government. The regency and cortes removed, on the 5th of January, from Cadiz to Madrid, where they were received with all the solemnity due to the national representation and government. On the 15th, the Cortes commenced its session, and on the 17th were waited upon by General Villa- campa, governor of Madrid, accompanied by his staff. In a subsequent sitting, they were inform- ed by the regency, that the Emperor of Austria had sent an envoy with a note, in which he ex- pressed a desire for the re-establishment of the ancient relations between the two countries. We have already mentioned, in our tenth Book, Chap. XI. that Napoleon, about the beginning of the year, had liberated Ferdinand VII. after exacting a treaty from him highly favorable to France. Accordingly, this treaty, after it was signed, was sent to Spain by the hands of the Duke of San Carlos, the Spanish plenipotentiary, who brought two letters to the regency, one from Ferdinand the other from Napoleon. The former they read; the latter was returned unopened. The re- gency communicated the business to the Cor- tes at a secret sitting, which body expressed its entire satisfaction with what the other had done, and framed a decree which was publicly read at a sitting on the 30th. After a preamble expressing the desire of the Cortes to give a soleman testimony of good faith towards their allies, and perseverance against the enemy, it cot: firms the decree of the extraordinary Cortes in 1811, by which the king was not to be ac- knowledged free, or obeyed, till he had taken in the bosom of the national congress the oath pre- scribed by the constitution; it directs what is to be done by the generals on the frontiers upon in- telligence of the king's approach, prohibiting the 4 --------- ~s -- ~~~~~~~<------------------ - *-*- m-- *-* --- a-ºº-ºº---- -** *-ºs-ºs---~ * ~s--4-----, * *-*-**-- ~~vº- sº-º- ºr--- ~~~<-- ~~~~ admission of any armed force with him, or of a single foreigner about his person; and it specifies the ceremonial to be observed on presenting the constitution to the king, and receiving his oath on its acceptance. The reading of this decree was accompanied with the applause of the auditors. A conversation ensued, respecting the publication of documents for the information of the people, when a member, named Senor Reyna, rose, and announcing that he had a motion to make, began with saying, “When our sovereign Ferdinand was born, he was born with a right to the abso- lute sovereignty of the Spanish nation.” He was immediately called to order by anumber of voices; but insisting on his liberty as a representative of. the people to utter his sentiments, he proceeded. to assert, that it was indispensable that Ferdinand VII. as having by the abdication of Charles IV. acquired the right of being king and lord of his people, should be in the exercise of absolute so- vereignty the moment he crossed the frontiers. The greatest indignation was excited against the member by this unqualified declaration of the highest monarchical principles, both among the deputies and the auditors in the gallery, and mo- tions were tumultuously made for calling him to account. At length, Reyna being ordered to leave the hall, after some further discussion, the affair was voted to be referred to the consider- ation of a committee. It is to be added, that the regency communicated to the English ambassador an explicit account of all that had passed re- lative to the treaty, of the contents of Ferdinand's letter, and of their own conduct in consequence, than which nothing could be more honorable and decided; as, on the other hand, it was manifest, from the terms of the treaty, which were publish- ed, that Ferdinand had entirely lent himself to the designs of Napoleon. Intelligence arrived at Madrid, from the Baroa d'Eroles, that the French garrisons of Lerida, Mequinenza, and Monzon, capitulated on Fe- bruary 18th, remaining prisoners of war. It was afterwards announced that Gerona, Olof, and Puycerda were freed; that the blockade of Bar- celona was become more strict, the enemy, after having severely suffered in a sally, remaining quiet; and that the French were in possession of only three or four fortresses in Catalonia, together with Peniscola and Murviedro. On the 24th of March, a message was sent by the secretary of state to the Cortes, informing them of the receipt of a letter signed King Fer. dinand VII. acquainting the regency with his in- tention of setting out on the 13th from Valency for Perpignan, and his anxiety to arrive speedily in Spain, coming by the way of Catalonia. The letter, upon motion, was brought to the Cortes and read. After acknowledging the letter from the regency, and expressing his satisfaction with 6) F THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 1005 the nation's wishes for his return, which was no less his desire, in order to promote the felicity of his subjects, he mentioned his intention of pro- ceeding as above stated, and concluded, “with regard to the re-establishment of the Cortes, of which the regency speak to me in their letter, as well as every thing that may have been done in my absence usefully to the kingdom, it will always merit my apprºbatiºn, as conformable to my royal intentions.” The letter was received with great applause; but during the reading, at the word subjects, in Spanish vasallos, a voice interrupted the secretary, saying, “we are not vassals'’. A kind of apology was made for the use of this term, as proceeding from the king's ignorance of the constitution, by Senor Arispe, who made a motion for inviting the regency to adopt the necessary measures for the king's taking the oath to the constitution, which was approved. At length, on March 24th, Ferdinand arrived at Gerona, whence he sent a letter to the regency, written with his own hand. It contained a ge- neral assurance of his wishes to do every thing that might conduce to the welfare of his subjects, and an expression of his happiness on finding himself on his own territory, amidst a nation and an army which had displayed so generous a fidelity towards him. A letter from General Co- pons, the commander-in-chief of Catalonia, men- tioned that his majesty had been escorted to the left bank of the river Fluvia, by Marshal Suchet, with a detachment of French troops, and that having crossed the river with a suite of Spaniards only, The had been attended to Gerona by the general. The following circumstance was communicated to the Cortes by order of the re- ency. Marshal Suchet had wished to stipulate with General Copons, that the possession of the king's person should serve as a guarantee for the delivering up to the marshal of the French gar- risons of the fortresses not yet in the hands of the Spaniards, as well as those of Lerida, Monzon, and Mequinenza; but as this proposal might have added 20,000 men to the French armies op- posed to Lord Wellington, the general had eluded it, and obtained the person of Ferdinand without acceding to such a demand. The thanks of the Cortes were in consequence voted to him. In Madrid the greatest rejoicings were made on the intelligence of the king's return, in which all ranks and parties appeared to concur. His en: trance into Saragossa, on April 6th, was attended with the same manifestations of general joy. He proceeded, on the 11th, for Valentia, accompanied by the infant Don Carlos; and nothing as yet appeared externally to disturb the feelings of na- tional satisfaction in his extraordinary restoration. While he remained here, the decree of the Cortes, that obedience should not be paid to him, till he had sworn to adhere to the constitution, was *** ** sº- ~~~~ -º-º-º: -------s-s- communicated to him, and an humble request to know when he would conform to that decree: but he coldly answered that he had not yet made up his mind upon the subject. On the side of Holland, the operations of the British troops, under Sir Thomas Graham, were by no means of that magnitude and importance to the cause of the allies which it was expected they would have been : the Dutch, indeed, after the first impulse of their detestation of Bonaparte, and their anxiety for the restoration of the house of Orange had passed away, seemed by no means disposed to exert themselves, either to co-operate in the invasion of France, or even in the expulsion of the French from those tracts of the Nether- lands which formerly belonged to them; so that the British were nearly left to fight by themselves the battles of the Dutch. This apathy on the part of the inhabitants of Holland, who, from their commercial habits, had suffered more perhaps than any other people from the tyranny of Bona- parte, was truly astonishing, and cannot easily or satisfactorily be accounted for. On the night of the 8th of March, Sir Thomas Graham, having collected about 4,000 men, at- tempted to carry the fortress of Bergen-op- zoom by storm. The troops were formed into four columns, of which two were destined to at- tack at different points of the fortifications, the third to make a false attack, and the fourth to attack by the entrance of the harbour, which is fordable at low water. The first of these, on the left, led by Major-general Cooke, incurred some delay on account of a difficulty in passing the ditch on the ice, but at length established itself on the ram- part. In the mean time, the right column, under Major-general Skerret and Brigadier-general Gore, had forced their way into the body of the place; but the fall of the latter officer, and dan- gerous wounds of the former, caused the column to fall into disorder, and suffer a great loss in killed, wounded, and prisoners. The centre co- lumn being driven back, by the heavy fire of the place, with considerable loss, was re-formed, and marched round to join General Cooke. At day- break the enemy turned the guns of the place upon the troops on the unprotected rampart, and much loss and confusion ensued. General Cooke at length, despairing of success, directed the retreat of the guards, which was conducted in the most orderly manner; and finding it im- possible to withdraw his weak battalions, he saved the lives of the remaining men by a sur- render. The governor of Bergen-op-Zoom, Ge- neral Bizanet, who was represented as a brave and humane man, agreed to a suspension of hos- tilities for an exchange of prisoners, and to libe- ral stipulations for the treatment of the wounded left in his hands. The number of killed on this occasion was computed at about 300, and of BOOKXII. *==-“ CHAP. II. NeºN/~/ 1814. 1006 HISTORY OF THE WARS BOOK XII. CHAP. II. v_ſ^^* 1814. —4– x- —r prisoners at 1800, among whom a considerable number were wounded. A considerable º of the allied troops having advanced in the early part of the year into the Catholic Netherlands, or Belguinn, the French garrisons were gradually withdrawn from the more remote stations. They had made some movements for the purposes of contribution or depredation, and Burges and Ghent had for some time been in their hands; but at length, on intel- ligence of the events at Paris, the garrison of Bergen-op-zoom mounted the white cockade, and threw open its gates; and General Maison re- ceived orders from the new French minister at war to cease all hostilities, and regard the allies as friends. The Crown-prince of Sweden, having written to General Carnot, Governor of Antwerp, acquaint- ing him with the deposition of Napoleon, and proposing to him to surrender his fortress, and join the allied troops, that distinguished person, who can only be paralleled by the republican officers who served under Cromwell, returned for answer, that he commanded at Antwerp in the name of the French government, which alone had a right to fix the duration of his office, and the orders of which he should obey when incon- testably established on its new base. On the 18th of April, he published a proclama- tion to his soldiers, informing them that the wishes of the nation being fully declared in favor of the restoration of the Bourbons, it became their duty to acknowledge them, and he conclud- ed by an oath in his name, and those of the other commanders, to defend Antwerp to the last ex- tremity in the name of Louis XVIII. In Italy the contest between the Austrians and the French was maintained with considerable vigour on both sides. Count Bellegarde, the Austrian general, on passing the Adige, addressed a proclamation to the people of Italy, in which he mentioned the resolution of the King of Naples to join the arms of the allies. It was one of the most decisive symptoms of the º entertain- ed of Napoleon's approaching decline, that this sovereign, of his own creation, his favorite fellow- soldier, connected with him by ties of kindred, should think it necessary, for his own secu- rity, to join the general confederacy against him. His disaffection to Napoleon materially affected the operations of the hostile armies in France. It prevented the viceroy (whose army was superior to that under Bellegarde) from sending any reinforcements to Bonaparte; and not only gave confidence to the allies, but enabled them to undertake operations which otherwise they never would have ventured upon. In the beginning of the year, a treaty of alliance was concluded between the Emperor of Austria and the King of Naples, by the terms of * which the emperor engaged to keep at least 50,000 men in Italy, and the king 20,000, till the end of the war, to act in concert, and to be aug- mented in case of necessity; and the former guaranteed to the latter and his heirs the posses- sion of the dominions actualiy held by him in Italy, and promised his mediation to induce the ailies to accede to this guarantee. In consequence, the King of Naples arrived at Bologna on the 6th of January, whither Count Bellegarde went to pay his compliments to him. On the 4th, the French quitted Verona, leaving a garrison in the old castle, and the Austrians on the same day entered the town : the Viceroy of Italy, Eugene Beauharnois, marched on the 7th, with the flower of his troops, on the side of Boz- zolo on the Mincio, to oppose the passage of that river by the Austrians. A division and some battalions had already passed, when they were attacked by superior numbers. The whole of that day and the next passed in severe actions, in whieh the Austrians underwent considerable loss. Their main army did not come up till the 9th, when it was established to the number of be- tween 40 and 50,000 men on both banks of the Mincio. The French general, Grenier, having marched from Reggio by Guastalla, in order to effect a. junction with the viceroy, the King of Naples, on the 5th of March, after reinforcing the Austrian advanced-guard, caused an attack to be made on the division of Severoli, in which he drove it back, with considerable loss, under the walls of Reggio; and, on the 7th, his movements threat- ening to cut off the enemy's retreat on Parma they evacuated Reggio, and retreated behind the Enza. Nothing of any consequence, however, occurred in this quarter, the viceroy continuing to maintain himself with great firmness. The events which had taken place at Paris were still unknown on the right bank of the Po, near the middle of April. The King of Naples, on the 12th of that month, forced the passage of the Taro, and pursued the enemy as far as Firen- zuolo. On the next day he renewed his attack, and threw a bridge over the Sacca, in which ope- ration he was vigorously opposed, but without preventing its execution. Murat then advanced with his army within a league of Placentia. The loss in these actions was very considerable on both sides, which, like those at Theulouse, may he reckoned among the useless expences of the war. An armistice, which was concluded on the 16th between the viceroy and the commanders of the allied forces, closed all further military opera- tions. By the terms of the armistice, the French troops were to cross the Alps, and the Italian troops to continue to occupy that portion of the kingdom of Italy which had not yet been pos- sessed by the forces of the allies. OF THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 1007 wº zºg-ºr-tº-wºrss- —ºrrºre-ºrgs In the mean time, an expedition, under the command of Lord W. Bentinck, sailed from Pa- lermo, and ārrived at Leghorn on the 9th of March. This expedition was destined for Genoa. The troops having been disembarked, his lordship is- sued a spirited proclamation to the Italians, in which he stated the purpose gf Great Britain to be the effecting of their deliverance from tyranny, and called upon them to unite in the same cause. On his arrival at Spezzia, which he occupied, he was informed that there was only 2,000 troops in Genoa. He therefore determined to make a rapid advance upon that important city, in order to gain possession of it, whilst yet in a defenceless state; but on his arrival at Sestri, he found that the gar- rison had been reinforced to between 5 and 6,000 men. Notwithstanding, he determined to pro- ceed, and the enemy was gradually dislodged from the strong intervening country. On the 16th of April, Lord Bentinck made dispositions for at- tacking the enemy, who had taken a very strong osition in front of Genoa, extending from forts #. and Tecla, by the village of St.Martino, to the sea, through a country thickly covered with country-houses, only communicating with each other by narrow lanes between high walls. The attack began at day-break on the 17th, and the Italian troops, with the Calabrese and Greeks, ob- tained possession of the two forts. The enemy's right was attacked by Major-general Montresor's division, supported by that of Lieutenant-general Macfarlane. The defence was long maintained through favor of the intersected nature of the round; but at length the enemy was turned, and -w- —w r— Sir Edward Pellew's squadron of men-of-war anchored in front of Nervi. In the evening, a deputation of the inhabitants arrived with a request that his lordship would not bombard the town, and desiring a suspension of arms for a few days, as by the accounts from France it was probable that peace must soon fol- low. The reply was, that these were arguments to use with the French general, who ought to abandon a place he could not defend; and, on the next day, after several communications, a conven- tion was signed, by which Genoa was to be eva- cuated by the French troops, and to be taken pos- session of by the combined English and Sicilian army, and three ships-of-war were to enter the harbour. The magazines and property of the French government were to be placed under the seals of the British government, and every thing belonging to the French marine to be delivered to the British navy. The losses on either side in making this acquisition were not considerable. Among the many important events that marked the conclusion of this war, was that of the re- placement of the head of the Roman Catholic church upon his seat of authority. The first act of the provisional government was an order that all obstacles to the return of the pope to his own territories should be instantly removed, and every honor be paid to him on his journey. Accordingly his holiness immediately proceeded for Italy, and having arrived at Viterbo, stopped at that place till the exiled cardinals could be assembled in order to attend him on his solemn entrance into obliged to retire precipitately into the town. At Rome. noon the army took a position in front of the most tº- CHAPTER III. Entrance of Louis XVIII. into London.—His Reception by the Inhabitants of London-Sets out f tion.—His Address to t or France.—His Entry into Compiegne and Paris-His Declaration respecting the Constitu- he Nation on the Armies of the Allies.—Funeral Service for Louis XVI. &c.—Military Promotions of Princes of the Blood—Definitive Treaty of Peace.—Observations. Louis XVIII. being summoned from his retreat at Hartwell, to assume the crown of his native kingdom, was invited by the prince- regent, first to display, the royal , dignity in the capital of England; and nothing could surpass the respectful attention, and as it may he termed, the affectionate sympathy, exhibited in the whole behaviour of his royal highness tº- wards the illustrious stranger, now, from an exile become a potent monarch. His feelings appeared to be communicated to the whole British public; and a sovereign could scarcely be welcomed into his own capital with more cordial rejoicing than Louis was into the British metropolis. On the 20th of April, (the same day that Bo- naparte set out from Fontainbleau for Elba) at four in the morning, the royal carriages and horses left London for Stanmore, to meet the King of France. The prince-regent arrived at Stanmore about two o'clock. The town exºd a splendid appear- I assailable part of the city, and on the same day Bookxii. CHAP. H. slº. A *-Z 1814. 1008 THE WARS HISTORY OF BOOK XII. CHAP. III. •ºvº-Z 1814. ance; every house, by emblems of white, express- ed their joy. The principal inhabitants of the town and its vicinity, upon horseback, went out a mile to escort Louis into the town, and when he approached, the populace took the horses from the carriage, and drew him into the town. The prince-regent was at the door of the principal inn, ready to receive Louis, where they conversed in French. A little before six in the evening the proces- sion reached London. As the carriage with the cream-coloured horses approached, in which were Louis XVIII. and the regent, the populace unanimously huzzaed, while the ladies, from the windows, waved their handkerchiefs. The regent conducted him to the apartment prepared for him, where many of the nobility of France and Britain waited his arrival. The prince-regent then ad- dressed his majesty in the following language: “Your majesty will permit me to offer you my heartiest congratulations upon that great event which has always been among the warmest of my wishes, and which must eminently contribute to the happiness, not only of your majesty's people, but to the repose and happiness of all other nations. I am sure that I may add, that my own sentiments and feelings are in unison with those of the whole British nation, and that the triumph and transport with which your majesty will be re- eeived in your own capital, can scarcely exceed the joy and satisfaction with which your majesty's restoration to the throne of your ancestors has created in the capital of the British empire.” To this speech his majesty replied, “Your royal highness will accept my most sincere and. grateful thanks for your royal highness's congra- tulations, for the invariable kindness with which I have been treated by your royal highness, and by every member of your illustrious house. It is to your royal highness's councils, to this great country, and to the constancy of its people, that I shall always ascribe, under providence, the resto- ration of our house to the throne of our ancestors, and that state of affairs which promises to heal the wounds, to calm the passions, and to restore the peace, the tranquillity, and the prosperity, of all nations.” The prince-regent again addressed Louis to this effect: “Your majesty indeed views my con- duct with too partial an eye. I can claim no merit, but the performance of a duty to which in- clination and every consideration prompted me. And surely your majesty will allow, that the per- formance of it has been well rewarded by these events which call forth our present congratulations. May, your majesty long reign in peace, happiness, and honor.” This address excited the King of France again to speak: “Your royal highness must alkow me to add, that I have feebly expressed all the grate- C w 2 / ful feelings of my heart, feelings which I shall retain to the last moment of my life, for the un- abated kindness and the generous protection with which your royal highness and your noble nation have honored me and all the members of. my house, and all those loyal men attached to it, during our residence in this great and happy country. May its greatness and happiness be eternal.” His majesty then, assisted by the Prince de Conde and the Duke de Bourbon, taking the rib- band of the order of St. Esprit from his own shoul-- der, and the star from his breast, invested the prince with it, declaring his happiness, that it should be upon his royal highness that he should first have the honor of conferring that ancient order, upon his restoration. In relating some of the more remarkable marks of attention paid to the royal stranger, it would be highly improper to neglect the address of the city of London to Louis. “ May, it please your most christian majesty—We, the lord-mayor, . aldermen, and commons of the city of London, in common-council assembled, beg leave to approach your majesty, with the tender of our sincere con- gratulation upon the great and glorious events which, under the guidance of a gracious provi- dence, have led to the deliverance of your people from a tyrant as oppressive as any that ever en- slaved or afflicted mankind. It is matter of cor- dial gratification to the people of this country, that, during the wide and desolating ravages of war, a safe asylum has been found in these happy realms for the royal family of France. “The day is now arrived, when your majesty. is called upon to convince your people and the world that the sovereign of France has incalcu- lable blessings to dispense to his gallant and faith- ful subjects, who are eager to behold their beloved monarch, as an ample and glorious amends for the calamities they have so long endured. That your majesty may long sway the recovered sceptre of your illustrious ancestors—that you may prove a blessing to your people, and that the two countries of Great Britain and France may be indissolubly allied by the relations of amity and concord, so as to insure and perpetuate to both, and to Europe at large, uninterrupted peace and repose, is our sincere and fervent wish.” To this congratulation his majesty returned the following answer: “I thank you with all my heart, for your obliging address and kind wishes. It is, I dare say it, as gratifying to my pride as: affecting to my heart, to receive the felicitations of the city of London on so happy an event. Neither I nor my family will forget the asylum of. fered to us, the stand of England against tyranny, and the powerful aid which enabled my people to speak freely their sentiments of loyalty. For my own part, I will always be desirous to pro- OF THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 1009 -º- mote, between the two kingdoms, a friendship which alone can insure their mutual felicity and the repose of the world.” After a short stay in London, Louis XVIII. set out for Dover, preceded by the prince-regent, who dined with him on-board the Jason frigate, previous to his embarkation in the Royal Sove- reign yacht. The attention and respect paid by the prince-regent to Louis XVIII. was unremit- ting to the last moment he was on British ground, and could not fail to make a deep and last- ing impression upon his mind. In addition to his anxiety to honor and console the French monarch, the prince-regent presented him with a carriage and eight beautiful horses, and the Duchess d’Angouleme with a carriage and four, that so they might proceed to Paris with expe- dition and comfort. On the 24th, Louis sailed from Dover in the Royal Sovereign yacht, convoyed by the Duke of Clarence in the Jason; and after a passage of three hours anchored in Calais roads. He was welcomed in that town with all the demonstrations of loyal affection, and by slow stages took his journey towards his capital. On the 29th, he made his entry into Compiegne, under different military escorts. The marshals of France entered the castle of Compiegne in the train of the king. The king having graciously signified his pleasure to receive them, they were introduced. Marshal Berthier (Prince of Neuf. chatel) then addressed his majesty as follows:– “Sire, After five-and-twenty years of uncer- tainties and storms, the French people have again placed the care of their happiness in the hands of that dynasty which eight centuries of glory have consecrated in the history of the world as the most ancient that has ever existed. As warriors and as citizens the marshals of France have been carried by all the movements of their soul to second this spring of the national will. Absolute confidence in the future, admira- tion of greatness in misfortune; every thing, even including ancient recollections, concurs to excite in our warriors, the constant supports of the glory of the French arms, those transports which your majesty has witnessed in passing along. Already, Sire, the accents of their gratitude had preceded you. How paint the emotion with which they were penetrated, on learning with what affecting interest your majesty, forgetting your own misfortunes, appeared to have been occupied only with those of the French prisoners. “It is of little consequence,’ said your majesty, to the magnanimous Alexander, “under what standards these 150,000 prisoners have served; they are unfortunate: I can only regard them as iny children.’ On hearing these memorable words, which the soldier repeats to the soldier, what Frenchman will be at a loss to recognize * the blood of the great Henry, who fed Paris Book xII. when it was besieged by his army? Like him his illustrious son comes to re-unite all the French in one sole family. Your armies, Sire, of which your marshals are this day the organ, find them- selves happy to be called by their devotion and their fidelity to second such generous efforts.” The king answered, that he saw the marshals of France with pleasure, and that he counted upon the sentiments of love and fidelity which they expressed in the name of the French armies. His majesty caused the name of each marshal to be repeated to him. The king then stood up, although suffering with the gout, and at the moment when his grand officers approached to give him their hands, his majesty, laying hold of the arms of the two marshals who were next to him, exclaimed, with an overflow of heart:— “It is on you, gentlemen marshals, that I wish always to support myself; approach and encircle me; you have always been good Frenchmen;– I trust that France will never have occasion for your swords again; but if ever we shall be forced to draw them, which God forbid, gouty as I am, I will march with you.” “Sire,” replied, the marshals, “Your majesty may consider us as the pillars of your throne— we wish to be its firmest support.” The king withdrew, and the marshals were afterwards presented to the Duchess of Angou- leme, and to their serene highnessess the Prince of Conde and the Duke of Bourbon. The king did the marshals the honor of inviting them to dinner. His majesty, at the commencement of the repast, said—“Gentlemen marshals, I wish to drink with you to the French armies.” . g After dinner the marshals followed the king, who condescended to call them successively by name, and conversed with each, expressing his sense of the part that they had borne in sustaining the glory of the French armies, and declaring the confidence that he had in the fidelity of all. On the same day the king received a deputation from the legislative body, the president of which addressed him in a congratulatory speech. One of its sentences declared the political expectations entertained by that body : “By you will be cemented the bases of a government wisely and prudently balanced. Your majesty wishes only to enter into the exercise of rights which suffice for the royal authority; and the execution of the general will, entrusted to your paternal hands, will thereby become more respectable and more assured.” Similar sentiments were expressed in an address by the president to the senate. On the 3d of May, Louis made his solemn entry into Paris. He was attended by a great concourse of people, who had gone to meet him to the gate of St. Denis, whence he slowly pro- ceeded to the metropolitan church of Notre Dame, Chap. III. \ºvº-Z 1814. 1010 HISTORY OF THE WARS BOOK XII. CHAr, III. Jºvº- 1814. —A —- th- w-uºr He was there seated under a canopy, over which was the figure of St. Louis; and having, on his knees, devoutly kissed the relic of the true cross, and received the holy water, he was addressed by the vicar-general, M. Lamyre, as the organ of the Parisian clergy:-" The God of St. Louis,” said he, “has re-established your throne: you will re-establish his altars. ‘God and the king !’ such is our motto—such has ever been that of the clergy of France.” Te Deum was then cele- brated, in the presence of the senate, the legisla- tive body, and a vast assembly of distinguished spectators; after which his majesty, with the 5. of Angouleme, proceeded for the Thuil- leries. At the palace he was met by Monsieur, and the two brothers tenderly embraced, amidst the repeated acclamations of the people. We shall not attempt a detail of the public decora- tions and display of rejoicings on this memorable day. It has been hinted by observers, that the tokens of satisfaction were not so lively and ge- neral as might have been wished; the idea of receiving a sovereign, imposed on the nation by hostile arms, probably intruding to damp the patriotic feelings that ought to be excited by the restoration of peace, and a mild system of go- vernment. The most perfect order and tranquil- lity, however, prevailed throughout Paris; and the behaviour of his majesty, in the whole scene, was such as did honor to the sensibility and humanity of his character. On the preceding day, Louis published a de- claration, respecting that most important subject the future constitution of France. The following is a copy:— * “Louis, by the grace of God, King of France and Navarre—to all those to whom these presents come, greeting:— “Recalled by the love of our people to the throne of our fathers, enlightened by the misfor- tunes of the nation which we are destined to govern, our first thought is to invoke that mutual confidence so necessary to our repose, and to her happiness. After having read attentively the plan of the constitution, proposed by the senate in the session of the 6th of April last, we have acknowledged that the bases were good, but that a great many articles, bearing the appearance of precipitation with which they have been digested, cannot, in their actual form, become the funda- mental law of the state. Resolved to adopt a liberal constitution, willing that it be wisely com- bined, and not being able to accept one that it is indispensable to rectify, we call together, for the 10th of June, of the present year, the senate and the legislative body: we engage to place under their eyes the pains which we have taken, with a commission chosen out of those two bo- dies, and to give for the bases to that constitution the following guarantees:—the representative -> . government shall be maintained the same as exists this day, divided into two bodies, viz. –the senate, and the chamber, composed of deputies of the departments; the duties shall be liberally granted; public and individual liberty secured; the liberty of the press respected, saving the necessary pre- cautions for the public tranquillity; the liberty of worship guaranteed ; property shall be invio- lable and sacred; the sale of national estates shall remain irrevocable; the ministers being reponsible, may be prosecuted by one of the houses of legislature, and judged by the other; the judges shall be irremoveable, and the judicial power independent; the public debt shall be guaranteed; the pensions, degrees, military ho- nors, shall be preserved, as well the ancient as the new nobility; the legion of honor, of which we shall determine the decoration, shall be main- tained; all Frenchmen shall be admissible to employments, civil and military; finally, no indi- vidual can be disturbed for his opinion and votes. “ Louis. “Done at Saint Ouen, the 2d May, 1814.” The two legislative bodies, who were pre- sented in ceremony to the king on the 6th of May, expressed by their presidents the most re- spectful sentiments of attachment to his person, and confidence in his assurances. The impatience of the French to be freed from those armies of foreigners which had been their conquerors, and could not be otherwise than burthens to the country, was not put to a trial longer than necessity required. Some difficulties having been experienced with regard to the ces- sion of the administration of several provinces in France, occupied by the allies, as stipulated by an article of the armistice, the Baron de Stein, chief of the central department, issued an order on the 9th of May, commanding the immediate resignation, by the authorities of the allied powers, of the administration of those provinces to the commissioners of the King of France. At the same time Louis published an address to the nation, in which he mentioned that the allied ar- mies were beginning to move to the frontiers; gently noticed some abuses that had been com- mitted, by levying contributions upon the depart- ments since the conclusion of the armistice, and forbade compliance with such illegal demands; and required all the civil and military authorities in his kingdom to redouble their attention for supplying the armies of the allied sovereigns - with every thing necessary for their subsistence and wants. A touching solemnity, appropriate to the res- toration of the Bourbon line, took place at Paris on the 14th of May : it was a funeral service at the metropolitan church for Louis XVI. and XVII., Queen Maria Antoinette, and Madame OF THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 1011 **** wº-y- Elizabeth de France. . The king repaired thither without a cortége, and assisted incognito at the ceremony, in a tribune prepared for the purpose, with the Duchess of Angouleme, also incognito, in another tribune. ** --- The chief mourners were Monsieur, the Duke of Berri, and the Prince of Condé. Tribunes were reserved for the Emperors of Austria and Russia, and the King of Prussia, and for several foreigners of distinction; deputations from the senate and legislative body, marshals of France, and other great officers, filled the choir and nave. Although no unnecessary splendour had been displayed in the preparations for this ceremonial, a vast crowd was attracted by the interest which its subject inspired, whose profound and respect- ful silence added to the solemnity of the scene. A matter of still greater present importance was to conciliate to the new order of things that formidable army, which, having been treated with every distinction by the late ruler of France, as the sole support of his despotism, and having, under his command, attained the summit of mi- litary glory, could not fail to look towards him with a remainder of former reverence and at- tachment. To connect the troops more closel with the Bourbon line, the king, on the 15th of May, published an order, by which Monsieur, the Prince of Condé, the Duke of Angouleme, the Duke of Berri, the Duke of Orleans, and the Duke of Bourbon, were declared colonels-gene- ral of different corps; and it was further pro- vided, that the generals whom the preceding go- vernment had named to the functions of colonels- general should have the title of first inspectors- general of their respective corps under the orders of the above princes, preserving the pay, honors, and prerogatives, which they now enjoy. . At the same time the king issued an order, authorizing all conscripts of the class of 1815, who had been called out, to return to their homes, or to remain there if returned; and informing all other sol- diers, who had quitted their colours on a false interpretation of a decree of the provisional go- vernment, that they should be considered as absent on a limited furlough. On the 30th of May, the definitive treaty of peace between France and the allied powers was signed at Paris, of which the following is a cor- rect-copy:— Treaty of Peace between the Allied Powers and France. “In the name of the most holy and undivided triº, “His majesty the King of France and Na- varre, on the one part, and his majesty the Em- peror of Austria, King of Hungary and Bohemia, and his allies, on the other, being animated by an equal wish to put an end to the fº. agitations of Europe, and to the calamities of nations, by a B00KXII. solid peace, founded on a just distribution of force between the powers, and containing in its stipulations the guarantee of its duration; and his majesty the Emperor of Austria, King of Hungary and Bohemia, and his allies, no longer wishing to exact from France, at the present mo- ment, when being replaced under the paternal government of her kings, she thus offers to Eu- rope a pledge of security, and stability, condi- tions and guarantees which they had to demand with regret under her late government; their said majesties have appointed plenipotentiaries to discuss, conclude, and sign a treaty of peace and friendship; that is to say:— “His majesty the King of France and Navarre, M. Charles Maurice Talleyrand-Perigord, Prince of Benevento, grand eagle of the legion of honor, grand cross of the order of Leopold of Austria, knight of the order of St. Andrew of Russia, of the orders of the black and red eagle of Prussia, &c. his minister and secretary of state for foreign affairs; and his majesty the Emperor of Austria, King of Hungary and Bohemia, M. M. Prince Clement Wenceslas Lothaire, of Metternich- Winneburg-Ochsenhausen, knight of the golden fleece, grand cross of the order of St. Stephen, grand eagle of the legion of honor, knight of the Russian orders of St. Andrew, St. Alexander Neusky, and St. Anne, of the first class, knight grand cross of the Prussian orders of the black and red eagle, grand cross of the order of St. Joseph of Wurtzburg, knight of the order of St. Hubert of Bavaria, of that of the gold eagle of Wurtemberg, and many others; chamberlain, actual privy-councillor, minister of state, of con- ferences, and for foreign affairs, of his imperial, royal, and apostolic majesty; and Count John Philip de Stadion Thannhausen and Warthausen, knight of the golden fleece, grand cross of the order of St. Stephen, knight of the Russian orders of St. Andrew, St. Alexander Neusky, and St. Anne of the first class, grand cross of the Prus- sian orders of the black and red eagle, chamber- lain, privy-councillor, minister of state and confe- rences to his imperial, royal, and apostolic ma- jesty; who, after exchanging their full powers, found to be in good and due form, have agreed upon the following articles:– “Art. I. There shall be, reckoning from this date, peace and friendship between his majesty the King of France . Navarre, on the one art, and his majesty the Emperor of Austria, ing of Hungary and Bohemia, and his allies, on the other part, their heirs and successors, their respective states and subjects in perpe- tuity. *the high-contracting parties shall apply all their cares to maintain, not only between them- selves, but also as far as depends on them, between 11 U. \ CHAP. llſ. Jºvº- 1814, 1012 History of THE WARS BOOK XII. CHAP. III. \_ºvº 1814. —º- all the states of Europe, the good agreement and understanding so necessary to its repose. “ II. The kingdom of France preserves the integrity of its limits, such as they existed at the period of the 1st of January, 1792. It shall receive, besides, an augmentation of territory com- prised within the line of demarkation, fixed by the following article:— “III. On the side of Belgium, Germany, and Italy, the ancient frontier, such as it existed on the 1st of January, 1792, shall be re-established, the same commencing from the North Sea, be- tween Dunkirk and Newport, even unto the Me- diterranean, between Cagnes and Nice, with the following rectifications:— 1. “In the department of Jemmappes, the can- tons of Dour, Merbes-le-Chateau, Beaumont, and Chimay, shall remain to France; the line of demarkation, where it touches the canton of Dour, shall pass between that canton and those of Boussu and Paturage, as well as, farther on, between that of Morbes-le-Chateau, and those of Binch and Thuin. * 2. “In the department of the Sambre and Meuse, the cantons of Valcourt, Florennes, Beau- raing, and Godume, shall belong to France; the , demarkation, upon reaching this department, shall follow the line which separates the fore-men- tioned cantons from the department of Jem- mappes, and from the rest of that of the Sambre and Meuse. . 3. “In the department of the Moselle, the new demarkation, where it differs from the old, shall be formed by a line to be drawn from Perle as far as Fremersdorf, or by that which separates the canton of Tholey from the rest of the depart- ment of the Moselle. 4.- “In the department of the Sarre, the can- tons of Saarbruck and Arnwal shall remain to France, as well as that part of the canton of Lebach, which is situated to the south of a line to be drawn along the confines of the villages of Herchenbach, Ueberhosen; Hilsbach, and Hall (leaving these different places without the French frontier) to the point where, taken from Querselle, (which belongs to France) the line which sepa- rates the cantons of Arnwal and Ottweiller, reaches that which separates those of Arnwal and Lebach; the frontier on this side shall be formed by the line above marked out, and then by that which separates the canton of Arnwal from that of Bliescastel. 5. “The fortress of Landau having, prior to the year 1792, formed an insulated point in Ger- many, France retains beyond her frontiers a part of the departments of Mont Tennerre and the Lower Rhine, in order to join the fortress of Lan- gau and its district to the rest, of the kingdom. The new demarkation, proceeding from the point where, at Obersteinbach (which remains without the French frontier) the frontier enters the depart- ment of the Moselle, and that of Mont Tonnerre joins the department of the Lower Rhine, shall follow the line which separates the cantons of Wissenburgh and Bergzabern (on the side of France) from the cantons of Pirmasens, Dahn, and Anweiler, (on the side of Germany) to the point where these limits, near the village of Woh- nersheim, touch the ancient district of the fortress of Landau. Of this district, which remains as it was in 1792, the new frontier shall follow the arm of the river Queich, which in leaving this district near Queichleim (which rests with France.) passes near the villages of Merlenheim, Kniitel- sheim, and Belheim (also remaining French) to the Rhine, which thence continues the boundary between France and Germany. As to the Rhine, the Thalveg, or course of the river, shall form the boundary; the changes, however, which may oc- cur in the course of the river, shall have no effect on the property of the isles which are found there. The possession of these isles shall be replaced under the same form as at the period of the treaty of Luneville. 6. “In the department of the Doubs, the fron- tier shall be drawn so as to commence above La Ranconniere, near the Loell, and follow the crest of the Jura between Cerneaux, Pequinot, and the village of Fontenelles, so far as that summit of the Jura which lies about seven or eight miles to the north-west of the village of La Brevine, where it will turn back within the ancient limits of France. 7. “In the department of the Leman, the fron- tiers between the French termitory, the Pais de Vaud, and the different portions of the territory of Geneva, (which shall make a part of Swisser- land,) remain as they were before the incorpora- tion of Geneva with France. But the canton of Frangy, that of St. Julien (with exception of that part lying to the north of a line to be drawn from the point where the river of La Laire enters near Chancey into the Genevese territory, along the borders of Seseguin, Laconex, and Sesenenve, which shall remain without the limits of France.) the canton of Regnier (with exception of that portion which lies eastward of a line following the borders of the Muraz, Bussy, Pers, and Cor- nier, which shall be without the French limits.) and the canton of La Roche (with exception of the places named La Roche and Armanay with their districts) shall rest with France. The fron- tier shall follow the limits of those different can- tons and the lines separating those portions which France retains from those which she gives up. * 8. “In the department of Mont Blanc, France shall obtain the subprefecture of Chambery, (with exceptions of the cantons de l’Hospital, St. Pierre d’Albigny, La Rocette and Montme- lian,) the subprefecture of Annecy, (with excep- OF THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 1013 -—w tion of that part of the canton of Faverges, situ- ated to the east of a line passing between Oure- chaise and Marlens on the French side, and Marthod and Ugine on the opposite side, and which then follows the crest of the mountains to the frontier of the canton of Thones.) This line, with the limits of the afore-named cantons, shall constitute the new frontier on this side. “On the side of the Pyrennees, the frontiers remain as they were, between the two kingdoms of France and Spain, on the 1st of January, 1792. There shall be appointed, on the part of both, a mutual commission, to arrange their final demar- cation. “France renounces all claims of sovereignty, supremacy, and possession over all countries, dis- tricts, towns, and places whatsoever, situated without the above-stated frontier. The princi- pality of Monaco is replaced in the same situation as on the 1st of January, 1792. “The allied courts assure to France the pos- session of the principality of Avignon, the Venai- sin, the county of Montbeliard, and all the en- closed districts once belonging to Germany, com- ſº within the above-indicated frontier, which ad been incorporated with France before or after the 1st of January, 1792. “The powers preserve mutually the full right to fortify whatever point of their states they may judge fitting for their safety. “To avoid all injury to private property, and to protect, on the most liberal principles, the pos- sessions of individuals domiciliated on the fron- tiers, there shall be named by each of the states adjoining to France, commissioners, to proceed jointly with French commissioners, to the demar- cation of their respective boundaries. So soon as the office of these commissioners shall be com- pleted, instruments shall be drawn up, signed by them, and posts erected to mark the mutual limits. Art. IV. To secure the communications of the town of Geneva with the other parts of the Swiss territory on the lake, France consents, that the road by Versoy shall be common to the two coun- tries. The respective governments will have an amicable understanding on the means of prevent- ing smuggling, the regulation of the posts, and the maintenance of the road. V. “The navigation of the Rhine, from the point where it becomes navigable to the sea, and back, shall be free, so as to be interdicted to no person. Principles shall be laid down, at a future Congress, for the collection of the duties by the states on the banks, in the manner most equal and favorable to the commerce of all nations. “ It shall be also inquired and ascertained at the same Congress, in what mode, for the purposes of more facile communication, and rendering na- tions continually less strangers to each other, this disposition may be extended to all rivers that in their navigable course separate or traverse dif- BOOK XII. ferent states. VI. “Holland, placed under the sovereignty Chaº. III. of the house of Orange, shall receive an inerease of territory. The title, and the exercise of its sovereignty, cannot, under any circumstance, be- long to a prince wearing, or designated to wear, a foreign crown. “The German states shall be independent, and united by a federative league. “Independent Switzerland shall continue un- der its own government. Italy, without the limits of the countries which shall return to Austria, shall be composed of sovereign states. VII. “The island of Malta and its depen- dencies shall belong, in full possession and sove- reignty, to his Britannic majesty. VIII. “His Britannic majesty, stipulating for himself and his allies, engages to restore to his most Christian majesty, within periods afterwards to be fixed, the colonies, fisheries, factories, and establishments of every kind which France pos- sessed on the 1st of January, 1792, in the seas or on the continents of America, Africa, and Asia, with the exception, nevertheless, of the islands of Tobago, St. Lucia, and the isle of France and its dependencies, namely Rodrigue and the Sechel- les, all which his most Christian majesty cedes in full property and sovereignty to his Britannic majesty, as also that part of St. Domingo ceded to France by the peace of Basle, and which his most Christian majesty retrocedes to his Catholic majesty, in full property and sovereignty. IX. “His majesty the King of Sweden and Norway, in consequence of arrangements entered into with his allies, and for the execution of the preceding article, consents that the island of Guadaloupe be restored to his most Christian ma- jesty, and cedes all the rights which he might have to that island. X. “His most faithful majesty, in consequence of arrangements entered into with his allies, en- gages to restore to his most Christian majesty, within a period hereafter fixed, French Guyana, such as it was on the 1st of January, 1792. “The effect of the above stipulation being to revive the dispute existing at that period as to limits, it is agreed, that the said dispute shall be terminated by an amicable arrangement, under the mediation of his Britannic majesty. XI. “The fortresses and forts existing in the colonies to be restored to his most Christian ma- jesty, in virtue of Articles VIII., IX, and X, shall be given up in the state in which they shall be at the time of the signature of the present treaty. XII. “His Britannic majesty engages to cause the subjects of his most Christian majesty to enjoy, in regard to commerce and the security of their persons and properties, within the limits of the British sovereignty on the continent of India, the 1814. 1014 Hi STORY OF THE WARS BOOK XII, same facilities, privileges, and protection which Chap. III. Jº Zºº. 1814. are at present granted to the most favored nations. “On his side, his most Christian majesty having nothing more at heart than the perpetuity of the peace between the two crowns of France and Eºgland, and wishing to contribute, as much as in him lies, to remove henceforward such points of contact between the two nations as might one day alter a good mutual understanding, engages not to erect any work of fortification in the esta- blishments to be restored to him, and which are situated within the limits of British sovereignty on the continent of India, and to place in #. establishments only the number of troops neces- sary for the maintenance of the police. XIII. “As to the French right of fishery on the grand bank of Newfoundland, on the coasts of the isle of that name and the adjacent isles, and in the gulph of St. Lawrence, every thing shall be restored to the same footing as in 1792. XIV. “ The colonies, factories, and establish- ments to be restored to his most Christian majesty by his Britannic majesty or his allies, shall be given up, viz. those in the seas of the north, or in the seas and on the continents of America and Africa, within three months, and those beyond the Cape of Good Hope within six months after the ratification of the present treaty. XV. The high-contracting parties having re- served to themselves, by the fourth article of the convention of April, the 23d, the regulation in the present definitive treaty of peace, of the fate of the arsenals and vessels of war, armed and not armed, which are in maritime fortresses, sur- rendered by France in execution of Article II, of the said convention, it is agreed, that the said vessels and ships of war, armed and not armed, as also the naval artillery, the naval stores, and all the materials of construction and armament, shall be divided between France and the country where the fortresses are situated, in the proportion of two-thirds to France, and one-third to the pow- ers to whom such fortresses shall appertain. “The vessels and ships which are building, and which shall not be ready for launching in six weeks after the present treaty, shall be consider- ed as materials, and as such divided in the pro- portion above assigned, after being taken to pieces. e “Commissaries shall be mutually appointed to arrange the division, and draw up a statement thereof, and passports shall be given by the allied powers to secure the return to France of the French workmen, seamen, and agents. “The vessels and arsenals existing in the ma- ritime fortresses which shall have fallen into the power of the allies, anterior to the 23d of April, are not included in the above stipulations, nor the vessels and arsenals which belonged to Hol- land, and in particular the Texel fleet. *-*: “The French government binds itself to with- draw, or cause to be sold, all that shall belong to it by the above-stated stipulations, within the pe- riod of three months after the division has been effected. • “In future, the port of Antwerp shall be solely a port of commerce. XVI. “The high-contracting parties wishing to place, and cause to be placed, in entire oblivion the divisions which have agitated Europe, de- clare and promise, that in the countries restored and ceded by the present treaty, no individual of whatever class or condition shall be prevented, harassed, or disturbed in his person or property, under any pretext, or for his attachment, either to any of the contracting parties or to govern- ments which have ceased to exist, or for any other cause, unless for debts contracted to indi- viduals, or for acts posterior to the present treaty. ' XVII. “In all the countries which may or shall change masters, as well in virtue of the present treaty as of arrangements to be made in consequence thereof, the inhabitants, both na- tives and foreigners, of whatever class or condi- tion, shall be allowed a space of six years, reck- oning from the exchange of the ratifications, in order to dispose, if they think proper, of their property, whether acquired before or during the present war, and to retire to whatever country they please. XVIII. “The allied powers, wishing to give his most Christian majesty a new proof of their desire to cause to disappear, as much as lies in their power, the consequences of the period of calamity so happily terminated by the present peace, renounce, in toto, the sums which the go- vernment had to re-demand of France, by reason of any contracts, supplies, or advances whatsoever, made to the French government in the different wars which have taken place since 1792. “His most Christian majesty, on his side, re- nounces every claim which he might make on the allied powers on similar grounds. In execu- tion of this article, the high-contracting parties engage mutually to give up all titles, bonds, and documents relating to debts which they have re- ciprocally renounced. * XIX. “The French government engages to cause to be liquidated and paid all sums which it shall find itself bound in duty to pay in coun- tries beyond its territories, in virtue of contracts, or other formal engagements, entered into between individuals or private establishments, and the French authorities, both for supplies and legal obligations. * XX. “ The high contracting powers, imme- diately after the exchange of the ratifications of the present treaty, will appoint commissaries to regulate and effectuate the execution of the whole of the measures contained in Articles XVIII. OF THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 1015 -sº and XIX. . These commissaries shall employ themselves in the examination of the claims men- tioned in the preceding article, of the liquidation of the sums claimed, and of the mode which the French government shall F.” for º them. They shall also be charged with the giv- ing up of the titles, obligations, and documents relative to the debts which the high-contracting powers mutually renounce, in such way that the ratification of the result of their labours shall com- lete their reciprocal renunciation. - XXI. “The debts specially hypothecated in their origin on the countries which cease to be- long to France, or contracted for their internal administration, shall remain a charge on these same countries. An account shall in consequence be kept for the French government, commencing with the 22d of December, 1813, of such of those debts as have been converted into inscriptions in the great book of the public debt of France. The titles of all such as have not been prepared for the inscription, nor have been yet inscribed, shall be given up to the governments of the respective countries. Statements of all these debts shall be drawn up by a mixed commission. XXII. “The French government, on its side, shall remain charged with the repayment of all the sums paid by the subjects of the above-men- tioned countries into the French chests, whether under the head of cautionments, deposits, or con- signments. In like manner French subjects, ser- vants of the said countries, who have paid sums under the head of cautionments, deposits, or con- signments, into their respective treasuries, shall be faithfully reimbursed. XXIII. “The titulars of places subjected to cautionments, who have not the handling of the money, shall be repaid with interest, until the full payment of Paris, by fifths and annually, com- mencing from the date of the present treaty. “With regard to these who are accountable, the payment shall take place, at the latest, six months after the presentation of their accounts, the case of malversation alone excepted. A copy of the last account shall be transmitted to the , government of their country to serve it for infor- mation and as a starting point. XXIV. “ The judicial deposits and consign- ments made into the chest of the sinking-fund in execution of the law of the 28th Nivose, year 13 (18th of January, 1815) and which belong to the inhabitants of countries which France ceases to possess, shall be restored within a year, dating from the exchange of the ratifications of the present treaty, into the hands of the authori- ties of the said counties, with the exception of , such deposits and consignments as French sub- jects are interested in; in which case they shall remain in the chest of the sinking-fund, In Ot to 69. be restored but on proofs resulting from the deci- BOOK XII. sion of the competent authorities. XXV. “ The funds deposited by the com- munes and public º in the chest of service, and in , the chest of the sinking- fund, or in any other government chest, shall be repaid to them by fifths from year to year, reckoning from the date of the present treaty, with the deduction of advances which shall have been made to them, and saving the regular claims made upon these funds by creditors of the said communes and public establishments. XXVI. “ Dating from the 1st of January, 1814, the French government ceases to be charg— ed with the payment of any pension, civil, military, or ecclesiastical, pension, or retirement, or half- pay, to any individual who is no longer a French subject. XXVII. “The national domains acquired for a valuable consideration by French subjects in the ci-devant departments of Belgium, the left bank of the Rhine and of the Alps, without the ancient limits of France, are and remain guaranteed to the purchasers. g XXVIII. “ The abolition of the droits d’aw- baine, detraction, and others of the same nature, in the countries which reciprocally stipulated it with France, or which had been antecedently an- nexed to it, is expressly confirmed. XXIX. “The French government engages to cause to be restored the obligations and other titles which shall have been seized in the pro- vinces occupied by the French armies or admi- nistrations; and in cases where restitution cannot be made, these obligations and titles are and re- main annihilated. XXX. “The sums which shall be due for all works of public utility not yet terminated, or ter- minated posterior to the 31st of December, 1812, on the Rhine, and in the departments detached from France by the present treaty, shall pass to the charge of future possessors of the territory, and shall be liquidated by the commission charg- ed with the liquidation of the debts of the dis- tricts. XXXI. “All archives, charts, plans, and docu- ments whatsoever belonging to the countries ceded, and connected with their administration, shall be faithfully restored at the same time with the countries; or, if that be impracticable, within a period not more than six months after the sur- render of the said countries. “This stipulation is applicable to archives, charts, and plans, which may have been carried off in countries for the moment occupied by the different armies. XXXII. “Within a period of two months, all the powers who have been engaged on both sides in the present war, shall send plenipotentiaries to II X sº CHAP. III. \_ºvºey 1834. T016 History of the WARs ROſ)K XII. (SHAP. III. v_s^^*.* 1814. Vienna, in order to regulate, in a general con- gress, the arrangements necessary for completing the dispositions of the present treaty. XXXIII. “The present treaty shall be rati- fied, and the ratifications exchanged within a fortnight, or sooner, if practicable. “In testimony whereof the respective plenipo- tentiaries have signed the same, and affixed thereto the seal of their arms. “ Dohe at Paris, this 30th of May, in the year of our Lord 1814. (Signed) (L. S.) “The Prince of BENEvent. (L. S.) The Prince of METTERNICH. (L. S.) J. P. Count STADIon.” JAdditional Article. “The high-contracting parties, wishing to efface all traces of the unfortunate events which have weighed heavily on their people, have agreed explicitly to annul the effects of the treaties of 1805 and 1809, in as far as they are not already actually annulled by the present treaty. In con- sequence of this declaration, his most Christian majesty engages that the decrees issued against French, or reputed French subjects, being, or hav- ing been, in the service of his imperial and royal apostolic majesty, shall remain without effect, as well as the judgments which may have passed in execution of those decrees. “The present additional article shall have the same force and effect as if it had been inserted in the patent treaty of this date. It shall be ratified, and the ratification shall be exchanged at the same time. In testimony whereof, the respective ple- nipotentiaries have signed it, and affixed thereto the seal of their arms. “Done at Paris, this 30th of May, 1814. (Signed) (L. S.) “The Prince of BENEvent. (L. S.) The Prince of MetterNich. (L. S.) Count STADION.” The same day, at the same time and place, the same treaty of definitive peace was concluded between France and Russia; between France and Great Britain; between France and Prussia, - and signed, viz:— “The treaty between France and Russia; “For France, by M. Charles Maurice Talley- rand-Perigord, Prince of Benevent (ut supra;) “And for Russia, by M. M. Count Rasomouff. sky; privy-counsellor of his majesty the Emperor of all the Russias, knight of the orders of St. An- drew, St. Alex. Newsky, grand cross of that of St. Wolodimir of the first class; and Charles Ro- bert Count Nesselrode, privy-counsellor of his said majesty, chamberlain, secretary of state, knight of the order of St. Alex. Newsky, grand 'cross of that of St. Wolodimir of the second class, grand cross of the order of Leopold of Austria, of that of the red eagle of Prussia, of the polar 7 Aſ *º-º- *g star of Sweden, and of the golden eagle of Wur- temberg. “The treaty between France and Great Britain. “. For France, by M. Charles Maurice Talley- rand-Perigord, Prince of Benevent (ut supra;) “And for Great Britain by the Right Hon. Robert, Stewart, Viscount Castlereagh, privy- counsellor of his majesty the King of the tº; Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland, member of his parliament, colonel of the regiment of Lon- donderry militia, and his principal secretary of state for foreign affairs, &c. George Gordon, Earl of Aberdeen, Viscount Formartin, Lord Haddo, Tarvis, and Kellie, &c. one of the sixteen Scotch peers, knight of the most ancient order of the thistle, and his ambas- sador-extraordinary and plenipotentiary to his imperial, royal, and apostolic majesty. “William Shaw Cathcart, Viscount Cathcart, Baron Cathcart and Greenock, counsellor of his said majesty, knight of the order of the thistle, and of several Russian orders, general in his armies, and his ambassador-extraordinary and plenipotentiary to his majesty the Emperor of Russia; sº “And the Hon. William Stewart, knight of the most honorable order of the bath, member of his parliament, knight of the Prussian orders of the black and red eagle, and of many others, and his envoy-extraordinary and minister-plenipoten- tiary to his majesty the King of Prussia. “The treaty between France and Prussia:— “For France, by C. M. Talleyrand-Perigord, Prince of Benevent, (ut supra.) “And for Prussia, by M. M. Charles Augustus Baron Hardenberg, chancellor of state to his ma- jesty the King of Prussia, knight of the orders of the black and red eagle, and many other orders, and Charles William Baron Humboldt, minister of state of his said majesty, and envoy-extraordi- nary, and minister-plenipotentiary to his imperial, royal, and apostolic majesty. “. With the following additional articles:— ..Article Additional to the Treaty with Russia. “The duchy of Warsaw having been under the administration of a provincial council, established by Russia ever since that country was occupied by her arms, the two high-contracting parties have agreed to appoint immediately a special commission, composed on both sides of an equal number of commissaries, who shall be charged with the examination and liquidation pf their re. spective claims, and all the arrangements relative thereto. “The present additional article shall have the same force and effect as if inserted verbatim in the patent treaty of this date. It shall be rati- fied, and the ratifieations exchanged at the same. OF THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. T017 time; in testimony whereof the respective plenipo- tentiaries have signed the same, and affixed thereto the seal of their arms. “Done at Paris, this 30th of May, 1814. (Signed) (L. S.) “The Prince of BENEvent. (L. S.) ANDREw Count RASUMoUFF- SKY, (L. S.) CHARLEs Robert Count NESSELRode.” t JArticles Additional to the Treaty with Great Britain. Art. I. “His most Christian majesty, partici- #."; without reserve in all the sentiments of is Britannic majesty relative to a species of com- merce which is equally repugnant to the princi- ples of natural justicé, and the lights of the times in which we live, engages to unite, at a future congress, all his efforts to those of his Britannic majesty, in order to cause all the powers of Chris- tendom to proclaim the abolition of the slave- trade, in such manner that the said trade may cease universally, as it shall cease definitively, and in all events, on the part of France, within a period of five years, and that besides, pending the duration of this period, no trader in slaves shall be at liberty to import or sell them elsewhere, but in the colonies of the state to which he belongs. II. “The British government and the French government will immediately appoint commis- sioners to liquidate their respective expences for the maintenance of prisoners of war, for the pur- pose of coming to an . on the manner of paying off the balance which shall be found in favor of either of the two powers. III. “The prisoners of war respectively shall be bound to discharge, before their departure from the place of their detention, the private debts which they may have there contracted, or at least to give satisfactory security. V. “ There shall be on both sides, immedi- ately after the ratification of the present treaty, a removal of the sequestration which, since the year 1792, may have been placed on the funds, revenues, debts, and all other effects what- ever of the high-contracting powers, or of their subjects. “The same commissaries mentioned in Art. II. shall employ themselves in the examination and liquidation of the claims of his Britaunie majesty upon the French government, for the value of roperty, moveable or immoveable, unduly con- fiscated by the French authorities, as well as for the total or partial loss of their debts or other pro- perty, unduly detained under sequestration since the year 1792. “Trance engages to treat, in this respect, the subjects of England with the same justice that the subjects of France have experienced in Eng- land; and the English government wishing, on * t ſº its part, to concur in this new testimony that the Book XII. allied powers have given to his most Christian. majesty of their desire to remove entirely the CHAP. III. Neºvº-Z consequences of the epoch of misfortune, so hap- pily terminated by the present peace, engages on its side (as soon as complete justice shall be done to its subjects,) to renounce the whole amount of the excess which may be found in its favor, rela- tive to the maintenance of the prisoners of war, so that the ratification of the result of the labours of the undersigned commissioners, and the pay- ment of the sums, as also the restitution of the effects which shall be adjudged to belong to the subjects of his Britannic majesty, shall render its renunciation complete. V. “The two high-contracting powers, desi- rous to establish the most amicable relatio is be- tween their respective subjects, reserve to them- selves a promise to come to an understanding and arrangement as soon as possible, on their commercial interests, with the intention of en- couraging and augmenting the prosperity of their respective states. “The present additional articles shall have the same force and validity as if they had been insert- ed in those words in the treaty of this day. They shall be ratified, and the ratifications shall be ex- changed at the same time. In faith of which, the respective plenipotentiaries have signed them, and affixed the seal of their arms. “Done at Paris, the 30th of May, in the year of grace, 1814. (Signed) “ The Prince of BENEVENT. (Signed) CASTLEREAGH. (Signed) ABERDEEN. (Signed) CATHCART. (Signed) CHARLEs STEwART, Lieute- nant-general.” .Additional Article of the Treaty with Prussia. “Although the treaty of peace concluded at Basle, the 5th of April, 1795, that of Tilsit, of the 9th of July, 1807, the convention of Paris, of the 20th of September, 1808, as well as all the con. ventions and acts whatsoever, concluded since the peace of Basle between Prussia and France, are already in fact annulled by the present treaty, the high-contracting parties have judged it never- theless proper to declare again expressly, tha the said treaties cease to be obligatory, botl in the articles that are expressed, and those tha are secret, and that they mutually renounce every right, and disengage themselves of every obliga. tion which might result from them. His most Christian majesty promises, that the decrees issued against French, or reputed French subjects, being or having been in the service of his Prussian majesty, shall remain without effect; as also the judgments which may have been given in execution of those decrees. 1814. 1018 171STORY OF THE WARS BOOK XII. CHAP. III. Nºvº-Z 1814. ~\- “The present additional article shall have the same force and validity as if it had been inserted in those words in the treaty of this day. It shall be ratified, and the ratifications shall be exchang- ed at the same time. In faith of which the res- pective plenipotentiaries have signed it, and affix- ed the seal of their arms. “Done at Paris, 30th of May, in the year of of our Lord, 1814. “ The Prince of BENEVENT. CHARLES AUGUSTUs, Baron of HARDENBURGH. CIIARLEs WILLIAM, Baron de HUMBoldt.” : As we have thus given the treaty and the addi- tional articles at full length, any comment upon them is unnecessary. We shall merely observe, that the definitive treaty, upon the whole, if con- sidered as dictated by powerful confederates, at the head of armies, in the centre of France, and at the gates of its capital, must be regard- ed as a remarkable example of moderation, and as amply confirming the declaration of the allied powers respecting their intentions of leav- ing the French people in a state of relative great- ness suitable to the rank they have so long main- tained in the system of Europe. The circum- stance of this treaty being signed within the walls of Paris, by sovereigns whose own capitals had not long before been in the possession of the French troops, will ever rank among the most remarkable events in modern history. Respecting the success of the allies, the de- thronement of Bonaparte, and the consequent peace of Europe, there was considerable contro- versy in England: the point debated was, not whether these were desirable events, (for on that all were agreed,) but whether these events had been brought about by following the principles and the advice of Mr. Fox or of Mr. Pitt. The adherents to the principles of the latter contend- ed, that Europe had been restored to indepen- dence and liberty, peace and happiness, princi- pally or solely, by the firmness of Britain in that contest, and that this firmness and perseverance had always been inculcated and acted upon by Mr. Pitt; and that his successors in office, by foi- lowing his example, had at length proved, by the result, the soundness of his views, and bis high merits as a statesman. The adherents of Mr. Fox, on the contrary, maintained, that Europe had been saved entirely by acting on his principles and advice; that he was as sensible as Mr. Pitt could be of the tyranny of Bonaparte, but re- garded all resistance to it as vain which did not spring from the people acting in concert with their respective governments. He, therefore, was averse to the coalitions of Mr. Pitt, because, by our subsidies, we induced those states to come *E-º-º- *---— — — into the contest who were not prepared for it, and endeavoured to unite those who were not suffi- ciently aware of their common danger to lay aside their jealousy of one another. With res- pect to the mass of the people, he contended, that they were nearly indifferent to the result of the contest which their respective sovereigns held against Bonaparte, because they did not dread being exposed to more tyranny and oppression under him than they already suffered. It was, therefore, necessary to give the people an interest in the contest, which, according to Mr. Fox, could only be done by giving them more liberty. Mr. Fox, however, does not appear to have been aware, that there was another mode by which their interests in the contest might be excited; and that this mode would be followed by Bona- parte himself, who would thus prepare the way for his own downfal. It is sufficiently evident, that the great bulk of the people would not rouse themselves in the contest, unless they had good reason, either to fight for their own sovereigns, or against Bonaparte; and it may well be doubted, whether, if their own sovereigns had, agreeably to Mr. Fox's advice, granted them a greater por- tion of civil and religious liberty, this would have been an adéquate stimulus to their own exertions; since the promise of this would have been to most of them, the promise of what they did not understand or could not relish, and, therefore, did not desire. It may even be doubted, whether the prospect of being freed from those acts of per- sonal degradation and oppression to which they had been so long habituated, that they scarcely felt them, would have roused them; whereas Bo- naparte, by loading them with a species of ty- ranny, to which they were unaccustomed; and, moreover, that tyranny proceeding from a for reigner, and being inflicted by foreign soldiers in every mode most galling to national feelings, touched the cords of indignation and resistance, and roused those against him who never would have been roused by the promise and expectation of a greater portion of civil and religious liberty. In our opinion, therefore, the downfall of Bona- parte, and the consequent restoration of indepen- dence and peace to Europe, was not owing to the measures of Mr. Fox having heen pursued; was only very indirectly and incidently owing to per- severance in the plans of Mr. Pitt; but was most essentially owing, in the first place, to the univer- sal detestation which the military tyranny of Bo- naparte created; and next to his annihilating him- self, by his campaign in Russia, the means which he possessed for repressing the effects of that universal detestation: thus illustrating this grand and salutary truth, that tyranny and ambition wiłł always work out their own overthrow, OF THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 1019 * CHAPTER IV. Considerations on the Circumstances that appeared favorable, or unfavorable, to the Permanence of Louis the Eighteenth's Government after his first Restoration.—His Personal Character and Habits.-The Mode in which he was restored.—The Interests of the French Marshals to support Louis considered.—The Appointment of the Duke of Wellington to be Ambassador at Paris in- judicious in this Point of View.—The great Mass of the Nation interested in the Continuance of Peace.—The Agricultural Class.-The Manufacturing and Commercial Classes—Dispositions , of the Clergy towards Louis-Effects produced by the Revolution on the State of Religion. THE situation in which Louis XVIII. was plac- ed, was one of extreme difficulty, requiring not only talents of a superior kind, but also address and de- licacy in the management and application of them. Those, therefore, who were well-acquainted with him, and who were not disposed to flatter him, or to conceal his wants and his failings, and who, at the same time, were sincere and zealous friends, not only of the Bourbons but also of the new order of things in France, were not without consider- able apprehensions for the permanence and tran- quillity of his throne. These apprehensions had their origin and foundation in several circum- stances. In the first place, with respect to the personal character , of Louis himself, he was allowed, by all parties, to be naturally inactive and indolent, and by no means possessed of that comprehensien and firmness of mind which are desirable and useful in a sovereign in all cases, and which were more especially requisite in the case of Louis. These deficiencies might, however, be in a great measure supplied by a choice of wise and prudent ministers. But here again he was exposed to considerable difficulties and dan- gers; for it was naturally to be imagined, that the emigrants, those who had surrounded him in the time of his adversity, whose sentiments and conduct had been similar to his own, would ob- tain a very large portion of his countenance, sup- port, and favor. And speaking of the emigrants “as a body, they certainly were not distinguished either for talents or prudence; and it might well be doubted, without any great breach of penetra- tion or candour, whether their sufferings had taught them wisdom. They were too apt, also, to rate their own services and sufferings too highly: these indeed, except in some particular cases, were not entitled to much merit er reward; for it may be doubted whether, if they had con- tinued in a body in France at the commence- ment of the revolution, and not have deserted their king, that event would have proceeded and ripened into crime and destruction, as it had ... done. 69. But Louis XVIII. besides being naturally attached to the emigrants, it was supposed had lent himself too much to the influence of the priests. France, indeed, during the revolution, had fallen back into such a state of indifference or disbelief with regard to religion, that a mo- narch who would, by wise and prudent measures, and by his own example, have brought them back into the right path, would have proved a great blessing to them and to the world at large; for their love of military glory, and their ambition of conquest, had been greatly fed and strengthened by the looseness of their moral and religious prin- ciples. But they were in such a critical state, that it required great caution and circumspection in bringing about this change; and if Louis en- deavoured to effect it by morose and severe regu- lations, it was much to be feared, that he would injure his own influence, and the permanence of his government, without promoting the object which he had in view. But there were other difficulties and dangers that surrounded the restored monarch, besides those which had their origin and foundation in his personal character and habits, as contrasted with the national character and habits of his sub- jects. IHe had been restored by means of the successes and conquests of foreign power; by their successes and conquests over the French people. This reflection could not but be ex- tremely galling to them; even to those who were most weary of the tyranny and oppression of Bo- naparte, and most desirous of the restoration of the Bourbons : for it is an extraordinary and un- doubted fact, that many of the most loyal of the emigrants rejoiced at and were proud of the vic- tories of their countrymen, even when they were gained over the allies who were fighting their cause, and by Bonaparte, towards whom, as the enemy of the Bourbons and their own enemy, they bore a most deep and deadly hatred. Such is the influence of the love of national glory in the bosoms of Frenchmen, that it overpowers all regard to national bº and even smothers for l Book XII. Chap. IV. Jºvº’ 1814, 1020 HISTORY OF THE WARS BOOK XII. * ('HAP. IV. \_ºvº- 1814. ------...sº a time the feelings of loyalty and personal interest. It was to be feared, therefore, that Louis XVIII., having been restored to the throne of his ances- tors by the victories of the allies over France, would for a long time recall to the minds of a considerable portion of his subjects, their national defeat and disgrace; and there be regarded by no means in a favorable point of view. But these unfavora de impressions towards their restored monarcº would also be strengthen- ed by the reflection, that he had been restored principally by he rerseverance and bravery of Britain in the onquest; of that country which was the natural cremy of France, which had uni- formerly set herself up against every attempt of France to obtain the great object of every French- man, the preponderancy in Europe, if not the conquest of the continental part of that quarter of the world. Louis, too, had found a refuge in Bri- stain at a period when no other state dared receive and protect him. These considerations could not be pleasing to Frenchmen. It was not to be sup- posed, that they would give us credit for all that disinterestedness, purity, and benevolence to which we laid claim; and when we declared, that our object was the benefit and prosperity of France, as well as the tranquillity and indepen- dence of Europe, they must have recollected the ancient rivalry between the two countries, and been incredulous. On these and several other accounts, the situ- ation of Louis was extremely critical and difficult on his restoration to the throne of his ancestors. He entered a country, a great proportion of the inhabitants of which had either been born or been educated at a period when the Bourbons were considered as pretenders to the throne of France; as a race who had forfeited all claims to it, not only by the fault of Louis XVI. but also by hav- ing united themselves with those powers who were opposing the glory and conquests of France. He ascended the throne of his aneestors unknown to military faine, incapable from his infirmities of Heading into the field a nation now almost all war- riors, and who had long been accustomed to re- gard as synonymous terms their monarch and a conqueror. If he looked around him, he saw nearly half a million of soldiers attached to Bo- napaite, both by the habits of their hives, and by their relation to him as the man who led them to conquest and plunder. These men could not like peace; they could still less like the person who was to rule over them by having deposed their favorite, and who, in all points that were calculated to excite their esteem and confidence, was so very unlike their favorite. The military life, notwithstanding all its hard- ships, by its varied scenes and licentious indul- gencies, seldom, fails to prove alluring to the *---ºf youthful mind in the lower ranks of society; whilst in the higher, a great number are profes- sionally devoted to it; whose sole hopes of future advancement depend upon the subsisting demand for their services. Modern armies are so nume- rous, that a long war cannot be maintained with- out rendering the military class entirely dispro- portioned to the general mass composing a state; and the greater the necessity for keeping up its numbers, the more consequence will be attached to it. If this circumstance coincides with a na- tional spirit naturally martial and unquiet, it may happen, that an aversion to resume the pacific cha- racter shall become almost the ruling passion of a people. Now, modern history scarcely affords an instance in which these causes of a fondness for war have concurred more efficaciously than in France, which, from the period of its revolu- tion, had almost continually been involved in hostilities, domestic or foreign; and which, during many years, had submitted to the despotic rule of a man of unbounded ambition, and of talents peculiarly adapted to military enterprize. The astonishing success attending his schemes of ag- grandisement had raised the power and glory of the nation to a height greatly beyond that of its proudest days; and the armies which he led into the field surpassed in magnitude those of any period in French history. It is true, his gigantic lans had lately wrought their own subversion, and he had been the author of a more extensive and tragical waste of lives to his own troops than can be paralleled in modern times. Still, however, a great mass of past glory adhered to his name, and his admirers could find excuses for his failures, in unforeseen circumstances, and in that desertion by former allies which they de- nominated perfidy. To this they attributed his final miscarriage; and resentment for his suppos- ed wrongs took placa in their feelings of blame for his rashness, or abhorrence for his tyranny. Further, the pride of the nation spurned the idea of being conquered; and to escape from it, they willingly cherished the notion, that if treachery had not prevented Napoleon from executing his plan of operations, he would have compelled the allied armies to retreat with disgrace from the French territory. - On the other hand, if Louis looked at the great bulk of the French nation, he found them ex- hausted with the pressure of the war, and glad of repose and peace: here, then, he might expect attachment to his person and government, for by his restoration they would obtain what they so much needed and so anxiously desired. But he must have been ignorant, indeed, of the French: eharacter, if he expected that, after they had breath- ed a little, they would not recall-to-mind the glories and conquests of Bonaparte's reign, and contrast of the FRENch Revolution. T021 -> *r- them unfavorably with the events of the reign of Louis. But it might have been supposed that the fa- vorable terms granted to France by the allies would have won on the gratitude of that people; and this, indirectly, contributed to the popularity of Louis XVIII. and the permanence of his go- vernment, since there could be no doubt, that it was principally on his account that such favor- able terms were granted to them. If the French nation had only contrasted the behaviour of the allies with the behaviour of Bonaparte when he was victorious, the impression must have been highly favorable to the former. The allies, after having suffered the greatest degradation from Bonaparte, after they had seen their respective countries desolated by the conqueror, and them- selves obliged to bend to his will, become mas- ters of France: the capital of that country is in their power; their soldiers, who feelingly recol- lect all the misery to which their own country had been exposed from France,—many or most of whom could recall to mind their houses de- stroyed, and their nearest and dearest relations murdered,—behold Paris before them completely in their power; they pant for vengeance; they expect it from their leaders; it is due not only to their own sufferings, but also, by the laws and usages of war, to the victories and conquests which they have so gloriously achieved. And yet, under all these circumstances, the allies spare Paris! they enter it, not as conquerors, not as avengers of their own wrongs, but as friends ! They treat it with as much respect and tenderness as if it had been one of their own capitals. Could such conduct fail to produce its proper impression on the minds of the Parisians, and of Frenchmen in general. The former, in particular, must have dreaded far different conduct; they must have recollected all that the allies had suffered from France, and that the people of Paris were always ready to lend themselves to the most tyrannical acts of Bonaparte's government: they must have recollected . things generally; but a more particular recollection must have dwelt upon their minds, of the recent devastation of a large portion of Russia, and of the conflagration of the ancient capital of that empire, of a capital which was re- garded as holy by those soldiers who were now masters of the capital of France. What reason, therefore, had they to expect that Paris would be treated in a different manner from Moscow 3 Cer- tainly, none. What ought, therefore, to have been their feelings towards the allied powers when Paris was spared; when it was not only spared, but when the allied armies entered it as friends? And what ought to have been their feelings to- wards Louis XVIII., on whose account princi- pally the allies conducted themselves in such an unprecedented manner? Certainly, the allies. and Louis had great reason to hope, that the in- Book xII. habitants of France, and of Paris in particular, would unanifest their gratitude in the manner which would be most acceptable to the former, by becoming loyal, obedient, and peaceful sub- jects to the latter. This was not much to expect, since it was only expecting that Frenchmen would discover their gratitude for being restored to peace and tranquillity, for being freed from a ty- rant, and, for having their country and capital spared by the conquerors, in that manner which alone could secure to themselves the blessings which they enjoyed. But those who were intimately acquainted with the French character doubted whether these considerations would have their proper effect upon them. Indeed, in a very short time this volatile and vain nation began to call in question the claims of the allies to regard themselves as the conquerors of France; and when once this was doubted, the debt of gratitude was speedily de- nied. France, they said, had been overrun by treachery; and Paris itself would not have been won, if it had been properly defended. They did not, however, think proper to recollect, that, even allowing all this to be true, they were not the less indebted to the allies for their clemency: they did not recollect, for how many of her victories and conquests France had been indebted to treachery: these things they forgot, and contented themselves with the reflection, that if France had been true to herself she never could have been conquered. As soon as this feeling and belief sprang up, it was evident that attachment to Louis would be weakened. Notwithstanding, however, all these circum- stances contributed to render the foundation of Louis's government rather insecure, there were other circumstances, of a much more powerful and general nature, which greatly counterba- lanced the former. In the first place, the French marshals, though several of them were slow and reluctant in sending in their adhesion to the new government, it was natural to suppose would rally round Louis if he showed them pro- per attention. They had indeed been raised to the rank and fortune which they enjoyed by Bo- naparte; and it might have been imagined, that they would have felt a strong attachment to him: but, on the other hand, they knew that the favors which they had received from him were bestowed from consideration of his own personal interests: some of them recollecting whence he had risen, might be induced to think that they were as de- serving of the imperial rank as he, while others he had treated with great haughtiness. But the consideration which would weigh most with the French marshals. was, that Bonaparte, by the blindness and madness of his ambition, had brought their rank and fortune into great jeo- CHAP. IV. QºS/~/ 1814. HISTORY OF THE WARS BOOK XII. CHAP, IV. ~~~sº-Z 1814. Yºr- pardy: it is well known, that they did not ap- prove of the Russian campaign, and still less of his conduct during the campaign in Germany in the subsequent year—It had always been sup- posed, that one of the principal obstacles to a counter-revolution in France would be , the change of property, and the possession of rank by those who would be stript of it in case of that event. With respect to the latter circumstance, as long as Bonaparte's measures secured the possession of rank, or contributed to raise it higher, so long he would be defended by those who were anxious about it: but it was also evi- dent, that he would be deserted as soon as his measures threatened the ruin of those whom he had raised, provided they saw less danger in joining a counter-revolution. This was precisely the case when the allies gained possession of Paris: Bonaparte's attacks were desperate; if the marshals continued to adhere to him, they must share his fate: the allies promised them the continuance of their rank and fortune, if they deserted him and joined Louis; and they followed the direction of their own interest. This was extremely fortunate for Louis; for, while he could secure the marshals and gene- rals of the French army, he had not much to dread from the soldiers themselves; not because they also saw their interest in adhering to the new government, or because the marshals had such influence over theim as to, lead them to forego their interest; but because without leaders they could do nothing. Louis therefore acted prudenthy and wisely in endeavouring to attach the marshals and generals still more to himself, by paying them great attention. It may be doubted, however, whether the views of Louis in this respect were wisely seconded by the British government in the appointment of an ambassador at Paris. The Marquis of Wellington, on his return to England, was received with the highest honors (which we shall notice hereafter more particulaify) that could be bestowed on a sub- ject: he was raised to the rank of duke; re- ceived, in the most flattering manre, possible, the thanks of both houses of parliament, which voted a very large sum for the purchase of an estate to be vested in his fainily: nor were his prince or his countrymen less anxious to show him how highly they thought of his services. After staying a short time in London, he was appointed am- bassador at Paris; and this, as we binted above, was certainly not an appointment likely to be of service to Louis XVIII. It no doubt was in- tended as a compliment to him, by sending the person of whom Britain thought most highly, and to whom Louis must have considered himself as imost chiefly indebted for his restoration: but this very circumstance must have rendered the ap- pointment of the Duke of Wellington grating to —y- -º- the people of France, and particularly to the French marshals; for how had he been service- able to Louis, but by conquering the French ar- mies? and yet he was sent to Louis's court, where he was sure constantly to meet those whom he had defeated, and who must always recollec when they saw Louis paying him particular at- tention and honor, that it was because he had defeated them! Setting aside, however, this appointment, there was nothing either in the conduct of Louis, or of the allies, but what was calculated to conciliate and attach the marshals to the new order of things: and the prudence and policy of this conduct soon dis- played itself; for though there undoubtedly was great dissatisfaction in the army, and though Paris was often threatened with disturbance, yet nothing serious occurred ; and, as far as could be judged, the minds of the soldiery and of the in- habitants of Paris, (by far the most important portion of the population of France,) were gra- dually yielding themselves up to the new order of things at the close of the year 1814. Con- nected with this view of the probable stability of Louis's government, as depending on the ideas and dispositions of the military, it may be men- tioned, that he took a very wise step by appoint- ing Marshal Soult minister of war: this marshal was undoubtedly the first military character in France, and was besides a great favorite with the soldiers: it was therefore of great importance to hold him up, by placing him in an official situation so intimately connected with the army, as attached to the government of Louis. Be- sides, his talents and habits, being those of a man of business, and of a vigorous, olear, and comprehensive mind, would (independently of all other considerations) have rendered this ap- pointment judicious and popular. But we must now advert to some ofher cir. cumstances, which appeared favorable to the permanence of Louis's government.—It has already been seen that Talleyrand was parti- cularly active in bringing about the counter-re- volution ; and while the allied monarchs were in Paris, great attention was paid to him by them. Louis also placed him at the head of the govern- ment; and intrusted him (as will afterwards be particularly noticed) with the entire management of the negociations at the congress of Vienna, With respect to the political honesty of Talley- rand, great doubts may justly be entertained: he had undoubtedly found no difficulty in accom- modating his conscience to the republican form of government at the commencement of the revolu- tion, and afterwards to the despotism of Bona- parte. In justice to him, however, it must be stated, that during the latter years of Bona- parte's reign he had not enjoyed the favor of his master, it is said, because he objected to his OF THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 1023 the overgrown preponderance of the capital; Book XII. and these causes were favourable to the perma- --— — nence of a mild and peaceable government. Char. IV. Formerly, the great body of the French nation > TC- schemes against Spain,_though it may be ques- tioned whether his objections arose from any con- siderations, or feelings, with respect to the atrocity and injustice of those schemes: they were more 1814 probably derived from the belief, that an attempt to conquer Spain would end in disappointment and disgrace.—But, whatever opinion may be formed of the principles of Talleyrand, his ta- lents are universally acknowledged; and they are of that order which Louis more particularly required. It was of the utmost consequence to show to the French nation, that they had not sunk far in the scale of European nations by the conquest of their country;-while, at the same time, it was indispensably necessary not to alarm or irritate the allies by grasping too soon or too eagerly at the recovery of their ancient rank and importance. No man was so well cal- culated to conduct the affairs of France, in this critical emergency, as Talleyrand : cool, pene- trating, and cautious, he could bring his wonder- ful talents and almost unequalled experience to bear on the object which he had in view, and et not excite the suspicion of those with whom he had to deal. There were only two circum- stances which operated against the policy of the appointment of Talleyrand, to his high situation: in the first place, those of the French nation who still were attached to Bonaparte beheld him with dislike, as they considered him as having be- trayed their favorite and his former master: in the second place, there was good reason to ap- prehend that his attachment to the Bourbons would continue only while their power seemed permanent; and that he would desert them, as he had deserted Bonaparte, in the time of the greatest need. Setting aside, however, the consideration of these two circuinstances, there could be no doubt that while he was at the head of affairs in France, he would essentially contri- bute to heal the wounds inflicted by the revolu- tion and by the tyranny and oppression of Bona- parte, by judicious and wise internal regulations; while, as far as the honor and external relations of the country were concerned, he would contri- bute to raise her as nearly as possible to her former rank and glory. But it was to the disposition and feelings of the great bulk of the French nation that Louis was to look for the support and permanence of his government; not because of their loyalty to the house of Bourbon, (for that was in a great mea- sure worn out,) but from the operation of causes more deeply and permanently implanted in hu- man nature. It has frequently been remarked, that Paris is more to France than the capital of any other nation is to the nation in which it ex- ists. This was undoubtedly the fact previous to and during the revolution: but that event in- volved causes which were gradually, destroying 69, **. were insignificant and of no weight; they were entirely under the power of the noblesse, who generally residing in Paris added to the import- ance and preponderance of that city. But the revolution, dividing the overgrown estates of the noblesse into possessions of a much more mo- derate size; and thus increasing the number of those who were desirous of peace, and at the same time placing the agricultural tenancy of the kingdom on a more respectable and inde- pendent footing than they had previously been, rendered the inhabitants of the country of much more weight and importance. Over these also the revolution had shed much less of its baneful. effects than over the inhabitants of Paris, and the other large cities: their manners were less frivolous; their morals less corrupt ; their un- derstandings and feelings were not so completely turned . from what was really respectable, dignified, and useful, to what was gaudy, unsub- stantial and evanescent; while, feeling their own importance and weight in the state, they were not disposed, as formerly, to give place on all occasions to the inhabitants of the metropolis.- On this class of people, therefore, Louis might safely rely for support, provided he secured to them their possessions, and that portion of re- spectability and liberty to which they were dis- posed to look up as their undoubted right. The agricultural portion of the population of France on many accounts wished for repose and peace: even in the midst of the anarchy, and tyranny of the revolution' they had advanced in the knowledge and practice of their business: feeling themselves now more their own masters than they had been while under the old no- blesse, and that they were now working for themselves, and not merely for them, they roused themselves to a degree of activity and intelligence of which they before were scarcely thought capable. But they still required peace, to reap all the fruits of their labour. They knew that, with the natural advantages in respect to soil and climate which France enjoyed, if they had peace, they could raise corn not merely for their own supply, but also for the supply of foreign nations; while the same desirable event would open a way for those commodities. of higher value and a rarer kind, their wines, fruits, &c. On these accounts the agricultural pe- pulation of France, provided no attempts were made to disturb the existing divisions of pro- perty, were sure to be the friends of Louis XVIII. The manufacturing and commercial portion of the population, also, must have seen their interest, Il Z Y 024 HISTORY OF THE WARS Book XII. in peace—they had longsuffered and severely from CHAP. IV. Nesºvº” 1814 the anti-commercial spirit and plans of Bonaparte: peace, therefore, but especially a peace with Eng- land, was particularly necessary and desirable to them. On these two classes, therefore, the agricultural and commercial classes, the hope of the security and permanence of Louis's govern- ment must mainly depend. There is only one other class in France whom it will be necessary to consider with respect to their influence on Louis's government; and that is the clergy. Bonaparte, from whatever motive, certainly curtailed their power; and even endea- voured to separate, as much as he possibly could, the church from the state, by reducing the emo- luments of the clergy, and not permitting them to assume a rank at all proportionate to that in- fluence which they retain in most other govern- ments. This circumstance, united to the strong and general passion for military rank and glory, and the indifference to religion, created or aug- mented by the revolution, must have operated in diminishing the influence of the priesthood over the people of France; and yet it may be doubted whether in the country they did not retain much more of it than might have been expected. Louis, from his natural disposition and habits, must have been strongly urged to replace the clergy as nearly as possible in the same scale of rank and wealth which they held before the revolution; he must also have seen, that if he could accomplish this, he would secure in his favor a most powerful body. They were no doubt disposed to assist and support him; but as they naturally expected that his restoration would lead to theirs, and that theirs would be complete, there was some danger, that their zeal in his behalf would cool, if he adopted half measures with regard to them. And yet he --- * was so placed, that he could not go so far as they wished and expected, nor probably so far as he was disposed to do. Great part of the property of the church was sold : this could not be restor- ed; nor could any steps be taken towards a res: toration, without creating great alarm in the breasts of all those who had purchased confiscated property. The revenues of the clergy before the revolution were also in part derived from tithes: to endeavour or seem to wish to re-impose these would undoubtedly be dangerous, as the landed property had been bought under the idea that no tithes were to be paid ;—besides, there could be no doubt, that the improvement in French agri- culture had arisen in some degree from the abo- lition of tithes. It seemed, therefore, impossible to reinstate the clergy in their possessions. But Louis plainly shewed, by his behaviour to them, and in all things connected with religion, that he wished France to return to her former faith in every point. This conduct of the sovereign, espe- cially his ordering mass to be said for Louis XVI., and his endeavours to enforce the strict obser- vance of the sabbath in Paris, has been censured as highly imprudent. Undoubtedly, he ought te have buried in oblivion every thing regarding Louis XVI. and the revolution, and in this light his ordering mass for that monarch was impru- dent: but his attention to the ceremonies of the Catholic religion, in other respects may be vin- dicated as politic, even if it were not with him a matter of conscience. Such were the principal circumstances which were favorable, or the reverse, to the support and permanence of the government of Louis XVIII. on his first restoration, so far as they depended on his own personal character, and on the disposition of the different classes of his subjects. ‘CHAPTER V. Joy diffused throughout England on hearing of the JAbdication of Bonaparte.—The Services of Lord Wellington rewarded with a Dukedom.—Generals Hill, Beresford, Graham, &c. raised to the Peerage.—Visit of the Allied Sovereigns, &c. to England—Their Arrival in London.—Anecdote of Blucher.—Proceedings of the Sovereigns.—Visit to Oxford–Grand Entertainment at Guild- hall.—Departure of the two Monarchs for Portsmouth–Naval Review.—Embarkation of the Emperor of Russia and King of Prussia at Dover—Their Arrival at Calais-Observations. WHEN the intelligence arrived in England of the entrance of the allies into Paris, and the ab- dication of Bonaparte, the joy that was diffused throughout the country was unbounded. In the metropolis it was celebrated by a splendid and general illumination for three successive nights, in which the public joy was testified by every de- vice that the taste and invention of the exhibitors could supply. The national gratitude was bestowed upon Lord Wellington, and some of his most distin- guished associates in arms, on the conclusion of the war. On the 10th of May, a message from the prince-regent was communicated to the house – º – º º Loſºl lºſſ LIL 1 lº - - - - - - - - | º - - º º º º IIP Cooºº-ºº º º ºw HAINES ſº - - * - º 'º - º L----- ºzººnºº ºr ºf - a - w º- º º （…）|×|× § © ®№ tºp № ſº º № º № №. ！\, ， º £ € pº º © ----№ §），|- #Oš № ^ ^ ^ - / - º - ------ of THE FRENch REwalution. | I025 wº-- of commons, the purpose of which was to inform the house, that his royal highness had conferred upon that victorious commander the rank and title of a duke and marquis of the United King- dom, and recommending the grant to him and his successors of such an annuity as might support the high dignity of the title conferred, and prove a lasting memorial of the gratitude and munifi- cence of the nation. On the 12th, the message being taken into con- sideration, the chancellor of the exchequer rose to call the attention of the house to the distin- guished services of the Duke of Wellington. Of the substance of this speech it is not necessary to recite the particulars, since our readers are well acquainted with the actions which, during a series of years, had been accumulating fresh laurels on this eminent character. The climax of praise in this as in other parliamentary eulogies, was a com- parison between him and the great Duke of Marl- borough, the only British commander who, in the general estimation, could be named as his rival in military fame; and the public rewards bestowed in his day upon the latter, were apparently the measure of those destined upon the hero of the present age. The speaker concluded with mov- ing a resolution, “That the sum of 10,000l. be paid annually out of the consolidated-fund for the use of the Duke of Wellington, to be at any time commuted for the sum of 300,000l. to be laid out in the purchase of an estate.” Mr. Whitbread, Mr. Ponsonby, and Mr. Can- ning, who followed, all agreed in the high talents of the noble duke, and objected to the grant as too small, especially since a large sum would be necessary for a mansion suitable to the dignity conferred upon him. A motion was in conse- ‘guence made for an additional 100,000l., making in all the sum of half a million granted to the noble duke, which was passed mem. come. A simi- lar message from the prince-regent being commu- nicated to the house of lords, an equal unanimity took place in the proceedings upon it. At the same time, the following honors were bestowed upon the duke's principal officers:-Sir, John Hope was created Lord Niddry; Sir Thomas Graham, Lord Lynedock; Sir Stapleton Cotton, Lord Combermere; Sir Rowland Hill, Lord Hill; and Sir William Beresford, Lord Beres- ford. In June, also, a royal grant of crosses and medals was made to the various officers who had distinguished themselves in Spain and France. The allied sovereigns having been invited by the British government to visit England, the Em- peror of Russia and the King of Prussia, accom- panied by a number of princes, cabinet-minis: ters, and those generals who had distinguished themselves during the war, left Paris, soon after the definitive treaty was signed, and pro- *-i- - - --—l- -ºr ceeded to Boulogne, where they embarked on- Book XIt. board the Impregnable frigate, on the 6th of June, and arrived at Dover at half-past six o'clock CHAP. W. Nºvº-Z the same evening. The Impregnable was accom- panied from Boulogne by the Jason frigate, the Royal Sovereign, and Royal Charlotte yachts, and several other vessels. The guns of the Impregnable and the other ships of war fired a salute at the moment when the sovereigns left the ship, which they repeated on the landing, and which was answered by a full discharge of artillery from the batteries on shore, and by the joyful testimonials of thousands of the British people, whose acclamations rent the air. The coup d'oeuil of the spectacle was mag- nificent; the sailors, who were aii dressed in new bluejackets and white trowsers, manned the yards of the vessels, and joined in the plaudits of the multitudes on-shore, by their hearty cheerings. The chief persons among those who landed with the Emperor Alexander and the King of Prussia were the Prince-royal of Prussia, Prince William, the king's second son, Prince William, the king's brother, Prince Frederick, nephew to the king, Prince Augustus, his majesty’s cousin, Marshal Blucher, Baron Humboldt, the king's chamberlain, Count Hardenberg, Count Nessel- rode, Baron Anstet, Prince Adam Garldriske, General Czernicheff, Dr. Wylie, physician to the Emperor of Russia, Sir Charles Stewart, Colonel Cooke, Captain Wood, &c. Their majesties were received on-shore by Lord Yarmouth, Lord Charles Bentinck, and the Earl of Rosslyn, and were escorted by a detachment of Scotch greys to the house of Mr. Fector, under a discharge of cannon. The guard of honor ap- pointed to attend their majesties consisted of the 43d regiment of foot and the Scots greys. The whole of the garrison were under arms; composed of a very strong brigade of artillery, of three troops of the Scotch greys, the 43d, 51st, 52d, and 95th regiments of the line, and the Galway militia. The royal equipages, &c. were brought over in a transport vessel. The Duke of Clarence had provided a splendid entertainment, of which most of the royal and illustrious persons partook with much cheerfulness. Their majesties retired to rest between ten and eleven. The emperor slept at Mr. Fector's; the king and other princes at the York hotel; Lord Yarmouth, with all the general officers, &c. at the Ship hotel. This is the second time that a Russian emperor, and the first that a Prussian king, has visited this country. As their visit will form a most import- ant epoch in the history of Great Britain, we shall describe some of their principal proceedings during their stay in this country. The Emperor of Rus- sia's sister, the Duchess of Oldenburg, had been in England since the month of March. At an early hour on the ºlogºs morning, the 1814. 1026 HISTQRy of THE WARs BookxII. road from London to Dover presented a spectacle —- unequalled in its kind. The whole population of Chap. V. London and the neighbouring districts seemed STYT to have been assembled in order to hail the arri- 1814. val of the illustrious guests. The first carriages of the royal suites approach- ed London at nearly two o'clock; there were three or four of them filled with Russian or Prus- sian persons of distinction; some with four, others with six horses. Several followed at intervals for some hours afterwards; one of which contained the Prussian princes. At three, the expectant multitude became quite impatient, when intelli- gence arrived at sji. that at Welling, where the cavalcade changed horses, Sir Charles Stewart had said, that their majesties had gone up to town two hours before in a private manner. This could not be credited, as avaunt couriers and detachments of dragoons were yet seen on the road, and the prince-regent's servants and horses were kept waiting as a relay on Shooter's-hill. Marshal Blucher left Welling by the lower road. The unexpected news, however, was soon found to be true; the fact was, that the emperor had entered London about half-past two. He came up the road immediately after a post-ehaise, in which were Lord Yarmouth and Lord C. Ben- tinck. His imperial majesty was in the carriage and four of Count Lieven, the Russian ambas- sador, without a single attendant: from the ar- morial bearings it was supposed to convey some foreign mobility. When the emperor arrived at the Pulteney-hotel he alighted, entered the house, and passed through the lower apartments without being recognised. He ascended the first flight of stairs, when the Prince Gagarin announced his arrival. At the same instant his sister, the grand-duchess, met him on the stairs. They saluted each other in the most affectionate manner. The emperor af- terwards embraced the interesting child Prince Alexander. The tidings of the emperor's arrival resounded not only throughout the house, but in the street, where an immense concourse of people expressed their joy by huzzas and “Long live the emperor,” &c. &c. His imperial majesty appear- ed shortly afterwards at the balcony, and bowed in the most condescending manner, which he con- tinued to do occasionally, till eleven o’clock at night, the people shouting their applause. Lord Morton, the queen's chamberlain, waited upon the emperor, in the name of the queen, to . her congratulations on his arrival in England. At half-past four o'clock, the emperor went in Count Lieven's carriage, accompanied by his excellency, to see-the prince-regent, at Carlton- house; but he went so privately, that the escort of horse, who were appointed to attend him, missed him; but they escorted him back to the Pulteney- hotel. He was received in a very private manner by the prince-regent, who gave his majesty a most ======> *— hearty welcome. Pulteney-hotel had been fitted up in a most magnificent style, particularly the principal apartments, which the grand-duchess gave up for her brother. A new state-bed was put up for his imperial majesty. The grand- duchess and the emperor dined together without any companion. The prince-regent, to shew due attention to the emperor, prepared a residence for him at St. James's, in the house of the Duke of Cumberland, which was newly fitted up for the occasion. The lord-chamberlain, the lord-tewards the Duke of Montrose, and Colonel Thornton, were in attendance during the whole of the day, till seven o'clock, full dressed, in expectation of the emperor's coming there to take up his resi- dence. A guard of honor, with two bands in their state-uniforms, attended in the court-yard, oppo- site the house, during the day. The King of IPrussia, his sons, their numerous suites, came also in a very private manner, and arrived at Clarence-house, St. James's, about three o’clock. A party of the yeomen of the guard, royal servants and attendants, as at Cum- berland-house, were in readiness to receive him. A few minutes before four, his majesty, attended by an aid-de-camp, went to Carlton-house. The prince-regent received him in the same manner as the Emperor of Russia. He remained with the prince about half-an-hour. His majesty re- ceived visits from the Prince of Orange, the Prince of Oldenburg, and a number of others. His majesty visited the Duke and Duchess of York, whose house is just opposite. At six o'clock Marshal Blucher arrived in St. James's-park by the horse-guards, in the prince- regent's open carriage, escorted by a party of light- herse. Three troops of the queen's bays were drawn up on the parade. The moment he observ. ed them, he arose and pulled off his hat, steadfastly looking at them, and remained in this position until he had passed the whole. His countenance was most manly and expressive, bearing the effects. of the severities he had encountered; the musta- chios on his upper lip were exceedingly prominent. The drivers, as directed, made first for Carlton- house. No sooner were the stable-gates opened, than there was a general rush in of the horsemen and the public at large. All restraint upon them was in vain; the two sentinels at the gates, with their muskets, were laid on the ground, the porter was completely overpowered, and it was with the greatest difficulty that he could get the gates shut. The multitude proceeded up the yard of Carlton-house with the general's carriage, shouting the praises of Blucher. The carriage stopped at the side-door, but he did not enter Carlton- house that way: on his arrival being notified, Colonels. Bloomfield and Congreve came out, dressed in full regimentals, received the generai, uncovered, and in that state conducted him to the OF THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 1027 **- —i- sº F- principal entrance of Carlton-house. The crowd assembled in Pall-mall now lost all respect for the decorum of the place; they instantly scaled the walls and lodges in great numbers : their º: zeal upon this occasion was indulged, and the great doors of the hall were thrown open to them, and some of the horsemen had nearly entered the hall. After the first interview of the general with the prince, an interesting scene took place. The prince-regent returned with the gallant Blucher }. his private apart- ments, and in the centre of the grand hall, surrounded by the people, placed a blue rib- bon on his shoulder, fastening it with his own hand, to which was hung a beautiful medallion, with a likeness of the prince, richly set with dia- monds. Marshal Blucher knelt while the prince was conferring this honor; and on his rising kissed the prince's hand. The prince and the general bowed to the public, whose ac- clamations in return exceeded description. When the general was at Dover, he was sur- rounded by a crowd of females, some of whom requested a lock of the general's hair. He bowed and smiled: but begged to be excused, adding, with an allusion to the baldness of his head, that “ if he gave them all a hair a-piece, he should not have one hair left.” Illuminations, more splendid, perhaps, than were ever before witnessed in the metropolis, took place on this and the two following evenings. Some of the public offices, in particular, exhi- bited a combination of taste and brilliancy not less novel than striking. The pursuits of the Emperor Alexander, like those of his sister the Grand Duchess of Olden- burgh, afforded evident proofs of praiseworthy curiosity and good taste. They had a perfect in- difference to show and parade. The emperor was remarkably active. On the 8th, in the morn- ing, he breakfasted by eight, and walked in Ken- sington-gardens with his sister. He returned to Pulteney-hotel at ten, and proceeded to view Westminster-hall, and the Abbey, the tombs of the illustrious dead. His sister and himself af. terwards visited the British Museum. At one he held a levee at Cumberland-house, which he used as his state-apartments, and was visited by the prince-regent, who afterwards attended the levee of the King of Prussia, at Clarence-house. Between five and six both the illustrious sove- reigns, with their respective suites, attended the court of her majesty, held expressly for their in- troduction at the queen's palace. Her majesty, the princesses, the allied sovereigns, their fami- lies, &c. dined afterwards with the prince-regent, at Carlton-house. On the 9th, the emperor Alexander rode in Hyde-park between seven and eight, accom- panied by Lord Yarmouth and Colonel Bloom- 70, field. From thence they rode to Westminster, BookxII. and through Southwark into the city, passing the Royal Exchange, and proceeding through Finsbury-square along the City-road, and the New-road, returned down the Edgware-road and Hyde-park to the Pulteney-hotel. After break- fast the emperor, with the duchess and a party of distinction, left the hotel in their open car- riages without military escort, and proceeded through the Strand and city to the London-docks —those great works and symbols of unexampled commercial prosperity.—The veteran Blucher visited the Admiralty at two o'clock, and was received by Lord Melville and other members of the board. After viewing the interior, he ex- amined the telegraph. The view from thence to the east over the Thames, and to the south and west over St. James's-park, and into Kent and Sussex, is particularly attractive; and, to- gether with the immense concourse of spectators parading the streets, struck the attention of the marshal in a great degree; and he observed to Colonel Lowe, in German, “ that there was no such place as London in the 'world.” In the evening the hero accompanied the Duchess of York, the Prussian princes, &c. to the Opera. The populace uniformly thronged round Blucher and Platoff to shake hands, which those veterans did with great cordiality, adding, “I thank you ; I thank you.”—At a court held at Carlton-house, the King of Prussia, Emperor of Austria, with Lords Liverpool and Castlereagh, were elected knights of the order of the garter. The prince- regent was, at the same time, invested by the Austrian minister with the order of the golden fleece; and by the Prussian monarch, with the order of the golden eagle. On the 10th, the allied sovereigns breakfasted together at the Pulteney-hotel, with the grand- duchess. They afterwards set out, accompanied by Marshal Blucher, General Platoff, and a mu- merous suite, for Ascot races. They went by the Fulham-road, and arrived at Richmond-hill at nine, at the Star and Garter-tavern, where they partook of a cold collation. The whole party then walked on the terrace, and expressed them- selves quite delighted with the beauty of the scene. Between ten and eleven they proceeded to Hampton-court, and viewed its beauties with aS ...; attention as the short time admitted, The Emperor of Russia and his sister arrived at Ascot about one. The King of Prussia and his company followed. The Queen of England and the princesses arrived next; and shortly after, the prince-regent and suite. All the royal personages occupied the royal stand. About four the illustrious party left Ascot, and pro- ceeded to Frogmore, where dinner for 100 had been provided by the queen. The next morning, about eleven o'clock, the * **, *t →t--sºme CHAP. W. ^*M*ºf 1814. 1028 HISTORY OF THE WARS BOOKXII. CHA P. V. Jºº 1814. >†: Emperor of Russia and the Duchess of Olden- burg, accompaniad by the Prince of Orange, Count Lieven, Lord Yarmouth, and other dis- tinguished characters, passed through the city, and alighted at the gate of the Bank, in Lothbury. The governor, deputy-governor, and directors con- ducted the visitors through the various depart- ments of that extensive building. His imperial ma- jesty listened with great attention to the explana- tions which were given of the several offices, and expressed much admiration at the systematic man- ner in which the business appeared to be conducted. He added, with much affability and condescension, that he was extremely obliged for the polite at- tentions shown to him and his sister; and that he was convinced, by what he had seen and heard, that the character acquired by the people of England for their extensive commerce, their wealth, and their liberality, was not more great than deserved. The illustrious party partook of a cold collation. At five, his imperial majesty, accompanied by his suite, proceeded to his state- apartments at St. James's. About six, he was waited on by the lord-mayor, recorder, sheriffs, and the whole of the aldermen and common- council, in their civic robes, with an address of congratulation. His iº majesty with great courtesy returned his thanks for the honor con- ferred on him in a short speech in English, which was very elegant, and gracefully delivered. The corporation next waited on the King of Prussia at Clarence-house with a similar address. He did not answer them in English, but received them very graciously, and with the utmost po- liteness.--In the evening the Earl of Liverpool entertained the prince-regent, the allied sove- reigns, and the other illustrious characters who shed such a lustre on the British court, at dinner. At seven, the prince-regent set out from Carlton- house in his carriage alone, but attended by his usual escort, and followed by loud cheers. The Emperor of Russia, accompanied by the grand- duchess, soon after appeared, attended by an escort of the Blues; he was dressed in a British uniform, the same in which he had received the city address. The King of Prussia next arrived, attended by a troop of horse. The Dukes of York and Kent, General Platoff, &c. were pre- sent.—The intention of the allied sovereigns to visit the Opera having been publicly announced, the doors were no sooner thrown open, than every place was filled, and the house presented a bril- liant and unexampled display of rank and fashion. The illustrious visitors did not arrive till half- past ten. The prince-regent first entered the box, amidst the most enthusiastic shouts of ap- plause, followed by the Emperor of Russia, and the Duchess of Oldenburg, the King of Prus- sia, his two sons, and other of the distinguished characters who had dined at Fife-house. The 4 --- Wºr —ºrs applause of the audience lasted many minutes. A hymn, composed in honor of the august vi- sitors, sung in admirable style, was received with rapture. “God save the King” was twice sung. Just as the second act of the opera was about to begin, the Princess of Wales, with Lady Charlotte Campbell, entered her box, on the opposite side of the theatre. The spectators burst again into a loud and reiterated shout of ap- plause ; upon which the prince-regent and the two illustrious sovereigns rose and bowed, which the Princess of Wales returned by a graceful reverence. The delight of the spectators was inexpressible. Owing to the immense crowd, the interior doors of the Opera-house were broken to pieces, and nearly 2,000 persons gained admis- sion without payment. On the 12th, in the morning, the King of Prussia, bis family and suite, went privately to Westminster-abbey.—In the afternoon the allied monarchs appeared in Hyde-park, on horseback, to gratify the curiosity of the public. They re- mained in the park till five o’clock, to the ex- treme gratification of John Bull and his numer- ous family, who received the monarchs with the most enthusiastic applause, of which they ap- peared truly sensible. In the evening the prince- regent gave a second banquet to the illustrious monarchs and their suites. The next morning, at nine, the illustrious visit- ors and the prince-regent embarked at White-hall, in the admiralty, navy, and ordnance barges, for Woolwich. There were, in the whole, seventeen barges; and a line of man-of-war boats on each side to keep order; with two large bands of music. The effect of the spectacle was exceedingly grand.— On their arrival at the new wharf, in the royal arsenal, his royal highness the prince-regent landed amidst a salute of cannon, and assisted the Duchess of Oldenburg, the emperor, and the King of Prussia up the stairs. A guard of ho- nor was stationed on the wharf, consisting of the horse-guards and royal-artillery. General Lloyd and the officers of the garrison received the royal visitors, and conducted them first to the range of store-houses, where every sort of mili- tary appointment is preserved in the greatest order. In the model-room they inspected the curious model of Quebec; and went from thence to the rocket-ground, where several experiments were prepared to show the strength and effect of Colonel Congreve's rockets. A superb tent was erected on the mound for the illustrious visitors and their suite; and after they had taken their station, a most interesting exhibition ensued. On a signal given by Colonel Congreve, who super- intended the rocket-department, a demonstra- tion was made of the power of the rocket-compo- sition. At about two hundred yards north-east of the mound, where the royal visitors were stationed, OF THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 1029 *~-º- *-ºº-º-º-º-º: *-ºs- a quantity of the composition placed on three pieces of timber exploded, producing columns of flaine awfully grand. The discharge produced a volcanic appearance, attended by a tremendous roaring ; but the burning property of the ma- terial was most remarkable. After the dis- charge, the timber remained in flames, and ac- tually consumed to a cinder. The next operation was a display of the rockets as used in besieging. They shot upwards to a considerable elevation, carrying a tube filled with burning materials a considerable distance.—They were larger than any used on a former occasion, and made a tre- mendous roaring. The next experiment was a proof of the havock these engines occasioned in a field-of-battle. They were fired from the oppo- site side of the Thames horizontally over the low grounds, to the distance of S00 or 1,000 yards. It is impossible to describe the effect pro- duced by these discharges. Wonder was ex- pressed by the beholders. The shells thrown by the rockets flew to the distance required, and exploded with horrible sounds. There can be little doubt that a single volley would disunite a body of cavalry. Against that description of force they are peculiarly operative, as they not only kill, but spread terror among the horses. The foreign officers were struck by the effect of this new engine in the art of war. The royal party, leaving the extraordinary exhibition, went to the new saw-mill, where human invention ap- pears elevated to a very high point. Sawing both vertical and horizontal, is here performed by ma- chinery moved only by steam. Huge logs of elm, ash, and fir-timber, were cut into planks on this occasion, with order and precision truly asto- nishing. They were then conducted to the royal carriage department, where Major-general Cup- page attended; and having visited other ma- chinery, they went up to the cadet barracks, where an elegant collation was prepared. The prince and his staff took their station, and the brigade went through a variety of evolutions and rapid firing till near six o'clock. General Blucher, the King and Prince of Prussia, and the foreign generals, appeared much interested in the general appointments of the brigade, and rode up to in- spect the boxes, limbers, &c.—The last visit was to the royal repository, which forms an immense depôt ; and after a minute examination they pro- ceeded to their carriages for town, amidst a royal salute, and dined with the Marquis of Stafford. On the 14th, the Emperor of Russia, the King of Prussia, and the prince-regent, accom- panied by a number of persons of distinction, paid a visit to the university of Oxford. They were received, on their entrance, in grand cere- mony by all the authorities academic and civic, of the place; and in the evening a sumptuous banquet was given to the illustrious guests in the Radcliff library, a place never before applied to BOOKXIl. such a purpose, but excellently adapted to it. A general illumination took place at night; and, CHAP. V. on the following day, the royal and noble party were received at the theatre, where every prepa- ration had been made to render the scene au- gust and striking. Degrees were then conferred upon the emperor and king, and some of their illustrious attendants, one of whom was the ve- teran Blucher; after which, the public. orator delivered a Latin speech on the occasion; and recitations followed, of English, Latin, and Greek verses. The emperor and king then went to the town-hall, where they received the freedom of the city; after which they left Oxford for Woodstook and Bienheim. On the 16th, at half-past eleven in the fore- noon, the Emperor of Russia, attended by Lord Yarmouth, proceeded to St. Paul's Cathedral. Here his majesty witnessed the annual assem- blage of upwards of 6,000 of the charity children belonging to the different parishes of the metro- F. an interesting sight, which does so much onor to British benevolence, and which cannot fail to make the most affecting impression on every beholder. His Prussian majesty and the rinces his sons were also present. At three o'clock, the emperor, accompanied by the grand- duchess, proceeded to view the new mint, where they were received and attended by the deputy- warden and other officers of that establishment. In the evening, the Emperor of Russia and King of Prussia honored Drury-lane theatre with their presence, which was crowded to excess. On the next morning, at eleven, the emperor set out on a visit to the military asylum and Chelsea Hospital. He was accompanied by his sister, the Duchess of Oldenburg, and attended by Lord Yarmouth and his suite. At the military asylum his imperial majesty was joined by the King of Prussia; and the royal party was received by the Duke of York as governor, and the other officers of this noble institution. After inspecting its va- rious departments, the Emperor of Russia, ac- companied by his sister, proceeded to Greenwich Hospital, and then returned to the Pulteney-hotel. The King of Prussia, after viewing Chelsea Col- lege and the military asylum, visited the Duchess of York and St. James's palace.—Soon after eight o'clock the same evening, the Emperor of Russia, King of Prussia, Duchess of Oldenburg, &c. &c. went to Merchant Tailor's-hall, and par- took of a splendid dinner given by the merchants and bankers of London. The Duke of York was in the chair (the prince-regent being prevented from attending by some cause) the Emperor of Russia on his left hand, and the King of Prussia on his right. Next to the emperor sat the Duchess of Oldenburg ; the rest of the table was filled with princes, ministers, and ambassa- 1814. 1030 HISTORY OF THE WARS BOOK XII. Char. W. N-º-Nºrººf 1814. =m^* = *. *—º- -a-ºº: l— dors, all in the most splendid dresses, and chiefly military. The toasts given were chiefly compli- mentary to the illustrious visitors. At eleven they left the hall, and repaired to Covent-garden-thea- tre, where they remained till the close of the en- tertainment, and then retired amid loud and uni- versal plaudits. tº On the 18th, an entertainment was given by the corporation of the city of London to his royal highness the prince-regent, and the Emperor of Russia and King of Prussia, which, in costly splendour and magnificence, was never exceeded in this country. The prince-regent, to give effect to the scene, went in state, with the full splendour of his court. The streets, east of Temple-bar, were lined with nearly 8,000 troops. The houses were filled and covered with tens of thousands of spectators, and windows, in particular situations to view the procession, were disposed of so high as from twenty to thirty guineas each. The royal procession moved at a slow pace from Carlton-house soon after four o'clock, pre- ceded by parties of the 11th dragoons, and of the royal horse-guards (blue.) It commenced with five of the prince-regent's carriages, each with six-horses, containing the officers of the house- hold and distinguished foreigners. Parties of the same guards followed each carriage. Then came the state-carriages of the Prince of Orange (whose servants wore the stadtholder's liveries of blue and gold,) the Dukes of Gloucester, Cam- bridge, Sussex, Clarence, and Kent, in each of which was one of the foreign visitors. A groom walked at each horse's j and three footmen, in state liveries, stood behind each carriage. The Duke of York's carriage was drawn by six greys. The two sons of his Prussian majesty rode with his royal highness. All the horses were decked with crimson ribbons. The equipage of the regent was in the highest degree superb. The royal carriage was drawn by eight of the king's cream-coloured horses, ornamented with azure ribbons : four footmen, almost covered with gold lace, stood behind. It was preceded by twelve of the knights-marshalmen, in full uniform; the royal heralds, wearing their official tabbards, &c, and a numerous party of the king's yeomen of the guard, and of the 10th, or prince's light- dragoons. The procession was closed by the remainder of the horse-guards, with their trum- peters, &c. in full dress; after which came a vast number of other carriages, containing foreigners of distinction, the Marquis Wellesley, Lord and Lady Castlereagh, Prince de Wagstadt (Blucher,) Count Platoff, Lords Hill and Beresford, and a long list of persons of distinction. The lord-mayor and the sheriffs in their state- carriages, and the aldermen and city officers, had stationed themselves east of Temple-bar, pre- viously to the arrival of the procession; on the º of which, they alighted, and mounted chargers decorated with crimson belonging to the officers of the horse-guards. The first part of the cavalcade having advanced, the prince-re- gent's carriage drew up, and the lord-mayor, al- dermen, and sheriffs, received his royal highness with the usual ceremony. After a short confer- ence, the city-officers took the lead of the pro- cession, which moved in the following order: a troop of the 10th light-dragoons, trumpeters and kettle-drums; the lord-mayor's state-coach, in which was his lordship's chaplain alone; the carriages of the aldermen, empty: a party of mi- litary; the knights-marshalmen; the city marshal- men, two and two; twenty of the aldermen, two and two, on horseback, and dressed in their state- robes; two horse-guards; the town-crier, bearing the mace; the lord-mayor, in his state-robes, mounted on a beautiful charger, uncovered and bearing the sword of state; the state-carriage of the prince-regent, in which were his royal high- ness and the King of Prussia, followed by a de- tachment of cavalry, after which came the car- riages of several of his majesty's ministers. His royal highness reached Guildhall about half-past five o’clock, where he was received by the lord- mayor, and conducted through a line formed by the aldermen and common-council-men, to the drawing-room, (the common-council-chamber.) where his royal highness remained in conversa- tion with his royal brothers, and the other illus- trious persons. About half-past four o’clock his majesty the Emperor of Russia quitted the Pulteney-hotel, ac- companied by his sister, the Duchess of Olden- burg, in the regent's state-chariot, drawn by six fine Hanoverian horses, and attended by his usual guard. His imperial majesty's suit occupied four other carriages. . His majesty arrived at Guild- hall about a quarter of an hour after the prince- regent. As soon as his majesty's approach was announced, the lord-mayor went to receive him and his illustrious sister, and conducted them in the same manner, and with the same marks of respect, as had been shewn to the prince-regent, to the drawing-room. Here he was received and welcomed by his royal highness. The illustrious personages continued for some time in the draw- ing-room; and about seven o’clock, it being an- nounced that dinner was ready, they were con- ducted to the hall by the lord-mayor, the music striking up “The Roast-beef of Old England;” and after parading round the hall, took their seats under the canopy of state, amidst the shouts and acclamations of the company assem- bled, and the waving of handkerchiefs and plau- dits of the ladies in the galleries. On the right of the prince-regent was seated the emperor, and next to him the Duke of York; the rest of the royal dukes were seated at the table of the hust- OF THE FR ENCH REVOLUTION, 103! wºr- tings. On the left of the prince-regent sat, his Prussian majesty, and next to him the Duchess of Oldenburg, having her son upon her left. Lord Yarmouth stood behind the chair of the emperor, attended by three of the regent's ser- vants, dressed in their state-liveries and velvet- caps. The lord-mayor, in , the first instance, placed himself behind the chair of the prince- regent. At the table next to the hustings were seated Marshal Blucher, Platoff, the lord chan- cellor, the speaker of the house of commons, the judges, nobility, &c. The first toast drank, was that of “ the King of England,” which was given by the prince-regent. The health of the prince-regent was proposed by the lord-mayor, and drank with generai accia; mations. ... The prince gave “ the Lord-mayor and Corporation, and thanks to them for our kind re- eeption.” .* The following toasts were: “the Queen and Royal Family;” the Emperor of all the Russias;” “ the King of Prussia;” “ the Emperor of Aus- tria;” “ the Duchess of Oldenburg; “the King of France;” “ Ferdinand the Seventh of Spain;” “ the sovereign Prince of the Netherlands;" “the hereditary Prince of Orange;” “all the Heroes who have served England by sea and land;” “all the Generals of the allied armies.” The songs given between the toasts were, « Rule Britannia,” “Hail! Star of Brunswick,” “To Arms, to Arms,” &c. Of the dinner, it is almost needless to say, that every delicacy abounded. The wine was of the most choice kinds, as was the dessert also. About a quarter before eleven the royal guests withdrew, amidst the cheers of an assemblage of 1,000 persons. e Before the prince-regent left the anti-chamber to proceed to the hall, he conferred the title of baronet on the lord-mayor. The interior of Guildhall was, on this occasion, fitted up in grandeur unequalled on any former oc- easion. A temporary entrance was erected at the front door of Guildhall, extending seve- ral yards into the street, covered on the sides and top with green cloth, and the flooring with fine matting, and it was lighted by a number of glass globes. Immediately preceding the en; trance to the hall, in the large porch, were placed a number of delicate foreign plants and flowers in full bloom, whose fragrance perfumed the air. These shrubs were raised one above another, and with them were intermingled variegated lamps, the whole producing a most splendid effect. On en- tering the hall, the beholder was astonished at the magnificence which surrounded him. The walls were covered with crimson cloth. The body of the hall was surrounded with a gallery, about eight feet wide, which at an early hour was filled with ladies elegantly dressed, many of them 70. of the highest rank. At the upper end of the hall, the place occupied by the hustings, on a raised platform was placed a table for the sove- reigns, the royal dukes, and foreign princes. the centre of the table was erected a magnificent canopy, formed of crimson velvet, º OTH!3- mented with gold fringe, tassels, &c. Beneath the canopy, and raised above the rest of the plat- form, were three chairs of state, above Wid. in the centre, appeared the prince-regent's feather, and on each side the Russian and Prussian eagles richly, gilt. These chairs were appropriated to the prince-regent and the two monarchs. The table was decorated with an immense quantity of plate, besides which, there were two side-boards, one at each extremity of the platform, with mas- sive services of plate. The table was further decorated with a vast number of small flags, richly ornamented, bearing the arms of the prince- regent, the Emperors of Russia and Austria, the King of Prussia, and the other princes. Opposite to this table, at the bottom of the hall, was a large looking-glass. Down the centre of the hall were placed three tables for the noblemen and others invited, the aldermen, city-officers, and common- council-men. The ladies' galleries were built on arches, and the recesses thus formed were hung with tapestry, lighted with rich lustres, and occu- pied by circular tables. Over the steps leading to the Kijº, and Common-council-cham- ber, still higher than the ladies’ gallery, was a small gallery, in which the band of the Duke of York and the city bands were placed; and in two small galleries under the ladies' gallery, and nearly in a line with the prince's table, were the vocal performers, &c. All external light was ex- cluded from the hall, which was lighted by a vast number of wax-lights, in eight most superb lus- tres, suspended from the roof, by similar lustres suspended at equal distances above the ladies’ gallery, and by a triple row of gold-coloured lamps carried all round the hall along the cor- nice. From the upper part of the hall also, near the roof, were suspended the city and several com- panies’ banners. The painted windows at the upper and lower end of the hall formed two beau- tiful transparencies, by means of strong lights behind them. From the entrance of the hall to the steps lead- ing to the King's-bench a passage was left. The court of King's-bench was converted into a retir- ing-room. It was hung with crimson cloth, light- éd by rich lustres, and furnished with elegant sofas and chairs. At the upper end was an ele- gant transparency of stained glass of our vener- able sovereign in his robes: on one side Britan- nia, on the other the figure of Plenty; above, in the centre, Peace with the olive-branch in her hand. In another part of the piece was a ship, surmounted with the º of Nelson; and in a 12 Af BOOK XII- -º- Cha P. W. In \ºvºs- 1814. 1032 His TORY OF THE WARS BOOK XII, CHA P. V. NeºMº 1814 - —- – -------- *-* * *-**-* corresponding situation, warlike-trophies thrown together, over which appeared the name of Wel- lington. The Common-council-chamber was fitted up in a magnificent style as a drawing-room. It was hung, and the floor was covered with crim- son cloth; all the seats were removed, and their places supplied by costly chairs. . At the upper end a splendid throne was erected for the prince- regent; the room and the avenues to it were illuminated with cut-glass chandeliers. Among the persons of distinctien present, be- sides the Prince-regent, the Emperor of Russia, the Duchess of Oldenburg, and the King of Prussia, were all the British Royal Dukes ; the Princes of Oldenburg, Cobourg, Bavaria, and Wurtemburg; the Prince-royal of Prussia ; Prince William, the king's second son; Princes Frederick, Henry, William, and Augustus, of Prussia; Prince Charles of Mecklenburg, the Prince of Orange, and the Dukes of Orleans and Saxe-Weimar, Princes Radzivil, Hardenberg, Blucher, Metternich, Lichtenstein, Gagarin, Tcherbatoff, Czartoriski, Prince and Princess Volkowski, Generals Platoff, Tolstoi, Czernicheff, Woronzow, Barclay de Tolli, Potemkin, de Yorck, de Bulow, all the foreign ministers, and the Bri- tish officers of state and of the royal-house- hold, the Ladies Liverpool and Castlereagh, and the Lady-mayoress, the Duke of Devonshire, Marquis Wellesley, Marquis of Lansdown, Earl Grey, Lords Holland, Grenville, Erskine, Beres- ford, Hill, Combermere, and Lynedock; Messrs. Ponsonby, Whitbread, Canning, Coke, Warren Hastings, Tierney, the judges, the members of the corporation, &c. &c. &c. On the 21st, in the evening, the prince-regent, the illustrious visitors, and their suites, went by invitation to White's fête, which was graced by one of the most handsome assemblages of women ever seen in this country. The Emperor of Russia and the King of Prussia paid due homage to their charms—the former by keeping it up “on the light fantastic toe” till five in the morning. The allied sovereigns having now visited every place in and about the metropolis, prepared for their departure to the continent. On the 22d of June, in the morning, the emperor and grand duchess sent for M. Escudier, the proprietor of the Pulteney-hotel, and, acknowledging the great attention he had shewn them, kindly bid him adieu. Count Orloff, Count Woronzow, Baron Nicholai, Colonel Fenshaw, and a number of Russian gentlemen who remained in England, attended to take their farewell of the emperor, and they embraced according to the custom of their country. The emperor, the Grand Duchess of Oldenburg, the Duke of Oldenburg, and the Prince of Wurtemburg, entered an open car- riage of the prince-regent's exactly as the clock **rºck nine. The carriage then drove to the Tower of London, which they viewed en passant; and passed over London-bridge, at half-past twelve, on their way to the seat of the Earl of Liverpool, at Coombe-Wood, to breakfast. The King of Prussia, followed by the princes, left Clarence-house at half-past nine, in a royal car- riage, for the Earl of Liverpool's seat. His royal highness the prince-regent set off from Carlton- house a few minutes after nine, accompanied by his royal brother, the Duke of Cambridge, and General Bayley, in his travelling-carriage, for Portsmouth. On the same evening, the Emperor of Russia, the King of Prussia, and a number of distin- guished personages arrived at Portsmouth,in order to witness a grand naval review, which was to take place on the following day. Early the next morning, the royal standards floated in the air over the public buildings, and the troops were drawn out in front of the government-house. The prince-regent got into his carriage under a dis- charge from the battery, at half-past nine, with the Éiº. of York, and drove to the residence of the emperor, whither the King and Princes of Prussia, the Duke of Saxe-Weimar, &c. shortly after repaired. The illustrious company walked from thence about eleven to the place of embark- ation, where the whole naval procession, headed by the Duke of Clarence, as admiral of the fleet, was ready to receive them. It commenced with men-of-wars’ barges, commanded by captains, clearing the way. The admiralty-barge, with its characteristic ensign, came first, and was follow- ed by the royal barge, with the royal standard; and two other barges, one hoisting the Russian flag of yellow, with the black spread eagle, the other of white, with the sable eagle of Prussia. They contained the regent, the emperor, the Duchess of Oldenburg, the King of Prussia, his sons and relatives, many German princes, and the suites of the three royal personages. The procession passed along the line of men-of-war, amid a general salute of forty-two guns from each ship. The ships’ yards were all fully manned, and the loud cheerings of the crews, and of the countless company in . surrounding boats, emu- lated the roar of the eannon. The Duke of Clarence had previously gone on-board the Im- pregnable, where the procession had stopped, to welcome the visitors. . A short interval elapsed after their going on-board, when the universal shout for the Emperor Alexander brought his im- perial majesty to the entering port, where he stood some minutes, bowing very graciously and gracefully to the surrounding spectators. Similar calls were made to the Prussian monarch, who in a similar way testified his gratification. The same honors were paid to the prince-regent, who in recognising the public attention seemed highly delighted. The bºt of Oldenburg OF THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 1033 *** **-xt *-º-º- -axº~. ** was the next object of applause, and her impe- rial highness in the kindest manner imaginable bowed repeatedly. The Dukes of York, Clarence, and Cambridge, were in like manner hailed; and each appeared, bowed, and thanked. Blucher and Pfatoff were loudly vociferated ; but the Duke of York declared they were not on-board. Another grand salute was then fired, mixed with the cheerings of the ships’ companies, in which the prince-regent heartily joined. Soon after the royal party came on-board, they proceeded to explore the ship, each as he pleased. The regent was very curious and attentive. The King of Prussia examined much, and appeared a very careful observer. Alexander lost no time: he left the main deck, and went about the ship alone for a time. He then took his illustrious sister, and descended to the place where the crew were receiving their allowance, at twelve o’clock. He made inquiries concerning it, and asked what quantity of water was added to the rum? Being told that the proportion of water was as six to one, a tar observed, that it would be no worse for being stronger. Alexander requested the usual allowance, and drank it off readily, smiling, and adding his approbation of the liquor, “which,” said his majesty, in very intelligible English, “you call grog, and I think it very good.” . He had a smaller quantity poured out for the duchess, who drank it with much good humour. The men were ordered an extra allowance. Alexander then went into a marine's birth (of about eleven who were at dinner.) He seated himself by them, and took a portion of their mess. He then pulled out a sum of money, and left with the company, bidding them “good bye.” He did the same in crossing from Dover, where he gave the marines coin worth about 50l. The sons of the king of Prussia also drank grog with the men with much satisfaction. A grand collation was now pre- pared in the cabin, where a nost superb display of the regent's plate decorated the tables. Admi- ral Blackwood, captain of the fleet, and Captain Adam, captain of the ship, did the table honors to this exalted party. On coming again on deck, nothing could exceed the satisfaction of the guests. It has been said, that the place where a British king should receive ambassadors is the deck of a man-of-war. The prince-regent can never feel himself more truly the sovereign of the greatest maritime power that ever existed, than when he thus beheld his country's greatness witnessed by foreign monarchs on his country’s own element. He evidently felt his high destiny, and declared it to be the grandest sight he ever saw. The Duchess of *; particularly expressed her delight, and bore the shock of firing with mauch fortitude. The amiable and meditative Frederic was wrapped up in the sublimity of a spectacle so new to him. Alexander seemed to dwell upon it with ecstasy. The young German -º- princes were quite enraptured : the veteran leaders BOOK XII. of hosts contemplated, with the firmness be- coming their martial character, an exhibition of a sort to which they had been hitherto perfect strangers. Leaving the Impregnable, salutes were again fired for the regent, the emperor, and king, followed by a general salute; after which the whole party repaired to the government- house, where another grand banquet was given by the regent to near 150 persons. Biucher ar- rived in the evening at nine, at the bank on the parade, and appeared at the window several times. On the 24th, the prince-regent, the Duke of York, the King of Prussia, with the Prussian and other princes, repaired early to the emperor, whence they procceded to view the various esta- blishments. The ships building or repairing in the slips, the immense naval stores of every de- scription in the warehouses, the rope-house, the copper-works, and all the other important branches, were examined with much attention. But the emperor and king appeared more peculiarly in- terested by the machinery for making the ships’ blocks, the rapid operations of which they wit- nessed with particular pleasure. The numerous objects of curiosity and utility in the yard occu- pied all the forenoon. About two o'clock the royal barges, and the rest of the grand aquatic procession, left the king's stairs at the dock- yard, in the same order as the day before, to pay another visit to the fleet in the roads. Royal salutes were fired from all the batteries. On their arrival at the fleet, they went on-board the Royal Sovereign yacht, which immediately hoisted the royal standard. The emperor had previously i. with the Duke of Clarence on-board the mpregnable, the interior of which seemed to afford his imperial majesty peculiar delight. He was as assiduous as before in making himself personally acquainted with nautical arrangements. The fleet formed a line of seven or eight miles in extent, in front of the Isle of Wight. They received the royal visitors with a general salute, after which they slipped their cables, and were immediately under sail with a brisk north- east gale. They speedily cleared St. Helen's, and went quite out at sea. The Royal Sove- reign yacht led the van. The yachts and barges of the admiralty, the naval commissioners, the ordnance, and other public offices, a great number of private yachts, and above 200 vessels of all descriptions sailed out, keeping at various dis- tances from the fleet. About five o’clock the whole line-of-battle ships hove-to by signal, when the prince regent, the King of Prussia, &c. left the Royal Sovereign, and went to the Emperor of Russia in the Impregnable, to which the royal standard was accordingly shifted. At this time the leading ships were about twelve miles from Portsmouth. The royal circle partook of some ! CHAP. V. NeºVº-> 1814. 1034 HISTORY OF THE WARS BOOK XII. Char. V. Seasºvº. } S) 4. *. *. - Zºn entertainment in the Impregnable's cabin. The signal was made soon afterwards for the return of all the ships-of-war to their anchorage. The wind was not so favorable for sailing back; but the general effect of so many vessels of war and pleasure-boats, turning to windward through a narrow channel, the men-of-war ranging up alongside of the smaller vessels, and the frequent repetition of signals in both directions along the line, together with the amazing accuracy of the naval movements, was of the most beautiful and of the grandest kind imaginable. As they re- turned they continued their firing, so as to af. ford, in some respects, the idea of a naval engage- ment. In the visit of the day before, the ships lay at anchor, with their sails down; in that of this day they displayed, before assembled sovereigns, the proudest boast of this sea-girt isle, a British fleet in a state of activity. In the course of the night and morning many private vessels had come in from various parts of the coast, so that the number had considerably increased. The Prince, of ninety-eightguns, was in the nightsplen- didly illuminated. The oldest boatmen of the harbour never saw before so great a number of vessels collected together, nor so fine a sight at Portsmouth. The whole line were at their an- chorage by half-past seven, off Spithead, when the emperor, king, regent, princes, &c. &c. all quitted the men-of-war, and got into their repec- tive barges, sailed up the harbour, and landed. The salutes, on their coming away, were very imposing on shore and in the harbour. The dis- charge of all the artillery round the works of Portsmouth and Portsea, on the Block-house, Cumberland, and South-Sea forts, and on the different batteries at Haslar and elsewhere, fol- lowed by ten feua de joie of the many thousand military drawn up, chiefly on the ramparts, was prodigious. Under this tremendous firing the sovereigns retired to their several residences.— When the prince-regent arrived at the govern- ment-house, he found the Duke of Wellington, (who had just arrived) the deliverer of nations, waiting his approach. The multitudes without filled the royal ear with the shouts of “Wel- lington,” from the landing-place to the doors of the government-house. The populace instantly took the horses from his carriage, and drew him, in their triumphant tumult of patriotic joy, to the portico of the regent's abode. When he went in, All the streets were lined with hussars, dragoons, and infantry. The Duke of Wellington dined with them ; and about half-past ten appeared at the balcony again, in company with the regent, emperor, king, and princes, about a dozen in number; and was again received with enthusiastic acclamations. The duke lodged at the George-inn. The town was again illuminated, and with ad- ditional splendour. The sovereigns afterwards proceeded to Dover to embark. On the 27th, the King of Prussia, accompanied by his sons, after taking a farewell of his imperial majesty, embarked about eleven in the forenoon on-board the Nymphen frigate, under a royal salute from the shore and from the ships, and landed at Calais the same evening; the emperor and grand duchess embarked at half- past six, and landed at Calais at seven the next morning. Although the visit of the allied sovereigns was shorter than was expected, yet from the intel- ligent ardour, with which they embraced every opportunity of obtaining personal knowledge of this country, its arts, monuments, institutions, both public and private, they must have col- lected a variety of useful information on all those topics. Certainly, the reception which they met with from all ranks, from the prince to the peasant, was of the most cordial nature, and must have afforded them one of the highest gratifications of which generous minds are susceptible. The two sovereigns shewed a wonderful degree of activity, both of body and mind ; the Emperor of Russia, in particular, visited every place where he could see any of those mechanical improvenients for which this, country is so famed; and he always examined them most minutely, and inquired into their construction, uses, and advantages. From the arrival of the emperor, Escudier's hotel be. came one continued busy scene both night and day. The interior of the house was almost con- stantly crowded with ladies and the juvenile branches of distinguished families, who filled the great hall, the passages, and staircase, in con- stant succession, to have a glimpse of the em- peror. A curious scene always took place on his passing in or out of the hotel. On such oc- casions he very condescendingly shook hands with some of the females, and would put his hand between the rails of the staircase to shake hands with others. This caused such an emula- the voices of a gladdened public resounded from tion with the fair sex, to obtain this honor, that the streets and ramparts; and, after the lapse 3% some actually came to a considerable distance a few minutes, his grace appeared on the balcony, and bowed very frequently. Lord Stewart (late Sir Charles Stewart) also came in, and was highly honored. Between eight and nine o’elock the company were arriving to dine with the prince. from the country to experience the gratification. After the naval review at Portsmouth, the TXuke of Wellington and most of the foreign generals returned to London. * tº- of The FRENch Revolution. 1035' CHAPTER VI. Diseussion of the Treaty of Peace with France in the Imperial Parliament—Introduction of the Duke of Wellington into the House of Lords on taking his Seat.—His Appearance in the House of Commons.—Address to the Speaker.—The Speaker’s Reply.—The Prince-regent's Speech and Prorogation of Parliament. THERE is perhaps no instance in modern Eng- lish history of the termination of a long war, by a treaty which was so generally approved, as that which in the present year restored peace with France. The long protraction and excessive burdens of that war had rendered every one, capable of feeling for the general interests of his country, impatient to see its close; and if this impatience was most lively in the breasts of those who had, in all its stages, used their efforts to bring it to a conclusion, they, on the other hand, who were attached to the administration by which it was actually concluded, could not fail to re- gard the work as a subject of applause. Hence, when the topic was introduced in both houses of parliament it gave rise to conversations rather than debates; some account of which, however, may justly be expected in the history of the year, as being, of itself, a matter well worthy of record. On the 28th of June, Lord Lonsdale rose in the house of lords to move an address to the prince-regent, thanking him for the communica- tion of the treaty of peace with France, and as- suring his royal highness of the approbation with which the treaty was regarded by their lordships, as safe and honorable to all. His lordship then lightly touched upon the principal circumstances of the treaty, and concluded with moving the address. He was seconded by Lord Dustanville in a similar recapitulation. Lord Grenville said, that if he found any difficulty in cordially concurring in the address which had been moved, it arose from the article concerning the slave-trade; but as he had al- ready expressed in that house his sentiments on this point, he would not disturb the unani- mity which he wished to appear in approbation of the treaty. He then took a general view of the political state in which Europe was left by it, and particularly rejoiced at the recognition by his majesty's government of the principle of restoration, instead of that of partition, which had led to so many evils. His lordship concluded with hoping that the military establishment would now be reduced to what it was before the commence- ment of the war in 1791. The Earl of Liverpool said, he should trouble their lordships only with a few words on the ge- 70, neral principle and stipulations of the treaty. In BOOKXII. the negociation it was necessary to adopt one of two principles; either a general Congress must "º". be resorted to, or a treaty must be made between the allies and France. As great delay must have arisen from the former plan, and the principal and immediate object was settling the boundaries and claims of France, which it was necessary to do while the allied armies remained in that country, the latter had been preferred, leaving the more complicated interests to be settled at a future Congress. The next point to , which he would advert, was the principle by which the allies had been guided in the negociation, which was, that no peace with France could be secure or lasting which did not leave the honor and independence of the country inviolate. With the conquests she had made, and the military spirit she had imbibed, it was not to be wondered at that she had re- quired and obtained something beyond her an- cient territory. His lordship then enumerated the cessions which had been made to France, and the acquisitions which we had retained, and gave the reasons for both. He lastly considered that part of the address which declared that we had attained the great objects of the war. What were those objects 2 In 1793 we had entered into the war to defend Holland from the inva- sion of the French. That ally was now restored to independence under the house of Orange. During the whole course of the war the balance of Europe was the wished-forend of our exertions: it was now secured by the reduction of the power of France within reasonable limits. The restora- tion of the Bourbons had never been the object of ministers, yet he was convinced that we could have had no satisfactory peace with any other government in that country. At the conclusion of former wars we had sometimes abandoned our allies, and consulted only our own interests: the present peace was made in conjunction with them, and their full approbation and gratitude for our services. Never did the character of Great Britain stand so high as at the present mo- ment. " The address was agreed to, nem, com: On the 29th, Lord Lascelles moved, in the house of commons, an address to the prince-re- gent on the peace with * The introduc- 1814, 3.036 HISTORY OF THE WARS 3OOKXII. CHAP. VI. -º/~/ 1814. tory speech was similar to that on the same occa- sion in the house of lords; and the tenor of the address was to express satisfaction with the peace, as having fully accomplished the great objects of the war; and by the restoration of so many legi- timate authorities on the continent, afforded the best prospect of permanent tranquillity to Europe. The motion was seconded by Mr. Gooch, who added to the sentiments of the former speaker, that “to the principles of Mr. Pitt the successful, issue of the war was due.” Sir John Newport noticed the impropriety of introducing topics which could not but create dis- sent. What connection the Duke of Wellington had with the principles of Mr. Pitt he could not discover. Instead of the unvaried system on which, according to the mover and seconder, the war had been conducted, he thought there never was a war, the grounds of which, during the con- test, had been so often changed. With respect to the declaration in the address, “ that the treaty was considerate for the interests and the honor of all,” he said, that the interests of our fisheries had certainly been neglected in the 13th article of the treaty, which resigned the most important parts of the coasts of Newfoundland, Labrador, and the river St. Laurence. Mr. Rose asserted, that more concessions to France with respect to the fisheries had not been made by this treaty than by former treaties with that country; and he pronounced the honorable baronet's statements on this head to be altoge- ther visionary. * Mr. Wilberforce spoke much in favor of the general spirit of the treaty, and particularly com- mended that article by which it was stipulated that no persons belonging to the ceded countries, or any others, should be molested for any opinions or conduct which they had adopted under a dif- ferent government. . He was the more anxious to refer to this stipulation on account of the affecting intelligence from Spain, where many of the no. blest characters in the late government lay under a severe persecution; and he instanced Signor Arguelles, from whom he had some time before received a letter, mentioning his intention of mov- ing in the cortes the abolition of the slave-trade. This led the honorable gentleman to allude to that article of the treaty on which he had already QXpressed his opinion; and as he did not wish to disturb the unanimity of parliament, yet was de- sirous of preserving his own feelings from mis- construction, he would propose the following clause as an amendment to be inserted in the ad- dress: “That, with reference to the first addi- tional article, this house having, on the 21st in- stant, humbly conveyed its sentiments to his royal highness, we defer the expression of any farther opinion until the whole matter shall have been discussed and settled at the approaching Congress, to which it is stipulated to be referred under the said article; relying on the known justice and, humanity of his royal highness, that no effort will be wanting on his part to give the fullest and speediest effect which the circumstances of the negociation may allow, to the wishes so repeat- edly declared by us, for the total abolition of the slave-trade.” Lord Castlereagh had no objection to the amend- ment, and it was ordered to stand as part of the motion, mem. con. Mr. Baring said, that instead of being partial to the system of Mr. Pitt, he could not but con- sider the false policy pursued by this country in his time, as the sole cause of producing that mi- litary monster which the united efforts of the allied powers had at length succeeded in crush- ing. He gave credit to his majesty's ministers. for the wisdom which had directed their co-oper- ation on the late occasions, and was ready to ad- mit, that the country had nothing to complain of in the commercial regulations. of the treaty. He thought, however, we had been somewhat too. liberal in what we had given up; and he made. observations on some particular points of the treaty. Mr. Stuart Wortley entirely concurred in the opinion that the war had the same object from the beginning to the end; for the three distinct ob- jects which had been assigned to different periods. were in fact one and the same. Mr. J. P. Grant said, that he differed from the last speaker. We had not put down French. principles by our opposition to them, but they had put themselves down by being incompatible with human nature. We had procured no in- demnity for the past, though we had procured security for the future, which, indeed, was the only security that a wise government would look for. The overthrow of Bonaparte was not owing solely to this country or its allies, but was owing more to himself than to any resistance which had: been made to him. The honorable gentleman then made some strictures on the treaty, particu-. larly the support given to the claim of Sweden upon Norway, and the acquiescence in the slave- trade. Mr. Canning was of º that it was the most glorious treaty that England had ever con- cluded. The prospect which the treaty held out in the settlement of the ancient governments of Europe, in the restoration of genuine tranquil- lity, was peculiarly cheering to every friend of humanity, of social order, and rational liberty. Thus the great objects of the war, which, over- leaping the truce of Amiens, had for twenty years been steadily and uniformly pursued, were at length happily attained. Thus the principles. upon with the war was undertaken were esta- blished—thus our pledges were redeemed—thus º • OF THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 1037 ...” e’ & ºr --msm- -vº *—sº our perseverance was rewarded; and such a great and gratifying result, , so much exceeding the most sanguine calculations, could only be attri- buted to the interposition of an over-ruling pro- vidence. * Mr. Ponsonby was of opinion, that a treaty which had such an article in it about the slave- trade, could never be termed an honorable one. He alluded to the partition of Poland, and hoped that the nations of Europe would see the justice and policy of returning, to the condition they were in before that partition, which first endan- gered the peace of Europe: Bonaparte's system was not a bit more mischievous than that which dictated the partition of Poland: it was indeed the very same. The treaty itself, as far as it re- lated to this country and France, he entirely ap- proved. Mr. Whitbread avowed, that in every respect, except that article which regarded the slave- trade, and to which the noble lord º: never to have put his name, the noble lord (Castlereagh) had fully and completely deserved that confidence which he had reposed in him. There was one part of his history which, in his (Mr. W.'s) opi- nion, redounded more to his honor than all the rest of that important business, which (except in the article already alluded to) he had brought to so glorious an issue—and that was, that when he went to negociate, he fairly tried the experiment of doing so, with the then ruler of France; and though the papers had not been produced, he r. W.) was fully convinced the negociation at Chatillon had been broken off only in consequence of the folly, madness, or what else, of Bonaparte himself. He (Mr. W.) had often recommended to ministers to make a peace with the ruler of France, if that could be done : there was no evi- dence of the impracticability of such a measure till the noble lord had tried it : being then found impracticable, no man rejoiced more in the resto- ration of the Bourbons, coupled as it was with the safety of Paris from destruction, than he did. With respect to the treaty which the noble lord had concluded, except in the article regarding the slave-trade, it met with his (Mr. W.’s) appro- bation. The honorable gentleman then went on to point out a number of questions which would necessarily come to be considered at the approaching Congress; particularly the partition of Poland—that touchstone of the real magnani- mity of kings—the spoliation of Sardinia—the integrity of Genoa, for which the faith, of Great Britain was pledged—the article for the subju- gation of Norway—and the cession of Guada- ſoupe to France, that island, and the permission to carry on the slave-trade, being granted to France, in order to procure her concurrence and assistance in the subjugation of Norway, while Russia seemed to have given her assistance in the same measure, as a consideration for her right to retain Finland. Lord Castlereagh commenced a speech with expressing his gratitude for the candour and liberality with which he had been treated by the house, both during his absence from it, and now upon his return. He then entered upon such explanations as might be expected from him, relative to the treaty in which he had been instru- mental. With respect to the negociations at Chatilion, he could confidently assert, from the means of informatſºn afforded during their course, that the mind of the individual who then ruled France was so deeply wounded by the transac- tions which had occurred, that no secure or dur- able peace could have been made with him. He had, however, felt satisfied, that as long as this person should continue de facto at the head of the French government, there was no other alter- native than to treat with him. The house would remember, that he (Lord C.) had gone expressly to treat with him, in conjunction with our allies. The projet which they gave in at Chatillon was framed after he had been successively victorious in five engagements, and when a considerable uncertainty prevailed as to the final issue of the campaign. At the same moment the allied pow- ers entered into that solemn compact at Chau- mont, by which four of them engaged to bring into the field 600,000 men; the most important contract that perhaps the history of European diplomacy could furnish. An impression had gone abroad, that the negociations at Chatillon had been broken off in consequence of the trans- actions which had taken place at Bourdeaux; but this was entirely unfounded. These events were indeed known at Chatillon, but the progress of the negociations was not suspended until the allies were clearly convinced that Bonaparte was trifling with them. His lordship then proceeded to state the principles by which Great Britain had been guided in negociating the treaty under con- sideration. He said, the language uniformly held by this country to the continent had been, that if the people of Europe were willing to fight for their own liberties, England would stand by them; but if they shrunk from the contest, then England was determined to do justice to herself, and pro- vide by her own strength for her own security. He then went through the particulars of the treaty with France, which it is unnecessary here to re- peat; and he expressed liberal sentiments on the prospect offered of future amity and good-will between the two countries. “If,” said he, “ no other blessing had been derived from all that has happened, it would be no unsatisfactory one to feel that the spell is dissolved by which Great Britain and France were supposed to be necessa- BOOK XII. CHAP. VI. e-Vºz 1814. 1038 HISTORY OF THE WAR$ BOOK XII. CHAP. VI. V ºrº-V 1814. —a- rily enemies.” . His lordship concluded a speech, which appeared to obtain the general applause of the house, by a compliment to the vigorous and stedfast conduct of the prince-regent at this mo- mentous period; and the address, as amended, was agreed to without opposition. While we are observing the proceedings in parliament on the conclusion of the war, it may be proper to notice the introduction of the Duke of Wellington into the house of lords, after his re- turn from the continent. On the 28th of June, soon after the lord-chan- cellor had taken his seat, and a numerous assem- blage of peers were present, the illustrious Wel- lington was introduced with every possible splen- dour and formality which the occasion admitted, and which he so justly merited. The Duke of Wellington entered, supported by the Dukes of Richmond and Beaufort, in military uniform, and in their ducal robes. Being arrived in the body of the house, the duke made the usual obeisance to the lord-chancellor, and shewed his patent and right of summons: the illustrious personage then approached the table, where his grace's various patents, as viscount, earl, marquis, and lastly as duke, were each read by the clerks. The oaths were then administered, and the test- rolls were signed by him. He then, accompanied by his noble supporters, took his seat on the duke's bench, and saluted the house in the usual manner, by rising, taking off his hat, and bowing respectfully. he lord-chancellor then rose, and pursuant to their lordship's order, addressed his grace. “My Lord Duke of Wellington, “In obedience to the commands of their lord- ships, I have on this occasion to communicate to your grace the thanks of this house, and the cordial congratulations of their lordships, on your return from your continental service, and on your introduction to a seat of the very highest rank and dignity in this house. Those high and dis- tinguished honors have been well j eminently merited by your grace, by a long series of splendid and signal services, performed in various places and situations, but more especially on the continent of Europe. The cordial and applaud- ing thanks of this house, the highest honorary distinction in the power of their lordships to bestow, have not only been most frequently and repeatedly voted to you, with the most perfect unanimity, but your grace has had the additional satisfaction of being the medium and channel through which the like honors have been convey- ed, at various periods, to other gallant and meri- torious officers, who commensurately distinguish- ed themselves under your grace's direction and command. In the instance of your grace alse, is to be seen the first and most honorable dis. *. 3. * -iºr tinction of a member of this house, being at his first introduction placed in the very highest and most distinguished rank, among their lordships, and in the peerage. No language, no expression of mine, however fully I feel impressed with their magnitude and importance, can do justice to your great and unparalleled services and merits; their nature and character are such as will render the name of Wellington immortal, and will constitute one of the most brilliant epochs in the history of this country. They have beet; frequently and justly felt by this house, and repeatedly made the subject of its thanks and its applause. In the sentiments so often and so justly expressed by the house, I have, for my own humble' part, most fully and most cordially participated. The wisdom, gallantry, and exer- tions so frequently displayed by your grace, in a long series of services in the kingdoms of Portugal and Spain, are beyond º I can use to characterise or express. Your freeing the king- dom of Portugal from the arm and power of Trance—your glorious career of victory, in sub- duing, on various occasions, and pursuing the enemy through the territory of Spain, more espe- ºcially on the signal occasions of the victories of Salamanca and Vittoria, the capture of Ciudad Rodrigo, and other mighty fortresses, will be luminously inscribed in the page of British history, as well as your subsequent successes, by which you led on your allied forces until you had established them far within the territories of France. Great and important as these services are in themselves, their consequences are incal- culable, with reference not only to their so greatly contributing to secure the prosperity and tranquillity of your own country, but to the peace, the happiness, the independence of Europe at large, by infusing the spirit of resistance, and enabling other countries to place themselves in that state which enabled them successfully to resist the influence and the power of the common enemy. You will have the heartfelt, the glorious satisfaction, of considering yourself as principally instrumental in the achievement of this great work, and for all which I feel a conscious pride and satisfaction in being the organ of communi- cating in person, and on this auspicious occasion, the recent vote of thanks of this house, which I am thus directed to pronounce—That the thanks and congratulations of this house be given to field-marshal the Duke of Wellington, on his return from his command on the continent of Europe, and for the great, signal, and eminent . services which he has so repeatedly rendered therein to his majesty and to the public.” The duke, evidently under strong and lauda- ble feelings of embarrassment, proceeded to an- swer the address to the following effect:— “He assured his lordship * the house, that OF THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 1039 * he felt bimself overwhelmed by the strength of his feelings, as occasioned by what he must con- sider as the very flattering language far beyond his personal merits, in the expressions of their lordships’ favor and approbation, as conveyed to him that day, for which he had to tender his most sincere and grateful thanks. The successes which had attended his humble, but zealous efforts, in the service of his country, he had principally to attribute to the ample support which he had received from his prince, his government, and the country, and also to the zealous co-opera- tion and assistance which he had received from his gallant and meritorious companions in arms, and the valour and exertions of that army which he had the honor to command. The support which he had thus received encouraged and ex- cited him, and gave rise to that conduct, of which, by the favor of parliament, its unanimous ap- º. and applause had been pronounced. For those honors, and to that of the other house of parliament, he felt most gratefully indebted. These, together with the very kind and flattering manner in which the noble lord was pleased to express himself, he repeated, were suffi- cient to overwhelm one who felt unconscious of deserving such a degree of panegyric and eulo- gium. He would assure their lordships he had endeavoured to serve his country and his prince to the very best of his power and ability, and that he would always endeavour so to do whenever oc- casion might require it, in the best manner in which his limited capacity would allow him.” (Loud and repeated cheers.) His grace then retired to unrobe. . He wore a field-marshal's uniform, with his insignia of the garter, and looked remarkably well; on his re- turn into the house, he sat for a few minutes on the extremity of one of the benches, and then re- tired for the evening. Their graces the Duchesses of Richmond and Wellington were present on this auspicious occa- sion, as were the Countess Dowager of Morning- ton and Lady Charlotte Lennox. The house of commons also resolved to pay the duke the highest tribute of respect and ap- plause that it was possible to bestow on a subject, that of its thanks, accompanied with a deputation of its members to congratulate him on his return to England. On the 27th of June, Lord Castle- reagh rose in the house to make a motion for this purpose, which was unanimously agreed to, and a committee was appointed to wait on his grace, to know what time he would name for receivin the congratulations of the house. Un the 30th, Lord Castlereagh stated, in the house, that the committee appointed to wait on the Duke of Wei- lington had performed their duty. His grace expressed himself highly gratified by the appro- 70. bation which his conduct had met with, and was Book XII. desirous to receive their thanks at the bar of the house, at such time as the house deemed most Chap. VI. convenient.—(Hear, hear. ) Lord Castlereagh then gave notice, that he would, to-morrow, the 1st of July, at a quarter before five o’clock, move that the Duke of Wel- lington be called in.—(Hear, hear.) The speaker, “This is a notice to all the members of the committee, that the noble lord will, to-morrow, at the hour here stated, move that the Duke of Wellington be called in to receive the thanks of the house.” Next day, at a quarter before five o'clock, the speaker being dressed in his official robes, and the house crowded with members, Lord Castle- reagh rose to state, that in consequence of the intimation of the house, his grace the Duke of Wellington was in attendance, (Hear, hear, hear!) The speaker,-"Is it the pleasure of the house that his grace be called in?” A ...; and universal “Aye!” The huzzas in the lobby announced his grace's approach. On his entrance, dressed in his field- marshal's uniform, profusely decorated with mili- tary orders, and bowing repeatedly and respect- fully to the house, all the members uncovered, rose, and enthusiastically cheered him. The speaker, “My Lord, the house has or- dered a chair to be placed for you to repose on.” The duke seated himself in the chair, which was placed a few feet within the bar, and put his hat on. The members of the house then seating themselves, his grace instantly rose, took off his hat, and addressed the speaker to the following effect:— “Mr. Speaker, I was anxious to be permitted to attend this house, in order to return my thanks in person for the honor done me, in deputing a com- mittee of the house to congratulate me on my re- turn to this country; after the house had animated my exertions by their applause, on every occasion that appeared to them to merit their approbation; and after they had recently been so liberal in the bill by which they followed up the gracious favor of his royal highness the prince-regent, in con- ferring upon me the noblest gift a subject has ever received. “I hope I shall not be thought presumptuous if I take this opportunity of expressing my admi- ration of the great efforts made by this house, and by the country, at the moment of unexampled pressure and difficulty, in order to support, on a great scale, those operations by which the contest in which we were engaged has been brought to so fortunate a conclusion. By the wise policy of parliament, government were enabled to give the necessary support to the operations carried on Jºvº-Z 1814. 1040 THE WARs HISTORY OF BOOK XII. under my directions. * The confidence reposed in me by his majesty's ministers, and by the com- Chaº. VI, mander-in-chief, the gracious favors conferred \lºg^^*_2 1814. on me by his royal highness the prince-regent, and the reliance I had on the support of my gal- lant friends the general officers, and the bravery of the officers and troops of the armies, encour- aged me to carry on the operations in which I was engaged in such a manner as to draw from this house those repeated marks of their approbation, for which I now return them my sincere thanks. Sir, it is impossible for me to express the gratitude which I feel. I can only assure the house, that I shall always be ready to serve my king and country in any capacity in which my service may be considered useful or necessary.” Loud cheers followed this speech, at the con- clusion of which the speaker rose, took off his hat, and addressed the Duke of Wellington as follows:— “My Lord, Since last I had the honor of ad- dressing you from this place, a series of eventful years has elapsed: but none without some mark and note of your rising glory. “The military triumphs which your valour has achieved upon the banks of the Douro and the Tagus, of the Ebro and the Garonne, have called for the spontaneous shouts of admiring na- tions. Those triumphs it is needless on this day to recount. Their names have been written by your conquering sword in the annals of Europe, and we shall hand them down with exultation to our children’s children. “It is not, however, the grandeur of military success which has alone fixed our admiration, or commanded our applauses; it has been that gen- erous and lofty spirit which inspired your troops with unbounded confidence, and taught them to know that the day of battle was always a day of victory; that moral courage and enduring forti- tude, which in perilous times when gloom and doubt had beset ordinary minds, stood neverthe- less unshaken, and that ascendency of character, which uniting the energies of jealous and rival nations, enabled you to wield at will the fate and fortunes of mighty empires. “For the repeated thanks and grants bestowed upon you by this house, in gratitude for your many and eminent services, you have thought fit this day to offer us your acknowledgements; but this nation well knows that it is still largely your debtor. It owes to you the proud satisfaction that amidst the constellation of illustrious warriors, who have recently visited our country, we could present to them a leader of our own, to whom all, by common acclamation, conceded the pre-emi- nence; and when the will of heaven, and the com- mon destinies of our nature shall have swept away the present generation, you will have left your great name an imperishable monument, exciting others to like deeds of glory, and serving at once to adorn, defend, and perpetuate the existence of this country amongst the ruling nations of the earth. “It now remains only that we congratulate your grace upon the high and important mission on which you are about to proceed, and we doubt not, that the same spleadid talents so conspica- ous in war, will maintain with equal authority, firmness, and temper, our national honor and in- terests in peace.” During the speaker's address, the cheers were loud and frequent ; and at the close of it there was a general and long continued cry of hear, hear, hear. The duke then took his leave, bowing repeat- edly as he retired, and all the members, as at his entrance, uncovered, rose and warmly cheered him. Lord Castlereagh.-Sir, in commemoration of so grateful a day—a day on which we have had the happiness to witness within these walls the presence of a hero never excelled at any period of the world, in the service of this or any other country—in commemoration of the eloquent man- ner in which that hero was addressed from the chair, on an occasion which must ever be dear to Englishmen, and which will ever shed lustre on the annals of this house, I move, sir, that your address to field-marshal his grace the Duke of Wellington be printed.” The motion was una- mimously agreed to. This was the termination of one of the most impressive and dignified scenes that had been witnessed by modern times in either house of parliament. On the 30th of July, the prince-regent came in state to the house of lords, and being seated on the throme in full robes, with his great officers ranged on each side, and the peers being present in their places, a message was sent to the house of commons, requiring their attendance. The speaker shortly after arrived, accompanied by several members, and presenting to his royal highness the vote of credit bill for three millions, made an address to him, in which he recapitulated the principal proceedings of the house during the session, and adverted to the great and glorious events which had made so happy a change in the affairs of Europe. The prince-regent then delivered a speech to the following effect. After lamenting the continu- ance of his majesty's unfortunate indisposition, he said, that on assuming the powers of government, which that event had placed in his hands, he had determined to adhere to the line of policy which ----------------------------- |-º | .№.|- |-|- ||© ® |-|-- ---- |}∞ √° √ |-*， '~ ！~ !|- |-----|-|- |ſae ` ~ ¡ ¿ {| ， ، ، ، ، |- |- ·nº|-~） |-|-|-|-|- § . . . ^， ^■ ■ |-|--- ：）： - ！ ！！ ！！|- - -|-|-|- |-| （) - ） ，~~ ~~ {. ^|-， ， ，5 |-·~|- ·\， ， 2 */ Zºz Qº --- º/ºr º * - S- Z º- 2^2, - º º º ** - º | --- | · | | · } | | | | } -： §.·|-|- §§ ·|- ſae-， ！|- ！ ----…|- ·} |* - |- ·~ -} i， ------------------ …….…….-.-.-.-.-.-.-.-.-.-.-.-.-.-.-.-.-.------------~--~|- : -- - º ºn Nº. -- Sºlº/ENIº - Nº. º-º-º-º-º-º-º: ºne - º º OF THE FRENCH FEVOLUTION. 1041 his majesty had adopted, and in which he found zealous support from parliament, from all classes of his majesty's subjects, and from the valour of his majesty's forces by sea and land. That he had the satisfaction of contemplating the full ac- complishment of all the objects for which the war was undertaken or continued, and the final deliverance of Europe, by the combined exertions of this nation and its allies, from the most oppres- sive tyranny under which it had ever laboured. That the restoration of so many of the ancient governments of the continent afforded the best prospect of the permanence of peace, and that his efforts might be relied on at the approaching Congress for completing the settlement of Europe upon principles of justice and impartiality. That he lamented the continuance of hostilities with the United States of America, and, notwithstand- ing the unprovoked aggression of the govern- —- ment of that country, was sincerely desirous of the restoration of peace on conditions honorable to both; but that until this object could be obtain- ed, parliament would see the necessity of his em- ploying the means at his disposal for prosecuting the war with increased vigour. His royal highness then thanked the house of commons for the liberal provision they had made for the services of the year, and adverted to the necessity of maintaining for a time a body of troops in British pay on the continent. He con- cluded with assuring both houses that full justice was rendered throughout Europe to the manly perseverance displayed by this country amidst the convulsions of the continent, and with expressing his persuasion that they would ascribe the advan- tages they have possessed, under providence, to that constitution which for a century it has been the object of his family to maintain unimpaired. CHAPTER VII. . France evacuated by the Allied Armies.—Prince Schwartzenberg's Address to his Army.—Meeting of the Legislative Body.-The King's Speech.-Constitution presented by his JMajesty.—Last Will and Testament of Louis XVI. THE French troops having evacuated all the fortresses specified in the convention of Paris, the allied army began to retire from the French territories. On the 2d of June, all the forts occu- pied by the allied troops within the circumference of Paris being relieved by the national guards, General Sacken, the commandant of Paris, ad- dressed a letter to General Dessolles, chief of the national guards, expressing his satisfaction at the good understanding which had prevailed be- tween those troops and the allied army. Prince Schwartzenberg also issued the following order of the day to his army, before commencing its march to quit France. “The bravery and exertions of the allied ar- mies have put an end to the war. Peace, the important object for which they have been fight- ing, is accomplished, and each corps of the com- bined army is about to return to its country. “When the allied sovereigns condescended to confide in me the chief command of the finest and the bravest army in Europe, I accepted it, in the confident hope that the noble spirit of these troops, their courage, their loyalty to their sove- reigns, their devotion to their country, and, finally, their conviction of the necessity of conquering or dying in that contest, could alone justify my ac- ceptance of it. The battles of Culm, Leipsic, Hanau, Brienne, Fere Champenoise, of Paris, - - have surpassed my most sanguine expectations. The liberties of Europe and the independenee of the people were saved on those glorious occa- SIOIl S. “Thus it is, for the last time, that I address these brave troops which I have had the honor of commanding. The gratitude of their respective monarchs and countries, as well as the conscious- ness of their respective merit and glory, will be their best reward. The most grateful duty which I can possibly have to perform, is to thank them for the courage, the devotedness, the exertions, and the firmness which they have uniformly evinced. The most flattering recollection of m life will be that of having fought with them for the accomplishment of the grand object which we have finally attained. “SchwARTZENBERG.” On the 4th of June, the King of France went in state to the palace of the legislative body, in which were assembled the senators, peers, and representatives of the nation. His majesty opened the meeting with the following speech, which he delivered in a firm and audible tone:— “Gentlemen, When, for the first time, I come to this assembly, surrounded by the great bodies of the state, the representatives of a nation, which does not cease to give me the most touch- BOOK XII- CHA P. VI. | S14. TO42 HISTORY OF THE WARS Book XII. ing proofs of its love, I congratulate myself in Chap. VII. N_º"NZºe- 1814. having become the dispenser of the benefits which divine providence deigns to grant to my people. “I have concluded with Austria, Russia, Eng- land, and Prussia, a peace, in which their allies are comprised, that is to say, all the princes of the Christian world. The war was universal, the reconciliation is universal. “The rank which France has always occupied amongst nations has not been transferred to another, and remains to her undivided. Every thing which other states acquire of security equally increases her own, and consequently adds to her real power. What she does not preserve of her conquests, ought not to be considered as any re- trenchment of her real strength. “The glory of the French arms has received no stain: the monuments of their valour subsist, and the master-works of art belong to us by rights more steady and sacred than the rights of victory. “The paths of commerce, so long shut, are about to be free: the market of France will be no longer open only to the productions of her own soil and industry. Those which habit has made a want, or which are necessary to the arts she exercises, will be furnished to her by the possessions she recovers. She will be no longer reduced to the want of them, or to the procuring them on ruinous conditions. Our manufactures will re-flourish, our maritime-towns revive, and every thing pro- |mises us that a long calm without, and durable felicity within, will be the happy fruits of peace. “One painful recollection, however, disturbs my joy. I was born, I had hoped, to have re- mained my whole life the most faithful subject of the best of kings—yet, to-day I occupy his place At least, however, he is not alſº dead—he lives again in that will which he destined for the instruction of the august and unhappy infant whom I have succeeded ! It is with my eyes fixed upon that immortal work, penetrated with the sentiments that dictated it—guided by the experience, and seconded by the counsels of se- veral among you, that I have drawn up the con- stitutional charter which you will hear read, and which fixes upon solid bases the prosperity of the state.” The hall resounded with universal applause. After the speech, the chancellor, having on his knees taken the commands of the king, explain- ed, by a series of reasoning full of force, the mo- tives of the constitution, which consists of the following articles:— PUBLIC RIGHTS OF THE FRENCH, Arts. 1, 2, 3, declare all Frenchmen, of what- ever rank or title, equal in the eye of the law, equal admission to civil and military employments, 6 *…* and contributing without distinction, in proportion to their property, to the burthens of the state. Art. 4. Guarantees personal liberty, so that—no one be prosecuted or arrested but according to law. Arts. 5 and 6, declare the Catholic religion the religion of the state; but that every one shall profess his faith with equal freedom, and be protected in its exercise. By Art. 7, the ministers of the Catholic and other Christian modes of worship alone receive their stipends from the royal treasury. Art. 8. The French are entitled to publish and print their opinions, while conform- ing to the laws which will repress abuses of this liberty. Art. 9, declares all property inviolable, that called national not excepted. Art. 11, pro- hibits all enquiry into opinions or votes delivered before the restoration. By Art. 12, the con- scription is abolished. ForMs of THE KING's GoverNMENT. Art. 13, the person of the king is sacred and inviolable. His ministers are responsible. Art. 14, he is supreme head of the State; commands the sea and land-forces: makes treaties of peace, alliance, and commerce; appoints to all public employments. Art. 15, the legislative power is exercised collectively by the king, the chamber of peers, and the chamber of deputies of depart- ments. By Arts. 16 and 17, the king proposes laws, either to the peers or deputies; but tax-bills must first be proposed to the deputies. Every law to be discussed freely and decided by vote. By Arts. 19 and 20, the chambers are entitled to request the king to propose a law on any subject whatever, and to suggest what it should contain. This request must have been discussed in secret committee, and is not to be sent from the one chamber to the other, but after an interval of ten days. Art: 21, if the proposition is adopted by the other chamber, it shall be transmitted to the king ; if rejected, it cannot be re-introduced in the same session. Art. 22, the king alone sanc- tions and promulgates laws. Art. 23, the civil list to be fixed for the reign, by the first legisla- ture assembled after the accession of the king. OF THE CHAMBER OF PEERS. Arts. 24 and 25, declare this chamber an essen- tial part of the legislature, to be convoked and closed at the same time as that of the deputies. Art. 27, the king nominates the peers; their number is unlimited ; they may be nominated for life, or rendered hereditary, as the king pleases. Art. 28, peers enter the chamber at the age of twenty-five, and have a deliberative voice at that of thirty. By Arts. 29 and 30, the chancellor pre- sides in the senate, and the princes of the blood are always peers by right of birth. Art. 32, all the deliberations of the chamber of peers are se- cret, Art. 33, the chamber of peers takes cog- OF THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 1043 nizance of the crimes of high-treason and offences against the state. Peers only to be judged by their peers. OF THE CHAMBER OF DEPUTIES OF DEPARTMENTS, Art. 33, this chamber to be composed of de- puties chosen by the electoral colleges, whose organization shall be determined by law. Art. 36 and 37, every department to have the same number of deputies as at present; the deputies to be chosen for five years, and the chamber to be renewed annually, by a fifth. Art. 38, ne de- puty can be admitted into the chamber, unless he be forty years of age, and pay direct taxes to the amount of 1,000 francs. By Art. 40, the electors of the deputies must pay direct taxes to the amount of 300 francs, and be at least thirty years of age. ‘By Art. 41, the presidents of the electo- ral colleges are to be nominated by the king. By Art. 43, the king appoints the president of the chamber of deputies from a list of five members presented by the chamber. Art. 44, the sittings of the chamber are public; but the demand of five members is sufficient for forming it into a secret committee. Art. 45, the chamber divides itself into bureaua to discuss the projets which have been presented to it on the part of the king. Art. 46, no amendment can be made in a law, unless proposed in committee by the king, and unless transmitted to and discussed in the bu- reaua. Art. 47 and 48, the chamber of de- puties receives all propositions for taxes; and no tax can be imposed or levied unless as- sented to by the two chambers, and sanc- tioned by the king. Art. 49, the land-tax is voted only for a year; the indirect taxes may be voted for several years. Art. 50, the king every year convokes the two chambers; he prorogues them, and may dissolve that of the deputies; but, in this case, he must convoke a new one within the space of three months. Art. 51, no personal re- straint shall be laid upon any member of the house during the session, or within six weeks be- fore and after it. Art. 52, no member of the house can, during the session, be prosecuted or arrested for criminal matters, till the house has permitted his prosecution. Art. 53, all petitions to either house must be presented in writing. OF THE MINISTER.S., Art. 54, the ministers hay be members of the chamber of peers or of that of deputies. They have, moreover, a right to admission in either house, and must be heard whenever they desire it. Art. 55, the chamber of deputies has a right to im- peach the ministers, before the peers, which alone are competent to try them. Art. 56, they cannot be accused, except for high-treason or peculation. OF THE JUDICIAL ORDER, Art. 57, all justice emanates from the kin g; it * is administered in his name by judges, whom he Book XII. nominates and appoints. nominated by Art. 59, the ordinary courts and tribunals ac- tually existing are retained. Art. 60, the pre- sent institution of the judges of commerce is pre- served. Art. 61, the office of justice of the peace is likewise retained. The justices of the peace, though nominated by the king, are re- moveable. Art. 62, no man can be taken out of the hands of his natural judges. Art. 63, there cannot, of course, be created any extraordinary commissions and tribunals. Art. 64, the plead- ings in criminal matters may be published, unless their publicity be dangerous to good order and morals; and, in this case, the tribunal shall declare it by a judgment. Art. 65, the institution of ju- ries is retained. Art. 66, the penalty of the con- fiscation of property is abolished, and cannot be re-established. Art. 67, the king has the right of pardon, and that of commuting punishments. Art. 68, the civil code and the laws actually ex- isting, not contrary to the present charter, remain in force till they shall be legally abolished. Art. 58, the judges PARTICULAR RIGHTS GUARANTEED BY THE STATE. Art. 69, the military in active service, the offi- cers and soldiers who have retired, the widows, officers, and soldiers pensioned, shall retain their ranks, honors, and pensions. Art. 70, the public debt is ºf; all kinds of engagements contracted by the state with its creditors are in- violable. Art. 71, the ancient nobility resume their titles; the new retain theirs. . The king creates nobles at pleasure, but he confers on them only ranks and honors, without any exemption from the charges and duties of society, Art. 72, the legion of honor is maintained. The king will fix its anterior regulations and decorations. Art. 73, the colonies shall be governed by particular laws and regulations. Art. 74, the king and his successors shall swear at the ceremony of their anointment to the faithful observance of the pre- sent constitutional charter. TEMPORARY ARTICLES. Art. 75, the deputies of the departments of France, who sat in the legislative body at the time of the last adjournment, shall continue to sit in the house of deputies till they are replaced. Art. 76, the first renewal of one-fifth of the house of deputies shall take place, at the latest, in the year 1816, according to the order fixed between the classes. After these proceedings, his majesty rose amidst repeated acclamations, and returned to the Thuil- leries. The two houses then repaired to their respective chambers, and both of them voted ad- dresses of thanks to his majesty. A nomination of lº, pºons was afterwards 1. *** * * the king cannot be removed. Chap. VII, Jºvº, 1814. & 1044 III STORY OF THE WARS BookxII. CHAP. VII. NJºvº- 1814. -*- -º-º-º: Y. made by the king to compose for life the French house of peers. A number of the marshals of France created in the late government were in this list, but it was remarked that the names of Soult and Massena did not appear in it. * The king having alluded to the will of . Louis XVI. in his speech to the legislative body, we shall here present our readers with a correct copy of that interesting document. The last Will and Testament of Louis XVI. “ In the name of the Holy Trinity, the Fa- ther, Son, and Holy Ghost. This day, the 21st of December, 1792, I, Louis the Sixteenth, King of France, having been for more than four months shut up with my family in the tower of the Temple, by those who were my subjects, and deprived of every communication, even with my family, since the eleventh of this month ; and being moreover involved in a trial, of which, from the passions of men, it is impossible to foresee the event, and for which neither pretext nor pre- cedent can be found in any existing law; having no witness of my thoughts but God, and no one but him to whom I can address myself, I here de- clare, in his presence, my last will and senti- Inents. “I recommend my soul to God my Creator, beseeching him to receive it in his mercy, and not to judge me according to my merits, but accord- ing to the merits of Jesus Christ our Lord, who offered himself as a sacrifice to God his father for the human race, unworthy as we are, I myself in particular. I die in the communion of our holy mother, the Catholic, Apostolic, and Roman church, which holds its power by an uninter- rupted succession from St. Peter, to whom Jesus Christ entrusted it. I finally believe all that is contained in the apostles’ creed, and in the commandments of God and the church; in the sacraments and mysteries, as the catholic church teaches and has always taught. I have never presumed to make myself a judge of the different manners of explaining the doctrines which divide the church of Jesus Christ, but I have always adhered to, and if it pleases God to prolong my life, shall always abide by, the decisions which the superior ecclesiastics, in union with the holy church, have given, according to the discipline observed since Jesus Christ. I lament, with my whole heart, those of my brethren of mankind who are in error, but do not presume to judge them; and I do not the less love them all in Jesus Christ, as christian charity enjoins. I implore God to pardon all my sins. I have endeavoured scrupulously to know them, to detest them, and to humble myself in the presence of the Almighty. Not having it in my power to avail myself of the ministry of a Jºãoſ. priest, I pray God to receive the confession which i have -º-º-º-º-º: made to him; above all, my deep repentance for having signed my name (although against my will) to acts contrary to the discipline and belief of the catholic church, to which my heart has ever been sincerely united. I beseech God to accept my firm resolution of taking the first opportunity in my power of making a full con- fession of my sins to a catholic priest, and of receiving the sacrament of penitence. I beg all those whom I have offended, through inadver- tency, (for I do not recollect having ever inten- tionally offended any one) and also those to whom I may have given a bad example, to forgive me for the evil which such conduct may have produced. I beseech all those who are endowed with charity, to join their prayers with mine, to obtain of God the pardon of my iniqui- ties. I pardon, with my whole heart, those who have become my enemies without cause, and I pray God to pardon them; as also those who, from false or mistaken zeal, have done me the greatest injuries. “I recommend to God my wife, my chil- dren, my sister, my aunts, my brothers, and all those who are attached to me by the ties of blood or in any manner whatsoever. I earnestly intreat of God to cast the eyes of mercy on my wife, my children, and my sister, who have for a long time suffered with me ; and, in case of their losing me, that he may be their support and consolation, as long as they shall remain in this perishable world. “I recommend my children to my wife. I never doubted her maternal tenderness; and I recommend, above all, that she will carefully en- deavour to make them good christians; to teach them to consider worldly grandeur as dangerous and perishable, and to fix their minds on eternity, where alone solid and lasting glory is to be found. I entreat my sister to continue her tenderness to my children, and that she will be to them as a parent, if they should have the misfortune to lose their mother. I beseech my wife to forgive me all those hardships she has undergone on my ac- count, and all the uneasiness I may have given her in the course of our union ; and if she should think that she has any cause to reproach herself on account of any part of her conduct towards me, she may rest assured that I retain nothing on my mind unfavorable to her. “I recommend, with the greatest earnest- ness, to my children, after what they owe to God, which must ever be considered as their first duty, to remain always united to each other, submis- sive and obedient to their mother, and grateful for the pains and care she takes of them; and I conjure them, for my sake, that they shall respect their aunt as a second mother. “If my son should ever have the misfortune to be established on the throne, I anxiously re- 7 OF THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 1045 * commend that he should devote himself to the happiness of his countrymen; that he ought to divest himself of all resentment and animosities, particularly those which have a reference to my misfortunes and miseries. He can ensure the happiness of the people only by reigning accord- ing to the laws; although, at the same time, a king cannot make himself respected, and do all the good which is in the heart, without a neces- sary degree of authority; without which he must be confined in his operations; and when he can- not inspire respect, he necessarily becomes more hurtful than useful. “... I recommend to my son, to take care of all those persons who have been attached to me, as far as the circumstances in which he may find himself shall afford him opportunity. He ought ever to regard this as a sacred debt which I have contracted towards the children or parents of those who perished for my sake, or have been rendered miserable on my account. I know there are several persons, amongst those who were attached to me, who have not behaved towards me as they ought to have done, and who have even shewn ingratitude: but I forgive them (for in times of trouble and effervescence, men are not always masters of their conduct); and I beseech my son, should he find an opportunity of serving them, to reflect only upon their misfortunes. “I wish it were in my power openly to ex- press my gratitude to all who have shewn me a truly disinterested attachment: but if I have been painfully affected by the ingratitude and dis- loyalty of those to whom I have always acted with kindness, I have likewise had the consola- tion of receiving services and strong marks of attachment from several of my subjects, on whom I never had bestowed any favor. that all those persons will accept my grateful ac- I beg BookxII. knowledgments. In the presentsituation of things, Char VII. I fear that I should injure them by being more Sºº- explicit on this subject: but I particularly exhort my son to seek opportunities of making them a suitable return. I think, however, that it would be calumniating the nation to express any fear of openly recommending to my son M. de Chamilly and M. Hue, whose sincere attachment to me has induced them to shut themselves up along with me in this melancholy abode, and who have been frequently in danger of becoming victims to their generosity. I also recommend to him, Clery, with whose attention I have had every reason to be satisfied since he has been with me; and as he has remained with me to the last, I beg of the commune to give to him my clothes, my books, my watch, my money, and all the other effects belonging to me, which have been de- posited in the hands of the council of the com- T IIlúl Il C. “I most willingly pardon those who have guarded me, for the harshness of their conduct, and the constraint which they thought necessary to impose upon me. I have found in the temple some persons of feeling and humanity: may they long enjoy that serenity of mind which such dispositions naturally produce : “I beseech Messrs. de Malesherbes, Tronchet, and Deseze, to receive my most grateful thanks and cordial acknowledgments for the pain and labour they have taken for me. “.. I conclude by declaring, before God, being ready to appear in his presence, that I do not re- proach myself with any of those crimes which have been charged against me. “ Louis.” CHAPTER VIII. Projet of the Law for the Liberty of the Press submitted to the Chamber of Deputies—Remarks upon it.—The Law referred to a Committee of the Chamber—Their Report.—Speech of M. Ray- nouard on this Occasion. — Discussions in the Chamber respecting it. – Speech of the Abbé JMontesquieu in Defence of it.—Reply of M. Raynouard. It is not our object to enter on a detailed ae- count of all the topics which engaged the atten- tion of the French chambers during their first session ; but some it would be improper to pass over. The first in importance respected the liberty of the press, which had been stipulated for in the 8th article of the constitutional charter. On the 6th of July, the Abbé de Montesquieu and the Count de Blacas were introduced into the chamber of deputies, being ordered by the king to present a law on the liberty of the press: this was prefaced by an explanatory speech from the former, of which the following is the out- Hine: “Gentlemen, the king charges me to present to you the plan of a law relative to the press, in 1814. 1046 History of THE WARS BOOK XII. CHAP. VIII. Nºvºr 1814. ** fulfilment of the eighth article of the constitutional charter. The press has rendered such great ser- vices to society, it is become of such necessity among civilized nations, that it ought not to be subjected to rigorous restrictions. The king, gem- tlemen, is not less interested than his subjects in seeing the revival of these services; it is his in- terest to hear the truth, as it is yours to tell it to him; but it is truth friendly to order, which wis- dom always inspires, which calms instead of irri- tating the passions, and which teaches the people equally to dread oppression and licentiousness. 66 †. question is simple in itself. The object is so to consecrate the liberty of the press, as to render it useful and durable. That liberty so often proclaimed in France during the first years of the revolution, became its own greatest enemy. The slave of popular opinion, which it had not time to form, it lent to licentiousness all its force, and could never supply reason with sufficient means of defence. The causes of this existed in the effervescence of the popular passions, in the nation being little accustomed to public affairs, in the facility with which a people were deceived and deluded, still incapable of judging of the writings addressed to them, and of foreseeing their consequences. g “Have these causes now disappeared? Can we flatter ourselves that they will not again come into action? We fear that we cannot: the mute servitude which succeeded the turbulence of the first years of the revolution has not better train- ed us for liberty: the passions which could not display themselves during that interval would now burst forth, fortified by new passions.— What should we oppose to their explosion? Almost as much inexperience, and more of weak- ness. Reasonable men, disgusted with the long inutility of their efforts, would keep in the back ground, rather than expose themselves in a con- test of which they had so often been the victims; interests the most opposite, and sentiments the most exaggerated, would again come into mutual combat, with all that additional violence which would be lent by the bitterness of recollections; the people still unenlightened as to their interests, still unconfirmed in their sentiments, would follow blindly the impulse which might be given them; and, whichever might be the victorious party, it would soon take exclusive possession of the press, to turn it against its adversaries. “Such is the nature of that, liberty, which must have been enjoyed in order to know how to use it: give it all the extent necessary to the nation's learning how to benefit by it; but oppose to it some bounds, that it may be saved from its own excesses.” With regard to the principal provision of the law M. de Montesquieu spoke thus: “It has been long perceived and acknow- ~º- *— —º. ledged, that writings of small bulk, which it is easy to circulate with profusion, and which are read with avidity, may immediately disturb the public tranquillity; repressive laws are insuffi- cient against the effects for which the author, per- haps, can only be punished when the mischief has already become too great, not merely to be repair- ed, but even arrested in its progress. Writings of this sort are, therefore, the only ones against which the law takes precautions beforehand. Every work of ordinary size may be published freely; the king and the nation will have nothing to fear from them; - and if the author commit any offence, the tribunals will be in readiness to pu- nish him.” After explaining the other parts of the law, the abbé concluded thus:– “If we lived at a period when reason, long trained and tried, had a stronger sway than that of the passions; when national interest clearly understood and strongly felt, had attached to its cause the majority of private interest; when pub- lic order, strongly consolidated, no longer feared the attacks of imprudence or folly; then the unli- mited liberty of the press would be unattended with danger, and would even present advantages: but our situation is not so happy: our character even, as well as our situation, forbids the esta- blishment of an indefinite liberty. Nature has distributed her gifts among nations as among in- dividuals; the diversity of the institutions has for- tified these primitive differences: we have receiv- ed for our share a vivacity, a mobility of imagi- nation, which require restraint: let us not com- plain of this; let us not envy a neighbouring na- tion the enjoyment of advantages of another kind. Ours have procured us enough of happiness and glory wherewithal to be content: to them' we owe that elegance of taste, that delicacy of man- ners, which is shocked by the least neglect of de- corum, and which does not permit us to violate it, without falling at once into the most unbridled licentiousness. “The king proposes to you nothing that does not appear to him absolutely necessary to the safety of the national institutions, and to the march of government: assist him with your information and your influence; unite with him for the inter- ests of liberty as for those of peace; and you will soon see that liberty unfold itself without storms, amidst the order which you shall have concurred in maintaining.” The projet of the law proposed by the king was divided into two parts: the first respected the publication of works; the second, the superinten- dance of the press: according to the first, every work of above thirty sheets might be published freely, without previous examination or revi- sion. The same liberty was to be given to all writings in the dead languages, or in foreign OF THE FRENCH REVOLUTION, I 047 *-- F. languages:–prayer-books, catechisms, &c.; law- reports, if they were sanctioned by the names of professional persons; and works of literary and scientific societies established by the king, what- ever was the number of the sheets which they con- tained. The liberty which was apparently given in this part of the projet, was, however, in a great measure withdrawn by the proposal that the di- rector-general of the press might ordain, accord- ing to circumstances, that all writings of thirty sheets or under should be communicated to him before being printed. The appointment of cen- sors was to be vested in the king; and the di- rector-general was to cause every work to be ex- amined by one or more censors; and if two at least of these conceived the writing to be defama- tory or dangerous, or immoral, the director-gene- ral might forbid the printing : he was, however, to be obliged to communicate all the works, or parts of works, suppressed º him, to a committee of both houses, consisting of three peers and three depu- ties, with three commissioners appointed by the king ; and if the motives of the censors joi appear insufficient, the committee might order the printing. JW'o journals or periodical writings were to appear without the king's authority.— In a country such as Britain, where the inhabit- ants derive all their knowledge of passing events from the journals, this part of the projet will ap- pear as putting a most effectual barrier to the most essential and valuable part of the liberty of the press. The journals in this country are un- doubtedly often mere party publications: they often mislead the public both with regard to the facts which they ought to believe, and the opi- nions of public men and measures which they ought to entertain; but there can be not the small- est doubt, that if it were not for our journals being entirely independent of the acknowledged and direct controul of government, our rulers would be much less cautious than they are in their conduct, and public opinion would have much less weight than it . has. But there is no country in the world besides our own (with the exception of America) in which government does not interfere too much ; to such a degree, indeed, as if they thought the people were inca- able of thinking or acting for themselves, or as if they were conscious that their own actions would not bear to be airly represented and can- vassed. In the last clause of that part of the projet which relates to the publication of works, it was proposed that the author and printer may, if they think pºoper, require the examination of the work previºusly to sending it to press; and if it should be approved, they are discharged from all further responsibility, excepting as to the claims of injured individuals. " If this part of the projet appears inimical to the liberty of the press, the other part is still more -vº decidedly so: by the first regulation in it, no per- son can be a printer or bookseller without the king's license, nor without taking the proper oaths; and the license might be withdrawn on violation of the laws or regulations. All the print- ing establishments not properly notified and per- mitted by the director-general of the press, were to be deemed clandestine, and as such were to be destroyed, and the proprietors subject to a fine of 10,000 francs and six months imprison- ment. If notice was not given, and a deposit made of the copy of any work, the impression might be seized; and in such case a fine of 1,000 francs for the first offence and 2,000 for the se- cond to be levied : if the printer's name and re- sidence were omitted in the title-page of any copy of a work, there was to be a fine of 3,000 francs; and in the case of the substitution of a false name or address, a fine of double that sum, besides im- prisonment. Every bookseller exposing to sale a work without a printer's name, to pay a fine of 2,000 francs, which was to be reduced to 1,000 upon disclosure of the name. The projet con- cluded with the proposal, that the law should be revised in three years, for the purpose of making the improvements which experience might show to be necessary. It is scarcely necessary to point out the essential difference between the liberty of the press which this law proposed to establish in France, and that which we enjoy in Britain. It has been often complained, that the nature of the libel and law respecting it is very obscure and uncertain; and that the consequences are, that a person does not know whether what he publishes will expose him to the law or not. This certainly is the case; and the theory as well as the practice of our con- stitution would be much improved if libel were distinctly defined, so as that it could be known beforehand whether a publication was libellous or not. But even with this imperfection our law respecting the liberty of the press is infinitely pre- ferable to that proposed and adopted in France this year; since in every respect the cause of truth, and the iſiºn. of character and mind of the people are much better secured, where every thing may be published, though the publi- cation leads to danger, than where nothing can be published but what has met the approbation of censors of the press. . In the first place, it must be better, as well as safer, to trust to the opinion of a jury of our countrymen (obscure as the law of libel is) than to the opinion of censors: se- condly, the most despotic or timid government will be disposed to suffer many publications to go on, after they are once given to the world, which they would have suppressed had they pos- sessed the means before they were printed. But the chief consideration in estimating the advan- tages of the two modes is, that in a country where 11 F BOOK XII. Cha P.VIII, º NºN/*-f 1814. T048 HISTORY OF THE WARS BOOK XII. sºmºrºsmºs every work is permitted to be published, the public at large can judge whether, if punishment Caaf. VIII. be inflicted, that punishment is deserved; whereas, > *N*-/ 1814. where publications are suppressed, the public cannot know whether the suppression takes place because they are beneficial to society and hurtful only to the ruling powers, or because they are really injurious to the community. In short, where free discussion is not permitted, there can- not be that controul of public opinion over govern- ments which there ought to be, both for the real interests of the governors and the governed ; nor can there exist in the public mind that calmness and comprehension with respect, to their duties as well as their rights, which will always consti- tute the most effectual guard against sudden and violent revolutions. By those who could see nothing wrong in the measures of Louis, it was contended that France was not fit for a greater share of the liberty of the press than what it was proposed to give her in this projet. It was not to be expected, that a plan so re- strictive of the effectual liberty of the press should be received with general concurrence. The projet of the law having been referred to a com- mittee, they debated upon it; and when the re- port of the committee was brought up, (as we should term it in England,) the reporter, M. Ray- nouard, in the chamber of deputies, on the 1st of August, made a most eloquent speech in favor of the free and unrestrained right of publication. As this speech entered at considerable length into the arguments in support of the opinions of the speaker, we shall present our readers with an abstract of it. *- After some general remarks, he observed, that in the year 1788 the parliament of Paris solicited the liberty of the press, “ saving the right of re- pressing reprehensible works according to the exigency of the case.” . After the storms of many political revolutions, which have at least left the French the counsels of experience, and the les- sons of calamity, Louis the Desired, recalled to the throne of his ancestors, has recognised the wish of the nation which demanded the liberty of the press, as one of the bases on which the social edifice was henceforward to rest. The king, on considering the plan which was proposed to him, ronounced, that one of the guarantees of the iberal constitution which he was resolved to adopt, shall be—“ The liberty of the press res- pected, saving the necessary precautions for the public tranquillity.” The 8th article of the con- stitution in consequence declares, “ The French have the right of publishing and printing their opinions, while conforming to the laws which must repress the abuses of that liberty.” His ma- jesty's minister for the interior had since presented the plan of a law on the subject, which he called *sº “The necessary complement of the article of our constitutional charter:” and it was in the careful examination of this plan that their com- mittee had been long employed. He had now to deliver the report of that committee. “The faculty of thought was the most noble which man had received from his creator : but it must remain imperfect, had he not also the power and the right of expressing his thoughts, either by fugitive sounds, or by permanent signs. To speak and to write, therefore, were only the exercise and developement of the same faculty, the use of a gift of nature. A charter may recognise and respect that right, but does not confer it. It comes from a loftier source. “Before the invention of the art of printing, no law appears to have forbidden or embarrassed the multiplication and circulation of writings: the profession of copyist was, however, so common, it became easy to re-produce, in very great number, copies of a diatribe, or a satire. Since the inven- tion of printing, that fortunate means of multiply- ing writings, requiring considerable mechanic apparatus, and the employment of workmen, the operations of the art remain under the eye and hand of the police; and because thus it became easy to stop the communication of thought, govern- ments have thought that they could arrogate the right to do so. Booksellers also fearing com- petition, often obtained from popes, emperors, and different kings, exclusive privileges for the sale. of works in their dominions. “For a considerable period of time, books of all kinds circulated in France without the govern- ment thinking to subject them to any previous examination. Our ancestors certainly enjoyed the liberty of the press. “Under the reign of Francis I. religious con- troversies beginning to disturb France, the par- liament of Paris declared, that the faculty of theology of the university had the right of judging new books in regard to orthodoxy; but most commonly this examination did not take place till after publication. In 1554 this faculty published a list of the books which it had prohibited, and of which it was the duty of government to pre- vent the circulation, these books being printed. “Almost all the theological books printed since the middle of the sixteenth century, contains the imprimatur of two doctors. As to other works, they were at that period rarely subjected to pre- vious examination. Louis XIII, it is true, di- rected that the chancellor should examine all new books; but he granted the express privilege of exemption from censure to certain authors, whom he judged worthy of confidence. In 1699, Te- Hemaque, a work which was supposed to contain so many attacks upon authority, Was printed 3t Paris with the king's privilege. Twenty-four years afterwards, (i.e. in 1723) anather produg- of The FRENCH Revolution. B049 *-*** *- - - - ** --- tion eould not be printed in France—This was to them of making themselves heard, of interest- Book XII. the Henriade, which was filled with allusions to ing public opinion in their favor, and of en- — the glory of the French arms, and to the good lightening the members of the legislature, who Char. VIII. Henry, the father of his people. must pronounce on their reclamations, if they Sº- “Between the publication of these two celebrated could not disseminate them by means of printing? 1814. works might, perhaps, be fixed the period of the The liberty of the press is necessary to the bene- establishment of that previous censorship, which ficial use of the right of petitioning.” fortified different works with the seal of its appro- Having made these preliminary observations, bation. M. Raynouard next proceeded to the discussion “In every country, however, where civil and of the plan of the law presented by the minister. political liberty is established on fundamental He quoted that part of it which went to establish laws, the citizens ought necessarily to enjoy the a previous censorship appointed by the king, and liberty of the press, which is its first and surest by which, if in the opinion of two censors, a work guardian. The agents of authority always made contained any thing libellous, contrary to good it a sort of duty to extend and aggrandise the morals, or the public tranquilhty, its printing power of their master; they hoped thus to should be stayed: giving, at the same time, an strengthen their own authority. . This excess of appeal from the author to a committee of the two devotedness always threatened the liberties of a legislative bodies, who might, if they saw cause, nation. What, then, were the means of confirming reverse the decision. them within the limits which the laws had pre- The establishment of this previous censure ex- scribed? There was only one: it was prompt cited alarm, and appeared to him incompatible and effectual ; it was the liberty of the press, with the liberty of the press, that right which which at once, without shock or danger, instructed was secured by the charter. The means also of both the monarch and the nation; which sum- repairing the injustice or error of the censors were moned before the tribunal of public opinion the equal illusory. Sometimes the whole recess of a errors of a minister, and the crimes of his agents, session must expire beforean author could exercise thus checking the mischief in the bud, and his right of complaint; and the stoppage of a work preventing the greater mischief of its conse- ordered during one of our sessions, could not be quences. decided upon till the opening of the next. What “We may be told that the assiduous zeal of the reparation, in the mean time, was the author to great bodies of the state will prevent the violation receive, whose work was unjustly delayed? None of public rights; but these bodies are not always whatever ; and yet it was often of great im- assembled to exercise that useful vigilance. What portance to the honor or the fortune of a citizen is to be done during the recess of their sittings? that his work should appear at a certain determi- How was a great injustice to be arrested before nate period. . What punishment also was to be its consummation; or a pernicious measure before inflicted on the injustice of the censors? There its execution? Was it not only by giving to just was none. . What guarantee could be found in and wise reclamations that rapid publicity which their fear of being reprobated ; for even if their denounced the danger both to the prince and the decisions were reversed, what security was there people? for the condemnation being public? But were “And even when the great bodies of the legis- their acts of injustice even proclaimed and posted lature were assembled, was it not by exercising up, still the spirit of party would easily console the liberty of the press, that useful truths could be them for the public disapprobation: . Besides, submitted to them? And if they acted unjustly would it be difficult to mention administrations, or erroneously, what other hope remained of where excess of zeal, though publicly discouraged bringing tham back to sound principles? by the heads of government, might yet be ex- 66 # charter subjects the ministers to respon- cused, and even rewarded in secret? Thus every sibility; but if they can only be tried for great thing in the establishment of a previous censorship offences; if they are not otherwise responsible for appearedequally unjust both in subtance and form. their errors or aets of injustice, does it not be- The plan of the law, however, proposed ex- come a matter of rigorous necessity that those ceptions. The 1st article allows the free pub- errors and acts of injustice should be pointed out lication, viz. without previous censorship, of every to the wisdom of the monarch, the investigation work of more than thirty sheets, which form 430 of the great bodies of the state, and the judg- pages in 8vo., or 720 in 12mo, . The 2d article ment of public opinion ? , grants equal liberty to writings in dead or foreign “And how, otherwise, can the citizens success- languages, to episcopal charges (mandemens), fully exercise the right of petitioning? Are not to memorials in law-suits by advocates, and to the petitions, on most occasions, the cry of citizens memoirs of learned societies. who complain of some act of injustice or some Here every one, doubtless, must remark the abuse of authority? What means would remain singularity that foreigners may print and publish \ i050 THE WARS HISTORY OF | BOOKXII. their books and pamphlets in France, and find there that liberty of the press which was not pro- C*A*.VIIſ; mised to them; while the French, to whom the 1814. right has been secured by solemn charter, will not enjoy the same favor . The work printed in German, without previous censure, whether at Strasburg, or in any of the departments where that language is vernacular, may circulate there, and yet cannot be translated into French without previous imprimatur ! When some just and ho- norable exceptions were proposed, why not re- new the ancient privilege which all academies had in France, not only of publishing their memoirs, but of authorising, by their approbation, the works of their own members, of the correspond- 'ents, and of the authors who were competitors for izes! If, as the minister declared in his discourse, “ care was taken to exempt all writings whose authors afforded in their character and situation a sufficient guarantee,” why was it not thought proper to extend to many others an exception made in favor of ecclesiastics and advocates? Would not members of the chamber of peers, or of deputies, counsellors of state, public function- aries, chief members of the university, of the chamber of commerce, and many others, be equally entitled to be included in the number of those who by their character or situation presented sufficient guarantee 3 By article 9, journals and other periodical writings were not to appear without the sanction of the king. This article, so short and incom- plete, was only the more alarming for the liberty of the press. It would have been proper to ex- plain, whether it was only meant to apply to the establishment of future journals, or whether every morning the journalist would be obliged to de- serve a sanction. “We should at least have learned how this sanction was to be obtained, or on what grounds it might be refused; whether censors or co-editors were to be appointed, and up to what point injurious both to public and private rights, those who shall have the direction of the journals may exclusively distribute praise and blame, or pass judgment on men and things, for the pur- pose of leading astray or putting down public opinion. - “By article 10, “authors and printers may de- mand the previous examination of their works, and if approved, the author and printer are dis- charged from all responsibility, except towards private individuals who may be injured.” “What an alarming power does this confer on a couple of censors? In this way the most im- moral book, works injurious to every public right or institution, outraging even the sacred person of the king himself, would be screened from all fu- ture efiquiry? The author would be freed from all responsibility, because two censors may have 7 *- $ assºº- accorded their, perhaps, guilty approbation. But at what period, or in what country, have magis- trates ever been prohibited to exercise the rights of public justice, notwithstanding the imprimatur of doctors or censors? “The 22d article declaring, that the law shall be reviewed within three years, announces suffi- ciently that it is not meant to be a temporary but a definitive law; and, besides, it has appeared to many, that the period of revision was too distant. “These different motives, which have had more or less weight with the members of the committee, have determined them to declare unanimously, that the plan of the law, such as it has been pro- posed, cannot be adopted without some modifica- tions. The question then arose, whether this plan was easily susceptible of amendments, by which it might be corrected, at the same time adopting its principal basis. That basis is pre- vious censorship. On this question the committee decided by a mere majority of voices, that pre- vious censorship ought not to serve as the basis of the law.” ./ Here M. Raynouard recapitulated a variety of reasons that were urged by the partizans of pre- vious censorship; such as, “ that it was neces- sary to watch over and restrain º: that journals and pamphlets were the chief cause of our first calamities and civil troubles; that the same causes would produce similar effects; that the English, when circumstances required it, sus- pended even their habeas corpus act, and for a long time also the exercise of liberty of the press; that the law proposed was not meant to be per- petual,” &c. “It appeared, however,” said M. Raynouard, “that these reasons were by no means sufficient to counterbalance those which demanded the re- jection of the principle of previous censorship. Let the following observation,” he said, “be pre- sent to you. The liberty of the press is neces- sary to the right of petition. The representative leaders assemble only at stated periods. The liberty of the press can alone compensate the dangers of their absence... But a censorship, so far from ensuring this liberty, would menace its existence, and with it that of civil and political liberty. Should the censorship be given to the opponents of government? Would not this be prejudicial to the respect due to the monarch Should it be given to the minister's discretion? Would not this be to abandon our free institu- tions, our check on the authorities, in short, to abandon all to his discretion? f “Nay, more, would not this be dangerous for mi- nisters themselves? These principles are hard to be answered. “But, then, we are brought to the peculiar circumstances of the time, and are told, that even if the censorship were contrary to the charter, it ought to exist for the objects of secure. . OF THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 105.I *- - --- government. But are those imaginary dangers to be compared to the real evils of a censorship? To suspend the liberty of the press is to suspend the constitution. Have circumstances changed since its liberty was proclaimed by the king? Doubtless they have, but then they have changed for the better; the public affections have rallied with increasing strength around the throne. For months together have we not now enjoyed the full liberty, nay, the license of the press: and what evil ń. followed? what writings have troubled the public tranquillity? “Has it not been useful in preventing agitation? Has it not produced inferences, even on the pre- sent subject, which ought to and must influence our decision? Doubtless there have been times, when the circulation of pamphlets and journals was dangerous; but their virulence was less the cause than the effect of the disorders of those times. But every Frenchman must see, that the whole spirit of things has changed. Anarchy was publicly preached up. A transitory government showed its want of moral and physical force. It had no hold on public opinion. Are the same excesses to be ever dreaded again? Have we not now tribunals strong enough—penal laws, and may they not be strengthened if found want- ing 2 If a fool should be found to put his name to a libel on the government, what licensed prin- ter would give up his press to him? Would not he know his exposure to capital punishment? and how could this black libel be circulated ? Be- sides, all restraints on public rights ought to be of a provisional nature. But the yoke of censor- ship once fixed on, what can shake it off? Is it not notorious, that at the first real danger, we are determined to invest government with all the necessary force? But ought the welfare of the nation to be sacrificed to empty terrors? “The journals are feared. How? the govern- ment has hitherto made no complaint of those already established, though they have almost en- tirely shaken off the yoke of censorship. Does it fear more those which are to be established in future? But may not the undertakers of jour- nals be put under the same obligations as the rinters? May not sufficient pecuniary security e required of those persons in the first instance? This answers the fines. May we not have the signature of the licensed proprietor, and this an- swer personal convictions? May not a law deter- mine the suspension or abolition of a journal, sub- jecting the proprietors to severe or even capital punishments; and will they then expose them- selves? “At this moment, the establishment of a journal is extremely expensive; large sums must be laid out before the requisite circulation can be pro- cured: those great literary speculations are al- wº the work of subscriptions, and will the sub- H. - scribers be likely to compromise their fortune? It is supposed, that the British government has felt itself in an alarming state whenever it has found it necessary to suspend the habeas corpus act. But this suspension prejudiced the rights of only a few individuals. “ If the government abused the measure, the press was the safeguard of the people. It is true, that the exercise of this right was formerly re- strained among the English. But by whom, and when? First, by an ordinance of the star-cham- ber. And what was that star-chamber ? Was it a tribunal established by the kings of England, to secure the just prerogative of the crown 3 “The limitations of the star-chamber on the press, particularly in 1635, might be actually con- sidered as attacks on the liberty of the nation, and were probably among the principal causes of disaffection to Charles I. “If the parliament, after having abolished the star-chamber in 1642, retained for its own objects certain of the restrictions, I shall not say, that the religious quarrels or the civil struggles of the English offered its excuse; but I will say, that the parliament in that day of calamity and trou- ble, availed itself of that terrible arm of censor- ship against the royal partizans, as the latter had used it against the public liberty. Under Crom- well there was no liberty of the press. It would probably have saved the life of Charles. When the royal family returned, how fortunate for it would have been that liberty; its wise and gene- rous advice might have saved his family from the catastrophe under the second James. Even James might have escaped his misfortunes, if he could have been told, that his religious and poli- tical despotism was alienating the hearts of his best subjects. But the liberty of the press was not in existence to tell him this, and he knew his danger only when it was too late. “Finally, when the English, in 1688, published the Declaration of Rights, they did not condes- cend to stipulate for the liberty of the press, re- garding it as a right immate in every people having a constitution and a representative legislature. And since the true establishment of English liberty, the press has never been fettered, and it is by its freedom that the balance of the constitu- tion has been always sustained, and a spirit ex- cited eminently national. “It has been said, that we have not that species of national spirit which ought to precede the liberty of the press. Let the effect of the press to form one be tried. But will the censorship prevent the publication of clandestine Hibels in foreign countries? “Let us be allowed to use the language of a distinguished writer, speaking of the advantages derived from the freedom of the pressin England. (Vide Picture of Gº, Britain, vol. ii.) Sach. . 1: BOOK XII. *-* *- CHAP. VIII. Jºvº.1/ 1814. 1052 HISTORY OF THE WARS BookxII. is in fact the fortunate effect of the precedence of CHAP. Will. Jºvº/ 1814. publication and public discussion, that in every concern of state, ministers are compelled, how- ever feeble their personal understandings, or dark their views, to adopt the course most advanta- geous for the state. Their interest, as much as their glory, compels them to gather round them all the talents of the nation. But is England the only country that has thus benefitted, or is it un- known how many other countries have shared those advantages without the evils that are held up to us?.. But must not this censorship carry to foreign resses the employment which would naturally É. to ours. The trade must be affected. “Thus, gentlemen, the censorship is at once un- just and dangerous. We will now prove it un- constitutional. What is the free publication of our opinions, in other words, the liberty of the press? “The liberty of the press,” says Black- stone, “ consists not in exempting publications from punishments after they are produced, but in allowing no restriction on them before.” “ But the minister himself tells us this without our turning-to strangers. The first article allows of the unrestrained printing of every work above thirty pages. The comment of the minister is, that to jºi. all works to censorship would be to abolish the liberty of the press. Thus the absence of censorship is the liberty of the press. But the charter has promised us that liberty: the question is at once decided. But the letter is as adverse as the spirit of the charter. To repress is not to prevent. The latter prohibits the existence of the evil; the former its growth. The law which pu- nishes the crime after commission represses. The minister says, repressive laws are insufficient against effects of which you cannot punish the au- thor till they have become too serious. In sub- jecting the press only to repressive laws, it is plain that the constitution has not contemplated the possibility of the censorship. We have ex- amined whether, rejecting the principle, some temporary modification might not be allowed to the exigences of the time. We have decided, that the question cannot be proposed, unless the minister should lay before us the projet of the law, with its peculiar motives, and that such pro- jet should be attached to the law fully establishing the liberty of the press. The king will see in our decision, the success of the liberal institutions to which he has given birth: and the nation, convinced of our fidelity, will be only the more disposed to obey the laws which we may hereafter sanction. It is painful, doubtless, to think, and to an- nounce that the first plan of law proposed to the ehamber must be rejected; but this accident, which it was not in our power to prevent, be- comes the occasion of proving to the monarch and the nation the strength of our attachment and respect to the charter. 4– “We have passed through times during which to speak the truth was a dangerous virtue; now it is only a simple duty, as agreeable as easy to be performed. The king loves truth, and is worthy to hear it. But how secure this triumph to truth, if not by means of the liberty of the press? Let it exist in France, and be combined with wise laws for the repression of its abuses.” The reporter concluded with paying a tribute to the memory of M. de Malesherbes, whom he deno- minated the eloquent and virtuous magistrate, who long filled the department of superintendant of literature, who knew how to defend the rights o his country as well as the person of his sovereign, and who, by a generous devotion, deserved to be associated in his august misfortunes. “If Male- sherbes were still amongst us, he would exhort us to defend those rights which can alone gua- rantee the charter, and which must secure the glory and prosperity of France; yes, if he were still amongst us. But has not his genius survived him? That work which we owe to the exercise of the right which we windicate—that work which he has left as a legacy to his country and poste- rity, will assist you in your meditations; yes, the opinions of that wise man have directed our’s, and they solicit with us the rejection of the law proposed.” The report was ordered to be printed. Such was the public curiosity respecting the debate on this interesting subject, which was to take place on the 5th, that it gave rise to a scene highly characteristic of the nation. A vast crowd, in which a number of elegant females were con- spicuous, had pressed into the house, notwith- standing all the efforts of the sentinels, whose bayonets had no terrors for these ladies, and every part was filled; when, instead of the order of the day, the president ordered the regulation to be read, directing that “no stranger shall, on any pretext, introduce himself into the body of the house, where the members sit.” The presi- dent then ordered all the strangers within the enclosure to withdraw, declaring that otherwise he must adjourn the house to the next day. In consequence, a few of the upper seats were cleared; but in the other parts of the hall no regard whatever being paid to the injunction, the president declared the sitting at an end. This incident was not likely to produce an effect favorable to any proposal for enlarging popular freedom. At the meeting of the following day, care had been taken to preserve due order, and the de- bate proceeded without interruption. M. Fleury, (deputy from the Isere) having been a member of the central committee, was one of the minority who thought that the assembly should adopt with amendments the law which was proposed to them. Men in society had felt, that in order not to lose liberty altogether, they 6 OF THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 1053 g must enjoy it in common. They had in conse- quence consented to sacrifice a part of their inde- pendence, in order to be able to enjoy the rest in security. He applied this idea to the liberty of the press; and proposed to prove that the censor- ship was conformable to all good legislation, and not contrary to that of France. #"What!”exclaimed the member, “can the idea be entertained of withdrawing from the vigilance of the police, writers who have such dangerous means of disturbing the public tranquillity? What, is it our duty to arrest the poniard of the assassin, the cup of the poisoner, and the torch of the in- cendiary: and shall we not be permitted to pre- vent the publication of a writing which may carry desolation under the roof of a citizen, tarnish the honor of a wife or a daughter, destroy even the respect due to a government, and lead a whole people to revolt? hough he had resolved to discuss the subject coolly, he could not restrain his indignation. Were men made for principles, or principles for men 3 Did, we still live in those times when a cannibal could come and pronounce from the tribune, “Perish our colonies, rather than principles?” Alas! they were lost: that monster himself had perished ; and even his punishment might be- come a fruitless example to posterity / It was said that the 8th article of the constitu- tion decided the whole; that it spoke merely of repressing abuses, that is, ºliº not prevent- ing before-hand, the occurrence. ut in our lan- uage, the word “repress” signified something to inder, occurrere malis, as well as punish. He quoted several instances of this sort from St. Evremond and Montesquieu ; but he professed himself ashamed of this war of words. He then examined the argument, that the press itself furnished an antidote to its own mischiefs. “Musta man, then,” said he, “descend into the arena against writers by profession, who will have the advantage over him 3 Must a peaceful citizen be compelled to tilt with these fencing-masters? Why should an infant government be exposed to the attempts of all those who may choose to attack it? But the war of the pen, it was said, was not dangerous. Ah! gentlemen, the liberty of the press had always been amongst us the liberty of the strongest. During the revolution it had been only the club in the hands of the giant, to de- molish the weaker party. The public never heard both sides with impartiality. An invincible pro- pensity led it always to listen to those who at- tacked the government.—(Here murmursinformed the orator that the members were not of his opi- nion.)—The public always sees despotism where it sees a combined system. “If the author of a libel were a Beaumarchais, and had, like him, a front of brass, an iron pen dipped in gall; if he profusely scattered the most cutting irony in his writings, he would be con- .* demned perhaps before the tribunals, but the pub- lic would have learned to despise what it ought to fear and respect. The opinion of the unfor- tuſnate Malesherbes had been cited in favor of the liberty of the press; but Malesherbes had after- wards seen reason to change that opinion; and the reputable men who in the eighteenth century had stood up so strongly for the liberty of the press, would be of a different opinion, if they had lived to see that it was the principal cause of the destruction of the throne. The famous letter of the Abbé Raynal to the constituent assembly afforded a strong proof of the justice of this obser- vation. “We should examine the calamities which had been produced by the licentiousness of the press. The times, doubtless, were changed; but mankind were not changed. “It was not merely malevolence which was to be dreaded, it was also imprudence. The publicity of the sittings of that chamber was one of its most valuable privileges; and yet the constitu- tion had given to any five of its members the dictatorial power of rendering its sittings secret; and yet was the first upstart to arrogate to himself a publicity which was denied to our mature de- liberations? “Who would derive advantage from the unli- mited liberty of º; every thing? Will the king 3 He, it was said, would find useful truths in the journals and pamphlets; but he would be much to be pitied, if he were compelled to read them; and France also would be in a pitiable state, if it was in them she was to find the ele- ments of politics.” § He concluded with moving that they should pass to the order of the day on the report of the committee; and that the plan of the law be adopted with amendments. The chamber, by a majority of voices, ordered the printing of his speech. & He was followed by M. Gallois, who warmly attacked the principle of the projet. He main- tained, that it was contradictory to the 8th article of the constitutional charter, which says—“The French have a right to print and publish their opinions, if they conform to the laws designed tore- press the abuse of that liberty.”—Such,” said he, “ is the solemn promulgation of the liberty of the §. which his majesty in his declaration of the d of May had announced as one of the bases of the liberal constitution which he was determined to adopt. The laws which best established the liberty of the press were likewise those that pu- nish its excesses the most severely. You could not, therefore, but await with just impatience that repressive law which was finally to assure to France the peaceable, constant, and regular exer- cise of that right. In this disposition you must have seen with astonishment, mixed with regret, that the plan of the law presented to you was BOOK XII; CHAP. VIII. QºS/~/ 1814. 1054 HISTORY OF THE WARS BOOK XII. CHAP. VIII Nºvº-Z 1814. -- ** ee-ar-º- *- - ----- --- contrary to the constitutional charter. It fixes methods of literary jurisdiction contrary to the dispositions of the charter, and not the methods of judicial procedure which it announces. It specifies what it does not permit, but does not specify what it enjoins.” He then contended, that the proposed measures were not a restraint on the abuse of liberty, but on liberty itself. He shewed the dangers of a li- terary consorship under a bad government, which might make it, a medium of attaining the object proposed by the famous decree of the council of state in 1764, which forbad the writing and printing of works on matters relating to adminis- tration. These dangers would be more apparent, when it was considered that four-fifths of the works on the subject of the public administration did not exceed twenty sheets, and would conse- quently come under the cognizance of the partial tribunal which it was proposed to establish, and which could not fail to stifle true and useful ideas, together with such as were false and pernicious. “In short, gentlemen,” continued M. Gallois, “ the whole system of censorship and restriction established by the plan of the law, both in regard to larger works and the journals, is absolutely contrary to the principle of a representative con- stitution. It tends to deprive the nation of the information which it has a right to receive on all subjects of public interest, to form its opinion both respecting that interest and the persons whose duty it is to defend it. Whatever deprives a na- tion of the knowledge of its rights and interests, also deprives the government of its real strength; for, in a free country, the strength of the govern- ment resides in the public opinion, and in that alone; and the liberty of the press is the in- strument of that opinion.” M. Dumolard.—“Gentlemen, the principle of the liberty of the press cannot be doubtful to men of good faith. In our modern states, at the point of civilization which we have reached, the liberty of the press is the necessary aegis of civil and political liberty. To deprive us of the one is to destroy the other. The national wish and the con- stitutional charter have formed of this principle a fundamental maxim, which it will be vain to at- tempt to destroy by an interpretation contrary to the truth. Far is it from my wish to protect licentiousness under the semblance of liberty; liberty itself is interested in repressing its own abuses. The system of the plan ordains, generally speaking, a previous censorship on the publica- tion of all kinds of writings. The 1st article ap- pears to exempt therefrom works of more than thirty sheets; but the 14th and 15th articles destroy the effect of this exemption. It is there said, that no writing can be published before having been declared or deposited, and that the work will be seized, if information is given against it to the tribunals. Observe this expression; it is not merely an examination, a decision of the tribunal,—it is sufficient, that it be informed against by the lowest agent of the police, in order to its publication being delayed for an indefinite time, which it is so easy to prolong. As well might the law have declared—nothing shall be pub- lished, nothing said in France, but by order. Soon no book would appear but under the good plea- sure of the ministers (a laugh.) “We have heard much of a jury which, pro- nouncing in the last resort, will remedy the wrongs of the censorship. Reflect a little on the mass of writings which will annually be in waiting for the scissars of the censor : view the director-ge- neral of bookselling sinking under the mass of writing, the delay of whose publication he shall have enjoined : lastly, there must be three censors and three deputies to read minutely all the writings, and to decide the opinion of each censor. And where shall be the responsibility of the director? He will be only a gigantic phan- tom: the ministers will hug themselves with impunity on the suecess of their despotic mea- Still eS, “The minister, on presenting the plan of the law, said, that the character of the French nation was not suited to more liberty: that we had re- ceived from nature a mobility of imagination which must absolutely be restrained Has not some one dared also to calumniate our military glory, in a pamphlet which was profusely distri- buted to you on the very day when the plan was submitted to you? You were there told that that military glory was founded only on individual selfishness. Ah! the justification of our war- riors will be found in our history and in our hearts! All France is equally tired of servitude and of Hicentiousness. French honor remains untouched; the kings of Europe acknowledge it; they van- quished Bonaparte, but did not pretend to triumph over the French. “I repeat it, without the liberty of the press there can be no civil liberty. Frenchmen will you permit the statue of liberty to be covered with fu- neral crape . The king who governs us has pro- mised the liberty of the press, as one of the blessings of his reign; it is upon that the foun- dation of the monarchy must be seated. The debate was resumed on the 8th, and was continued on the three succeeding days. In the sitting of the 11th of August, the Abbé de Mon- tesquieu addressed the chamber in defence of the plan of law which had been submitted to them. He observed, that it had been discussed with so much care, its advantages and inconveniences had been so well developed, that there was not one of them who could not now determine with wisdom on a point of legislation which appeared of a delicate nature. It was in this happy situation that they had to decide on the plan of the law. He had the more reason to trust that they would be: OF THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 1055 -**** favorable to it, because, though divided in opi- nion, they were all united in feeling. The pub- lic good was the only object that animated them, and the contest of opinions would necessarily tend to the general welfare, the interests of which were entrusted to them. “Some of you,” continued he, “have expressed your fears lest the plan of the law should tend to check the progress of knowledge: but is not learn- ing the glory of the French nation? Other nations are jealous of us in this respect, but they will never equal us. . We have essentially the empire of letters—the glory which our celebrated writers have spread over France will always remain our magnificent patrimony. Our kings have taken pleasure in preserving and increasing it. One of them merited the title of father of letters; and it was by the protection of letters chiefly, that Louis XIV. illustrated his reign, and commu- nicated his name to the age in which he lived. Lay aside, gentlemen, I beseech you, all dis- agreeable ideas which have no foundation. The plan of the law has been dictated with a view to serve good authors, and such writers as are worthy of the noble profession which they have adopted. I will add, that the censorship which has inspired so much alarm, becomes advanta- geous to real learning: do you not remember, that at Rome, when the censors ceased to exist, good manners also disappeared ? “During the fine age of Louis XIV., did not a very terrible censorship exist? You may have read with what severity some authors, who had written on political matters, were prosecuted be- fore the courts of justice: very well! did this prevent our literature from reaching the highest pitch of glory? “The censorship, then, can never be pernicious to letters, nor painful to those who cultivate them. As embodied in the plan of the law, its only tendency was to favor good authors. In France, works of any importance generally extended to more volumes than one, because questions were there commonly profoundly considered, that more light might be thrown upon them. It was on this account it was thought proper to fix a num- ber of sheets under which the censorship might exercise its vigilance, without the fear of disturb- ing authors devoted to meditations that were truly useful. However, if you think the number of sheets fixed too great, and that it would be proper to reduce them to twenty, I am charged by his majesty to assent, on his part, to that reduction. “Upon the whole, I will not scruple to assert, that the first article of the plan of law is perfectly conformable to the constitution, useful to liberty, and suitable to circumstances. The penal laws which had been recommended could not supply its place. 66 #. to the different opinions which have been 72. delivered with regard to the true meaning of the BOOK XII. 8th article of the charter, I would ask who is best entitled to interpret it? And if it did admit of Char:VIII: different meanings, who shall decide between them? I can hardly suppose, that you do not think it must be the king. “The precautions announced by the constitu- tional charter have two objects in view—authors and private individuals. Do you think to obviate the abuses of the press by means of repressive laws? —this is a great error. What could you do if an author should say to you, “Prove that I have committed a crime; where is the law which I have broken?” He would demand that he should be proceeded against in as positive a man- ner as on a charge of robbery: this was quite impossible. The whole of our legal code could not contain a description of the various circum- stances which the abuses of the press may pro- duce; and if we cannot define the crime, how are we to apportion the punishment?” Here M. Montesquieu put the case of a calum- niator being brought before the tribunals, where he adds to the outrage he has committed by his defence, and his advocate lends him all his talents to traduce still more the victims of the original calumny. Alluding to the claim set up of a right to give utterance to their thoughts, “ *::: said he, “is a right? It is that which does not injure another. But there are no rights in a state of nature: they are the fruit of our social laws. Before the existence of these laws, man is in a state of constant warfare, and the right of the strongest is the law. “The liberty of the press had been said to be the truest safeguard of the constitution and of liberty. It was the constitution which guaran- teed liberty; it was for the deputies appointed by the people to maintain the government; a few pamphleteers could never be its guardians. Eng- land has been repeatedly quoted: I shall stop a moment at this objection. “The English constitution is a kind of pheno- menon in its results. It is the strongest govern- ment in the world; and yet it is a composition which chance only seems to have put together, for the mind of man never could have conceived it. The parliament exercises an over-ruling authority, before which every one must be silent, and every thing gives way. This power is exercised by the majority: it is this majority which gives the law —it seizes upon all places, and engrosses all OWere “What strength can be greater than that which holds all, which wishes to keep all, which escapes from all responsibility, because it is always this majority which makes the law, the accusation, and the sentence, and which finally executes it? It is necessary to give to the people a kind of compensation against º#" energy of authority 1S14. 1056 HISTORY OF THE WARS BOOK XII. CHAP.VIII. ^*N*-/ 1814. —against a government so vigorous, which, if not pressed upon by another force, would, no doubt, end by destroying itself. I admit, that the mo- rality of those who compose this power, and who are worthy to command such a nation, is a perfect model for integrity; and what has a government so powerful to fear from this boasted liberty of the press? Pamphlets are neutralized—responsibility escapes from their vain declamations. They have no power whatever against the strength of the § sº vernment; they serve to amuse the public: this is all. “ England maintains the liberty of the press by means which we know not how to imitate. The prisoner there lives and dies in prison abandoned by all. You ought not, gentlemen, to envy such manners. Here the prisoner is an object of in- terest: he receives the visits and the consulta- tions of friendship: in France, liberty is more moderate and our manners are gentler. Let us leave the English those means which our national character repels. In that country, the laws re- pressive of defamation are supported by terrible means. Libel is punished by sentences which ruin individuals, which cause them to die in pri- son; for offenders are often subjected to fines beyond all proportion to their fortunes. In France the judges are more mild; they sometimes look to the accused alone, they consider the deplorable situation of his family. “It has been said, that the liberty of the press, if permitted, might at length make us insensible to its abuses. This would be a dreadful evil : when calumny ceases to annoy us, what will be- come of morality and honor 3 “What is it that the advocates against the law require—is it to protect the sciences? No!—con- temptible journals, pamphlets meagre like the books of the Sybils—these are the trifles for which the representatives of the people are con- tending. I figure to myself Louis XIV. and the ministers who illustrated his reign, now present in this assembly, listening to these animated de- bates for the sake of journals, pamphlets, abor- tions of the brain and to these you would sacri- fice the security of the state. When the king has released you from the most dreadful tyranny, and introduced you into a mild and peaceful re- gime—when he has operated this change, by a revolution after the manner of Henry IV., after the manner of the Bourbons, has he not a right to ask you to grant something for the security of the throne and the preservation of good order?” The minister then observed, that it was impor- tant to leave to the king the right of permitting the publication of periodical writings, as a mea. sure which afforded a double security; “For,” said he, “the ministers then become responsible for the influence of the authorised journals. The cham- ber would demand from them an account of this influence, would thus participate in the guarantee of which he spoke, ...' contribute to a reasonable latitude being allowed them. But if they remained in absolute independence, to whom could you complain of the disorders which their license may have caused.” M. Montesquieu concluded by conceding, on the part of the king, certain amendments to the effect that no censure should apply to a work exceeding twenty sheets, and that the law should cease to operate at the end of the session 1816. He then asked if the deputies wished the law to de- clare, that their opinions should not be subject to any censure? The members with one voice answered in the negative, considering this as un- necessary. M. Raynouard, the reporter from the central committee, was heard at great length in reply. He took a view of the different periods of the revolution, of which he contended, that the licen- tiousness of the press was only a secondary cause, of which factious men availed themselves. But there was no resemblance between those periods and the present, when the government had a mo- ral influence which was every day increasing. What was now the wish of the people, of their magistrates, their defenders? tranquillity and the stability of the government. Referring to Eng- lish history, he observed, that if ever any re- markable circumstance in it would have author- ised the fixing limits to the liberty of the press, it was when the house of Hanover was invited to the throne. But the idea of curtailing the liberty of the press was never thought of; no danger had resulted, and England prided herself on the ad- vantages which this liberty procured to her, He descanted on the mischiefs which the cen- sorship would produce. “Place that crime,” said he, “in the hands of ministers, and public opinion will be perverted; your institutious, your conduct will be accused and condemned ; you will be re- duced to a stupid silence. “Why,” he asked, “should not political contests be decided by equal arms? But when he spoke of equal arms, it was allowing too much; for would not ministers always have the most ample means of addressing public opinion ? would not they have their journals and their writers? They would always find Addisons and Steeles to avenge the government if it was unjustly attacked. They would even find writers enough to vindicate and extol their errors. By means of their official journal can they not even at present attack the opinions which displease or thwart them? Let them enjoy this privilege, provided they allow to Frenchmen the liberty of the press.” He concluded with conjuring the chamber to reject the law. The Abbé Montesquieu again rose, and ad- verted with warmth to the journals of the Marats OF THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 1057 —T- and the Père Duchenes, to their threats, their incendiary appeals dispersed in all the provinces. For three years those men laboured in destroying the social edifice: they at last effected their pur- pose. Such were the results of an unbounded liberty of the press! “What good can you expect,” said he, “from these agitators—these promoters of disorder, who cannot even suggest a new idea? You alone are the guardians of the constitution. France demands you, , and you only. Give her that repose of which she has so much need, and which the government is so anxious that she should enjoy.” Here a loud cry of question! question burst from all parts of the hall. Several members en- deavoured to speak, but could not obtain a hearing. The president then stated the nature of the question, and after some discussion on the mode of shaping it, it was agreed, that it should stand, whether the law, as aimended by the concessions on the part of the crown, should be adopted. The form of voting was this: every member, as his name was called over by one of the secre- taries, answered in his place, and came up to the table, where he iº in an urn one of the balls, white or black, which he had received from the se- cretary. The ball which he did not use he placed in another urn appropriated for that purpose. This operation being terminated, two of the secretaries emptied the urn for votes, and publicly separated BookxII. the white balls from the black, and summed them both up. The number of balls thrown into the Chaº. VIII. other urn was then verified. It finally appeared, that of 217 voters, the pro- posed law had obtained 137 white balls against 80 black ones. This result being communicated to the pre- sident, he delivered, in the name of the chamber, the following declaration: “The chamber adopts the law.” The law underwent considerable discussion in the chamber of peers, and various amendments were made. In the mean time the public atten- tion to the subject was kept alive by some prose- cutions of libels: and it was not till the 21st of October, that the law was sanctioned and esta- blished by a royal decree. Its provisions were not materially different from the abstract which we have already given. The previous censorship of works under twenty sheets was fully establish- ed. The regulations .."; clandestine or illegal printing were rendered more precise and severe. By three ordinances, of subsequent dates, various appointments were made for carrying the law into effect, the censors were nominated, of whom nineteen were termed ordinary, and twenty- two honorary. The general direction of the bookselling-trade was placed under the chancellor of France. CHAPTER IX. Eaposé of the State of France.—Legion of Honor continued.—French Budget.—Speech of Talleyrand. DURING the reign of Bonaparte, it was usual for the minister of the interior to lay before the senate and legislative body an eaſposé of the state of France. That these eaſposés contained exag- gerated reports of the flourishing state of the empire, there cannot be the least doubt; since one of the leading principles of Bonaparte's govern- ment was to exaggerate the good, and to conceal the evil which he did. Soon after Louis XVIII. ascended the throne, an eaſposé of the state of France was laid before the two chambers by the Abbé Montesquieu ; this eaſposé went very much into detail ; and it would be a very valuable document, could it be en- tirely depended upon ; but as a strong temptation existed to represent the effects of Bonaparte's tyranny and wars even more dreadful and ex- hausting than they actually were, this document must be received with some degree of caution. Still, however, it must be regarded as furnishing the historian with important and interesting in- formation respecting the state of France; and on this account we shall lay it before our readers. It was introduced to the chamber of deputies on the 12th of July, by the Abbé Montesquieu, in the following manner:— “Gentlemen,” said he, “his majesty, on resum- ing the reins of government, was desirous to make known to his people the state in which he found France. The cause of the misfortunes which overwhelmed our country has disappeared, but its effects remain; and even under a government which will devote itself solely to reparation, France will longer suffer under the wounds in- 1814. 1058 HISTORY OF THE WARS BoöKXII. CHAP. IX. Nºvº- 1814. —A- flicted by a government which gave itself up to the business of destruction. It is necessary, therefore, that the nation should be informed both of the extent and the cause of its misfortunes, in order to be able to set a due value upon, and to second the cares which are to sooth and retrieve them. Thus enlightened upon the extent and nature of the mischief, it will be required only to participate in the labours and exertions of the king, to re-establish what was not destroyed by him, to heal wounds not inflicted by him, and to repair wrongs to which he is a stranger. “War, without doubt, was the principal cause of the Hls of France. History presented not any example of a great nation incessantly precipitated against its will into enterprizes constantly in- creasing in hazard and distress. The world saw with astonishment, mingled with terror, a civilized people compelled to exchange its happiness and repose for the wandering life of barbarous hordes; the ties of families were broken; fathers have grown old far from their children; and children have been hurried off to die 400 leagues from their fathers. No hope of return soothed this frightful separation : habit had caused it to be regarded as eternal ; and the peasants of Britany, after conducting theirsons to the place of separation, have been , seen to re- turn to their churches to put up for them by an- ticipation the prayers for the dead! “ It is impossible to estimate the horrible con- sumption of men by the late government; fatigue and sickness carried off as many as battle; the enterprises were so vast and so rapid, that every thing was sacrificed to the desire of ensuring suc- cess; there was no regularity in the service of the hospitals—none in providing subsistence on the marches ; the brave soldiers whose valour constituted the glory of France, and who gave incessantly new proofs of their energy and pa- tience, sustaining the national honour with so much brilliancy, saw themselves deserted amidst their sufferings, and abandoned, without re- source, to calamities which they were unable to support. The goodness of the French was insuf- ficent to supply this cruel neglect, and levies of men, which, under other circumstances, would have formed great armies, disappeared in this manner, without taking part in any engagement, Hence arose the necessity of multiplying levies without number, to replace incessantly by new armies the almost total annihilation of the armies preceding. The amount of the calls ordered since the end of the Russian campaign is frightful— 11th January, 1813 - tºº tº - 350,000 3d April–Guards of honor - - 10,000 First loan of national guards - 80,000 Guards for the coast tº- tº- 90,000 24th August—Army of Spain - tº Lº 30,000 Carried forward - – 560,000 Brought forward - - 560,000 9th October—Conscription of 1814 and preceding years - - - 120,000 Conscription of 1815 & º - - 160,000 15th Nov.–Recall of years 11 to 1814 300,000 January 1813—Officers of cavalry equipped - - - , - - 17,000 1814–Levies en masse organized - I43,000 Total - - 1,300,000 “Fortunately these last levies could not be fully executed. The war had not time to cut off all those who had joined the standards. But this simple statement of the requisitions, enforced on the population during a period of from four- teen to fifteen months, suffices to give an idea of what the losses of the nation must have been during the last twenty-two years. “Many causes contributed, however, to repair these losses: the improvement of the condition of the inhabitants of the country by the division of the great landed properties, the equal distribu- , tion of inheritances, the progress of vaccination, were the most powerful. It was by means of the influence of these causes, and by exaggerating their success, that efforts were made to hide from the nation the extent of its sacrifices. The greater the number of men that were snatched away from France, the more studiously was it endeavoured to prove that she courted this frightful destruc- tion. But even if the accounts placed under view had been correct, the only result would have been, that the number of births should cause the number of deaths to be regarded with indif- ference! But another argument was to point out, even in the conscription itself, a source of in- creasing population—an impure source which in- troduced disorder and immorality into marriages concluded with precipitation and imprudence. Hence a multitude of unfortunate families, of ridiculous or indecent connections, so that even many men of the lower orders soon became weary of what they had embraced only to shelter themselves from the conscription, threw them- selves once more in the way of the dangers they had sought to avoid, and offered themselves as substitutes to escape misery which they had not foreseen, or to break ties so ill asserted. “How, besides, overlook the reflection, that al- though by multiplying these deplorable mar- riages, the conscriptions should have increased the number of births, it took annually away from France a great number of those full-grown men who constitute the real strength of a nation. Facts prove clearly the truth of so natural a con- sequence. The population under the age of twenty years increased; beyond that limit the diminution was prodigious and incontestable. “Thus, while the government attacked the of THE FRENch Revolution. 1059 * ==---sº- ~ * **** * *** w sources of the national prosperity, it displayed inces- santly in pompous array those remnants of resource that maintained a struggle againstits wasteful mea- sures ; it studied to conceal the evil which it did, under the good, not of its own production, which was yet undestroyed. Master of a country, where long labours had amassed great treasures, where civilization had made the happiest progress, where industry and commerce had, for the sixty pre- vious years, made a wonderful spring, it seized all the fruits of the industry of so many genera- tions, and of the experience of so many ages, at one time to promote its pernicious designs, and at another to cover the sad effects of its influence. The simple account of the present state of the realm will immediately exhibit the inherent pros- perity of the nation struggling against a destroy- ing Pº incessantly attacked, often struck with terrible weunds, and perpetually drawing from itself resources always insufficient. MINISTRY OF THE INTERIOR. “Agriculture has made real progress in France; this progress commenced long before the revo- lution; since that epoch, new causes have acce- lerated it much, and these causes would have produced effects still more important, if destruc- tive events had not diminished their influence. The propagation of good modes of agriculture by learned societies, the residence of a number of rich proprietors-in the country, their experi- ments, their instructions, and examples, the erec- tion of veterinary schools, produced the most happy effects in many branches of rural economy; but the errors and the faults of government opposed continual obstacles to their developement. “The continental system caused enormous losses to the proprietors of vineyards: in the south of France many vineyards have been rooted up, and the low price of wines and brandies discouraged this branch of culture generally. (Here the re- port states the effects produced by the forced at- tempts to introduce the Merino breed of sheep. It cost the government twenty millions, but in consequence of the numberless and harassing orders addressed on the subject to the sheep- masters, many of them renounced their flocks al- together, and the breed of sheep had been rather deteriorated by attempting to force the Merino cross into too hasty and unsuccessful use.) “The establishments of studs had been more successful. Formed at first by the old govern- ment, they had been destroyed by the revolution, and were not completely restored till 1806, when six studs were organized, besides thirty depôts of stallions, and studs of experiment. The breed of horses, until the fatal years 1812 and 1813, was excellent, and afforded a numerous cavalry. The loss of a few months, in these years, amounted to * horses, to be replaced at an expense of 105,200,000 francs. exhausted. Every horse cost the government at the rate of 400 or 460 francs. “The mines in France have very sensibly increas- ed. Our territory now presents 478 mines of ever different kind, now working, which employ 17,000 workmen, and produce to France a raw material to the value of 26,800,000 francs, and to the state a revenue of 251,000 francs. This revenue was appropriated to the payment of the administration of the mines. But this particular fund, which, on the 1st of January last, amounted to 700,000 francs, was employed by the government in de- fraying the expences of the war. Yet, in the midst of these continual vexations, this change- able and tyrannical legislation, our fields have been cultivated, our mines worked, and our flocks even preserved and ameliorated. . Certainly, no- thing more evidently proves the industry of our nation, and its happy disposition for the first of all the arts, than the progress of its agriculture under an oppressive government. The labourer was torn from the soil by the conscription, his little gains were devoted to purchase substitutes, and the produce of his labours was the subject of endless requisition; but such is the superiority of our soil, and the industry of our cultivators, that agriculture will arise from its ruins, and be- come more prosperous than even under the pa- ternal government which will terminate its cala- mities. “Manufacturing industry has much need to re- cover the same liberty. Mechanics and chemistry, enriched by numerous discoveries, and skilfully applied to the arts, had enabled it to make rapid progress: the continental system, by compelling manufacturers to search on our own territory for resources previously unknown, produced some useful results; but the obstacles which it opposed to the introduction of a great number of raw ma- terials, and the want of competition which it occa- sioned, have raised beyond measure the price of most of the articles of French manufacture, and thus perniciously affected both the rights and in- terests of the consumers. Some of these obsta- cles have already been removed; reasonable laws, with regard to importation and export, will hence- forward conciliate the interests of the consumers and those of the manufacturers; interests which are never conflicting but when the claims on either side are exaggerated. “Our cotton-manufacturers are stated to employ 400,000 persons, and a capital of 100 millions. Those of Rouen have already considerably re- vived. The linen-manufactures of Laval and Bretagne suffered much by the war with Spain, where they found their principal market. Those of silk experienced the same fate. Their produce also passed through Spain to America and the colonies; but that º was soon closed; Italy The stock was, of course, BOOK XII. CHAP. IX. Nºvºs- 1814, E660. HISTORY OF THE WARS —w ~ •º BOOKXII, alone remained for them. It is true, that our own Char. 1814. internal consumption of silks increased, but what * may we not hope to gain by the renewal of our communications with all Europe? “ In 1787 the manufactures at Lyons kept at work 15,000 looms; during the late war that number was reduced to 8,000; but Lyons has already received considerable orders, and pro- mises to regain its former prosperity. The ma- nufacturers of woollen, leather, &c. suffered in an equal. degree from the fatal influence of the con- tinental system, the absurdity of which they strik- ingly evinced. *... COMMERCE. “Prohibitive laws did still more mischief to com- merce than to manufacturing industry: if the dif- ficulty of external communications, narrowed the market of our manufacturers, in that at least which remained open to them, they had nothing to fear from the competition of foreign articles; and though this might injure the interests of the consumers, at least a certain class of citizens seem- ed to profit by it. * “But commerce requires a more extensive and unimpeded field. Reduced to narrow and slightly gainful speculations, whenever it attempted to enlarge them, it found itself the slave of the un- certainties of a government which wished to sub- ject it to its caprices and calculations. The sys- tem of licenses ruined and discouraged a great number of merchants, by raising hopes that were destroyed in a moment by the will which had fos- tered them. Speculations, necessarily hazardous, require that the stability of laws should aid the prudence of men; but that abrupt and perpetual change from the system of licenses to a system absolutely prohibitive, caused immense losses to commerce. What tranquillity also could the mer- chants enjoy, who saw in the government a rival as greedy as powerful, and always determined to reserve for itself the exclusive cultivation of a field which it interdicted to them? A long peace and stable and liberal laws can alone inspire mer- cantile men with sufficient confidence to embark without apprehension in their useful pursuits. “If we pass to the objects depending on the ministry of the interior, and immediately subject to, the government, their situation will appear still more deplorable. GENERAL ADMINISTRATION OF THE INTERIOR. “The budget of the ministry of the interior, that is, the mass of all the funds appropriated to º different services of that department, amount- ed,— * In 1811 iº to * * 143 millions. In 1812 * } to & a I50 millions. In 1813 * to tº 140 millions. “The public treasury never eontributed to this % mass of funds more than 58, 59, or 60 millions. The remainder arose from special duties and im- posts.” Here the report states, that additional centimes on the general contribution were im- posed for roads, prisons, canals, barracks, admi- nistration-expenses, tribunals, buildings, public- worship, depôt of mendicity, &c. Thus the depart- ments paid at an average forty-five centimes addi- tional per franc, some sixty-two, and others even seventy-two. But even-these were not regularly given out by the treasury for public works, &c., Hence, in the two years 1812 and 13, 60 millions were taken from the administration expenses; and the provinces, impoverished by additional imposts, enjoyed only a small part of those establishments, constructions, or other public works of utility, the hope of which had at least alleviated the weight of their sacrifices. The report next proceeds to give a variety of details on the subject of the administration of communes and of hospitals. The communes had been successively charged with expenses which should have been borne by the general funds of the state, or by the departmental funds; of this kind were the salaries of commissaries of police, military buildings and beds, depôts of mendicity, Fº &c. Hence the scale of communal octrois ad vexatiously increased: the medium charge per head on every inhabitant was about seven francs, twenty-four cents, and in some cities it even amounted to seventeen francs, thirty-five Cents. On the subject of hospitals, it is mentioned, that a decree of the 19th of January, 1811, allowed only four millions for the expense of founding hospitals throughout the kingdom, though that expense now amounted annually to 9,000,000. The war-department owed at present to the hospitals at Paris, for sick and wounded: soldiers alone, the sum of 1,398,365 francs. The medicines were besides exhausted; the reserve- stores of lint, furnishings, &c. were either wasted' or lost; the amount of these losses could not be calculated, but might be estimated at several millions. PUBLIC WORKS. Great enterprizes had been undertaken; some from motives of real utility, many from ostentation, or from views in which the happiness of France had no share. While magnificent roads were opened on the frontiers, those of the interior were neglected; and the cross-roads, abandoned by the communes which had not funds to support them, were very much deteriorated. The sum of 15,500,000 francs, voted by the departments for the roads, had been mº There was an arrear of more than 28,000,000 in the de- partment of bridges and causeways; and yet this \ OF THE FRENCH HEVOLUTION. 106] service would be charged with all the extraordi- nary expenses occasioned by the disasters of the last campaign; thirty principal bridges had been blown up or burnt; provisional repairs in wood alone would cost 1,800,000 francs. The extent of the mischief was not yet known. The canals were in a better state, but the works far from finished. That of Burgundy, which had already cost 12,000,000, would require five more; and that of the Ourcq, undertaken on too expen- sive a scale, would yet want at least 18,000,000. The canal of Burgundy, as well as that of St. Quentin, deserve praise. The works of Paris were a favorite object with Bonaparte, because in them he found the means of parading a great magnificence, and of rendering himself popular. Some of them, particularly those of the public markets, were truly useful. The works for the embellishments of the capital, though of a less useful description, would not be abandoned; the total expense of them was estimated at 53,500,000 francs, and more than 24,000,000 had already been laid out on them. All these objects fell under the superintendance of the minister of the interior, the arrears of whose department were not yet ascertained, but were computed at from 40 to 50,000,000. WAR, MINISTRY, 46 With regard to the expenditure of this depart- ment, we can only present an approximation. Here was the root of the evil: hence originated the disorder which extended to all the other branches; and the disasters of the three last cam- paigns have plunged this department, already so complicated, into a complete chaos. “On the lst of May last the land-forces of France amounted to more than 520,000 men, in- cluding gend-armerie, veterans, invalids, and can- noniers, guarding the coasts. Besides this force, there are 122,597 military of all ranks enjoying half-pay. One hundred and sixty thousand prison- ers are returning to us from Prussia, Austria, England, and Russia. The staff of the army, in- cluding engineers, inspectors, commissaries, &c. amounts to 1,874 individuals. The pay, &c. of men in active service for 1814, amounts to - i- - 202,000,000 Half-pay, &c. to - alº - - 84,000,000 Total 236,000,000 “The war of 1812 and 1813 destroyed, in artil- lery and ammunition, a capital of 250 millions; and the fortified places in the countries ceded by France, had, since 1804, cost her 115 millions. The budget of the war ministry, properly so called, had been fixed under all heads, for 1814, at 860 millions. But in consequence of a division which had existed some years, there was, besides the department of the ministry at war, that of the war administration. The expense of this last BOOK XII. were, in 1812, 238,000,000 francs; in 1813, 374,000,000; and in 1814 they will be:380,000,000; 9 º'º, which last sum will, for 1814, occasion a total -Tº- expense, in these two branches, of 740 millions. * The arrear also of these two branches is enormous; that of the ministry at war amounts, according to present statements, to 104,000,000; and that of the war-administration to 157,000,000, making a total arrear of 261,000,000. “But these statements are not yet complete; the arrears of the armies, during the years 1811, 12, 13, and 14, are still unknown. Neither do they include a sum of 100 millions, ordonnanced by the two ministries, which they no longer reckon their debt, but which the treasury has not been able to pay. We must add, also, to the expenses occa- sioned by the war, the requisitions of which we have already spoken, the expense of the guards of honor, and of the offers of mounted and equip- ped horsemen. The expense of the two latter heads, for the departments of Old France, may be estimated at 15,611,000 francs. MINISTRY OF MARINE. “The navy has for fourteen years been weaken- ed by the very means which were used to give it the appearance of strength. “To make upon all the coasts a pompous display of factitious power; to appear to meditate gigan- tic projects, while the means even amidst their exaggeration was insufficient; to regard seamen as only eventual recruits for the land army, such was the system constantly followed by the departed government; and which brought with it the destruction of our maritime population, and the entire exhaustion of our arsenals. The remonstrances of the most enlightened men, and of the most experienced mariners, and the evi- dence of facts, were incapable of checking those foolish enterprises, those violent measures which belonged to a plan of deminion oppressive in all its parts. “It was thus, in 1804, the projected invasion of England was pompously announced. Ports which had never yet been entered, except by fishing-boats and packets, were immediately con- verted into vast maritime arsenals; immense works were commenced on a beach which the winds and tides were incessantly covering with sand; forts, batteries, magazines, workshops, were erected; thousands of vessels were built and bought up on all the coasts of the ocean, and in the interior of the rivers, without considering how they should get to the place of rendezvous : . Paris itself saw a dock-yard formed within its walls; and the most valuable materials were em- ployed in the construction of these vessels, which were not even fit for their destination. And what now remains of all these armaments? The 1062 HISTORY OF THE WARS BOOK XII. CHAP. IX. NeºV"- I314. wrecks of some of the vessels, and accounts which prove, that for the successive creation and destruc- tion of this monstrous and useless flotilla, up- wards, of 150 millions have been sacrificed since ISO3.” Here the report makes some observations on the Scheldt, on which the treasures of France were uselessly lavished to render it a great naval depôt. It is remarked that it would have served for a moderate fleet, but a severe winter might have altered the bearing of its banks, and shut up the channels by which vessels of the first rate would have had to pass. Besides, all that the seamen learned of naval tactics in summer, they forgot while shut up in the docks in winter. All representations to this effect were, however, in vain. The grand works executed at Cherbourg, the fine squadron of Toulon, alone presented useful results; every where else were to be seen only blunders and follies. “All our arsenals are completely dilapidated— the immense naval stores collected by Louis XVI. are squandered—and during the last fif- teen years France has lost, in ill-judged expe- ditions, forty-three ships of the line, eighty-two frigates, seventy-six corvettes, and sixty-two trans- ports and packets, which could not be replaced at an expense of 200 millions. - “The port of Brest, the finest, the best perhaps in Europe, where immense fleets can be collected in safety, where there exist vast and magnificent establishments, has been entirely neglected. “As the arsenals were neglected, so the ships also were stripped of real seamen, whose places were supplied with conscripts, while they them- selves received the organization of regiments of the line, and lost in camps their professional ha- bits and attachments. Many of these ships’ crews were seen traversing the plains of Germany and the mountains of the Asturias: commanded by brave chiefs, they contributed to support the re- nown of the French arms, though they became totally unfit for seamen. “The total debt of the navy amounts to 61,300,000 francs.” FINANCES, Under this head the Report, after stating the manner in which the late government contrived to conceal the general results, declares, that the budgets of 1812 and 13 present a deficit of 312,053,000 francs. “The Head of that government was by nomeans ignorant of these deficits; but he always hoped to make them good, either by the foreign tributes which had proved so valuable to him in his early campaigns, or by deriving resources from special funds, the extraordinary domain, the redemption- chest, &c. It was thus that almost all these funds, which were not destined to the expenses of the war, were, notwitlºnding employed upon -*—i- -º- it; and hence arose in the finances a considera- ble arrear. The report states, that the total of the sums thus anticipated, consumed beforehand, and misapplied from their appropriate uses, amounted to 805,469,000 francs. To this were also to be added the arrears in the different ministries, which were not yet exactly known, but which could not be estimated at less than 500 millions; the total amount of the above- mentioned anticipations and arrear would there- fore be 1,305,469,000 francs. “If to this be added the creation of seventeen millions of perpetual annuities, representing a capital of 340 millions, of which one-half, indeed, has been employed in the payment of debts an- terior to the year eight, we shall have the sum of 1,645,469,000 francs, as the total of the in- crease of the debts of the state during the course of thirteen years. “This computation is doubtless alarming; but the evil is not without remedy. The minister of finance will explain to you what sums are imme- diately demandable, what can be demanded at periods still distant, and those which resolve into a simple charge of interest. Our only business has been to present an exposition of the actual state of the kingdom; and in fulfilling this pain- ful, though important task, we have concealed nothing; the documents adjoined contain the de- tails and the proof of the facts which we have summarily sketched. They will shew you the principle of activity which France has constantly maintained amidst all her losses; you will be astonished to see so fertile and well-cultivated those fields which have been long exposed to every kind of devastation. If alarmed at the debt of government, you will still see, on the other hand, numerous capitals in the hands of indi- viduals, ready to enter into every useful enter- prise. “But the cares of government will not be confined to the restoration of a prosperity purely physical : other sources of happiness and of glory have been cruelly assailed. Morals, like public wealth, could not escape the pernicious influence of a bad government. That which has terminated, increased to their utmost the moral calamities caused by the revolution; it only re- established religion to make it a tool; public education was subjected to the same-state of de- pendence; it must resume a more liberal ten dency to place it on a footing with the intelligence of Europe. “ Unhappily we cannot also restore at once to France those moral habits, and that public spirit, which cruel misfortunes and long oppressions have there almost annihilated! Noble sentiments were oppressed, generous ideas were stifled; the govern- ment, not content with condemning to inaction the virtues which it dreaded, excited and fo- OF THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 1063 w wº wy-w exerting the noblest influence on the national BookxII. character. By the articles of this ordinance, the º reigning sovereign is declared chief and grand mas- Chap. IX. ter of the order, and the privileges of its members STXT- meated the passions, which could do it service; to suppress public spirit, it called personal in- terest to its aid; it offered its favors to ambition, in order to silence conscience; it left no other state but that of serving it, no other hope but those which it could alone fulfill; no ambition appeared indiscreet, no pretension exaggerated; hence that incessant agitation of all interests and of all wishes; hence that instability of situation which left hardly any man the virtues of his con- dition, because all thought only of emerging from it ; hence, in fine, incessant attacks upon every kind of probity by seductions against which the most generous characters could hardly defend themselves. “Such were the melancholy effects of that cor- .ruptive system which we have now to -combat. The difficulties of the moment are great, but much may be expected from time; the nation will feel that its zealous concurrence is necessary to hasten the return of its own happiness; its con- fidence in the intentions of its king, the lights and wisdom of the two chambers, will render the task of government more easy. If any thing can prevent the speedy realization of those hopes, it will be that restless turbulence which wishes to enjoy, without delay, the blessings of which it has the prospect. “While regretting the benefits which must still be waited for, let us enjoy those which are offered to our acceptance: already peace re-opens our orts; liberty restores to the merchant his specu- º, and to the mechanic his labours; every one sees the end of his calamities. Can we be indifferent to this future repose, after having so long lived amidst storms and alarms? You, gentlemen, will not be insensible to this con- sideration. The king confides equally in his people and in their deputies, and France expects •every thing from their generous union.” Such were the contents of this paper, interest- ing not only to France, but to all Europe. Their importance in the opinion of the chamber of de- puties was testified by a vote ordering, that the report, with its accompanying documents, should be printed, and six copies given to each member. The eagosé being laid before the chamber of peers was deliberated upon, and a committee was appointed for drawing up an address to the king on its contents. While attempts were thus making to open the eyes of the nation to the errors and vices of the late government, the expedience of preserving some of its popular institutions was manifested in a royal ordinance, confirming the establish- ment of the legion of honor. In the preamble this institution is praised as rewarding, in a way analogous to the manners of France, every kind of service rendered to the country, and as fur- nishing the sovereign authority with the power of state resources proportioned to its wants.” are preserved; excepting the right of making a part of the electoral colleges. The pensions assigned to each rank in the legion are maintained ; but it is declared, that in future, till otherwise ordered, nominations and promotions give no right to any pension. The decorations of the order are to bear the head of Henry IV. with the motto, “Honor and our Country;” and the oath to be taken is, “I swear to be faithful to the king, to honor, and to the country !” * The opening of the French budget, in the chamber of deputies, on the 22d of July, was attended with such an effervescence of public curiosity, that it was found impossible to prevent the occupying of the four upper benches, assigned to the deputies, by a crowd of ladies, foreigners, and persons of distinction; and this disorder was tolerated, though it was obvious that such a laxity must be fatal to the true dignity and consequence of a popular assembly: but such is the national character. The Baron Louis, minister of finance, was the person who, accompanied by the Abbé Montesquieu, minister of the interior, and M. Fer- rard, minister of state, harangued the assembly on this momentous occasion. It is not our bu- siness to enter into the particulars of a French budget, and we shall limit our statement to a few of the most important results of the calcula. tions. The first point to which the attention of the assembly was directed, was the expenditure of the year 1814. It was laid at the sum of 827,415,000 francs, and the amount of the proba- ble means for meeting it being only 520 millions, the deficit incurred would exceed 307 millions. The expenditure of 1815 was calculated at 618 millions, which was to be provided for by ways and means stated. Among them it is observable, . as a proof of the ruin incurred by the foreign com- merce of France, that nothing is assigned for the customs, which, says the minister, “ are less a final resource than a means of favoring our own industry.” The necessity under which he found himself of apologizing for the continuance of the consolidate “The king,” said he, “lamented the vexations to which the people were subjected by the collection of the consolidated duties (droits reunis.) His first care was to announce their abolition, by the mouth of the prince of his family who preceded him. But the state in which his majesty found the treasury, the immense arrears which exist- ed,—so many brave men to pay—have made it an imperious duty with him to preserve for the The minister then went into the consideration of the debts of the state, the accumulation of which now 12 K. duties is also worthy of notice. 1814. 1064 History of THE WARs BOOK XII. cº. IX. Jº/~/ 1814. amounted to more than 1,300 millions of francs; but the arrears actually demandable, and for the payment of which it was absolutely necessary to provide, amounted only to 759 millions. For the liquidation of this sum it was proposed, that bonds of the royal treasury should be issued, pay- able at the end of three years, and bearing a yearly interest of eight per cent., the holders of which should have the power of converting them into inscriptions in the great book of the five per cent. consols, with a bonus. To meet these obli- gations, a quantity of forest-lands was to be sold, and the produce to be employed as a sinking- fund in buying them up. The minister, in men- tioning this resource, said, “The good effects of a well-combined plan of a sinking-fund, prosecuted with perseverance, may be seen on a comparison of the vigour of the credit of England and the weakness of our own. The credit of England has remained invaluable amidst all shocks, in spite of the increase of her debt. The credit of France has languished under similar circum- stances, notwithstanding the diminution of her’s. It is the fidelity with which they fulfil their en- gagements, that has produced among our neigh- bours a phenomenon so different from that which we exhibit. This principle gave birth in England to the idea of placing by the side of a heavy debt, a counterpoise which lightens it, and continually tends to restore the equilibrium. We regret that we are not yet able to introduce into the admi- nistration of our finances a similar germ of pros- perity, and to propose to you to set apart a por- tion of our ordinary revenues for the redemption of the constitutional debt.” Such, in its main points, was the French bud- get; concerning which, the reflection that will pro- bably first arise in the mind of the English reader, is the smallness of the sum of debt incurred, after all its wars and disasters, by that powerful king- dom, compared with that of Great Britain; and the prospect, that with peace and good manage- ment, France might have been set entirely free, while this country is still labouring under a bur- den, the discharge of which, under the most favor- able circumstancés, cannot be effected within a period of time that the mind startles to con- template. The budget was presented to the chamber of peers, on the 8th of September, by Talleyrand, the minister for foreign affairs, in a speech stating the principal articles of which it consisted, and explaining the new financial system, as had been done by the minister of finance in the chamber of deputies. . In order to exhibit the general prin- ciples and opinions of that extraordinary man, on this subject, we shall make the following ex- tract from his speech. “Amidst all the calcula- tions,” says he, “into which the present discus- sion leads us, it will be pleasing, and perhaps 4. -wºr- instructive, to remark, in the relative state of our burthens with those of nations whose prosperity is the most striking, how fine the situation of France still is, after so many storms. “According to the last census, the population of France was 28,000,000. Dividing equally among all the annual amount of the taxes, which we take at 600,000,000 the quota paid by each is a little under twenty-two francs. In England the |. of the taxes, not including those of Ire- and, has risen of late years to at least 60,000,000 sterling, which divided among 12,000,000 of in- habitants, give five pounds sterling or 120 francs as the contribution for each individual;-that is to say, upwards of five times as much as the amount for each individual in France. “. In the United States of America the receipts of the customs, which, previous to the two last years of war, formed Mº the only revenue, produced annually 16,000,000 of dollars, (about 85,000,000 of francs.) This sum divided among 7,000,000 of inhabitants, gives about twelve francs for each individual; to which must be added the taxes peculiar to each state, amounting to about eleven francs more, making twenty-three francs for each individual. Hence it follows, that under every point of view, whether of population, extent of territory, or taxable substance, the advantages of France above both these nations are in a high proportion. These comparisons are sufficient to make us feel the motives of confidence which re- main to us, and to encourage a nation active and industrious like our's, to devote itself with ardour to all the useful enterprises of agriculture, in- dustry, and commerce. “The question relative to our power of dis- charging our burthens and paying off our debts is thus resolved. It might seem useless, therefore, to say much on the second question; for to demon- strate that we can liquidate is also to show that we ought. But let us shortly attend to the ab- stract principles of justice and morals, from which governments, like individuals, can never depart with impunity; and examine whether reasons drawn from the interest of the state alone are not sufficient to make us adopt the principles of a prompt and full liquidation. “It must be acknowledged, that government in France has derived very little power from fidelity to its engagements; and in this respect we must less accuse men than the nature of things: for the theory of a regular and steady credit cannot be established but under a representative and con- stitutional government, such as that which the munificence of the king has enabled us to enjoy for the first time. It was because we were with- out this powerful resource, that France, situated under the most happy climate, possessing the richest soil, covered with a numerous, active, and industrious population, heaped, in fine, with all OF THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 1065 -ºr- the elements of prosperity, yet remained, in some respects, below the position which she ought to take. Hence, may be explained, during the times we have just passed through, and in former periods, the disadvantages under which some operations of our government laboured. The exactness of our present government in fulfilling all its engagements will give to France a new vigour, and one hitherto too much despised. Mi- nisters have thought that they could not give a better pledge for the future than by paying the creditors who contracted in good faith with the late administration, and by promptly relieving the future from all the embarrassments of the past. “And if examples were necessary to prove the utility of the honorable system which the government proposes to follow, and which it means to make the basis of our laws and our financial administration, we could quote the prodigious benefits which other nations have derived from it. “The first example is still furnished us by Eng- land, whose government, by an inviolable fidelity in fulfilling all its engagements towards its cre- ditors, has remained in a condition, notwithstand- ing twenty years of war, in spite of the fetters and prohibitions which expelled, from almost every port on the continent, her ships and merchandizé, to borrow every year, for upwards of ten years, at a moderate interest, more than 25,000,000 ster- ling, a sum equal to our ordinary revenue, esti- mated at 600,000,000 of francs. “And if the state of exhaustion to which twenty years of revolution have brought us, be objected against us, I shall answer, by pointing to the ana- logous example of America; where the govern- ment, by following the system which we are desi- rous to see adopted, raised itself from the most critical to the most prosperous circumstances. “Issuing from a revolution, and a ruinous and bloody war, that country had still to struggle against all the embarrassments which a miserable paper-money leaves behind it; the lands were without cultivation and without purchasers; the population did not exceed 2,000,000 and a half; the government had to provide for an arrear of 70,000,000 of dollars, i.e. 383,000,000 of francs; the capital of the debt was with difficulty sold at from ten to twelve per cent. It was in this situ- ation that the United States, impressed with the great and numerous advantages of fidelity to their engagements, provided for the full payment of the 70,000,000 of dollars. . A year afterwards, the same stock which could have been purchased at from ten to twelve per cent. of its nominal value was at par. The property was thus immediately increased by 346,000,000 of francs. “And this resolution created, as if by enchant- ment, capitals, which are the first want of a coun- try after a revolution, the events of which tend to destroy them. The interest of money soon sunk to its due level; farmers, manufacturers, mer- chants, found in the capitalists that extensive aid with which they could give new extent to all their enterprises. “ if such were the effects of the good faith and fidelity of the United States towards their creditors, such and still greater must they be in France. It is in France, especially, that credit and a low rate of interest must produce every kind of prosperity; her situation wants only ca- itals, in order to see the multiplication of useful |. and enterprises which give brilliance and grandeur to nations, and lay the bases of their prosperity. 3. “The government thinks it has prepared these happy results by the measures which we have the honor to propose to you. One of these measures tends directly to lower the interest of money; it is that which provides for the open- ing of loans, for the purchase or extinction of the treasury-bonds: this power of borrowing ives the government the means of offering to the holders of bonds their re-payment, if they do not choose to assent to a reduction of interest. This option will be proposed to them as often as it shall be possible to borrow at an interest lower than that of the bonds, and then the circum- stance of having assigned to these bonds a high rate of interest will be a matter of indifference. “It must be acknowledged that our financial system still wants for its completion the establish- ment of a sinking-fund. The economy which you must remark in all parts of the budget, in all the expenses of the branches of service, has opposed a temporary obstacle to it; and it is from respect to such an institution, that the king's ministers have deemed it their duty to post- pone every proposition relating thereto. They thought that its final success should not be com- promised by too much anxiety to establish it, for a sinking-fund derives its utility and effects from its permanence and immutability. The law which creates it should be inviolable ; a single change in its appropriation may cause the loss of all its fruits; for, on the principles of accumulation, it is time, con- tinuity, and perseverance which produce those pro- digious results, which the system of numbers alone appears capable of explaining. I take pleasure, however, in announcing, with confidence, that this system will enter into the plaus of the budget of next year, as an essential and fundamental part.” Talleyrand concluded his speech with a striking contrast between the principles which guided, and the spirit which animated, the present government of France, and those which actuated Bonaparte; and with anticipating the happiest results to the prosperity and welfare of all descriptions of peo- ple, as well as to the state. BOOK XII. CHAP. IX. Jºvº-A 1814. 1066 HISTORY OF THE WARS BOOKXII. CHAP, X. ~ ºvº-Z 1814. .rº CHAPTER x. Return of the Pope of Rome.—His Measures for restoring the Ecclesiastical Authority and Pro- perty of the Church-Re-establishes the Order of Jesuits.-Festivals renewed.—Suppression of Freemasons and other secret Societies.—Re-establishment of the regular Orders.-King of Sar- dinia restored to his Dominions.—His Proclamation.—Observations.—Bonaparte's Arrival at Elba.—Papers issued on the Occasion.—Death of the Empress Josephine.—Her Funeral. Of all the sovereigns, whom the subversion of the tyranny of Napoleon restored to their domi- nions, no one appears to have resumed his au- thority with the resolution of exercising it more fully to its former extent, than Pope Pius VII. Previously to his return to Rome, he issued a proclamation at Cezena, on the 5th of May, wherein he applied to himself the ancient title of “ God’s vicar on earth;” he spoke of his tem- º sovereignty as essentially connected with is spiritual supremacy, and acquainted his peo- ple, that although he could not at this moment resume the exercise of it in all the ancient pos- sessions of the church, he did not doubt shortly to recover them, being confident, not less in the inviolability of his sacred rights, than in the justice of the allied sovereigns. A proclamation, issued at Rome, on the 15th of May, declared in the name of his holiness the abolition of the code Napoleon, and the restoration of the former pontifical, civil, and criminal code; also the sup- pression of what was called the civil state; and that all the funds, rents, &c. of every corporation shall be placed under the administration of a commission formed of ecclesiastics, which com- mission is immediately, “ even previously to the examination of the respective and legitimate rights,” to restore the yet un-alienated property of all religious establishments, and to cause the regu- lars of each sect to be paid a two month's pension, and to provide for the public service in the churches. The pope, on resuming his functions in person, at his capital, at first contented himself with re- quiring the retraction of those who had taken É. in the late usurped government, and for- ade, by a proclamation, all inquiries by indivi- duals into the late transactions, reserving to himself all proceedings against the culpable. Such ecclesiastics as had taken the oath to É. parte were ordered to disclaim it, on pain of being suspended from all divine offices. A commission was appointed in July for the purpose of making a report on the property termed national, or ex- traordinary domains, which had been ceded to companies that were ereditors of the French go- vernment, or had been sold by agents of the financial administration. On the 7th of August, that event so important to the church of Rome, and which peculiarly marks the spirit of the present pontificate, the restoration of the order of Jesuits was publicly declared. When it is considered that the sup- pression of this order, in 1773, was effected by the compulsion of the sovereigns of the house of Bourbon, and was the consequence of that jea- lousy of its power, and detestation of its prin- ciples, which then seemed almost universal in the catholic world, it must appear a measure of extraordinary boldness in a pontiff but just re- stored to his own authority, to become the reno- vator of a body lately so obnoxious. The Jesuits, indeed, were always regarded as the most de- voted satellites of the see of Rome; whence it was not to be wondered at that their revival was a desirable object of the papal court; but the policy of effecting it in so precipitate a manner, and by a mere exertion of ecclesiastical autho- rity, appears very questionable. The ceremonial observed on this great occasion is thus described. “ His holinines, on Sunday, August 7, went to the church of Jesus, to celebrate high-mass at the altar of St. Ignatius. After hearing another mass, he proceeded to the neighbouring oratory of the congregational nobles, where he was seated on a throne prepared for him. He then handed to the master of the ceremonies, and caused him to read, with a loud voice, the following bull, for the re-establishment of the coinpany of #. PIUS, BISHOP, SERVANT OF THE SERVANTS OF GOp. (Ad perpetuam rei memoriam.) “The care of all the churches confided to our humility by the divine will, notwithstanding the lowness of our deserts and abilities, makes it our duty to employ all the aids in our power, and which are furnished to us by the mercy of Divine Providence, in order that we may be able, as far as the changes of times and places will allow, to relieve the spiritual wants of the Catholic world, without any distinction of people and nations. “Wishing to fulfil this duty of our apostolic mi- nistry, as soon as Francis Kareu (then living) and other secular priests resident for many years in. the vast empire of Russia, and who had been members of the company of Jesus suppressed by OF THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 1067 ºt -*. * - “ > A- -Yº -rw- *Errºr * - -º-º- Clement XIV. of happy memory, had suppli- cated our permission to unite in a body, for the purpose of being able to apply themselves more easily, in conformity with their institution, to the instruction of youth in religion and good morals, to devote themselves to preaching, to confession, and the administration of the other sacraments, we felt it our duty the more willingly to comply with their prayer, inasmuch as the then reigning Emperor Paul I. had recommended the said priests in his gracious dispatch, dated the 11th of August, 1800, in which, after setting forth his special regard for them, he declared to us that it would be agreeable to him to see the company of Jesus established in his empire, under our autho- rity: and we, on our side, considering attentively the great advantages which these vast regions might thence derive ; considering how useful those ecclesiastics, whose morals and doctrine were equally tried, would be to the Catholic reli- gión, thought fit to second the wish of so great and beneficent a prince. “In consequence, by our brief, dated the 7th of March, 1801, we granted to the said Francis Kareu, and his colleagues residing in Russia, or who should repair thither from other countries, power to form themselves into a body or congre- gation of the company of Jesus; they are at li- berty to unite in one or more houses to be pointed out by their superior, provided these houses are situated within the Russian empire. We named the said Francis Kareu general of the said con- gregation; we authorised them to resume and follow the rule of St. Ignacius of Loyola, ap- Fº and confirmed by the constitutions of Paul- II. our predecessor, of happy memory, in order that the companions, in a religious union, might freely engage in the instruction of youth in reli- ion and good letters, direct seminaries and col- eges, and with the consent of the ordinary, con- fess, preach the word of God, and administer the sacraments. By the same brief we received the congregation of the company of Jesus under our immediate protection and dependence, reserving to ourselves and our successors the prescription of every thing that might appear to us proper to consolidate, to defend it, and to purge it from the abuses and corruption that might be therein introduced; and for this purpose we expressly abrogated such apostolical constitutions, statutes, privileges, and indulgences granted in contradic- tion to these concessions, especially the apostolic letters of Clement XIV. our predecessor, which begin with the words, Dominus ac Redemptor JWoster, only in so far as they are contrary to our brief, beginning Catholicæ, and which was given only for the Russian empire. * A short time after we had ordained the re- storation of the order of Jesuits in Russia, we thought it our duty to grant the same favor to -- *** ***** -- * **-** ***w-ºs-ºs----------- the kingdom of Sicily, on the warm request of our dear son in Jesus Christ, King Ferdinand, who begged that the company of Jesus might be re-established in his dominions and states as it was in Russia, from a conviction that, in these deplorable times, the Jesuits were instructors most capable of forming youth to Christian piety and the fear of God, which is the beginning of wisdom, and to instruct them in science and let- ters. The duty of our pastoral charge leading us to second the pious wishes of these illustrious monarchs, and having only in view the glory of God and the salvation of souls, we by our brief, beginning Per alias, and dated the 30th of July, 1804, extended to the kingdom of the Two Sici- BOOK XII. Ch AF. X. Jº ZT*-> 1814, lies the same concessions which we had made for the Russian empire. “ The Catholic world demands, with unani- mous voice, the re-establishment of the company of Jesus. We daily receive to this effect the most pressing petitions from our venerable bre- thren, the archbishops and bishops, and the most distinguished persons, especially since the abun- dant fruits which this company has produced in the above countries have been generally known. The dispersion even of the stones of the sanctuary in those recent calamities (which it is better now to deplore than to repeat); the annihilation of the discipline of the regular orders (the glory and support of religion and the Catholic church, to the restoration of which all our thoughts and cares are at present directed), require that we should accede to a wish so just and general. “We should deem ourselves guilty of a great crime towards God, if, amidst these dangers of the christian republic, we neglected the aids which the special providence of God has put at our disposal; and if, placed in the bark of Peter, tossed and assailed by continual storms, we re- fused to employ the vigorous and experienced rowers who volunteer their services, in order to break the waves of a sea which threatens every moment shipwreck and death. Decided by mo- tives so numerous and powerful, we have resolved to do now what we could have wished to have done at the commencement of our pontificate. After having by fervent prayers implored the Di- vine assistance, after having taken the advice and counsel of a great number of our venerable bro- thers the cardinals of the holy Roman church, we have decreed, with full knowledge, in virtue of the plenitude of apostolic power, and with perpetual validity, that all the concessions and powers granted by us solely to the Russian em- pire and the kingdom of the Two Sicilies, shall henceforth extend to all our ecclesiastical states, and also to all other states. We therefore con- cede and grant to our well-beloved son, Taddeo Barzozowski, at this time general of the company of Jesus, and to the §: members of that com- I 1068 HISTORY OF THE WARS BOOK XII. CHAP. X. 1814. * -*r- ---- pany lawfully delegated by him, all suitable and necessary powers, in order that the said states may freely and lawfully receive all those who shall wish to be admitted into the regular order of the company of Jesus, who, under the au- thority of the general ad interim, shall be ad- mitted and distributed, according to opportunity, in one or more houses, one or more colleges, and one or more provinces, where they shall conform their mode of life to the rules prescribed by St. Ignacius of Loyola, approved and confirmed by the constitutions of Paul III. We declare be- sides, and grant power that they may freely and lawfully apply to the education of youth in the principles of the Catholic faith, to form them to good morals, and to direct colleges and semina- ries; we authorise them to hear confessions, to preach the word of God, and to administer the sacraments in the places of their residence, with the consent and approbation of the ordinary. We take under our tutelage, under our immediate obedience, and that of the holy see, all the col- leges, houses, provinces, and members of this order, and all those who shall join it; always reserving to ourselves and the Roman pontiffs our successors, to prescribe and direct all that we may deem it our duty to prescribe and direct to consolidate the said company more and more, to render it stronger, and to purge it of abuses, should they ever creep in, which God avert. It now remains for us to exhort, with all our heart, and in the name of the Lord, all superiors, pro- vincials, rectors, companions, and pupils of this re-established society, to shew themselves at all times and in all places faithful imitators of their father; that they exactly observe the rule pre- scribed by their great founder; that they obey, with an always increasing zeal, the useful ad- vices and salutary counsels which he has left to his children. “In fine, we recommend strongly, in the Lord, the company and all its members to our dear sons in Jesus Christ, the illustrious and noble princes and lords temporal, as well as to our venerable brothers the archbishops and bishops, and to all those who are placed in authority; we exhort, we conjure them, not only not to suffer that these religious be in any way molested, but to watch that they be treated with all due kindness and charity. * We ordain that the present letters be invio- lably observed, according to their form and tenour, in all time coming; that they enjoy their full and entire effect; that they shall never be submitted to the judgment or revision of any judge, with whatever power he may be clothed; declaring null and of no effect any encroachment on the present regulations, either knowingly or from ignorance; and this, notwithstanding any apostolical constitutions and, ordinances, espe- vided they cially the brief of Clement XIV. of happy me- mory, beginning with the words, Dominus ae Redemptor Noster, issued under the seal of the Fisherman, on the 22d of July, 1773, which we expressly abrogate, as far as contrary to the pre- sent order. “It is also our will, that the same credit be. paid to copies, whether in manuscript or printed, of our present brief, as to the original itself, pro- have the signature of some notary public, and the seal of some ecclesiastical digni- tary; that no one be permitted to infringe, or b an audacious temerity to oppose any part of this ordinance; and that should any one take upon him to attempt it, let him know that he will thereby incur the indignation of Almighty God, and of the holy apostles Peter and . º “_Given at Rome, at Sancta Maria Major, on the 7th of August, in the year of our Lord, 1814, and the 15th of our pontificate. (Signed) “Cardinal PRodATAIRE., “Cardinal BRASCHI.” After the reading of the bull, the Jesuits pre- sent were admitted to kiss the pope's feet, and an act was afterwards read concerning the restitution of the patrimony of the Jesuits in funds still exist- ing, and provisional compensations for alienated property. “Thus,” says the Diario Romanio, “ended a ceremony eternally glorious and me- morable !” That, however, this restoration was not universally approved even at Rome, appeared from a number of satirical pieces circulated on the occasion. In the progress of re-establishing every thing ancient, which was the predominant principle of the revived papal government, the magistracy of Rome published an ordinance by which the faith- ful were apprised that all the festivals observed before the incorporation of the city with the French empire were restored. Another more puerile example of the same policy was given by a rescript, which announced that the lamps intro- duced by the late government were suppressed. The streets of Rome were formerly lighted by the flambeaux and lanterns placed by devotees under the numerous images erected at the corners and crossings, as well as those at the doors of private houses; and it was thought proper to renew this mode, however irregular, as gratifying to pious feelings, and costing nothing to the government. It was in a more enlightened spirit that the governor made known that the places called sanctuaries were no longer to afford security to criminals. In every arbitrary government, secret meetings and associations of persons connected by rites or engagements, known only to them- selves, are objects of particular jealousy, it being justly concluded, that where men are restrăined from expressing their opinions openly, they will. of The FRENch REvolution. . 1069 -i- ** —r- naturally seek such occasions of propagating them in private. On this account, the societies of free- masons, which, among us, no one suspects of serious or dangerous intentions, have been re- garded in many parts of the continent as insti- tuted for the purpose of fostering innovations in church or state; and it appears, that under this idea they were peculiarly obnoxious to the Roman government. Cardinal Pacca, pro-secretary of state, published in August an edict, prohibiting, under very severe penalties, all assemblies of secret societies, especially of that of free-masons. At the same time, the greatest encouragements were offered to all who should become informers; and they were told by his holiness, that there was nothing wrong or dishonorable in such de- nunciations, since they were equally important to the faith and the state. In consequence, many persons were committed to prison, or otherwise punished. It was by no means to the Jesuits that this zea- ious pope limited his purpose of re-establishing the religious orders fallen to decay in the late revolutionary times. Sensible that all the mo- nastic communities were attached to the see of Rome as their head, and regarding them as the firmest pillars of the church, he had, from the time of his restoration, declared his intention of reinstating them, as far as was in his power, in their ancient consequence; and Cardinal Pacca, on the 15th of August, issued an edict, declara- tory of his holiness's views on this subject. After representing, as one of the greatest calamities of the time, the almost total annihilation of these religious societies, and stating the holy father's earnest wishes to repair the mischief, the edict proceeded to mention the many obstacles which at present opposed his designs, and the means he had in view to overcome them. A commission had been appointed for investigating every thing connected with the re-establishment of the regular orders, which had presented their plan to his holiness; but as circumstances would not permit their renewal in all the pontifical states, it was proposed to make a commencement at Rome, where all the disposable convents were to be given them, in which the superiors might be lodged, and “ the greatest possible number of monks assembled.” A hope was also expressed, that from the religion of the governments, and the zeal of the bishops of the Catholic world, they would patronize the establishment of these asylums of christian piety and evangelical per- fection. Among the restitutions definitively agreed upon previously to the meeting of the grand congress, was that of the Italian territories, formerly pos- sessed by the sovereign house of Sardinia. The Austrian lieutenant-general, Count Bubna, pub- lished at Turin a declaration, in the name of the: & allied powers, dated Paris, April 25, and address- BOOK XII. ed to the subjects of the continental states of the King of Sardinia, in which they are informed, CHAP. X. that they are about to return under the dominion of that auffust family; and that, in virtue of a conveſtion concluded with France, the Austrian troops are to take possession of the country in the name of Victor Emanuel; and till the arrival of his Sardinian majesty, his states will be admi- nistered by a military governor charged with their defence, and by a civil governor, assisted by a council of regency. In the same declara- tion, Count Bubna was nominated to the former post, and the Count de St. Marsan to the latter. The King of Sardinia arrived at Genoa on the 12th of May, where he issued the following pro- clamation to his Italian subjects, announcing the recovery of his rights:– “Called by the renunciation of our dearly-be- loved brother, Charles Emanuel, and by the right of succession to the throne of our august ances- tors, my heart longs, after sixteen years of the severest afflictions and the most cruel vicissitudes, to be again in the midst of you, my beloved sub- jects, like a tender father in the midst of his children. The odious barriers which separated us are at length overthrown. Divine Providence has animated the allied powers with one spirit, and directed their hearts and wills to one and the same object; it has blessed their noble and gene- rous undertaking; it has led their valiant armies from victory to victory; it has crowned their ef- forts with the most unexpected success. Europe is free, and the people have recovered their legi- timate sovereigns, and the rank which they for- merly held among nations. Their happiness is established on solid and imperishable foundations. Yours shall ever be the sole objects of our exer- tions. $ “Our first care shall be to relieve you from the load of exorbitant taxes, by which you are bowed down; to make agriculture and commerce flourish; and, what is still more interesting to our heart, to restore to our holy religion its ancient lustre. Forget the oppression under which you have groaned, and forgive your oppressors. This we have a right to require of you, and we shall ourselves set you the example. Let us form, O ! faithful subjects, one single family; let us all con- eur in the general felicity. Brave soldiers! we remember, with the highest satisfaction, your perseverance under fatigues, your intrepidity, your manly valour in combat; we call to mind with what energy you repulsed, for several years, an arrogant and devastating enemy. The field of honor bathed with your blood, and the witness of your glory, is again open to you and your so- vereign, who was your companion in arms, in- vites you to return thither. “We declare, the conscription, abolished. 1814. 1070 HISTORY OF THE WARS Book XII. Whilst we shall make it our business to obtain a CHA Pe X. correct information relative to the other burdens from which the present circumstances will allow us S-º-' to relieve you, we declare the tax on successions, 1814. by or without will, to be abolished, and revive the law previously in force. The right of"patent is also abolished. “ V. EMANUEL.” The king entered Turin on the 20th. Having no force under his command, his territories con- tinued in the military possession of the Austrians, whilst the organization of the native troops was carrying into effect. In August, however, the Emperor of Austria directed the entire evacuation of the provinces of Savoy by his troops, and the king determined º the re-establishment of the senate of that duchy. The citadel of Turin had previously been occupied by the Sardinian troops, and the strong fortress of Fenestrella was deli- vered up to the commissioners of his majesty. Difficulties, however, appear to have occurred in completing the Piedmontese army; and, although the king conferred upon the provinces their an- cient privileges of forming regiments under their names, and even gave them to their old titular proprietors, it was found no easy task to keep them to their colours. The vallies were said at this time to be invested by banditti, which requir- ed a regular force for their suppression, and Aus- trian garrisons still held the towns of Ivree and Alexandria. The long occupation of Piedmont by France had, apparently, fostered a French interest in that country, which obstructed its ready return to its ancient allegiance. The king, however, on resuming the sovereignty, acted with prudence and moderation.—No one was disturbed for the part taken under the former gevernment; and several persons were appointed to important judicial and administrative posts, who had been employed by the French authorities. Of the other states of Italy, we shall have oc- casion to notice more particularly in our account of the deliberations of the Congress of Vienna; but while we are in this quarter, it may be as well to mention the arrival of Bonaparte at Elba. This island is situated on the coast of Tuscany, and is about thirteen miles long and eight broad. It contains about 13,000 inhabitants. Napoleon, on his arrival on the French coast, embarked on-board an English frigate, and arrived at Porto, Ferrajo (the capital of the island) on the 3d of May. The commissioners of the allies, who accompanied him, immediately land- ed; and having officially communicated to the commandant of the port the events which had taken place in France, the abdication of the emperor, and his arrival at Elba, preparations were made during the night for his reception. Next morning, a flag sent by the dº €IIl- peror was brows; into the town, and immediately .** *~ *— —A. hoisted on the castle, amidst the salute of artillery. Soon after, Bonaparte landed with all his suite, and was saluted with 101-rounds of cannon. The English frigate replied with a salute of twenty- four guns. Napoleon was conducted to the house of the mayor, where he received the visits of all the superior civil officers; he affected an air of confidence, and even of gaiety, putting a number- of questions relative to the isle. After reposing some moments, he got on horseback, and, with his suite, visited the forts of Marciani, Campo, Capo, Liviri, and Rio. Generals Drouet and Bertrand, and several other officers, accompanied Napoleon to the island. Several of his brothers retired to Switzerland. After peace was concluded with France, Lucien Bonaparte, who had resided in England several years, repaired to Rome, where he was received with the greatest distinction by the pope. The Empress Maria Louisa and her son were sent to Vienna; but soon after her arrival at that city, the empress set out towards Italy, with the intention of visiting her husband at Elba. On her arrival in Tuscany, however, she was prohibited from proceeding any farther by her father. The following papers were issued soon after Bonaparte's arrival on the island:— * “ Inhabitants of the Isle of Elba.—The vicissi- tudes of human life have conducted the Emperor Napoleon into the midst of you, and his choice gives him to you as sovereign. “Before entering your interior, your august and new monarch addressed to me the following words; and I hasten to communicate them to you, because they are the pledge of your future prosperity:— General, . I have sacrificed my rights to the interests of my country, and have reserved to myself the sovereignty and property of the isle of Elba; which has been assented to by all the powers. Be so good as to inform the inhabitants of this new state of things, and of the selection which I have made of their isle for my residence, in consideration of the mildness of their manners, and of their climate. Tell them, they shall be the constant objects of my most lively interest.’ “Elbese ! these words require no commentary; they fix your destiny. The emperor has formed a proper judgment of you : it is my duty to render you this justice, and I willingly do so. “ Inhabitants of the isle of Elba, I am about to leave you; this separation will be painful to me, because I love you sincerely; but the idea of your happiness mitigates the bitterness of my de- parture, and whenever I may, I shall always cherish a recollection of the virtues of the inha- bitants of this isle, and the wishes which I feel for them. f “DALESME, general of brigade. “Porto Ferrajo, May 4, 1814.” , , of the FRENch REVOLUTION. I071 / The Vice-prefect of the Isle of Elba, performin the #. % Prefect, to the #. of that Isle. “The most fortunate event which could illustrate the history of the isle of Elba is realized before your eyes. e “Our august sovereign, the Emperor Napoleon, is come among us. “Give, then, free course to that joy which must overflow your hearts: your wishes are accom- lished, and the felicity of the isle is secured. “ Listen to the first memorable words which he has condescended to address to you, through the medium of the public functionaries: I will be to you a good father, be you to me good children. Let them be for ever impressed on your grateful hearts. & “Let us all rally round his sacred person, emu- lous in zeal and fidelity to save him ; this will be the sweetest recompense to his grateful heart, and thus shall we render ourselves worthy of that sig- nal favor which Providence has conferred on us. “BALBIANI, Vice-prefect. “Office of Prefecture, at Porto Ferrajo, May 4, 1814.” Guiseppe Fillippo Arrighi, Honorary Canon of the Cathedral of Pisa, and of the Metropo- litan Church of Florence, and under the Bishop of Ajaccio, Vicar-general of the Isle of Elba, and Principality of Piombino, to the Beloved in the Lord, our Brethren composing the Clergy, and all the faithful in the Isle, Health and Benediction .*. “That high Providence which irresistibly and beneficently disposes of every thing, and assigns to nations their destiny, has determined, that amidst the political changes of Europe we should in future be the subjects of Napoleon the Great. The isle of Elba, already celebrated for its na- tural productions, must now be more illustrious in the history of nations, because it renders homage to its new prince of immortal fame. The isle of Elba takes its place in the rank of nations; and the minuteness of its territory becomes ennobled by the name of its ruler. Elevated to an honor so sublime, it receives into its bosom the anointed of the Lord, and those other distinguished per- sonages who accompany him. When his impérial and royal majesty selected this isle for his retreat, he announced to the world with what predilec- tion he loved it. Opulence will inundate this country, and multitudes will flock from other parts to our territory to behold a hero. The first day he set foot upon our shore, he pronounced our destiny and our felicity. “I will be a good father,’ said he, ‘be you good children.’ “Beloved Catholics, what words of tenderness what expressions of benevolence what hopes may we not cherish of our future felicity ? Let 73. mission, reign in your hearts. these words then form the delight of your thoughts, BookxII. and be impressed on your souls with transports of consolation; let fathers rehearse them to their children, and let the memory of the words which secure glory and prosperity to the isle of Elba be perpetual from generation to generation. * Fortunate citizens of Porto Ferrajo! within your walls the sacred person of his imperial and royal majesty is to dwell. Mild in character at all times, constant in affection to your prince, Napoleon the Great resides with you: never belie the favorable idea which he formed of you. “Beloved, faithful in Jesus Christ, act in corres- pondence to your fate; Non sint schismata inter vas: idem sapite, pacem habete, et Deus pacis et dilec- tionis erit votiscum. Let fidelity, gratitude, sub- Let all of you unite in a respectful sentiment of internal affec- tion for your prince, father rather than sovereign; and exult with sacred joy in the goodness of the Lord, who, from the ages of eternity, had destined for you this happy event. “With this view we order that next Sunday, in all the churches, a solemn Te Deum be sung, in thanksgiving to the Almighty for the precious gift which, in the abundance of his mercy, he has con- ferred upon us. “Given from the ecclesiastical court of Elba, this 6th of May, 1814. (Signed) “GUISEPPE FILLIPPo ARRIGHi, Vicar-general. “FRANCEsco ANGioleTTI, Secretary.” On the 5th of May, in the morning, Napoleon, with the commissioners of the allied powers, rode to Porto Longone, about five miles from Porto Ferrajo. He also visited the iron-mines, which constitute the chief wealth of the isle of Elba. Napoleon was hardly established in his new so- vereignty, when he received an account of the death of his late empress, Josephine. This princess died at Malmaison, on the 29th of May, in con- sequence of a disorder which at first exhibited the symptoms of a catarrhal fever, but suddenly as- sumed such a malignant character that it carried her off in three days. She had the melancholy consolation of expiring in the arms of her daughter and her son, from whom she had been a long while separated. All parties agreed in giving her an excellent character for a humane and benevo- lent disposition. Her funeral was celebrated on the 3d of June, at the church of Ruel, the parish in which the palace of Malmaison is situ- ated. It was attended by a number of persons of distinction, among whom were the Prince of Mecklenburgh, General Sacken, many marshals of France, senators, and general officers, both French and foreigners, the two grand-children of the deceased princess, a great number of ecclesi. astics from the neighbouring parishes, prefects CHAP. X. sºvº-Z 1814, 1072 HISTORY OF THE WARS BOOK XII. CHAP. X. Jºv-2 1814. Aſh. sub-prefects, mayors, &c. The funeral ceremony was performed by M. Baral, Archbishop of Tours, first almoner to the deceased, assisted by the Bishops of Versailles and Evreaux. The body was deposited in a vault recently made under the nave of the church, in which, it was said, a mo- —th– nument would be erected. “More than 8,000 in- habitants of the environs,” says the Paris papers, “assembled to pay the last tribute to the memory of a princess who so richly deserved the appella- tion of the mother of the poor and distressed.” The empress was born on the 9th of June, 1763. - CHAPTER XI. .* Switzerland.—Federal Compact published.— Opposition of the Canton of Bern.—Dissentions in the Cantons.—The Allied Powers interfere—Diet assembled.—Compact amended and signed by the Deputies of the Cantons.—Its Articles.—Geneva restored to Independence.—Its Constitution and Union with the Swiss Confederacy.—Holland.—Remarks upon the Prince of Orange taking the Title of Sovereign-prince of the Netherlands.-Dutch Constitution.—JMeeting of the JWotables. —Speech of his Royal Highness.-Acceptance of the Constitution, and Oath taken by the Prince- sovereign.—Meeting of the States-general.—Speech of the Sovereign.—State of Finances.—Butch Colonies restored.—Catholic JWetherlands.-Their projected Union with Holland.—Prince of Orange appointed Provisional Governor.—His Address to the Belgians.—Oceupation of Belgium by Troops.-Decree concerning French Settlers.-Decree respecting the Press.-Session of the Dutch States-general.—Hamburgh evacuated by the French-Its Independence restored.—Address of the Senate on the Occasion. WHILST the greater part of the subordinate states on the European continent were waiting, in suspence, and under provisional occupation, the decision of the great powers respecting their future condition, the Swiss confederacy was em- ployed in settling, at a national diet, the terms on which they were hereafter to exist as an inde- pendent community. In the beginning of July, a federal compact of the cantons was accepted by the grand council. The sovereign cantons composing the confederation, in number nineteen, were thus enumerated: Uri, Schweitz, Under- walden, Lucerne, Zurich, Glaris, Zug, Bern, Fri- burg, Soleure, Basle, Schaffhausen, Appenzel, St. Gall, the Grisons, Argovia, Thurgovia, Tessin, and Vaud. The plan of confederation, consisting of a number of articles, was based upon a prin- ciple of equality of rights among all the commu- nities forming the Helvetic body, which, however wise in theory, as conducive to a solid union, could scarcely fail of exciting discontent in such of the cantons as were reduced in their relative import- ance, and especially those which had possessed subjects. At the head of these was Bern, long the most wealthy and populous of the cantons, and the sovereign of several dependent districts which it had ruled as a master. Not long after the publication of the federal compact, the avoyer and council of the republic of Bern issued a proclamation, addressed to “their faithful and dear subjects of the canton,” which began with reciting the infraction of the ancient Swiss confederation, by the power of France in 1798, and the restoration of the legitimate govern- ment in Bern, under the influence of the allied powers, in the last December. Tt then complained of the renewal of all the former acts of injustice towards the canton by the new federal pact, which had parcelled out the canton of Bern still more than heretofore, had stripped it of rights over countries acquired by their ancestors, and sepa- rated it from its ancient subjects. After stating some other grounds of complaint, the proclamation proceeded to mention the sacrifices which the canton had been willing to make for the sake of union. The grand council had not only abandoned the rights of the state over the ancient common seignories, but had expressed their intention to leave, upon equitable conditions, its liberty to the country of Vaud. They could not, out of gratitude to their subjects of Argovia for their fidelity, re- nounce the Bernese part of that country, but they had opened a plan for their union with the canton, and had offered them a share in all the rights and advantages of Bernese subjects. The paper con- cluded with expreſs a desire to defend the con- OF THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 1073 3-ºxº-. —r stitution and rights of the canton againstall attacks, and called upon all to whom it was addressed for their support. At this time, Switzerland was far from being in a tranquil state. The Vaudois and the Argovians were resolute in asserting their independence on Bern. Some time before, a conspiracy was formed at Soleure, for taking possession of the town, and deposing the ruling party, which was disconcerted by an accident; and its ill success was said to have prevented the execution of a similar plot at Bern. The canton of St. Gall having made a demand of a federal aid from the diet, on account of a spirit of disobedience manifested in the dis- tricts of Uznach and Sargans, the ministers of the allied powers thought it proper to interpose, by a note º to the diet on the 8th of August. In this, the ministers expressed their regret for the doubts they have been compelled to enter- tain of the firmness with which they hoped that body would maintain the arrangements of their circular of May 31st, which established the immu- tability of the status quo of the possessions of every eanton, and of the political relations of their inha- bitants, till the definitive settlement of affairs in general; and, in a tone of authority, they require the preservation of the public peace by a vigorous execution of that provisory law. This interposi- tion, together with the disturbed state of Switzer- land, appeared to have excited very serious appre- hensions in the political leaders; and, on the 16th of August, the president of the diet addressed in his own name (that body not then sitting) a cir- cular to all the governments of the cantons. After reciting the violent opposition which the federal compact had met with, and the necessity under which the diet had found itself of framing a new plan, with various modifications, the president warmly exhorts the cantons to unanimity, and proceeds to say, “A note of the ministers of Austria, Russia, and England, officially commu- nicated to the deputations in our sitting of this day, shews the danger which a longer division may draw down upon our º The opening of the general Congress, a period of the greatest im- portance to Switzerland in particular, as well as to Europe in general, is approaching. Switzerland attracts the attention of foreign powers; and it daily becomes more probable, that if the Swiss confederation be not fixed at that time, her consti- tution will no longer depend on herself, but her fate be determined without her participation.” He then announced the intention of the diet to return to Zurich on the 4th of September, in order to resume its deliberations on the following day, and take the necessary steps to obtain the guaranty of the independence of Switzerland at the general Congress, and regulate its political interests. The diet having assembled at the time ap- pointed, was not long in coming to a conclusion on this weighty point; and, on the 8th of Septem- BOOKXII. ber, the following important document was signed by the deputies of all the nineteen cantons. Act of the Acceptation of the Treaty of Alliance, concluded between the Cantons of the Swiss Confederation. “Whereas the deputies of the sovereign states of Switzerland, invested with full and sufficient au- thority to announce the will of their constituents, on the new plan of a treaty of alliance, dated the 16th of August, 1814, as also on the conven- tion concluded on the same day, terminated the objects of their mission in the sitting of the 6th of September, and having endeavoured, in various private conferences, to remove the difficulties which stood in the way of an absolute union, have at- tained this day, the 8th of September, an object so important to the safety and the welfare of the country at large. “The diet has in consequence decreed— “The treaty of alliance between the nineteen cantons of Switzerland, of which the following is the tenor and effect, shall be signed and sealed as a true federal convention, in the forms heretofore used for the acts of the diet: “FEDERAL COMPACT. 1. “The nineteen sovereign cantons of Switzer- land, viz. Zurich, Bern, Lucerne, Uri, Schweitz, Glaris, Underwalden, Zug, Friburg, Soleure, Basle, Schaffhausen, Appenzel, St. Gall, Grisons, Argovia, Thurgovia, Tessin, and Vaud, are united by the present treaty, for the preservation of their liberty and independence, and for their common safety against any attack from foreign powers, as well as for the maintenance of order and public tranquillity in the interior. They re- ciprocally guarantee their constitutions, such as they have been accepted by the chief authorities of each canton, in conformity to the principles of the treaty of alliance. They reciprocally guarantee their territory. 2. “For the maintenance of this guaranty, and the neutrality of Switzerland, there shall be raised among the men of each canton, fit to bear arms, a contingent upon the calculation of two in each hundred. The troops shall be furnished by the cantons as follows:–Bern 4,184, Zurich 3,858, Vaud 2,964, St. Gall 2,630, Argovia 2,416, Gri- sons, 2,000,Tessin 1,084, Lucerne, 1,784, Thurgo- via 1,670, Friburg 1,240, Appenzel 972, Soleure 904, Basle 816, Schweitz 602, Glaris 482, Schaff. hausen 466, Underwalden 282, Zug, 250, Uri 236, making a total of 30,006 men. “This proportion is fixed for one year, and shall be revised by the diet in 1815, in order to its being corrected. 3. “The cantons, in order to furnish the means for defraying the expenses of war and the confe- deration, shall contribute in the following propor- CHA P. XI. Jºvº-Z 1814. 1074 HISTORY OF THE WARS *E**- BOOK XII. tions:—Bern 91,695 francs, Zurich 77,153, Vaud CHAP. XI. S-se"Nº-2 1814. 59.273, St. Gall 39,481, Argovia 52,212, Grisons 12,000,Tessin 18,039, Lucerne26,016, Thurgovia 25,052, Friburg 18,591, Appenzel 9,728, Soleure 18,097, Basle 20,450, Schweitz 3,012, Glaris 4,823, Schaffhausen 9,327, Underwalden l,907, Zug 1,497, Uri 1,184, making a total of 490,507 francs. “ These contributions are in like manner to con- tinue in force for one year, and the diet shall de- cide anew, , in 1815, on this subject, and on the appeals which each canton may find it expedient to make on the subject. A similar revision shall take place every twenty years, as well for the ad- justment of the contributions as for the contingents of men. “ In order to meet the expenses of war, there shall be established, besides, a federal war trea- sury, the funds of which shall accumulate until they amount to a double contingent in money. This military chest shall be exclusively applied to defray the expenses arising from the move- ments of federal troops; and, in case of emer- gency, one moiety of the charge shall be defrayed by the produce of a contingent in money, accord- ing to the scale, and the other moiety paid out of the military chest. * “To supply this military chest, duties shall be imposed on all foreign goods introduced, not being articles of the first necessity; these duties to be levied by the frontier cantons, which will make returns to the diet, according to the tariff and regulation to be fixed by the diet, which will also take care of the appropriation of the money. 4. “In case of danger, external or internal, each canton is entitled to claim the aid of the confederates. When disturbances arise in any canton, notice must be sent to the chief place; and if the danger continues, the diet, on the in- vitation of the government of the canton, shall take the necessary measures. 5. “All differences or claims between canton and canton, not provided for by the treaty of alliance, shall be decided by the confederation. 6. “There must not be concluded between se- parate cantons any alliance unfavorable to the general confederation, or to the rights of other cantons. All recourse to arms in disputes between &anton and canton is prohibited. 7. “The confederation does homage to the principle according to which, having recognised the nineteen cantons, there is no longer any sub- ject in Switzerland; and thus the enjoyment of rights cannot any longer be the exclusive privi- lege of any particular class of the citizens of a Canton. w 8. “The diet, according to the provisions of the treaty of alliance, takes care of the affairs in the confederation, confided to it by the sovereign --> states. The diet is to consist of nineteen deputies, one from each canton, who shall vote according to their instructions; each canton to have a voice by its deputy. “The diet declares war, concludes peace, makes alliances with foreign states; but in these import- ant matters two-thirds of the voices are required to determine—in all others an absolute majority. The diet is also to decide on treaties of commerce. “Treaties to furnish soldiers, or other minor engagements, with foreign powers, may be con- tracted by the cantons severally, but without in- fringing the general confederation, . All envoys from the confederation to be named by the diet. “ Done at Zurich, the 8th of September, 1814. In the name of the diet—its president, burgo- master of the canton of Zurich, “ REINHART. “ Mousson. “ The Chancellor of the Confederation.” Such were the conditions of this compact, which on being ratified by the deputies of the cantons, the diet received the congratulations of the ministers of the three allied powers. An union of the Geneva, Neufchatel, and the Vallais, with the Helvetic body, was afterwards effected. The restoration of the republic of Geneva to a state of independence, was a consequence of the overthrow of the French military power, which cannot fail of giving pleasure to all who have been interested by the moral and literary character of that city. Occupied provisionally by the Austrian troops on their entrance into France, and burdened by the usual military requisitions, it was soon permitted to entertain hopes of a favorable change in its condition. On the 1st of May, the envoys-extraordinary of their imperial and royal majesties addressed a decla- ration to the syndics and council of Geneva, in which, referring to an address presented by the citizens of Geneva, on the 22d of April, to the provisional council, expressing their wishes for the restoration of the republic, and its aggrega- tion to the Helvetic j they congratulate the Genevans on the accession of the provisional council to their desires. They affirm that the allied powers are desirous that the republic of Geneva, strengthened by a liberal constitution, and by a suitable increase of territory, should offer itself to Switzerland as a co-estate; for which purpose, they advise that the provisional council should employ itself in preparing the plan of a constitutional act for the republic, the cantons being now engaged at Zurich in drawing up their federal compact; and they declare that Geneva shall be authentically acknowledged in the pos- session of its political rights, and of the territory which the allied powers intend to assign to it. The full concurrence of the court of England OF THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. I075 to this disposition of the other allies was made known on the 4th of May, by a note to the pro- visional government, transmitted by M. d’Ivernois, from Mr. Stratford Canning, minister-plenipo- tentiary from the prince-regent to the Swiss confe- deration. In this paper his royal highness ex- presses, in the most obliging terms, his friendly sentiments towards Geneva, and promises his efforts at the Congress to bring to effect the pur- oses in its favor declared by his allies. On the 18th of August two companies of Zurich- ers arrived at Geneva to form its garrison; and on the same day was published the constitution of the Genevan republic. The following are its most important articles. The Protestant religion is the predominant. There shall be at Geneva a church appropriated to the Catholic worship; it shall be maintained at the expense of the state. The constitution recognises neither patrician nor privileged classes. . All the Genevese are equal in the eye of the law. The liberty of the press is acknowledged, but every work must be signed. Should circumstances require it, the representa- tive body shall have power to limit the exercise of that liberty. The legislative power is vested in a representative council, coinposed of 250 members, or 268, including the syndics and coun- cil of state: The legislative council shall con- form to the general laws of the Helvetic confe- deration; it shall possess authority to fix the taxes annually, to accept or reject treaties, to coin mo- ney, to appoint to the administrative and judicial offices that are reserved for it, to regulate all mat- ters relative to the ordinary and extraordinary diets, and to name the deputies to the latter. The representative council shall be convoked as a matter of course, on the first Monday in May and December; each session shall last three weeks. The executive power is vested in a coun- cil of state, composed of twenty-eight members, elected from among the members of the legislative council only. Official intelligence of the union of this state with the Swiss confederacy, as one of the cantons, arrived on the 19th of September at Geneva, and was received by the whole popula- tion with every expression of joy, We shall now turn our attention towards Hol- land. It is a remarkable circumstance, that the Prince of Orange was invited, on the commence- ment of the revolution in that country, to take the reins of government, not under the ancient title of stadtholder, but the new and indefinite one of sovereign. Whence this alteration originated has not been made public; but we may learn from the past history of Holland, that the zealous friends of the house of Orange have always been vigilant to take occasion of the dangers and ne- cessities of the state to enhance an authority per- haps too limited for the exertion of the powers equisite for the executive head of the common- 73. .* >º wealth. Accordingly, soon after the entrance of his serene highness into Amsterdam, which we have mentioned in our tenth book, the general commissaries of the national government issued an address to the inhabitants, in which they announced the change in the supreme au- thority in the following terms: “It is not Wil- liam VI. whom the people of the Netherlands have recalled, without knowing what they have to hope or expect from him. It is William I. who, as sovereign-prince, by the wish of the Ne- therlanders, appears as sovereign among that people, which once before has been delivered by another Wiiliam I, from the slavery of a foreign despotism. Your civil liberty shall be secured by laws, by a constitution giving a basis to your freedom, and be better founded than ever.” On the 3d of March, the following paper was issued by the Prince of Orange:– Dutch Political Constitution. “The Hague, March 3, 1814. “We, William, by the grace of God, Prince of Orange Nassau, Sovereign Prince of the United Netherlands, &c. . “Beloved people of Norway, I have already received numerous proofs of your attachment and confidence. I shall ever feel myself happy and safe amongst you. I shall strive to revive your commerce,—the sources of opulence. Nothing will be nearer to my heart than to keep far from you the scenes of raging war: but when foreign force attempts to violate the liberty and indepen- dence of this state, then we shall evince that there is sufficient power within us to revenge insults, and courage to prefer death to shameful subjuga- tion. Grief and affliction we will readily over- come, if implacable enemies refuse us peace. Within this state but one sentiment must prevail, —to make every sacrifice for our country, to preserve Norway's honor, and give it its ancient brilliancy. Our efforts will then be crowned by God with success, and Norway will again confirm the truth, that that nation is invincible which fears God and adheres with zeal to its native country.” At the same time, he issued another proclama- tion, respecting the relation which was to exist between Norway and other powers. even so, as when they, in the , “Christiania, Feb. 16, 1814. “I, Christian Frederick, Regent of Ncrway, Prince of Denmark, Dake of Schleswig-Holstein, make known, that as well myseff as the nation at large, consider it as a great favor on the part of 12 Q CHAP. I. \_*N*-* 1814, 108S HISTORY OF THE WARS BOOK XIII. King Frederick VI., that, before he absolved us CHAP. I. N_*Neº-Z 1814. x- from our oaths, he established peace between us and Great Britain. It shall always be my aim to maintain it with that and with other nations, and it is therefore solemnly declared, that— 1. “Norway is at peace with all powers. That power only is its enemy which may violate the in- dependence of the nation, and invade with arms in their hands the borders or coasts of Norway. 2. “Free access to the kingdom of Norway is allowed to the ships of war and merchant-vessels of every nation. 3. “The regulations respecting privateers and their prizes, of March 28, 1810, and supplements of 27th of August and December, are hereby an- nulled, and to be considered as having not been in effect since the 14th of January last. Any thing done since then, founded on these regulations, is revoked. *- 4. “All prizes or property, condemned or con- fiscated since the 14th of January, shall imme- diately be restored. 5. “All the privateers of foreign powers shall leave our ports within fourteen days immediately after these presents are known in the respective ports. All prizes shall be restored. 6. “All prisoners shall be delivered up en masse, and the private debts of the prisoners of Norway shall be paid. 7. “Ships of any nation whatsoever, importing in the kingdom of Norway two-thirds of their cargoes in grain, or other provisions, are allowed, (any law or regulations to the contrary notwith- standing,) to import any merchandizes they think proper, paying the customary duties. In this last Case eve{l 8. “Fish will be allowed to be exported in such vessel, to the extent of two-thirds of its cargo. Proclamation to the Soldiers. “The Norwegian nation places its hopes on you, brave warriors, for a happy conclusion of the conflict in which we willingly engage for the country. The first condition of the surrender of Norway was the delivery of all the fortresses and warlike stores to the Swedes. Then you would have been required to Jay down your arms; but this shall not be. Norway exists by your valour. The aged women and children live secure among the Norwegian mountains, defended by Norway's brave sons, led by your regent and revered com- mander. Victory and liberty, or death—be our motto. My let is inseparable from your's. My confidence is your unanimity; my hope, God; my reward, your love.” On the 24th of February, the Swedish count, Axel Rosen, appeared at Christiania, commission- ed to put in execution the treaty of peace between TXenmark and Sweden. He * introduced to —z-z-z-z-r Prince Christian, in presence of the chief officers of state, when he exhibited his powers as pleni- potentiary, and as bearer of the proclamation of the King of Sweden to the people of Norway. The prince said, “In the present situation of affairs, I cannot re- ceive this proclamation of his Swedish majesty to the Norwegians, and must, in lieu of all other an- swer, communicate to you the declaration which I have made in the face of all Europe, and which I shall not fail to communicate likewise to his Swedish majesty.” Then the prince read his declaration of the 19th of February, by which Norway declares itself independent; and then he added the solemn assurance, “That the Norwegian nation considered itself as at peace with all other nations, and would re- gard as its enemy only that which should violate its rights.” Count Rosen.—“After such an unexpected de- claration as that which I have just heard, nothing remains for me to do but to return immediately, º I beg your royal highness's permission to o so.” The Prince.—“Before we part, count, permit me to ask you, not as a prince, but as a Norwe- ian speaking to a Swede, this one question— it. we not take it for granted, that the King of Sweden desires the good of a nation which he wishes to possess?” Count R.—“ Undoubtedly, your royal high- ness; if I had been received in another manner, I should have shewn that I have ample proofs in my hands.” The Prince.—“But on this supposition, must not the national opinion, the general will, be con- sulted to learn what we consider as happiness?” Count R.—“His majesty would have done this through the medium of his governor-general.” The Prince.—“But first of all, the nation should be gained : and what means has the Swedish government employed ?. It had formed the plan of starving the nation whom it wished to alºle g Count R. —“I cannot judge of the means which his majesty and the crown-prince have thought fit to employ.” The Prince.—“And what has been the eonse- quence 3–That the national opinion, or the na- tional hatred, to call it by its right name, has risen to the highest pitch; and that the strictest measures of the government can alone hinder it from breaking out. But since the King of Swe- den has sent us so enlightened a man as you, count, I will request you to convince yourself of the national opinion, and to give a faithful account of it to your king. This might, perhaps, make a desirable impression on a sovereign who can desire nothing except the welfare of his people. & OF THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 1089, --- * º r-7 wr - I wish nothing so much as peace with Sweden; and intended to send Count Schmettau to Stock- holm for this purpose. Have the goodness to use your influence to procure a passport for him.” the treaty, "to demand; and, finally, that he has Book XIII, even seized upon our ships-of-war which were in the harbours of Norway, has taken down the CHAP. I. Danish flag, and hoisted another in its stead, and S-TYº-" Count R.—“The king, my master, would cer- tainly not allow me to take a commission from your royal highness; you will therefore permit me to withdraw, and to express to your royal highness my regret at not being able to express my respect for your royal highness under happier circumstances.” The Prince.—“I am sorry, count, that you must so soon leave us, and beg you to be con- vinced that you shall always be welcome in Nor- way as a Swede, who will be our friend, and re- cognize our rights.” hereupon Count Rosen left the audience-room. The prince afterwards wrote a letter to the King of Sweden, enclosing his declaration, and stating the motives of his conduct. The proclamation of the King of Sweden to the Norwegians above alluded to, contained an engagement of leaving to the nation the power of establishing a constitution on the basis of national representation, and the right of taxing itself, and affirmed his determination not to amalgamate the finances of the two countries. The King of Denmark, probably conscious of lying under the suspicion of having secretly fo- mented this spirit of resistance to a compulsory treaty, addressed the following letter to the ma- gistrates and people of Norway:—“The situation in which Denmark and Norway were at the end of last year, made it our duty as sovereign to give up one of the sister kingdoms to prevent the ruin of both. “The treaty of peace concluded at Kiel, on the 14th of January, this year, was the consequence. By this we gave the solemn promise, which never has been, nor shall be broken on our side, to re- nounce all our claims to Norway, and to appoint commissioners to deliver the fortresses, the public money, domains, &c. to the Plenipotentiaries named by the King of Sweden. We commanded his highness Prince Christian, then governor of Norway, to execute in our name what we had pro- mised. We gave him the most positive instruc- tions, and, on the 19th of January, gave him our royal full powers for the persons whom he should appoint to execute the treaty. Then we released all the inhabitants of Norway from their allegi- ance, and impressed on them the duties which for the future they owed to the King of Sweden. “We have learned, with heartfelt grief, that our nearest and most beloved relation, to whom we gave the government of Norway with unlimited confidence, instead of executiug our commands, has ventured to neglect them, and even to de- clare Norway an independent kingdom, and him- self the regent of it; to refuse to give up what the King of Sweden had a right, according to arrested their commanders, our servants. “Since, after the treaty of peace which we have signed, and the renunciation of our claims on Norway, we neither do nor will acknowledge in that kingdom any other authority than that of his majesty, the King of Sweden, we cannot but be highly displeased at what has been done there, contrary to the treaty and our express orders; and the more so, as every civil officer, from the highest to the lowest, who had been appointed by us, as well as every other of our subjects in Nor- way, is released from his allegiance and duties towards us, on the sole condition of fulfilling, as far as he is concerned, the stipulations of the treaty of peace. “At the same time that we make this known, we forbid every one of the officers whom we have nominated in Norway to accept or to retain any employment whatever in that kingdom in its pre- sent state; we recal all the civil officers in the kingdom of Norway, who are not natives of that country, and who regard Demark, or any one of the countries belonging to it, as their native country; and command them to return within four weeks from the time when they shall be made acquainted with this letter, under pain of forfeiting our favor, and all the rights, advantages, and pri- vileges, which they do or might enjoy as native Danish subjects.-Given at our court at Copen- hagen, April 13, 1814.” As soon as the Norwegians had gone so far in their opposition to Sweden as to declare them- selves independent, and to elect a sovereign, it became necessary for them to seek the means of defending their country from the invasion of the Swedish army. They trusted much to the almost impenetrable nature of their frontier, to which they had been more than once indebted for their protection, and the destruction of the Swedish invading army : but as there was a part of their frontier which was accessible, it was necessary to raise as large an army as possible to defend it. With a population of 1,000,000 of inhabitants, Norway could raise an abundance of troops; and all ranks and ages, as well as both sexes, seemed animated with a fixed determination to repulse the Swedes, or perish in the attempt. Their re- gular army amounted to about 30,000 men; but they were half starved, badly armed, and inexpe- nienced. Famine, indeed, was what they most dreaded; and against this they knew they could not protect themselves, if the maritime powers, and especially Great Britain, took an active part against them. But they did hope that Great Britain would assist them; at least they did not doubt but Britain would allow the importation of grains 1814. I {}90 History of the WARs BOOK XIII. CHAP. I. *_*\Z^*~ 1814. debts of Sweden, and vice versä. * j When the diet met in April, Mr. Anker was deputed to England, with instructions to pro- cure, if possible, the accession of Great Britain to the independence of Norway. This gentleman was admitted to a conference with Lord Liver- pool, in which that minister stated to him the situ- ation and determination of the British govern- ment; and in consequence Mr. Anker was desired to return to Norway. The part taken by the British court was afterwards openly declared in a notification made on the 29th of April, by com- mand of the prince-regent, to the ministers of friendly powers in London, that necessary mea- sures had been taken for a blockade of the ports of Norway by the British navy. The adminis- tration was of opinion, that Great Britain having been a party in a treaty by which the cession of Norway to Sweden was stipulated, it was incum- bent upon her to make use of her power to bring this cession to effect. Soon after the return of the Swedish commis- sioner, Count Axel Rosen, the King of Sweden issued the following declaration:—“His majesty the King of Sweden having declared to- the people º Norway, by the proclamation addressed to them, that he reserved to them all the essential rights which constitute public liberty, and having engaged himself expressly to leave to the nation the faculty of establishing a constitution analo- gous to the wants of the country, and founded chiefly upon the two bases of national represen- tation and the right of taxing themselves; these promises are now renewed in the most formal manner. The king will by no means interfere directly in the new constitutional act of Norway, which must, however, be submitted for his ac- ceptance. He wishes only to trace the first lines of its foundation, leaving to the people the right of erecting the rest of the building. “His majesty is also invariably determined not to amalgamate the financial systems of the two countries. . In consequence of this principle, the debts of the two crowns shall remain always se- }. from each other, and no tax shall be col- ected in Norway for the purpose of paying the The intention of his majesty is not to suffer the revenue of Nor- way to be sent out of the country. The expense of adminstration being deducted, the rest shall be employed in objects of general utility, and in a sinking-fund for the extermination of the national debt.” The , conciliatory measures, adopted by the Swedish government had a visible effect upon the minds of the Norwegians, who began to split into different parties. Some persons, dreading the approaching conflict, were inclined to submis. sion to Sweden. The majority, however, were attached to the cause of national independence, but looked to Prince Christian as the head under whom it was to be established and maintained. *~~ º Turing the meeting of the diet, these different opinions were brought forward; but a great ma- jority concurred in placing the crown of Norway upon the head of §. with descent to his posterity. The legislative power in the new consti- tution was given to an assembly consisting solely of landed proprietors. The new king was proclaim- ed on the 19th of April, when he dissolved the diet with a speech. This decisive step committed the nation to a determined resistance to the coercive transfer of their country, and to all the attempts of the allied powers for persuading or intimidating the Norwegians into submission. One of them was made by the Prince-regent of England, who dis- patched, in the beginning of June, Mr. Morier, as envoy to Norway. That gentleman, finding that the diet had been dismissed before his arrival at Christiania, put a declaration into the hands of the government then established, but without recog- nizing its legitimacy, mentioning that the object of his mission was to explain to Prince Christian and the Norwegians the situation of the British government with respect to its engagements with Sweden and the allied powers, and its determi- nation to act up to them with sincerity and vigour. The minister of Prince Christian immediately re- turned an answer to Mr. Morier's declaration, in the form of a state paper. As it is a most inter- esting document, we shall lay it before our readers. .Answer to Mr. JMorier's Declaration. “The undersigned, secretary of state to his majesty, has had the honor to receive the letter sent under cover to him, and although you are not willing to accept any official answer from a government whose authority and legality you do not acknowledge, you will permit me, in reply to the said letter, to communicate what I know his majesty my most gracious sovereign wishes you, as the envoy of his royal highness the prince- regent, particularly to notice, in judging of the conduct of the Norwegian people and his majesty towards Great Britain. “The Norwegian nation has always regarded England as its best friend and natural ally. In the treaty between Sweden and England, re- specting the annexation of Norway, the English government exhibited a regard for the liberty and happiness of the Norwegians, which was sin- cerely estimated, and served to encourage a hope that England would never lose sight of what this liberty and happiness consisted of, especially as the ministers had expressly declared, that they had not guaranteed Norway to Sweden: that is to say, they had not guaranteed the loss of that country's freedom and happiness. It was conse- quently to be hoped, and the Norwegian people did hope, that Great Britain would have proved a friend, and protector, who, in securing to the Norwegians the possession of this benefit, would first examine into what it consisted of; and if it OF THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 1091 g---vºm- could be accomplished by their being subjected to a state whose government has ill-treated the Norwegians, by even, in a time of peace, esta- blishing a most oppressive and disgraceful system of starving a whole nation, and which has served te increase that national hatred which, as is well known, exists between both neighbours. After such treatment, it is scarcely necessary to pro- duce any other evidence to contradict the asser- tion of the Crown-prince of Sweden, that the Norwegians wished nothing more than to be united with Sweden under his benevolent guid- ance. Both you and your government will feel it incumbent to examine into these truths, for the purpose of laying the foundation for a strong mediation between Norway and Sweden: the most honorable office a great state can undertake, when it is influenced by principles founded upon the rights of nations, and a generous policy. “The proceedings of the diet, and the universal sentiment of the people, will prove to you that a subjection to Sweden, such as is contemplated in the treaty of Kiel, was totally incompatible with the happiness and liberty of the Norwegians; and every É.iii. every one that feels warmly in favor of freedom and national worth, will not be surprised that a nation, who never acknow- ledged itself to be a province of Denmark, but as a separate and freely united kingdom, should refuse to allow itself to be given away as move- able property or any other transferrable thing: the Spanish nation would not submit to this de- gradation, and was supported by England in her glorious opposition to the efforts of tyranny. “The national feeling, though noble, would, without a director, have produced anarchy and confusion, as no Norwegian would have submitted without resistance to the entrance of the Swedish troops, into the country. It was this consider- ation that induced the then stadtholder, Prince Christian, of Denmark, to take upon him the management of the state, and as regent to watch over the internal tranquillity and external safety of the kingdom. rights of the people were given back to them by the King of Denmark, having discharged them from their oath of allegiance, and assembled a diet, that the representatives of the people might themselves adopt a national constitution. How these representatives appreciated his highness's kindness towards the people, may be judged of by the address that was presented to him on the 11th of April; and, in fact, no Norwegian could Fº mistake his great sacrifices for the state. t will be easy for you to convince yourself of the liberty that reigned in the deliberations of the diet; and evident marks of it appears in the adopted constitution, which is not dictated by an ambitious prince, but formed by men truly de- sirous of promoting the welfare of their country. He acknowledged that the . Q The majority of these men (as is proved by the acts of the diet) saw the necessity for the com- pletion of the constitution, that the election of a king should immediately take place; and situated as the regent was, at the head of a determined people, fully resolved to risk all in the defence of their independence and constitution, he had no other choice than immediately to accept the crown presented to him by the love and confi- dence of the people. “The king has sworn to govern the kingdom of Norway agreeably to the constitution; and the diet, at the same time, presented him with an ad- dress, all of which is communicated to you, and wherein the nation utters the wish that peace might be maintained, and mutually beneficial connections be formed with Sweden'; and ex- presses its confidence, that the powerful states who lately with so much exertion and success have fought for the restoration of peace and tran- quillity to Europe, would not consent to the sub- jugation of a people who have given offence to none, and who only demand what the rights of nations ought to secure to them—liberty and peace; at the same time adding its determination, in case these hopes should be disappointed, to prefer the sacrifice of their dearest interests, and even death itself, to slavery. “His majesty, at the request of the diet, has transmitted this declaration to the different courts, and of course to that of Great Britain; and he cannot doubt but it will be taken into due consi- deration by a government which represents a people capable of estimating the value of liberty; and who, if placed in the same situation, would most assuredly be prepared to make the same sacrifices as the Norwegians. . His majesty is also persuaded, that his royal highness the Prince-re- gent of Great Britain, who so well knows what is due from a constitutional regent to his people, will not admit that he could ever be capable, of his own authority, of sacrificing the rights of that people, who, with a firm confidence in his inte- grity, delivered to him the crown. It is only the people themselves that, through their representa- tives, can undertake to alter the constitution, or allow of the union of Norway with any other kingdom. (Wide Constitution 14 and 110.) “Every Norwegian, and every Englishman, as well as every one who feels properly for human worth and happiness, must regret that at this pe= riod, when the powers of Europe have conquered a continental peace, and restored national liberty, that at this very time the same powers should unite in acting in opposition to principles that hitherto have been their guide, by subduing, at the suggestion of Sweden, a free and respectable people. But as yet, the sword is only half drawn, and the voice of humanity uttered by truth, which may still be heard by § Britain and the allied | BOOK XIII. Chap. I. Jºvº- 1814. &# 1092 HISTORY OF THE WARS BOOK XIII. Ch Ap. I. v_s^^_2 1814. powers, wiłł, it is to be hoped, eause them to re- flect on the undeserved conduct they are about to adopt toward the people of Norway. “It must also be acknowledged, that true policy, and even the welfare of the Swedish nation, urges the preference of a reasonable arrangement be- tween Sweden and Norway, whereby liberty and honor would not be compromised, to the renewal of a shedding of blood in the North; and in the persuasion that the Prince-regent of England is possessed of noble, just, and benevolent princi- ples, his majesty with the fullest confidence ap- plies to him to grant his mediation between Nor- way and Sweden, on a basis whereby the happi- mess and hiberty of the Norwegians would be se- cured:—the Norwegian people and their king demand only the principles of the rights of na- tions to be acknowledged, and require that the → s---wºº, events that have taken place in Norway shotild be properly known to be justly judged. It is certainly not the attacked, but those that unjustly attack, who urge a war. “In conclusion, permit me, by his majesty's ex- press command, to add, that if the expected me- diation of England is not directly in opposition to the constitution of the kingdom, or the decla- ration of the diet of the 19th of May, which for the present are his majesty's undeviating guides, he will look upon it as his duty to lay before àn assemblage of the states the progress of such me- diation; but as three or four months would be required for the assembling of the diet, it would be necessary to prevent in the mean time all blood-shed, and which in all probability must be useless, that Great Britain should use her influ- ence with Sweden to procure for Norway, what she has indeed a right to expect from an impar- tial mediator, a perfect neutrality, free import and export from and to England, which all Nor- wegians, accustomed to view the English as their greatest friends, look upon as their highest ad- vantage. How happy am I in having this op- portunity of applying to a man who is a lover of truth, and whom it is my duty to address with that sincerity, which is also expressed in the as- surance of esteem with which I remain, “ Your most obedient servant, “ W. Holt BN. “ Christiania, June 8, 1814. “ To J. P. Morier, Esq.” A final effort at pacification was made by the allied powers ; and, on the 30th of June, the fol- lowing envoys arrived at Christiania; namely, Ge- neral Baron de Steigentesch, for Austria; Major- general Orloff, for Russia; Augustus J. Forster, for England; and Major Baron de Martens, for Prussia. Some days afterwards they had an au- dience of Prince Christian, and, on the 7th of J uly, presented the allowing 3- Note .A. “The undersigned, charged by their respective courts with a special mission to his highness. Prince Christiat, Frederick, of Denmark, have the honor to address to him the present official note. “The cession of Norway, produced by the treaty of Kiel, was guaranteed by the four powers, allies of Sweden. That decree of policy was irrevoca- bly fixed. The allied sovereigns consider the union of Norway to Sweden as one of the bases of the new system of equilibrium, as a branch of indemnities which it is impossible to replace by any other. “The events which latterly occurred in Norway, the opposition which the decision of Europe found there, and the resolution which his highness has taken to put himself at the head of that opposi- tion, determined the allies of Sweden to take the necessary steps for effecting the union of Norway. It is with this object that the undersigned have repaired to his highness. “They are charged to express to him the painful impression' which his proceedings have produced on their sovereigns, to summon him formally to return within the line of his most sacred duties, and to declare to him, that should he refuse to, yield to the general wish of Europe, which recals him to Denmark, an unequal war will arise in the north, and arms will infallibly produce what persuasion has in vain attempted. For this purpose the army of General Count Beningsen, as well as a corps of Prussian troops, have been placed at the disposal of Sweden, and the general blockade of Norway has been resolved upon in common con- cert with Great Britain. “At the same time, the King of Detjmark com- promised in the eyes of monarchs the guarantees of his word, and of the treaty of Kiel, was justly irritated against his late, subjects for the non-ex- ecution of his will. . His majesty resolved in con- sequence, through the inter-medium of the under- signed, to transmit his final orders to the prince, the heir of his crown, who, in quality of first sub- ject, is bound to set the example of obedience to his majesty's subjects in Norway. Danes by birth, who, by refusing to return, will become guilty of rebellion; and to the Norwegians, in fine, from whom, as a last proof of his affection, he should endeavour to avert the horrors of a destructive war. - “The adoption of this resolution by his Danish majesty, and the orders which the undersigned have received from their respective courts, cha- racterise the nature of their special mission. The undersigned deem themselves compelled to de- clare, that they are by no means mediators be- tween Norway and Sweden, but rather commis- sioners, heralds at arms, if the expression may be used,—charged with carrying into execution in its full extent the treaty of Kiel, and the sti. pulations guaranteed by their sovereigns. OF THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 1693 “ However, the known character of his highness, the rectitude of his intentions, the general esteem of Europe for the Norwegian nation, and the wish to effect the union of the two kingdoms without the effusion of blood, have induced the under- sighed to enter into modifications which they ac- knowledge are not within the literal meaning of their instructions : they have yielded to the wish to furnish his highness with the most honorable means of descending from the eminent place to which circumstances have unfortunately raised him; and they have with pleasure lent them- selves to every arrangement which could prevent the character of his highness from suffering, and |. stipulate immunities for the Norwegian €OOlée *hey have thought, that in so doing, they in no respect departed from the liberal intentions of his Swedish majesty: but they could not regard the following arrangements to which they have acceded, as articles stipulated and agreed upon, until they had ºf the assent of that mo- narch. - “ His highness Prince Christian Frederick has positivel #. that he could only replace in the hands of the diet the rights which he had received from the nation. The convocation of the diet was in consequence deemed necessary, and the time for effecting this convocation and secur- ing its deliberations becomes the object of nego- ciation. A truce was proposed, by his highness: the undersigned were anxious to second his wishes; but the various conditions which they proposed were all successively rejected. At length, upon mature deliberation, they have the honor to submit to his highness the expression of intentions from which they cannot depart. “The bases of the armistice are: 1. “A solemn engagement from his highness to the King of Sweden and his august allies, to resign into the hands of the nation assembled by its representatives, all the rights which he has re- ceived from it, and to employ all his influence with the people to induce them to consent to the union. 2. “ The country between the Głommen and the Swedish frontier ji be evacuated by the Nor- wegian troops, as well as the isles of %alchoren, and the fortresses of Frederickstadt, with its ci- tadel, Frederickshall, Frederickstein, and Kongs- vinger. The country shall be declared neutral, and the fortresses shall be occupied by Swedish troops. 3. “ After the occupation of the fortresses, the blockade of Norway shall be raised, in #. to the ports of Christiania, Christiansand, and Bergen, with the necessary modifications, and during the period of the truce. “ After giving in this ultimatum, with regard to which the undersigned demand a categorical **. answer, they also address themselves to his high- BOOK XIII, ness in order to learn his resolution in regard to the letter of his Danish majesty. “They have, at the same time, the honor to de- clare to his highness, that whatever may be his answer to this official note, they will consider their negotiations as terminated, and will demand their passports, whether for the purpose of continuing to bring about the union of the two kingdoms in a pacific manner, or to follow up an ineffectual negotiation by some efficacious measures. * They seize with eagerness this opportunity of presenting to his royal §º the expression of their profound respect. (Signed) “STEIGENTEsch. * ORLoff. ForstER. MARTENs. “ Christiania, July 7, 1814. “ To his higness Prince Christian Frederick, of Denmark.” * * 4. The Answer of his Majesty. “To the note from you, gentlemen, the envoys of the courts allied to Sweden, charged with a special mission to Norway, I hasten to reply con- formably with my duties to the people of Norway, and to the regard due to the overtures you aré commissioned to make. “The happiness of Norway is the sole object of my actions. The Norwegian nation, delivered from the oath of fidelity to i. King of Denmark, and not acknowledging his power to cede them in full sovereignty and property to the King of Sweden, as well as justly irritated by learning it was a principal condition that Swedish troops should take possession of fortresses never occu- pied by Danish troops during the union, wished to avail themselves of those rights which in similar cases belong, according to public opinion, to every nation. “Aware of this general sentiment, which an in- veterate hatred between bordering nations ren- dered more marked than ever, I perceived that internal disturbances and anarchy would result from a forced union : and I put myself at the head of the nation in order to prevent these cala- mities. The regard due to the sovereignty which resides in the nation itself, made me assemble a diet, and it formed a constitution calculated to consolidate the happiness of the people. Their affection and confidence offered me the crown, which I then thought it my duty to accept; and desirous of contributing to the happiness of the people, I was persuaded that the independence of Norway, under a government which the nation it- self had formed, and an alliance with Sweden, guaranteed by the great powers, which should CHAP. k. \_ºvº- 1814. secure the repose of the north with that of the Norwegian people, who wish only to live free. 1094 HISTORY OF THE WARS W ------ -----~~~~~~~~~< ---- ~~~~ *-* -- - Book xIII. among their rocks, would be the most desirable CHAP. I. \-sº-S,-2 1814. state of things for Norway. I founded my hopes on the application, in our favor, of the same prin- ciples in support of which such generous efforts had been lavished in Germany and in Spain. The great powers of Europe have otherwise decided; the declarations which you have made, persuade me that the safety of Norway demands that we should yield to the law of the strongest; and I perceive that these same powers, not wishing to bring the calamities of war on Norway, are de- sirous of attending to every thing that may se- cure as much as possible the happiness of Norway united to Sweden. I even see it in my power to stipulate for the welfare of Norway, by the sacri- fice of a situation personally flattering to me. I do not hesitate to make such sacrifice, in a man- ner worthy of a man of honor, worthy of the crown which I wear, and of the people who have con- ferred it on me. * / * “’You have recognised that it is only into the hands of the diet that I can resign my rights; and it is also only that assembly.of the represen- tatives of the nation which can decide whether the nation should prefer an unequal struggle for its independence, to the honorable conditions which shall be offered to Norway as a kingdom united to Sweden. I acknowledge it to be my duty to make known to the nation the dangers to which it is exposed, and to represent to it the ad- vantages which must be secured to it on its ac- ceding to a constitutional union with Sweden; but you know me sufficiently to be convinced, that, faithful to my engagements, I will never separate my fate from it's, in the event of a brave though useless resistance against the united forces of Europe, being preferred to an honorable re- conciliation, for which I shall employ all my credit. It is to this effect that I have written the letter to the King of Sweden, a copy of which is here- with subjoined, and by which I accede to your first basis for the truce, which you also have deemed necessary, and which I demand of the King of Sweden, on honorable and admissible conditions. “To the second basis of the truce, I reply, that if the point at issue be the rupture of negotia- tions which can alone lead to an amicable union, I will accede to the evacuation of the country, between the Glommen and the Swedish frontier, as well as of the isles of Hualoerne, and the for- tresses of Frederickstein and Fredericstadt, by the Norwegian troops, on condition that the terri- tory, as well as the fortresses, be neutral during. the armistice. Kongsvinger being on the north- bank of the Glommen, and a league on this side the neutralized ground, I think it will not be pro- per to insist on its evacuation. In regard to the occupation of the fortresses by Swedish troops, I deem it my duty to represent to you, that conditions which have once already animated the whole people to the defence of the country, ought not to be º, if it is wished to sooth the pub- lic mind; that the inevitable consequence of the entrance of Swedish troops would be a general rising of the people, and that, in that case, I must prefer war against the enemy to the civil war which I should have occasioned by outraging the constitution in the eyes of the whole nation, by a criminal weakness. If the King of Sweden wishes an amicable union and not war, he will not insist on this, and will accede to the proposal which I have made to him of leaving the two fortresses of Fredericstein and Fredericstadt in the custody of the citizens of these cities. The evacuation of these two fortresses by the Norwegian troops, which leaves them without the necessary defence, will give every military advantage to the Swedes; and when I consider the generous sentiments which should guide his Swedish majesty, I trust that that monarch will at the same time be satis- fied to fix the neutral ground on the east bank of the Glommen to a circle of three leagues around these fortresses. “With respect to the third basis, I must also observe to you, that the proposed raising of the blockade of Norway, which I consider as a con- dition inseparable from the truce, and as an un- equivocal mark of the humanity and benevolence of the allied powers towards the people of Norway, must also be extended to all points of the coast, if it is wished that it be regarded as a real benefit. Any other conditions would give rise to embar- rassments and perpetual quarrels, which might too easily lead to a rupture of the armistice, and of the negociations consequent thereon. I have also demanded this of the King of Sweden, and I hope that he will acknowledge the truth of all these observations on the subject of the raising of the blockade, if it be wished to avoid every thing that might yet bring on a disastrous war in the north. “I will furnish Major-general Petersen and my aide-de-camp, Captain Holsteen, with my full powers to conclude the truce at Fredericshall, or at Swinemund; and I sincerely wish that this negociation may be happily, terminated, and be only preliminary to reconciliation and amicable UIIAIOIle “I demand the guarantee of the allied powers for the truce, and for the propositions regarding the bases of union, to which his Swedish ma- jesty shall please to accede. * On the subject of the King of Denmark's letter, as to which I abstain from all reflection, I shall beg of you to take charge of my reply... It will contain in few words the declarations which my present position and my honor have required my making to you, and of which you have ae- knowledged the weight. It will show his ma- OF THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 1095 —º ed by Sweden, under the guarantee of the four Book XIII. powers whose envoys are present. “Secondly, That the deliberations be free and Chap. I. mature, and to this end that a suspension of hos- >~~ jesty that it is impossible for me to follow his or- ders until the diet or the fate of arms shall have decided the future condition of Norway: and for the rest I must leave it to his wisdom and his conscience whether he judge it proper to carry into effect his threats against me, and the Danish officers, which, however, would change greatly my personal situation, and the line of conduct which I have resolved to pursue. “This note being the last which I shall have to hand over to you, gentlemen, envoys from the allied courts, I seize this opportunity of begging you to be persuaded of the very particular con- sideration with which I subscribe myself, “Your very affectionate, “CHRISTIAN FREDERIC. (Signed) “HOLTEN.” “Christiania, July 13, 1814.” Letter to the King of Sweden. “Sir and brother, There is nothing on earth so valuable to me as the satisfaction of a good conscience. This I have never forfeited; and I still desire, that my conduct may be directed as henor and as duty prescribe. “ It is with these sentiments I have been in- duced to place myself at the head of a people, who, released from their allegiance to their king, sigh only for independence, and have tendered to me all their affections and confidence. I have sworn to defend the constitution, and shall readily lay down my life in support of their rights and independence: I have not forgotten, however, that I am likewise responsible for their happi- HeşSe “Now that all Europe has declared against Norway, against that cause which I defend with no other means than those afforded by my coun- try, such considerations present a necessity against which it would be impossible to contend. “That I have never been misled by personal motives, I shall evince by restoring the crown into the hands of the nation who conferred it on me. I choose rather to save Norway than to reign over her: but before I consent to separate myself from a people to whom I am at present united by the most sacred ties, I am anxious to secure their happiness by a guarantee of the con- stitution, and other stipulations, to serve as bases to the union with Sweden. I shall assemble the diet, and make the conditions known to the na- tion. I shall point out to them all the perils to which they will be exposed by a brave but fruit- less perseverance in the contest. If the nation accept the conditions, I shall instantly abdicate the throne; if they reject them, my fate shall not be separated from theirs. Before, however, I convoke the diet, I desire that two important oints may be previously arranged. 66 * That the bases of the union be accept- 4. .* tilities be agreed on. “I am sensible that the advantages to result from a suspension of arms demand sacrifices on my side. These sacrifices are expressed in the projét of armistice which I annex. The envoys of the allied powers have contended that the Swedish troops should occupy the fortresses; but I have not been able to concede this point, both because the constitution restrains me, and because I well know, from the character of my nation, that they would not suffer, without opposition, the entrance of Swedish troops within }. fron- tiers. I am compelled, therefore, to prefer the misfortunes of a foreign to the horrors of a civil war. I confidently rely, however, on your wis- dom, sir, in assenting to the means of avoiding a war which would render the projected union in- admissible, and entail upon the Swedish nation as many calamities as on the people whom you desire to govern, and whom you cannot conciliate so effectually as by measures of mildness, by a respect for public opinion, and a relaxation of the blockade; measures which will be considered as derived from your generosity, and your regard for the welfare of this people. “My situation is painful, but my affection for the Norwegians remains the same. “If you accept the terms of the armistice, and the bases of the union, I pledge my word to employ all the influence I possess in persuading the people of Norway to submit to the union, as the only means of security in their power. “Honor me, sir, with your confidence. I have deserved it, in cheerfully subscribing myself, 66 %. majesty’s, &c. “CHRISTIAN FREDERIck. “Christiania, July 13, 1814.” JVote to the Envoys of the Allied Powers.-Note B. “ Although you, gentlemen, envoys of the allied powers, charged with a special mission in Norway, have declared that you are not mediators between Norway and Sweden, it is doubtless in- separable from your character to be the guaran- tees of such stipulations as shall be agreed to be- tween the two kingdoms. It is with this view that I invite you to give me the assurance that you will guarantee the bases of union which the King of Sweden may accept, as well as the ar- mistice, in all the points that may be definitively arranged for the period of its duration, “If the commissioners of the allied powers acquiesce, I am equally desirous that they should assist in settling differences of a serious nature; which may arise during the armistice; and I shall submit to their decision yºur the period ought 1814. 1096 HISTORY OF THE WARS BOOK XIII. *-** CHAP. I. \_º,”, ” 1814. part of the basis of an armistice. -* to be so far prolonged as to enable the diet to close its deliberations without interruption. “I require of you to guarantee, so long as the armistice shall continue, the raising of the block- ade by the maritime forces of England and Rus- sia, in order that commerce and free navigation, both with regard to importation and exportation, be restored to the ports of Norway; and, likewise, that permission to ship grain and other provisions for Norway be immediately given in Denmark, and in the ports of the Baltic, as well as in England, Hol- land, and the White Sea. If the exportation of corn from Archangel for the province of Drontheim, for Nordland, and Finmark must be limited, I require 25,000 zetverts. “I would again call your attention to the situa- tion of the King of Denmark, as it affects this country. You will admit that the King of Den- mark has done the utmost in his power to carry the treaty of Kiel into effect. The evils which he assists in imposing upon his antient subjects, who have given to him unexampled proofs of their fidelity, exceed those limits which humanity pre- scribes to sovereigns. It is fit that he revoke these rigorous measures. The circumstances in which I am placed direct my conduct; the King of Denmark can have no influence on the fate of Norway. It is consequently cruel to make him answerable; and I invite you to employ your good offiees with your respective sovereigns to relieve him from this obligation, and that his subjects, after so many sufferings, may have no more mu- merous and foreign armies to maintain. “I require your answer to this note, gentlemen, before you quit Norway, accompanied, be assured, by the good wishes of all those who have had the opportunity of knowing you, and who have learn- ed to esteem you as highly as does, “Your’s, &c. “CHRISTIAN FREDERICK. “Christiania, July 13, 1814.” J. Answer of the Envoys to his Highness Prince Christian Frederick. “The undersigned have received the communi- cations which his highness Prince Christian Fre- derick, of Denmark, has thought proper to trans- mit to them. “In presenting their note of the 7th ult, they had flattered themselves, that in entering into the view of his highness for the convocation of the diet, and the negociation of an armistice, they would probably succeed in removing every con- siderable difficulty, and obtain a confidence which might admit their propositions without restriction. Not one of the three points, however, submitted by the undersigned, has been fully accepted as Each has suf- fered modifications which, if they do not annul the general effect, at least render doubtful the concurrence of his Swedish majesty. “Without entering into any details which could only give rise to fresh discussions, they feel them- selves obliged to declare, that the concessions de- manded as bases of the union are not compensated by any advantages afforded by the proposed ar- IlliSt. Ce. “The undersigned are therefore compelled to rest their hopes of the success of their negoci- ation upon the generosity of the King of Sweden; and painful as it is to see all their efforts for the accomplishment of a pacific union frustrated, they are still happy to submit entirely to the conscience of his Swedish majesty the acceptance of his high- ness's propositions, in order thereby to furnish him with an occasion of commencing by a signal be- nefit the exercise of his influence over Norway. “With respect to the guarantee of the bases of union, the armistice, and of all the points that shall be definitively arranged and accepted by Sweden, the undersigned are convinced, that none of the powers of whom they are the repre- sentatives, nor even Sweden herself, will object to this act of justice. Indeed, the raising the blockade, if his Swedish majesty shall consent to it, necessarily involves the revocation of all those belligerent measures which were taken against Norway. The observations added by his high- ness, with respect to the painful situation of Den- mark, induce the undersigned to remark, that the resolution of the prince to place himself at the head of an illegitimate opposition, is the sole cause of the misfortunes of his true country, and that he might at once have spared to Denmark the suspicions of the allied powers, and to the under- signed the chagrin of stating this in an official note. “At the close of this communication, the under- signed have the honor to ask of his highness a last proof of his frankness, in the publication of their official notes as speedily as possible. They demand this on the principle that Norway should be informed of all the dangers to which she is ex- posed, and of the real object of their mission. “The departure of the undersigned being irre- vocably fixed for Sunday, the 17th of July, they have the honor to present to his highness their homage, and the reiterated assurances of their profound respect. “STEIGENTEsch, ORLoff, ForsTER, MARTENs. “ Christiania, July 15, 1814.” The envoys had their audience of leave on July 17, and returned towards Sweden. Prince Chrise. tian departed on the 21st to Moss, whence he was to repair to head-quarters. His letter to the King of Sweden was afterwards returned unopened. mºim, OF THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 1097 .* .r--- ***, *-i-º-º-º--- - - “ -* CHAPTER II. Interesting Debates in the Imperial Parliament, on the Conduct of the British Government towards 2 the Norwegians. IT was naturally to be expected, that the condi- tion of the Norwegians, transferred, by a treaty in which they had no participation, to a new sove- reign, and on their unwillingness to consent to this change threatened with compulsion, should interest the friends of freedom and independence in the British parliament; and as soon as it was understood that the English government was likely to take a part in the system of force to be adopted against them, tokens appeared in both houses of an intention to make the subject a mat- ter of discussion. Accordingly, on the 10th of May, it was brought forward in the house of lords. Earl Grey began by observing, “That even in the eventful era in which we lived, and amidst all the numerous and extraordinary vicissitudes which were at last about to terminate in the tranquillity of Europe, he much doubted whether their lord- ships had ever been called upon to discuss any subject of greater importance, in point of prin- ciple, than that to which he now begged leave to call their attention. The maxims of good faith, of moral and political justice, the doctrines of pub- lic law, and the interpretation of treaties,—all these their lordships would be called upon to consider, before they pronounced a verdict on the proceedings of ministers towards Norway; before they decided on the case of the people of that coun- try, a people who had done us no injury, who were only known to us by their patriotism, their industry, and their virtues, and who had always shewn a disposition to cultivate friendly intercourse with the British nation. He should now proceed to lay before their lordships those views, which, in his mind, should induce them to pause before they sanctioned the proceedings of government on this interesting subject. There was one thing, how- ever, which he must beg leave to premise before he proceeded to the argument. . It could not be necessary to recal their lordships' attention to the treaty with Sweden, which was sanctioned last year by parliament, notwithstanding his opposi- tion, and that of several of his friends, to the mea- sure: he remained, however, unalterably fixed in the opinion which he then expressed, that British policy never sustained a greater shock, nor the British character a deeper stain, than was inflicted by that treaty. But he knew his duty too well to recommend, its recal, or any evasion of its sti- pulations, however inconvenient the perform- ance of them might have become. their lordships to believe that no authority, no consideration, should induce him to depart from its engagements, much less to violate them ; and if it could be shewn that this treaty com- pelled us to assist the King of Sweden in subju- gating the inhabitants of Norway, why then their lordships would do well to reject his motion. If, on the contrary, it should appear that government had contracted no such engagement, and if the system now pursued was in direct contradiction to the principles of natural right and of social justice, he trusted he should not plead in vain to a Bri- tish parliament. Leaving, then, the treaty with Sweden perfect in all its obligations, the first question would be, whether it required from us such measures as were now pursued towards Nor- way: secondly, whether these measures were such in themselves as could be justified, according to all the doctrines which had been laid down by all the writers on public law : thirdly, whether Sweden had so acted as to be entitled to call upon us for the execution of these measures: and, lastly, whe- ther sound policy would justify us in complying with such demands. The first question to which he had to call their lordships attention was, as to the construction of the treaty itself. He wished them to consider whether, when fairly construed, it did contain such an obligation as the blockade of the ports of Norway. It was unnecessary to call their attention to the circumstances in which the treaty between Sweden and Russia originated. On the suggestion of Russia, we were invited to ac- cede to this treaty ; and one of the conditions un- doubtedly was, not only that we should not oppose the annexation of Norway to Sweden, but even employ force to compel Denmark to accede to it. Still, this was to be only in the case of Denmark refusing to join the coalition of the north. This was the condition on which the annexation was to take place; and it was directed against the Kin of Denmark alone. If we did all that ...i with us to compel his assent, the obligation con- tracted on our part was fulfilled. Their lordships must observe, that our treaty with Sweden did not guarantee the peaceable possession of Norway to that country. This was done in the treaty be- tween Russia and Sweden : but was not at all mentioned in our accession to it. This guarantee, in fact, was excepted, and excluded from our He entreated BOOK XIII. CHAP. II. Q_*N* A 1814. 1098 IIISTORY OF THE WARS BOOK XIII. CHAP. II. \ºvº- 1814. *—º- treaty with Sweden. So far as to the construction of the treaty on the face of it: but he would refer to still higher authority, that of the framers of the treaty themselves, he meant his majesty's mi- nisters. In the treaty of peace with Denmark, a document unfortunately not yet before the house, it was stated in the tenth article, that his Britannic majesty promises to make efforts at a general Congress, that Denmark may re- ceive a full indemnity for the loss of Norway, implying, that our duty was fulfilled when Den- mark relinquished that country. And here, if he might be permitted to refer to what passed in that house last year, all guarantee of the peace- able possession of Norway was disclaimed by ministers. Sure he was, that in another place, where doubts were stated as to the existence of such a guarantee, it was expressly stated, by a noble lord at the head of the foreign depart- ment, that there was no such guarantee; and surprise was expressed, that any one should sup- pose that a guarantee could be understood, un- less it was broadly laid down. Nay, it was even stated, that the guarantee in the treaty between Sweden and Russia was expressly excepted and concluded in that with this country. If this ac- count were correct, and the noble lord opposite seemed by his gestures to assent to it, why, then, a plainer case never existed on the construction of a deed than this. What did the treaty in ques- tion bind us to? It was merely to every possi- ble exertion that Denmark should agree to the transfer of Norway to Sweden. And now, when Denmark had not only ceded all her claims to that country, but had fulfilled her part of the treaty, by actually joining the confederation with her troops—at this moment we were resorting to further and most obnoxious measures for compel- ling the submission of Norway. By the treaty with Sweden we engaged to assist in compelling the King of Denmark to do all in his power to effectuate the transfer of Norway. That he has now done, and thus the obligations of the treaty were fulfilled on our part. Would the noble and learned lords, at the head of the law, permit one to come into court, and recover upon, a contract which was, ab initio illegal? The plaintiff might say, that he must suffer severe loss, unless the contract were enforced. What would be the answer? You entered into a contract contrary to law ; it is void, ab initio; and if you acted contrary to law and good faith, you must bear the loss! In the case of nations, the principles were the same, though there too often power vio- lated right; but still the principles were the same, and equally necessary to be attended to for the safety of all. “What, then, were the rights of the King of Denmark? Were they founded upon the com- mon advantage and the consent of the people, on which all thrones rested ?–or, were the people of Norway liable to be justly transferred without any consent of theirs, like cattle attached to the soil, from one proprietor to another? Speaking in the nineteenth century, speaking to a British house of parliament, it was only necessary to state such a proposition, to shew that it was absurd . It was a clear principle of public law, that a sovereignty could not be transferred without the consent of the people. Thrones were founded on the right of protection on the one hand, and obedience on the other; and a soverign had no title to obedience unless he gave protection. This was the principle of the revolution in this country. Upon this principle his present ma- jesty reigned; and their lordships enjoyed there the freedom of debate, which, if the tyrant who reigned before the revolution had succeeded in his designs, they would not have enjoyed. Their lordships sat there upon this foundation, that he who had violated the compact between prince and people had, speaking in the language of their ancestors, forfeited his crown. If the tyrant James had attempted to transfer this country to a foreign power, would that have been a less viola- tion of the rights of the people? Would that have been a less palpable breach of the compact upon which the king reigned and the subject obeyed? “There was no patrimonial right in the pre- sent case. He was almost ashamed to combat such an argument. But still, even at this late period, it might be useful to clear up this point to those, if any such there were, who doubted. He º then, that the King of Denmark's rights over Norway were those of a sovereign, and not of a proprietor; that the sovereignty of Norway was not transferrable without the people's consent. He might withdraw himself, º Set them free from their allegiance; but to attempt to transfer that allegiance and sovereignty to another, against their consent, was a flagrant vio- lation of law, and justice. They had happily survived the times when they were told, that the maxims of public law did not apply to the cir- cumstances of the present times; and this coun- try was indebted for the situation in which it at present stood, to an adherence to these ancient maxims. Grotius, in writing on this subject, had stated his opinion at length; but the clear prin- ciple to be §. from the whole was this, that the sovereignty was given to the king for the good of his subjects, and that it could not be transferred without their consent, either express or implied. Puffendorf also stated it to be a clear principle of public law, that the sovereign had no right to transfer the sovereignty without the consent of the people, except in cases of ex- treme necessity; and then he proceeded to con- sider these cases of extreme, as in the case of a town reduced to the last extremity, or where a OF THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 1099 -ºrg -- § —º- sovereign was compelled to withdraw his protec- tion from a people by foreign force, to which he should presently call their lordships’ attention. If a prince, as was the case with the King of Denmark, was compelled by the necessity of his affairs to give up a sovereignty to another, and the people refused, he might, according to Puf- fendorf, withdraw himself; but he had no right to compel them to surrender themselves, nor to place them under any obligation not to resist. The people in such a case had a right to resist, if they could, and to erect themselves into a com- monwealth. Was this intelligible, or was it not? Then the principle was clear upon the authority of Puffendorf. Wattel, writing on the same sub- ject, said, that the sovereignty was inalienable, as appeared from the very ... and constitution of society. It might be said that some principa- lities had been transferred without their consent, but these were not properly sovereignties, but only fiefs of the empire, enjoying a greater or less degree of liberty; and, the conclusion from the whole of Vattel's writings on this point was, that sovereignties could never be with justice transferred except with the consent of the people. “These authorities were conclusive; but he was aware that with respect to the two first a distinc- tion might be taken, as Grotius and Puffendorf said, that sovereignties which were patrimonial might be transferred. But in the sense in which these writers used the term, no great state was patrimonial. Besides, Barbeyrac, in a note upon Grotius, noticed the distinction, and held, that it was perfectly absurd, upon their own reasonings. They said, that a state was to be considered as pa- trimonial which was alienable, and that which was alienable was patrimonial, and thus went on reason- ing in a circle. Wattel, writing on that point, said, that a state could not be a patrimony, and that this was a proposition which no writer of authority would have dared to advance in an enlightened age. Setting aside, then, that futile distinction, there was no ground whatever in public law for a right to trans- fer a sovereignty against the consent of the people. But even if such a distinction could be admitted, the noble lords on the other side must shew that Norway was a patrimonial sovereignty: but to see how little applicable the distinction was in most cases, even in the opinion of Grotius himself, he referred to another passage in his writings, where he stated, that France, Spain, England, Sweden, and Denmark, furnished instances of kings having been dethroned, and others raised in their stead, by consent of the people, whose consent was there- fore held to be necessary to a transfer of the so- vereignty; and he also stated, that there were but few sovereignties existing where the sove- reigns had not acquired their right by consent of the pºrk. Then their lordships would attend to the history of Norway, to see whether it did not Book xIII.' stand in that situation. It was at first divided into several principalities, which were united into one kingdom by Harold Harefoot. . It was at times united to Denmark, and at other times a separate kingdom, till it was finally united to Denmark in 1680 by the marriage of the sove- reigns. Norway had retained an independent government like Ireland, till the people, harassed by the nobility, were prevailed upon to deliver up the whole power to the king. The government was, therefore, differently administered; but still rested on the original compact of protection and obedience. It could not, therefore, be contended, that the situation of Norway precluded the appli- cation of those principles of laws which applied to other sovereignties. Norway was an indepen- dent crown, inalienable and untransferrable with- out the consent of the nation. All then that Great Britain could bind itself to do, was to get from the King of Denmark whatever he had a right to give; and he had no right to make this transfer without the consent of the Norwegians. “But then it might be objected to this, that such transfer had been made without consent of the people. Grotius enumerated several—twenty ci- ties by King Solomon. It could not be contended that the practices of these times were of much authority. But then modern instances were stated,—Franche-comte, Lorraine, &c. These, however, were mere dependencies, and not dis- tinct sovereignties. Besides, no force was em- ployed to compel them to transfer their allegi- ance, and therefore their consents might be pre- sumed. But this argument had been well an- swered by Barbeyrac, who said that such examples only proved that there had been abuses of power. They should have produced an instance where a state had been thus transferred, and had resisted, and where such resistance had been deemed rebel- lion. Hungary was united to Austria, Ireland and Scotland had been united to England, in the same way as Norway was to Denmark. If the King of England had attempted to transfer the sovereignty of Ireland or Scotland, would not the people have resisted? and would not their exer- tions have been attended with the good wishes of every friend of freedom and national independence? He hoped that none would talk of Franche- comte, and other places of that description, which were not properly sovereignties, and which, be- sides, offered no resistance to their transfer. In the early history of our own country, there oc- curred instances of these attempts at transfer, which were resisted. When King John had iven up the sovereignty to the pope's legate, the #. had maintained the principle that the king had no right to make the transfer. Richard II. had transferred Gascomy, but the Gascons re- Chap. II. 1814. 1100 HISTORY OF THE WARS - - - --- - **- BOOKXIII. sisted the transfer ; and the result was that the CHAP. II. NeºNZº-Z 1814. king revoked the grant. Here, then, was an in- stance where the transfer had been resisted with success. When Corsica was transferred to France, and the Corsicans resisted, did any man ever think of holding out these acts of resistance as rebellion ? That was a case where the right of resistance was sanctioned by the universal consent of civilized nations. “But there was another remarkable case of re- sistance in our own history. He alluded to the resistance made by Scotland, when the crown was transferred by Baliol to Edward I. They all knew the attempt that was made on Scotland by Edward, a case only paralleled by that of Spain in our own times. It was well known to their lordships by what fraud and violence Edward got the resignation of the Scottish crown from Baliol; and not only this, but he had also got Bruce, the other competitor, on his side, yet the Scottish nation resisted, and had history ever sanctioned the pretence that this was rebellion ?— that the great and patriotic Wallace was a rebel, and that the subsequent execution of that hero as a traitor was well-merited 3 Pid not this trans- action form a deep and indelible stain j. the reign of Edward, in many respects so splendid? Bruce had at last taken the better part. • Scots, who have with Wallace bled ; * Scots, wholm Bruce has often led, “Welcome to your gory bed, • Or to Victory !’ “Who have ever heard these divine strains without feeling his heart beat high at the contem- lation of the glorious struggle then made for #. and national independence? Where was the heart which did not glow with the desire to have been a sharer in the noble efforts of Wal- lace and Bruce 7 Who had ever read that part of our history without following the steps of the he- roes with breathless anxiety, and the most ardent wishes for their success 3 * Thy spirit, independence, let me share, * Lord of the lion-heart and eagle-eye; * Thy steps I’ll follow with my bosom bare, “Nor heed the storm that howls along the sky.’ There a glorious resistance had been made to this transfer of sovereignty, and that resistance had at last been successful. What was the answer of the Scottish barons to the pope, when he at- tempted to transfer their allegiance? That no king should be imposed upon Scotland without their consent. Such was the language of the Scottish barons, and in this language the people of Norway now spoke. If their lordships would not hear them, they would act in subversion of the principles of their own liberty, by which they lived, and moved, and had their being. Attend- ing, then, to the construction of this treaty, it was clear that they were not bound to assist in the subjugation of Norway by force; and this argu- ment became infinitely stronger, when, upon the principles of public law, it was clear that the King of Denmark had no right to transfer the sove- reignty of Norway, and when no one had a right to compel the people of Norway to surrender against their inclination.” Lord Grey next adverted to the documents. “On those he had something to complain of-de- fective information, and rather disingenuous treat- ment. He was told that in June there was on the continent a force of 30,095, with some cuirassiers and the land-sturm. . It was not explained whe- ther this alluded to the total force in Sweden and - Pomerania, or that engaged. At all events the person who gave this return should have remem- bered his own previous one, which gave but 28,000 in the following August. The noble lord (Bathurst) said he had no reason to believe the Swedish contingent ever deficient. Now modesty on matters of opinion might be natural and even graceful in that noble lord, but really it was ra- ther an inconvenient virtue, when standing in the place of the actual assurance and distinct knowledge, which, not to have in matters of the state, was an actual crime. But would the noble lords absolutely pretend to say, that the crown-prince had done his duty ? Would any venture to call in question the testimony of Mr. Thornton, the minister at his head-quarters, or that of Sir Charles Stewart, in his military and diplomatic capacity ? Would those persons be offered as evidences of the crown-prince's having fulfilled his engagements in troops and service? He (Lord Grey) wished he could examine at their lordships’ bar that gallant veteran who had contributed so nobly and so largely to the glories of the day. He wished he could ex- amine Marshal Blucher, and ask his opinion on the services of the Crown-prince of Sweden. On the 6th of June it was said, that the whole Swedish power would be available. The battle of Leipsic was gained by the gallantry and devotedness of the allies; but did that battle con- clude all ? Was not Europe still in danger? Was not the balance still trembling? Was not the tran- quillity of the world still almost hopeless 2 But for the madness of that one man, would not peace have been made, and on terms, with a dispropor- tionate allotment of empire, which would have only given him the means for new and more pre- pared attacks on the continent 3, And during this eventful period, whoever heard of the crown- prince? Was not the strongest discontent ex- cited by his inactivity ? And when he did move, where did he move? Did he press upon the enemy? Did he throw his sword into the scale? Did he pour down to augment the mighty stream of popular feeling and national valour that was - - || OF THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 1101 * -------------—- rushing on against the great disturber? No- he turned off for Norway. He succeeded in forcing the consent of Denmark; and when was this 2 Did we forget the months of January, Fe- bruary, and March 3 Did we remember the doubtfulness of the contest, its fierceness, the rivers of blood that flowed, the anxiety, the immi- nent hazard; and where was the crown-prince 2 On the 16th of January he concluded the treaty with Denmark: on the 29th of March he was at Liege. A curious article had appeared in the Liege Gazette of that time. It was worth notice. The crown-prince, a man bred up in the school of Napoleon, was possibly not the most ardent admirer of the liberty of the press. At all events it was not improbable that articles, judging of his conduct, could scarcely find their way into that gazette, without his supervision. It looked perfectly like a demi-official articke. Its sub- stance was, that many people were surprised to see the crown-prince, while the allies were plung- ing into the heart of France, remaining at Liege, and attending balls and public amusements. The surprise might, however, cease when it was known that the prince had expected and expressed his expectation of being called on to send a pleni- potentiary to Chatillon, which plenipotentiary was never required; and next, that the Hanseatic le- gion, which had been raised and disciplined partly by the exertions of the prince, had been withdrawn from his command, and placed under Bulow ; that to all his remonstrances no sufficient answer had been given; and that, in consequence, he had determined to take no active part till it was given. Here, said Lord Grey, was a full and fair ac- knowledgment that he had not done his duty as stipulated to this country. All was settled at length in some way or other; the Swedes were put in motion, and the prince went to Paris. When 3 On the 16th of April, sixteen days after the battle on the heights of Montmartre, sixteen days after the possession of that city, sixteen days after there was any thing of danger or use to be done ; and yet for this he comes to claim the stipulations of Britain for real services? Take the question in another way. Try it round. Look from right to policy. Who could doubt that olicy was against the cession of Norway to Sweden 3 Noble lords had said that Norway must be united with either Sweden or Denmark, and that an union with the former would be better for us than with the latter: but how could this be maintained ? Who ever doubted that Sweden naturally looked to France to balance her against Russia; and that the Russian was of all others the most natural, noble, and useful alliance for England. In France the dynasty was changed, and there was undoubtedly the happiest hope of a long and lasting peace with France; but he must be a sanguine politician who did not look to a possible future difference of prospect. that he had heard of that country were true, there was still much to be corrected there. He touched on the topic reluctantly; but if the British ministers had influence there, they would do well to employ it in recommending a system of mildness, gentleness, and calm and forgiving wisdom. He merely touched on this subject: he would now return. Was there no alternative for Norway but to be a dependency of Sweden or Denmark? Was there not independence 3. Might she not thus be incomparably more beneficial to this kingdom from her commerce, from her naval supplies, from the advantages of her situation, and all exalted by the grand and mighty energy of a people aeted on by the spring and impulse of a new-found liberty. We ought, we assuredly ought, to withdraw our active hostility against i a. people; we ought to withdraw our blockade. There were some other considerations which he (Lord Grey) had hitherto kept separate. It was said that Norway did not resist, but that Den- mark had not observed her stipulations; and that the resistance was that of a faction, nurtured by Denmark. But who would assert that there was a single Danish soldier in all Norway? He was prepared to deny it. In all Norway there was no force but native Norwegians. The gar- risons, the posts, the frontiers, all held by Nor- wegians, who had withdrawn from their allegi- ance to Denmark, and sworn to die for their country's independence. But there was a Danish faction, or there was not. If only a faction, was it worth while to add the force of England to that of Russia and Sweden, to beat down a faction ? If a Danish faction, why not attack Denmark, and force her to abjure it? If a people, was it wise to tell a whole nation that we knew what was good for them better than they did themselves? But the Prince of Norway was presumptive heir of Denmark. Was there no possible arrangement for obviating this? Might not Norway, as the al- ternative of a choice, be taken as the better half? Equal in population, superior in territorial extent, and from its barrier of mountains and sea infinitely more secure; he (Lord Grey) if the choice were If all Book XIII. CHAP. II. Jºvº-Z 1814. offered to him, would have no hesitation in select- ing Norway. The declaration of Sweden was called munificent. Its conduct was like that of the French in Corsica. Its first demand was for the military possession of the country. The Danish government was called despotic ; but on the testimony of all travellers the Norwegians seemed to enjoy perfect freedom. But we should be calm, and recollect the great cause of our na- tional pride. We were at this moment exult- ing in our efforts for the deliverance of Spain. Ferdinand VII. had ceded his rights to Bona- K. If the Danish king had a right to cede the orwegians, Ferdinand had a right to give up his T 102 HISTORY OF THE WARS BOOK XIII. CHAP. II. N_*N*/ 1814. --> * *-* =< * *-* -- ºr *-*. * * * ** *** * * * ****** * * * **-*-* *-*--------e. armºr-º-º: - ? Spaniards. But Ferdinand ceded on compulsion. Did the Danish king yield ºy his own con- sent # Something had been said of negociation. If such had commenced on any reasonable grounds, his motion would not have come before their lordships, but it was negociation in all the principles of the original injustice—the language of peace with the violence of war.” Lord Grey, after enumerating a variety of miscellaneous ar- guments, concluded by moving an address, en- treating that the blockade of Norway by a Bri- tish force should be raised. The Earl of Harrowby said, that “the noble lord had certainly exerted those powers of argu- ment and eloquence which he always displayed upon such occasions as he thought fitting, and had taken advantage of a laborious research into every thing that could favor his view of this question. He hoped, however, that he had not so far succeeded with their lordships, but that by a plain practical appeal to their reason and common sense, they might be induced to resist so unusual an inter- ference as was then proposed. The noble lord's distribution of the subject he should follow ; though it was not exactly that which he approved. The object of the treaty of Sweden, the wisdom of which treaty was not then the subject of dis- cussion, was to unite the power of Sweden with the common cause of the allies, and to insure to Sweden the acquisition of Norway by cession from Denmark. It was useless to refer minutely to other parts of the treaty. The Emperor of Russia might, if he pleased, engage for the union of Norway to Sweden; his Britannic majesty then agreed, not only to oppose, but to assist Sweden in that object by good offices, or, if necessary, by naval means in concert: but these were to depend on the conduct of Denmark. This was binding, or the treaty null and void. The terms were plain and clear; but the noble lord said, Rus- sia guaranteed and we did not. True, for a sim- ple reason; Russia might do as she pleased, and guarantee perpetually ; but it had been the wise policy of this country to avoid that description of guarantee. That difference respecting guaran- teeship made little or no difference in the ques- tion. The present, the noble lord observed, were not times in which we should sweep away great authorities on the laws of nations. He ad- mitted, that they were useful land-marks and guides, though certainly not to be taken as quite decisive authorities: they were of great advantage in recalling public men to the principles of rea- son and probity. He could not consent to allow them to be attributed to the pope, unless it were in the same way that moderate and reasonable Roman Catholics allowed it; namely, when he acted with the consent of the universal church. It was like fighting a shadow, to take up the case of Norway as different from that of all other coun- tries; nor could he see any thing decisive in the distinction drawn between patrimonial and other dominions. When actual necessity pressed, the patrimonial sovereign might alienate his domi- nion; and in other cases, under a similar necessity, might not a sovereign alienate a part of his es- tates for the security of the remainder? It was contended, that though a prince might cede parts of his estates, yet the people would have a right to resist such cession. Looking into the books quoted from, he found it stated, that a prince taking a province ceded by treaty, acquired the same rights as his predecessor. He acquired it as it stood, yet on certain grounds he might de- prive them of some of their rights and privileges, such as their taking up arms against him. We should find, however, that though we borrowed light from authors on these subjects, general prac- tice was our surest guide. Let us look, for in- stance, to the treaty of Westphalia, and see what great transfers were thereby made. Let us look also to the treaty of Utrecht, where similar cir- cumstances occurred. Were there not provisions of the same kind in the famous partition treaties, and to a much greater extent? A noble lord had been impeached for his share in a partition treaty for injustice, not for the disposing of the Spanish succession, but for having concluded a treaty in- consistent with the provisions of an antecedent one. That treaty was much more liable to all the objections now made than the present one was. , None of the great men of those days thought simple transfers of dominions so objec- tionable. They had been constantly made. Un- der circumstances of necessity, they had occurred to Naples, to the Italian states, to the Low Coun- tries, and to almost every part of Europe, except the great states. The point was, such a transfer was made in a case that justified it. It had been said in Lord Chatham's time, that America was to be conquered in Germany ; so now Norway was gained in Holstein. Had not a sovereign a right in an extreme case to cede part of his do- minions for his own safety and general good According to the doctrines stated, nothing would be sufficient but the complete conquest of a state; this would militate against any peaceable posses- sion of a ceded province: it would prevent the cession of any place most convenient, and fit to be taken. The calamities of war would thus be ex- tended. There could be no distinction drawn between towns and provinces. He should rather lay down the doctrine, the consequence of which had been shewn by its shortening wars, and pre- venting unnecessary evils to mankind, that ever part was bound to consider the general state of the community, and was under the necessity of yielding to a power, so far successful in war as to require something for its own future safety. He thought this case of states in general just as ne- OF THE FRENCH HEVOLUTION. I 103 cessary as the sacrifices of individual liberties were to the general freedom and security of the societies of which they formed a part. There was a total dissimilarity of mind between him and the noble lord, respecting the compari- son of the cases of Norway and Spain. Was there any likeness between the Swedish treaty and the conduct of France towards Spain * Compulsion in both it was said: but in all cessions of terri- tory there was compulsion. It was a different matter when a sovereign had no will of his own, but was in a state of confinement. The decided will of the united Spanish people was declared against the fraudulent transfer of the nation to a tyrannical foreign power. Could the case of Spain be compared with a cession made at the end of a war by Denmark, to save herself from destruction ? He next noticed what had fallen respecting the number of Swedish º ©IIl- ployed, which were to be 30,000. We had re- ceived no constant accounts of their employment from a British officer on the spot; but that was not provided for in the treaty (whetherwisely or not was not the question), though it had been so in our other subsidy treaties with continental powers. If, from circumstances, the numbers were not always exactly kept up, there were very good reasons against a disposition to cavil. Had we entered into agreements with foreign powers in such a spirit, those great events might not yet have been accomplished, in which we had borne so large and so glorious a share. As to the ser- vices of Sweden, it was sufficient for him to know their utility in the north of Germany, and the spirit excited there by the conduct of the prince- royal. But for this advantage, and the certainty that the allies had a strong force to the north of the enemy's armies, circumstances might have occurred which would put us now in the situation of considering how to maintain our existence as a nation. The Swedish movements after the battle of Leipsic were with the concurrence of Russia. In a view of policy, it was wise to keep as many owers as possible independent of France. See- ing that the alliance with Sweden was just, wise, and that the general concert had succeeded beyond hope, this was not a time to step out of the straight forward course of national honor. The people of Norway, during the war, never came to us to ask our assistance to preserve their neutra- lity; but they co-operated with Denmark, which had now given them up. According to certain doctrines, a sovereign might cede a province which he could not keep ; and then that province might start up into a state. A country might be cut up into twenty pieces, and each part start up with a head and a tail as an independent body. The presumptive heir to the crown had gone to Norway, and endeavoured to set up a state after the king had ceded it. The Danish civil officers 75. had been ordered to return. to think that the liberal terms of Sweden had been studiously concealed from the Norwegians. As to the condition of the Norwegians by the transfer, was there no difference in a transfer from a free to a despotic, and from a despotic to a free constitution ? It was a satisfaction that instead of imposing hardships on Norway, the contrary was the fact. The ki. of Sweden of. fered Norway freedom. He lamented, under all the pleasing and glorious circumstances of the time, that there should be even this single voice of complaint to disturb the general joy, and that, too, upon the transfer of Norway from an abso- lute, though mildly-administered government, to a free and representative constitution. Lord Grenville had heard with great plea- sure, on a former night, that dissussions were carrying on between his majesty’s ministers and the allied powers upon this most important sub- ject. He had hoped that the object and result of those discussions would have been, to accomplish what he believed was the general wish of this country. He had hoped that his majesty's mi- nisters would have dissuaded other powers from the horrible injustice of submitting the virtuous and unoffending people of Norway to the domi- nation of a power not only hostile at the present moment, but to a power which, in all periods of the history of Europe, had been the un- remitting enemy of Norway. The hostile dispo- sition that had prevailed between some other na- tions of Europe, such as between Spain and Por- tugal, or between this country and France, was nothing equal to the spirit of hostility which had subsisted for many ages between Sweden and Norway. Having hoped that the ministers of this country would have been able to prevent this cruelty and injustice, he was miserably disap- ſº this night on hearing some things which ad fallen from his noble friend (Lord Harrowby), and at the silence, still more eloquent and ex- pressive which he preserved, as to some most important questions put to him by his noble friend (Earl Grey). He found now, that the §. at which the exertions of this country was directed, was to compel the submission of Norway by a blockade, that would occasion famine. Was this the first use which we made of our successes, and of our newly-established influence in Europe? Were we now to adopt the new-fangled doctrine, that considerations of utility were to supersede all moral rights and the established law of nations? If the noble lord had wished to sanction and screen all the injustice which has been committed by France for the last twenty-five years, he could not take a more effectual course than by adopting that new-fangled principle, that all questions of moral right could be considered by the pretence of utility, to be judg; # only by the power There was reason Book XIII. Chap. II. Neº"Nº-2 Af 1814. : history of the WARs 1104 BOOK XIII. Ch AP. II. *N*~! 1814. *—- -------- wº- that made the aggression and wished to acquire dominion. If it was the wish of their lordships to restore Europe to any tolerable state of com- parative tranquillity, those new doctrines must be altogether renounced. He was surprised to hear the noble lord (Lord Harrowby), adopt the line of practical argument against the universal feel- ing and principle which nature had implanted in almost every human breast. This was endea- vouring to combat common, sense by, common sense. In order to agree with his lordship's con- clusions, it would be necessary not only to reject all those principles of right and wrong which were fixed in our minds, but to do away entirely all those authoritative writers who had treated on the law of nations. The question now was, whether we should do a great injury, on a spe- culation of some future good resulting from it. It was true that Grotius, unwilling to contend with some who had written before him, had al- lowed that there were some patrimonial govern- ments to which his principles would not apply; but when he entered more into detail, his excep- tions to this idea of patrimonial government took in almost every case. In fact, Grotius, Puffen- dorf, and Vattel, were all agreed on the principle that a sovereign had no right to transfer his sub- jects to another, as if they were cattle, and mere easts of burden. The noble lord (Lord Har- rowby) had maintained that it was the duty of the Norwegians to submit to this transfer. He must deny this proposition. It was always the right of the persons transferred to consider whether the transfer was for their benefit, or whether it was not more for their interests to resist it. The noble lord, in comparing this to the usual cessions of territory made after an unsuccessful war, had eonfounded two things that were totally opposite. It was one thing to cede to a conqueror the right to a territory already in his occupation ; and ano- ther, to transfer a country which never was occu- pied by him, and which, he trusted, that Sweden was not able to occupy. He was surprised at hearing the partition-treaty of Spain defended; and he conceived that by the same arguments the artition of Poland might also be defended. he noble lord had asked, how came it that there were so few instances of resistance after a cession? The reason was plain; it was be- cause resistance was not likely to be success- ful, when the province ceded was already in the military occupation of the conqueror. The case of Norway was, however, very different.— The people there had undoubtedly a right to consider whether it was more for their in- terests to resist, or to rely on the provident care of Sweden, and the guarantee of another great power. This was not like the case of ceding a part of the kingdom to save the whole; but it was ceding the whole of the kingdom of Norway, which was no part of the kingdom of Denmark, but an independent country governed by its own laws, although under the same sovereign. He had no more a right to transfer Norway to save Denmark, than the King of England would have to cede England to save Hanover. But it had been contended that this transfer of the Norwe- gians was all for their good. It was said that they had been transferred from a despotic go- vernment to the advantages of a free constitution: and yet the first fruits of their freedom were, that they were required to give up their fortresses and their arms, by which alone their freedom could be defended. With respect to this free constitution which was promised them, was it not natural for them to reflect, that France also had promised free constitutions to all those nations which she invaded and reduced to slavery 3 This free constitution was now to be forced upon them by the glorious navy of England, employed in causing famine in the country by means of its blockade. If he wished for freedom, he would not consent to receive it at the point of a sword; and if we wished it for his country, he should look to their means of defending it as its only se- curity. As to the guarantee of a foreign power, he should consider that as a double slavery. When the question about that odious commerce (which he trusted would be soon obliterated from the recollection of mankind) was first before the consideration of parliament, many persons then argued that the slave-trade should be continued for the happiness of the Africans themselves. He hoped that the nations of Europe, as well as Africa, might in future be allowed to judge them- selves of what was most conducive to their in- terests and happiness. The noble lord had, how- ever, most cautiously evaded answering the question which had been directly put to him by his noble friend (Earl Grey). By his silence he was the more eonvinced, that the crown of Swe- den had forfeited all right to the co-operation of this country, from its non-performance of its own engagements. It was the general feeling in this country, and throughout Europe, that Sweden had not fulfilled its engagements; and were we to be called upon to renounce the principles of honor and good faith, in order to assist an ally who had forfeited all claims upon us? He could not say whether Sweden had complied with its engagements in the beginning; but, after the battle of Leipsic, where rivers of blood might have been spared if Sweden had directly co-ope- rated with the allies in the attack on France, her army turned off in another direction. The very object of the treaty was to ensure the direct co-operation of Sweden, without allowing her efforts to be diverted from the main point by her views upon Denmark. The very object of this treaty was defeated by the crown-prince marching against Denmark instead of France. He would wish that his majesty's ministers would say whe- OF THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 1105 ther Sweden had fulfilled her engagements to the satisfaction of this country # If she had not, she had no right to claim our interference. Norway must either be considered as a part of the king- doms of Denmark or Sweden, or else as an inde- }. nation. If it was considered a part of enmark, we were at peace with that power: if an independent nation, she had given us no cause of offence; and if she was to be considered as a part of Sweden, it was a strange employment of the navy of this country to be sent to chastise the rebels of Sweden. In fact, the argument lay upon the construction of a treaty in a case not at all contemplated by those who made the treaty. The resistance of Norway was not a case at all con- templated; it was only on the part of Denmark that the resistance was apprehended. Denmark, however, had fulfilled all the terms of the treaty. Although he never could admit that the question of mere policy should be set up against a clear moral right, yet he would contend, that even in policy it was the interest of this country rather to protect Norway. It had been always conceived of great importance, especially in a maritime point of view, that there should be a balance of power in the north of Europe: and it would be dan- gerous to that interest, if the whole of the supply of the materials for our navy was to be derived from one nation, and that, too, a nation that must be supposed to have a natural bias to France. Sweden had always rather, a leaning to France for support against Russia; and it might well be supposed that, in future times, the same bias would return. He believed that the wickedness that this country was called upon to assist in, would be prejudicial to its interests; and, there- fore, he heartily concurred in the motion of his noble friend, which would give time to his ma- jesty's ministers to consider, whether it was not possible still, by amicable discussions, to avert the injustice and the miseries with which Norway was now threatened. The Earl of Liverpool said, that the ques- tion in the first place was how far the cession of Norway was justified by the law of the nations; and, in the second place, how far we were bound to enforce it, as the ally of Sweden. If all the principles of the noble earl (Grey) were true in themselves, still he should contend that in the present case they did not apply; and that the house would not be justified in voting the address. The facts attending the cession were as follow:-A part of the troops commanded by the Prince of Sweden had taken possession of Holstein, and threatened Jutland; and, in order to recover Holstein and to save Jutland, Denmark consented to give up Norway. But though Denmark recovered Hol- stein, still Sweden did not enter into possession of Norway, and was not to receive possession of it till the conclusion of a peace. These facts it was material for the house to know, and to this treaty Great Britain was a party. Sweden made a sa- Book XIII. crifice de facto to obtain Norway. The noble earl had stated, that though a government might cede a part of its dominions, yet it was optional in the part so ceded to receive its new master. But every treaty of peace that had ever been con- cluded was made in the belief that a country might cede a part of its territories to save the rest; though he admitted that such a proposition was not to be universally adopted, and that a case might occur in which a country had a right to refuse a new master. No sovereign could con- cede rights which he did not possess himself, nor without an adequate necessity. The history of all negotiations consisted in determining what de- gree of cession was to be made by a weak, and of restitution by a strong, power. The King of Denmark had ceded no rights which he did not possess himself, as he was the most absolute ino- narch in Europe, in consequence of the voluntary act of the nation. No doubt could exist as to the power and right of the King of Denmark to make the cession, nor that an adequate necessity existed; as, with the exception of Zealand and Norway, the whole of the dominions of Denmark was in the power of the enemy. The cession was also honorable to the country ceded, as every boon was proffered by its new sovereign. Instead of an absolute, a limited form of government was to be introduced, and the exclusion of the nation from places of trust and profit to be done away. If the principle of cession were to be at all main- tained, no case of Hess grievance could arise from the exercise of it. But it was alleged that the Norwegians were averse to any incorporation with Sweden, and that they should not be compelled to form an union to which they were rootedly averse. To the general principle he assented; but it should be recollected that for eight years Norway had done us all the mischief in her power; that her harbours had afforded refuge to the ships of the enemy, by which our trade had been grievously harassed. During the whole of the war, Norway had made a eommon eause with Denmark against us, and now had no right to convert herself into an independent state to dis- appoint our designs and those of our allies. It was necessary for the argument of the noble earl (Grey) to prove, that the indisposition on the part of the Norwegians was the free and spontaneous will of the nation, and not created by foreign influence. The King of Denmark had lately sent over, as regent to Norway, the heir of his crown, and had afterwards ceded Norway to Sweden on certain conditions, which condi- tions had been punctually fulfilled. The heir of the crown of Denmark had proclaimed the inde- pendence of Norway, styling himself. Prince of Denmark and Regent of Norway, and proposing to treat with foreign powers. Was Denmark a party to this conduct? He trusted not ; and then, Cha P. II. Jºvº-V 1814. 1106 HISTORY OF THE WARS BOOK XIII, it was a manifest act of usurpation, on the part CHAP. II. NLºv-/ 1814. of Prince Christian, under a delegated autho- rity. There were a number of Danes in Nor- way, who acted under the authority of the Prince of Denmark, who, on his part, had completely as- sumed the sovereign power. The question hitherto had never been fairly stated to the Norwegians, as all the proclamations of the King of Sweden had been industriously suppressed, and Prince Christian had assured them of the support of the British government. The present conduct of the Norwegians was no national act, but that of a few designing individuals, as many of the prin- cipal parts of Norway were friendly to a connec- tion with Sweden. The case of Spain that had been quoted by the noble earl was not all in point. The treaty then made with Bonaparte was made by the king in a foreign country, and under the influence of terror; and by the fun- damental laws of the realm, the king had no power to alter the succession to the crown. With respect to Sweden, that country had amply paid for all the stipulations in her favor. In marching her troops to Holstein she had been guilty of no bad faith, as that movement had taken place with the consent of the allies; and a considerable body of troops had been placed under the command of the crown-prince by the Emperor of Russia. Ne- ver had so extensive a confederacy taken place as that betwixt the allied powers, in which so few grounds of complaint had arisen. This was to be ascribed to the magnanimity of the allies, and their determination to sacrifice all minor ob- jects, when put in competition with the great objects which had been so successfully attained. If any measure were wise when first adopted, this country was bound in justice to adhere to it, though the state of affairs might have since mate- rially changed. Norway had resisted the cession to Sweden, and with that part of Denmark we were in a state of war; and he trusted, that the house would be of opinion, that government should be armed with powers sufficient to enable them to fulfil the solemn obligations of a treaty. . Lord Holland replied at some length to the last speaker, and defended the motion of his noble friend. . The noble lord (Liverpool), by his own confession, had placed the house in an unfortunate dilemma, either of committing an act of flagrant injustice, or of violating a solemn treaty. The free construction of the treaty had been wholly overlooked by the noble lord; as the employment of force to effect the annexation of Norway to Sweden was distinctly disclaimed, except in the event of the King of Denmark refusing to join the allies. The Kingof Denmark had not refused to join the allies, and consequently no pretenee existed for making use of force. It was an unhappy and cruel situation for this country, that wherever the work of genergy and clemency, and magna- —- nimity was to be performed, there the allies were to be seen conspicuously foremost; but where the painful task of punishing an unoffending people was to be undertaken, where the most odious measures were to be enforced by the most odious means, then England was to stand forward pre- eminent, while the allies, who were to reap the chief benefit, took scarcely any part in that hateful scene. He ridiculed the idea of gua- ranteeing a constitution, as if we were to keep watch over the peace like so many constables; and said, that instead of having recourse to such excuses, it would have been more manly in his majesty's ministers to have come forward and have allowed that they had in a moment of haste consented to a treaty which could not be ob- served without disgrace to the country. He con- jured their lordships to consider that if it could be discovered that Sweden had not to the utmost fulfilled her part of the treaty, we were not bound to ratify what was so injurious and disgraceful. Any thing short of going to war ought to be adopted, rather than submit to tarnish the national character by the observance of such a compact. Lord Boringdon said he should vote against the resolutions, on the ground that circumstances might arise of so imperative and paramount a na- ture, as to leave no option for action, though every liberal mind might feel, that the sentiments of right and justice went the other way. Lord Grey replied.—He regretted that his majesty's ministers, who had so manfully and glo- riously exerted themselves against the aggres- sions of France, should now support a set of opi- nions on which all those aggressions had been built or justified: nor could he hear without astonishment the doctrine of the noble lord, that paramount occasions might overturn the very na- ture of justice. He had himself thought that it was a moral maxim, ‘fiat justitia, ruat coelum.” But the noble lord reversed the maxim : he said, cultivate your interests, cherish your own advan- tage, and then “ruat justitia.’ It was the first and he hoped would be the last time such a doc- trine would be uttered in a British parliament. His lordship stated, that though Prince Chris- tian had ..f by a delegated authority at first, he had afterwards acted as sovereign by the ap- pointment of several of the most considerable persons in Norway. A Norwegian diet had been fixed for the 10th of April, and the assembly had offered the crown of Norway to Prince Christian, upon the express condition that he should give up Denmark altogether. …” Lord Liverpool, in explanation, said, that what he had stated with respect to Denmark was this, that either the acts of Prince Christian were the effects of Danish treachery; or, as he was more inclined to suppose, his conduct was an usurpation of the crown of Norway. of THE FRENCII REVOLUTION. 11()7 The house then divided upon the question, whether Lord Grey's motion should be agreed to. Contents - - - 27 T’roxies tº t tº a - 7— 34 Not-contents - * * * - 86 Proxies tº & . - 29—115 tºº Majority for ministers - - si In the house of commons, on the 12th of May, Mr. Wynne, after a very luminous speech res- pecting the state of Norway, in which he added many forcible arguments to the grounds already taken on this important subject by Earl Grey in the house of lords, moved, “ That an humble address be presented to his royal highness the rince-regent, humbly to request, that his royal ighness would be graciously pleased to inter- pose his mediation, to rescue the unoffending peo- ple of Norway from the dreadful alternative of famine, or of subjugation to the yoke of a foreign and hostile power; and that during the discus- sion of such proposals as his royal highness may be advised to make for this most desirable object, all hostile operations on the part of this country against a P. struggling for the sacred right of national independence may be discontinued.” Mr. Lambton seconded the motion. Mr. Stephen was decidedly of opinion, that that which was inconsistent with duty could never be conducive to interest. We could never pur- sue our true interest by violating the laws of God or of nature. Those who attempted to do this threw the gauntlet to Almighty justice; and he should fear, in such a case, even if he could not immediately see the connection between cause and effect, that the supreme governor of the uni- verse would not fail to take it up. We were bound to perform the treaty we had concluded, by doing all in our power to annex Norway to Sweden, unless we were released from the obli- gation by Sweden herself. Nothing was more repugnant to common sense and to common . ciple, than to argue, because Norway had been ceded to Sweden, though the cession was suc- cessfully resisted by the Norwegians, that we had dene all the treaty required, and were bound to do nothing more in the business. By the terms of the treaty we engaged not only not to oppose the annexation of Norway in perpetuity to Sweden, but to co-operate with Sweden, and Russia to secure it to the former power, if Denmark did not join the allies. It was now said, after a san- guinary campaign, because at last Denmark had been compelled to change her system, that we were not bound by the stipulation of that treaty. He should not be surprised to hear this from per- sons unacquainted with those great writers on the law of nations, Grotius, Puffendorff, and Vattel; but he was astonished to hear it from those who 73. * were familiar with their writings. He proceeded BookxIII. to show from Vattel, that the course taken by ministers, with respect to Norway, was in every respect justifiable. It would have been but a mockery on our part to have acceded to the treaty concluded between Sweden and Russia, had we offered to introduce a proviso, that if the people of Norway resisted, it should not be carried into effect. On such terms our assent would not have been accepted by Sweden. But it was said that Sweden had not fulfilled her engagements, and therefore we were not bound to perform ours. It would come with a very bad grace from us to say this now, if we had made no remonstrances to this effect before. The services of the crown- prince at Leipsic, his defence of Berlin, &c. had greatly forwarded the plans of the allies. He did not think ministers deserved more praise in any one thing, than for having discovered that confidence could be placed in the Crown-prince of Sweden, at a time when the prevailing opinion of this country was much against it. After the services required of Sweden had been performed, it was not just, because, now the danger was past, doubts could be raised on the conduct of the crown-prince, that we should put aside the en- gagements we had made. If this treaty were a violation of eternal justice, and of the law of na- tions—if it were a transgression of the law of God —then, if that were . out, he would admit it ought not to be fulfilled. . If we sinned in making it, we should not sin in breaking it, if we made the party suffering from our doing so all the re- paration in our power. The conduct pursued to- wards Norway he again vindicated, by referring to the public writers he had quoted before. Nor. way, as belonging to Denmark, with whom we were at war, we had a right to conquer if we could, and we had a right to contract with ano- ther power to effect its subjugation. If it were proved that this was contrary to the law of na- tions, he would give up the argument. A ceded ;. it was said, must consent to the cession efore it could take place: but how was this ex- ressed but through their legitimate organ, the ing? The King of Denmark had consented to the cession of Norway, and we were bound by solemn treaty to carry that cession into effect. But it was said that Norway was part of Sweden, or part of Denmark. If part of Denmark, it had been ceded to Sweden, and we had nothing more to do; if it was part of Sweden, with that country we were at peace. He should avoid both horns of this dilemma. . If it was part of Denmark, it was bound to obey the law of Denmark. Jf it resisted to fulfil the treaty made by Denmark, it placed itself by such conduct in its former state of war with this country. They could in that case have no right to benefit by the peace be- tween the two power, 2 ** said that the plan CHAP. II. \_ºf 1814. 1 108 History of gr- BOOK XII CHAP. II. ~e">~~/ 1814. 1. formed for starving them into submission was one not to be contemplated without horror. God forbid that he should wish any nation to be placed in this situation! but by unequivocally stating our intentions he thought we might save the Norwe: gians from the miseries of famine and protracted war. He thought it would be mercy to Norway to put forth our means in concert with our allies at once, in order to convince them that resistance would be vain. The situation of Norway he could not think likely to be at all deteriorated by its union with Sweden. This to him was a consol- ing reflection, though under other circumstances he should still have contended that we were bound to fulfil the treaty we had concluded. On these grounds he most cordially opposed the mo- tion, believing that, instead of propitiating the su- preme governor of the world by agreeing to it, to do so would only have the effect of heaping greater digrace on this nation than had ever fallen on any other country. | Sir J. Mackintosh, referring to the circum- stances under which the treaty between Russia and Sweden had been concluded, eulogized in the highest terms the splendid exertions of the former power in the cause of Europe. . He ad- mitted the convention with Sweden, to which this country was a party, to be binding; but stated the question before the house to be this, whether this country was bound in fact, or by right, to compel the kingdom of Norway to submit to the domination of Sweden, by a treaty concluded with Sweden against the crown of Denmark? He contended that it could not bind us to make war on an independent power, which was not in existence when the treaty was made. All that was asked by the resolution under consideration was, that a pause should be made to give time for inquiring into the real state of things in Norway, before the most odious measures of hostility were resorted to. Those who doubted whether the in- surrection in Norway was unanimous, or who doubted of any of the facts which had been made ublic, were bound to vote for the address. It ad been asked, if Sweden would-have accepted our assent to the treaty between her and Russia, with a proviso that it should not be enforced if it met with resistance from the Norwegian people? He would answer, Sweden would, if she had read the law of nations, as laid down by Grotius, Puf- fendorf, and Vattel. Recognizing the univer- sally-received writings of these men as the law of Europe, she was bound to admit the proviso, as much as if it had been inserted in the treaty. These he proceeded to support by quotations from those celebrated writers. For a prince to cede a million of men by one stroke of his pen was to carry on a white slave-trade, to outdo the worst scenes exhibited in Congou or Bohemia. The resistance of a people was not to be treated so ---------~ *—-- ~~~ *s-º-º-º-º-º-º-º-º- - - -- ~~~~~~ --—- —------- A-º their consent to such a transfer? -ºr -4– lº.º. lightly. One protest, he contended, was more than equal to a thousand acquiescences. He then adverted to the cession of the island of Cor- sica by the republic of Genoa, and traced from the circumstances which that cession led to, the production of that mind which had afterwards nearly destroyed the liberties of the world. The cession of the Tyrol by Austria he next noticed, and inquired if the gallant resistance of the Ty- rolese was to be stigmatized as a rebellion, and if that hero who, fighting for his country, had pro- bably in his blood planted the seeds of European liberty, was at that time of day to be called a traitor. The vote of the house that night would decide whether he deserved to rank with Sydney and Hampden, or was one of the blackest traitors that ever prolonged the horrors of war. He wished to ask the learned gentleman, if there were no cases in which the people might with justice resist the attempts of their sovereigns to cede them to foreign powers? He put it to him, if the King of Spain were to cede the fine pro- vince of Andalusia to the barbarian called the Emperor of Morocco, or to the Dey of Algiers, would it be high-treason in the peºple to refuse The poor pea- sant of Norway had that artificial instinct, the love of his native land, without which he could. be no man, without which the country could be no country, but merely a wretched bundle of slaves. A parallel case to that of Norway was furnished by Scotland. Had not her sons re- sisted Edward the First; had they suffered them- selves to be made slaves, they could never have become useful friends' to that great country to which it was now their honor and their glory to belong. It was because they had resisted, and because a Wallace had suffered martyrdom, that they had become what they were; and that from. them the annals of Great Britain had been graced with the names of an Abercromby, a Moore, and a Graham. He proceeded to picture the hard case of the Norwegians, in being subjected to the horrors of famine for choosing their own govern- ment. He contended that, when the #. of Denmark had abdicated the sovereignty over them, they had a right to act for themselves, as, an independent power must commit some act of hostility before any nation could with justice de- clare war against them. The honorable gentle-, man wished to know whether the rising was par- tial or general, and this he proposed to ascertain by starving the whole people. But it was said that they had been hostile te us. They had been so while it was their duty. Under the most try- ing circumstances, they had stood firm as their. mountains, which he hoped would prove to them. an unconquerable barrier. He expressed great sorrow at finding the navy was to be put on so, abominable and nefarious a duty as that of block- of The FRENch RevoluTION. 1109 *A. •r--- ading the people of Norway. Of the navy he could not speak without enthusiasm. . Those who composed it, adding the perfection of science to valour and generosity, had raised themselves within these last twenty years, as a body, more than any other class of persons he could name. They had appeared to be without rivals, till the immortal Wellington made it doubtful whether our army or our navy was most to be admired. He mourned that such men were to be sent to persecute, under the profaned name of mercy, a people who would not believe them capable of acting such a part. He put it to the house, what must be the feelings of the Norwegian mothers, while gazing on their dying infants—their infants famished by the mercy of England; they pointed to the British flag, which they had taught their children to admire, and saw in that, which had given independence and relief to others, the cause of their subjugation and misery. Mr. Canning defended the character and con- duct of the Crown-prince of Sweden. He thought we were expressly bound by treaty to assist in utting Sweden in possession of Norway. Then }. was this assistance to be rendered 3 Our lofty ships could not scale the mountains of Nor- way, and of course the stipulated co-operation eould only be by blockading the Norwegian ports. Therefore, the blockade took place in adherence to the treaty, and the consequences which followed were naturally to be apprehended, however much they might be deplored. But such consequences must ever be calculated upon in war; and how- ever those intrusted with the weapons of war might feel, they must wield those weapons with effect for legitimate objects, or become unfit for their situation, and dangerous to their country. He regarded Sweden as a most important support to the common cause, as the very nucleus of the continental confederacy, by cementing the con- nection between Russia and Eugland. The im- portance of Sweden might indeed be judged of from the testimony of Austria, which, in its ori- ginal declarations in favor of the allies, distinctly stated that “Russia, Sweden, and England, form- ed the point of union round which the confederacy of Europe rallied.” The rank here assigned to Sweden showed that the services of Sweden were highly estimated. Why then should such ser- vices be slighted, or why should the price which this country had engaged to pay for them be re- fused? We had entered into this engagement in a period of difficulty, when the danger that me- naced, us was tremendous; and should we now, in a moment of comparative repose, when the dan- ger had sunk into insignificance, refuse to fulfil our contract to that power which had materially contributed to remove that difficulty?—The waters were out—clouds covered the opposite shore— and yet having got safely across, should we com- plain of an overcharge for our conveyance—should Book XIII. we refuse to pay the boatman?—The circum- stances under which a treaty was concluded must, according to all jurists of authority, be taken into consideration, in order to judge of the propriety and duty of adhering to its provisions. Mr. Whitbread said, that if the right honorable member who had spoke last had not been able as well as accustomed to weigh the meaning of words, he should have supposed that he had mis- taken the purport of his honorable friend's mo- tion. If there were any members in the house to- night who had never heard the right honorable gentleman before, they would be lamentably dis- appointed by the very imperfect specimen which he had given of his eloquence and powers of ima- gination. His “ roar of waters, his trickling stream, his ferry-boat, his ships climbing moun- 'tains,” were not at all in that gentleman’s usual style of oratory. As to the part we should take in the present contest, Mr. Whitbread contended that it would be perfectly gratuitous and volun- tary; there were no obligations in the treaty to bind us; we were free as air as to the conduct we should pursue. The Crown-prince of Sweden had not fulfilled the stipulations of the treaty, by which we had agreed to assist him in the subju- gation and annexation of Norway. This was his firm opinion; and it was, he believed, the opinion of the highest military authorities, that Sweden had not given that assistance to the common cause. which she was bound by the express conditions of this unprincipled contract to give. He should like to have had the opinions of Sir Charles Stewart, of Marshal Blucher, as to the effective. co-operation of Sweden at the battle of Leipsic, and after that battle, after the allies had entered France, or when they were under the walls of Paris. With respect to the charge of treachery against Denmark, in defeating the cession of Norway, which she herself had formerly made, it was sufficiently answered by the ratification of the original treaty with that country, so late as the 19th of April, when it was plain that the allies were perfectly satisfied with the conduct and good faith of the King of Denmark. Every one. knew what blockade meant in the present in- stance. It was not intended to prevent the send- ing of arms or ammunition to Norway, but to cut off her supplies of food, to inflict upon her that which had been described by Mr. Burke as the greatest of all, possible calamities, as a calamity so dreadful that every humane mind shuddered and turned away from its contemplation. Would not the house pause, then, before they proceeded to this last act of aggravated injustice and cru- elty?—Yet ministers would not allow them to in- quire, or were themselves most scandalously igno- rant, whether the condition of a treaty, which could alone bind them down to such, disgraceful con- sº A* ºr CHAP. II. ^sºvº. I814, 1110 HISTORY OF THE WARS JBOOK XIII. CHAP. II. \le^^- 1814. duct, had been fulfilled or not. He was sorry not to see an honorable and learned member (Mr. Stephen) in his place, or he should have animad- verted on some expressions that had fallen from him. He might have alluded to the half pious, half profane, expression which he suffered to es- cape him, that we had thrown down the gauntlet to the Almighty, who, he had no doubt, would take it up, He would also (if he were present) say, that that honorable gentleman's tender mer- cies were cruel, though he himself was not among the wicked; for, if he had not known his voice and person, and his manner so well as he did, he should have supposed, during his speech to-night, that he was hearing one of those persons who used formerly to descant on the miseries of the Africans in their own country, in order to show the justice and humanity of the slave-trade. (Here Mr. Whitbread, seeing Mr. Stephen enter the house, hailed his approach, and, recapitula- ting what he had just said, proceeded.) If that honorable and learned gentleman were not also one of the most moral and philosophical charac- ters of the age, who held alſ jacobins and jacobi- mism in the utmost abhorrence, he should almost have mistaken him for one of the members of the constituent assembly of France, setting out on a crusade to Norway, with the rights of man in one ęsº *-** hand, and a sword and famine in the other, to compel them to accept of freedom and happiness, on the peril of their lives. Mr. Whitbread here pointedly alluded to the sentiment of the right honorable member for Liverpool, delivered out of the house at a convivial meeting, in which the eloquent speaker had declared his satisfaction, that it was in the wilds of Russia, of a barbarous and despotic country, that Bonaparte had been first defeated. This, according to the right ho- norable gentleman, proved that patriotism had nothing to do with the freedom, or the forms of government. He wished the right honorable member, and the learned and honorable gentleman behind him, to apply this theory to the brave and unfortunate people of Norway, and not to suffer them to be juggled out of their natural rights and political independence, by fine theories of liberty and happiness, by technical acuteness, and the strict letter of unfulfilled treaties. After some observations from the chanceller of the exchequer, Mr. Ponsonby, and other mem- bers, the house divided, For the motion ſº * , gº 71 Against it º gº Gº tº 229 Majority against the motion - 158 gººmsºmºmºmºus: CHAPTER III. Occupation of the Duchy of Holstein, by Russian and Prussian Troops.—Preparations of the Swedes jor opening the Campaign.-Proclamations of the Crown-prince and King of Sweden to the Nor- wegians.—Correspondenee between Prince Christian and the Crown-prince.—Commencement of Hostilities.—Naval Action.—The Swedish Army enters Morway.—Success of the Swedes.—Defeat of General Gahn by the Norwegians.—Surrender of the Island of Kragero, and the Fortress of Frederickstadt to the Swedes.—Passage of the Glommen by the Swedish Army.—Capture of Sles- wig.—Defeat of the Norwegians.—Prince Christian's Army surrounded.—He resigns.—Convention of JMoss.-Armistice between the Swedes and JYorwegians.—Remarks upon the Claims of the Crown-prince upon Norway.—Proclamation of Prince Christian–Disturbances at Christiania.— Meeting of the Diet-Prince Christian leaves .Norway.—Election of the King of Sweden to the Crown of Worway.—Close of the Diet.—Norwegian Constitution. THE return of the envoys of the four allied powers was generally considered a signal for the commencement of hostilities. In consequence, Denmark was now placed in a very uneasy and delicate situation. The circumstance of B. Christian, being a near relation to the King of Denmark, did no good to the cause of Norway; because a strong suspicion went abroad, that the Danish monarch was at the bottom of the resist- ance of the Norwegians to be transferred to Swe- den; and though the King of Denmark had done every thing in his power to demonstrate that he had no concern in the events that had taken place in Norway, the allies thought it was necessary to keep him closely watched. Accordingly, a large body of Russian troops were marched into Hol- stein, where they were joined by a corps of Prus- sians. 7 OF THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 1111 – --~~~~~--------- -- *-º-º-º-º-º-º- - *S is: "es *- In the mean-time, the Crown-prince of Sweden' was extremely active in his military preparations; and by the middle of July he had assembled a most formidable army on the frontiers of Norway. This army, a censiderable portion of which had served in the campaign in Germany, was in a high state of discipline, well provided with every thing, and amounted to about 40,000 men. In a procla- mation to his soldiers, dated Winnesberg, July 17, he told them, there was no rest for them till the union and independence of the Scandinavian peninsula was obtained, by the annexation of Nor- way to Sweden. Before hostilities commenced, however, the crown-prince, as well as the King of Sweden, made another trial of their powers of persuasion upon the Norwegians; and two procla- mations were addressed to the people of Norway, which we shall here subjoin. Prince-royal of Sweden, to the Inhabitants of Norway. ^. “Norwegians,—Destined by nature to an union with the Swedish nation, your fate was decided when the King of Denmark ceded to Sweden, by the peace of É. his rights over Norway. The advantages which your old sovereign derived from that peace are known to you. He obtained, immediately after its signature, the evacuation of the duchies of Schlesvig and Holstein, the restora- tion of the fortresses of Gluckstadt and Frederic- sort, an acknowledgment of the sound duties, the giving up of more than 12,000,000 of contri- butions imposed on the duchies, the renunciation of an equal sum for captures made during peace; a considerable sum in money, of which part has been paid; and, finally, the promise of the cession of Pomerania, upon the surrender and occupation of the fortresses of Kongswinger, Frederickshall, Frederickstadt, and Aggerhuus. “These great sacrifices were made to Den- mark, only because she promised that you would peaceably, and without opposition, acknowledge the authority of the King of Sweden; and you will appreciate them, on reading the treaties which united Sweden, Russia, England, Prussia, and Austria against the common enemy. Norwegians! if in this age these treaties could be eluded by ci- vilised nations, good faith would no longer exist upon earth. “ At the period when your government fur- nished to France some thousands of seamen to man ships of war, Sweden perceived the indispen- sable necessity of rendering herself independent of the continent; she refused to bow before the idol of the day, and confidently º: on herself, and on her constitutional laws, she dared to in- voke them in favor of her children, and rejected the demand of an equal number of seamen : she did more, she united herself, at a period the most critical recorded in our annals, with a monarch 75. --- .* whose destruction Napoleon had sworn. feels proud, however, in having anticipated the resolution of so many other nations. “Norwegians ! small states are always moved by the more powerful : you cannot form an insu- lated government; and the plan of the man who misleads you is to unite one day the crown of Norway to that of Denmark; but nature, in ac- cordance with sound policy, wills that the Norwe- gians and the Swedes should be friends and brothers. It is also as brothers that the Swedes wish to live with you. . Sweden and Norway united, and lending each other mutual support, will present on every side an impregnable front. Insulated and disunited, they will have everything to fear, both from themselves and from others. Look at England,-that island, so famous, founded her prosperity on a similar union. That of Nor- way to Sweden is guaranteed by the first powers of the world. “An experience of many centuries proves that the divisions of the North always led to its ruin. This idea had struck the great Gustavus. After having laid the foundation of the peace of Europe, and consolidated the protestant faith, his plan was to effect your union with Sweden; death put an end to his design. Its consequences have been pernicious to you. “Norwegians ! after the memorable battle of Leipsic, your interests must have told you, that your union with Sweden could alone constitute your happiness and establish your security. The great powers wish this union. All of them have recognised that it was time to put an end to the dissensions which must result from the separation of the two nations. Will you alone oppose the general will ? Will you alone combat the Swedes and the sovereigns who have guaranteed your union with us? Their glory, their interests, the sanctity of treaties, in fine, demand its accomplish- ment. “I come in the midst of you, with the hope that you will treat as brothers that brave army which I lead back from a campaign as glorious as astonishing. Neither this army, nor that which has been for a year stationed on your frontiers, desire laurels which must be tinged with your blood. The Swedes are like you, members of the Scandinavian family; and battles between the two nations are equally repugnant to nature, to reason, and to sound policy. “ Norwegians ! suffer not yourselves to be heated by the instigations of the individuals who have only their personal interests in view. Sacri- fice not the welfare of your country to the deceit- ful illusions which they present to you. Open your eyes to the dangers into which a criminal ambition is precipitating you. Sweden will not lay down her arms until she has effected an union necessary to her º §nd repose. You may She BOOK XIII. Chap. III. --> monstrations of affection and loyalty with which book xIII. the people of Madrid came out to receive me, this - display of love towards my royal person making £nae. IV. a deep impression on the French hosts, who, under the j. of friendship, had advanced as far as that city, being a presage of what that heroic po- pulation would one day perform for their king and for their honor, and giving that example which the other parts of the kingdom have nobly fol- lowed: since that day, I determined in my royal mind to reply to sentiments so loyal, and to sa- tisfy the great obligations which a king is under towards his subjects, to dedicate my whole time to the discharge of such august functions, and to re- pair the . which the pernicious influence of a favourite had caused in the preceding reign. My first labours were directed to the restoration of various magistrates and other persons, who had been arbitrarily removed from their functions; but the difficult state of affairs, and the perfidy of Bonaparte, from the cruel effects of which I wished, by proceeding.to Bayonne, to preserve my people, scarcely allowed time for more. The royal family being assembled there, an atrocious attack was perpetrated on the whole of it, and particularly on my person, unequalled in the his- tory of civilized nations, both in its circumstances and in the series of events which toek place there; and the sacred law of nations being there violated in the highest degree, I was deprived of my li- berty, stripped of the government of my kingdoms, and conveyed to a palace with my very dear brother and uncle, which served as a sort of honorable prison for about the space of six years. Amidst this affliction, I had always present to my mind the love and loyalty of my people, and the consi- dération of the endless calamifies to which they were exposed formed a great part of my griefs; inundated as they were with enemies, nearly des- titute of all means of resistance, without a king, and without a government previously established, which might put in motion and unite at its voice the force of the nation, direct its impulse, and avail itself of the resources of the state, to combat the forces which simultaneously invaded the Peninsula, and had treacherously got possession of its principal fortresses. In this lamentable situation, as the only remedy that remained, I issued, as well as I could while surrounded by force, the decree of the 5th of May, 1808, addressed to the council of Castile, and in defect of it to any other board or audience that might be at liberty, in order that the cortes might be convoked, who had only to employ them- selves on the spur of the moment, in raising the taxes and supplies necessary for the defence of the kingdom, remaining permanent for other events which might occur: but this my royal de- cree unfortunately was not known then; and, al- though it was afterwards known, the provinces provided for the same object, as soon as the ac- 1814. 1126 HISTORY OF THE WARS Book XIII, counts reached them of the cruel tra edy perpe- Ch AP. IV. S-sº" . ~~~~ 1814. trated in Madrid on the memorable 2d of May, by the chief of the French troops, through the in- strumentality of the juntas which they created. Next took place the glorious battle of Baylen; the French fled as far as Vittoria, and all the pro- vinces, with the capital, proclaimed me, anew, King of Castile and Leon, in the metropolis, with the same formalities as the kings my august pre- decessors. This is a recent fact, of which the medals struck in all parts afford demonstrative proof, and which the people through whom I have passed since my return from France have con- firmed, by the effusion of vivas which moved the sensibility of my heart, where they are engraved never to be effaced. From the deputies nomi- nated by the juntas, the central junta was formed; who exercised in my royal name all the powers of sovereignty from September 1808 till January 1810, in which month was established the first council of regency, in whom the exercise of that power continued till the 24th of September of the same year: on which day were installed, in the isle of Leon, the cortes called general and extra- ordinary, when 104 deputies took the oaths, in which they engaged to preserve for me my domi- nions as their sovereign; all which appears from the act certified by the secretary of state Don Nicholas Maria de Sierra. But these cortes, as- sembled in a manner never used in Spain, even in the most arduous cases, and in the most turbulent times of the minorities of kings, in which the as- sembly of procurators was wont to be more nu- merous than in the common and ordinary cortes, were not called the states of the nobility and . although the central junta had so ... this decree having been artfully concealed from the council of regency, and also the fact that the junta had assigned to it the presidency of the cor- tes, a prerogative of the crown which the regency wóuld not have left to the decision of the con- gress, if it had been acquainted therewith. In consequence of this, every thing remained at the disposal of the cortes; who, on the very day of their installation, and by way of commencement to their acts, despoiled me of my sovereignty, which the same º had only a little before acknowledged, ascribing it nominally to the na- tion, in order to appropriate it to themselves, and then, upon such usurpation, to dictate to the na- tion such laws as they pleased, imposing upon it the yoke by which it should receive them com- pulsorily, in a new constitution, which the depu- ties established without authority of the pro- Vinces, people, or juntas, and without the know- ledge of those provinces which were said to be represented by substitutes from Spain and the Indies. This constitution they sanctioned and published in 1812. This first attack upon the prerogatives of the throne, abusing the name of the nation, became, as it were, the basis of many other attacks which followed it; and, in spite of the repugnance of many deputies, perhaps the majority, they were adopted and raised to the rank of laws, which they called fundamental, by means of the shouts, threats, and violence of those who attended in the galleries of the cortes, with which they alarmed and terrified; and that which was in truth the work of a faction, was clothed with the specious mask of the general will, and for such will, that of a few seditious persons, who in Cadiz, and afterwards in Madrid, occasioned af- fliction to all good citizens, made their own to pass. These #. are so notorious, that there is scarcely any one who is ignorant of them; and the very diaries of the Cortes furnish ample proof of them. A mode of making laws se foreign to the Spanish nation, gave occasion to an alteration of the good laws, under which, in other times, it was respected and happy. In truth, almost all the forms of the ancient constitution of the mo- narchy were innovated upon; and copying the revolutionary and democratic principles of the French constitution of 1791, they sanctioned, not the fundamental laws of a moderate monarchy, but those of a popular government, with a chief, or magistrate, their mere delegated executor, and not a king, although they gave him that name, to deceive and seduce the unwary and the nation. Under the same want of liberty this new consti- tution was signed and sworn to; and it is known to all, not only what passed with regard to the respectable Bishop of Orense, but also the pu- nishment with which those were threatened who refused to sign and swear to it. “To prepare the public mind to receive such novelties, especially those regarding my royal per- son and the prerogatives of the crown, the public newspapers were resorted to as a means, some of which the deputies of the cortes conducted, and abused the liberty of the press established by them, to render the royal power odious, giving to all the rights of majesty the name of despotism— making king and despot synonymous terms, and calling kings tyrants, while at the same time they cruelly persecuted every one who had the firmness to contradict them, Ör to dissent from this revolutionary and seditious mode of thinking; and in every thing democracy was affected, the army and navy, and all other establishments which, from time immemorial, had been called loyal, being stripped of that name, and national sub- stituted, with which they flattered the people; who, however, in spite of these perverse arts re- tained, by their natural loyalty, the good feelings which always formed their character. Of all this, since I have happily entered the kingdom, I have been acquiring faithful information and know- ledge, partly from my own observations, and partly from the public papers, in which, up to this OF THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 1127 very day, representations of my arrival and my character are impudently circulated, so gross and infamous in themselves, that even with regard to any other individual they would constitute very heavy offences, worthy of severe notice and pu- nishment. Circumstances so unexpected have filled my heart with bitterness, which could only be alleviated by the demonstrations of affec- tion from all those who hoped for my arrival, in order that by my presence an end might be put to these calamities, and to the oppressions in which those were who retained in their minds the remembrance of my person, and sighed for the true happiness of their country. I swear and promise to you, true and loyal Spaniards, at the same time that I sympathise with the evils which you have suffered, you shall not be disappointed of your noble expectations. Your sovereign wishes to be so on your account, and in this he places his glory, that he is the sovereign of an he- roic nation, who, by their immortal deeds, have gained the admiration of the world, and preserv- ed their liberty and honor. I abhor and detest despotism: neither the intelligence and cultivation of the nations of Europe could now endure it; nor in Spain were its kings ever despots. Nei- ther its good laws nor constitution authorised despotism; although, unfortunately, from time to time, as happens every where else, and in every thing human, there may have been abuses of power which no possible constitution can wholl guard against; nor were they the faults of the constitution which the nation had, but of indivi- duals, and the effects of unpleasant but very rare circumstances which gave occasion to theim. However, in order to avert them, as effectually as human foresight will allow, namely, by preserving the honor of the royal dignity and its rights, since those appertaining to it and to the people are . inviolable, I will treat with the procurators of Spain and of the Indies; and order being restor- ed, together with the good usages under which the nation has lived, and which the kings my prede- cessors established with its consent, every thing that relates to the good of my kingdoms shall be solidly and legitimately enacted, in cortes legiti- mately assembled, as soon as it may be possible to do so, in order that my subjects may live pros- perous and happy, in one religion, and under one government, strictly united by indissoluble ties. In this, and in this alone, consists the temporal fe- licity of a king and kingdom, which enjoy the title -of Catholic, by way of eminence; and immediately preparations shall be made for what may appear best towards assembling of such a cortes; in which, I trust, the bases of the prosperity of my subjects, in both hemispheres, may be confirmed. The li- berty and security of persons and property shall be firmly secured by means of laws, which gua- ranteeing public liberty and order, shall leave to , Wºº gº. —l all that salutary liberty whose undisturbed enjoy- Book xiii. "ment distinguishes a moderate from an arbitrar and despotic government, and in which the citi- Char IV. zens subject to the former ought to live. just liberty all likewise shall enjoy, in order to communicate through the press their ideas and thoughts, within those limits, however, which sound reason imperiously prescribes to all, that it may not degenerate into licentiousness; for the respect which is due to religion and the govern- ment, and that which men mutually owe towards each other, can under no civilized government be reasonably permitted to be violated and trampled upon with impunity. “All suspicion, likewise, of any dissipation of the revenues of the state shall cease; those which are assigned for the expenses required by the honor of my royal person and family, and that of the na- tion whom I have the glory to govern, being se- parated from the revenues which, by the consent of the kingdom, may be imposed and assigned for the maintenance of the state in all branches of the administration. The laws, which shall in future serve as a rule of action to my subjects, shall also be enacted in concert with the cortes, inasmuch as these bases may serve as an authentic declara- tion of my royal intentions in the government with which I am about to be vested, and will re- present to all neither a despot nor a tyrant, but a king and a father of his subjects; having in like manner heard from the unanimous declaration of persons respectable for their zeal and knowledge, and from representations made to me from various parts of the kingdom, in which are expressed the repugnance and disgust with which both the con- stitution formed by the general and extraordinary cortes, as well as the other political establishments . recently introduced, are regarded in the pro- vinces; considering also the mischiefs which have sprung therefrom, and would increase, should I assent to and swear to the said constitution; act- ing in conformity to such general and decided de- monstrations of the wishes of my people; and also beeause they are just and well-founded, I DECLARE, that my royal intention is, not only not to swear nor accede to the said constitution, nor to any de- cree of the general and extraordinary cortes, and of the ordinary at present sitting; those, to wit, which derogate from the rights and prerogatives of my . established by the constitution and the laws under which the nation has lived in times past, but to pronounce that constitution and such decrees null and of no effect, now, or at any other time, as if such acts had never passed, and that they are entirely abrogated, and without any obligation on my people and subjects, of whatever class and condition, to fulfil or observe them. And as he who should attempt to support them, and shall thus contradict my royal proclamation, adopted with the *:::::agreement and assent, will 13 C This S-en-Z 1814, I 128 HISTORY OF THE WARS BOOK XIII. CHAP. IV. S-sºº.2 ºz 1814. attack the prerogatives of my sovereignty, and the happiness of the nation, and will cause dis- content and disturbance in my kingdoms, I de- clare, whoever shall dare to attempt the same will be guilty of high-treason, and as such sub- ject to capital punishment, whether he perform the same by deed, by writing, or by words, mo- ving and exciting, or in any other way exhorting and persuading that the said constitution and de- crees be kept and observed. “And in order that, until public order be res- tored, together with the system observed in the kingdom prior to the introduction of these no- velties, for the attainment of which suitable mea- sures shall be taken without delay, the adminis- tration of justice may not be interrupted, it is my will, that in the meantime the ordinary magis- tracies of towns shall be continued as now esta- blished, the courts of law, where there are such, and the audiencias, intendents, and other judi- dicial tribunals; and in the political and adminis- trative branches, the common-councils of towns, according to the present constitution, until the cortes, who shall be summoned, being heard, the stable order of this part of the government of the kingdom be assented to. ... And from the day on which this my decree shall be published, and communicated to the president for the time being of the cortes at present met, the said cortes shall cease their sittings; and their acts, with those of the preceding cortes, together with whatever do- cuments or dispatches shall be in their office of archives and secretaryship, or in the possession of any other individual whatever, shall be collect- ed by the person charged with the execution of this my royal decree; and shall be deposited for the present in the guildhall of the city of Ma- drid, the room in which they are placed being locked and sealed up. The books of their li- brary shall be conveyed to the royal library; and whosoever shall endeavour to obstruct the exe- cution of this part of my royal decree, in any way whatever, I also declare him guilty of high- treason, and that as such the punishment of death shall be inflicted upon him. And from this day shall cease in every tribunal of the king- dom all proceedings in any cause now pending, for any infraction of the constitution, and those who, for such causes, have been imprisoned, or arrested, shall be immediately set at liberty. Such then is my will, because the welfare and happiness of the nation require it. “ I, THE KING.” This declaration was published at Madrid on the 11th of May, in consequence of an order from Ferdinand, by the Captain-general of Castile. It was now manifest, that when a court, so little distinguished for vigorous resolutions as that of Spain, ventured to issue a declaration of open hostility against the existing government, it must have been well assured of the feeble hold pos- sessed by that government on the mind of the nation. In fact, notwithstanding the high enco- miums upon the noble and elevated spirit of the Spanish people, which have been so frequent since they began to contend against French ty- ranny, it must be acknowledged that there are few instances of so momentous a contest supported with less courage and constancy; and as nothing could be more abject than the first submission of the royal family and nobles to foreign usurpation, so a listlessness and indifference was too apparent in the subsequent efforts of the nation, powerfully aided as it was by Great Britain, to free itself from the yoke. With respect to liberal and en- larged ideas of government, there is no European nation in which they could be less expected to prevail, than in one so many ages under the sway of arbitrary power and bigotted superstition. The constitution framed by the cortes was a merely exotic production, generated in the heads of a few reading and speculative men, whose notions had little or no correspondence with the general feelings of the community. Hence, when assailed by the power of force and opinion always inherent in a monarchy, having no effectual support on the other side from popular attachment, it sunk without a struggle. In one account it is said, that as soon as the Governor of Madrid officially published Ferdinand's de- cree, the people joined him with enthusiasm, and the dissolution of the cortes did not experience the slightest obstacle. No resistance was made, and consequently no blood was shed; but, on the night of the 10th, a great number of persons were arrested, whose names comprise almost all those who have rendered themselves conspicuous for writings or speeches favorable to civil liberty, or adverse to ecclesiastical authority, during the reign of the cortes. The fidelity to the royal cause displayed by the capital was rewarded by allowing it, in addition to its former titles of loyal and imperial, to take that of heroic, and its municipal body that of eacellency. The king nominated a ministry, among whom the first was the Duke de San Carlos, the person who signed his treaty with Bonaparte. A provisional regulation was issued with regard to the liberty of the press, and the publication of periodical papers, the nature of which may easily be con- ceived. The entrance of Ferdinand into Madrid took place on the 14th of May; and, from the public accounts, it would appear that never was a sove- reign received into his capital with greater demon- strations of attachment. The populace are said to have drawn his carriage all the way from Aran- juez to Madrid, seven leagues. †. afterwards traversed the whole city on foot, by way of shew- OF THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. I129 ------ -*—--------------- *-*. --- * ing his confidence in the people. In the mean time, arrests continued; but, as was then fondly hoped, rather as a measure of safety than of ri- gour. It could not be doubted that the church would be the first to profit of this change; and a royal decree was issued, declaring that the king, being informed of the great scandal occasioned . the poverty and wretchedness of the regular clergy, and considering the advantages which re- sult to the state and the church from their being as- sembled in their respective communities, orders all the convents, and property belonging to them, to be restored, through the intervention of the arch- bishops and bishops. Thus was again established that predominancy of the religious orders by which Spain had so long been impoverished and held in the fetters of ignºrance and superstition. The heads of convents, &c, displayed their gratitude by addresses to his majesty; and pamphlets of monkish composition began to appear, inculcating the doctrines and sentiments suited to the reno. vated state of the country. In the interior of Spain, the prevalent cry was, “Long live Fer- dinand!” “Perish the Constitution l’’ and it was with difficulty that violences were prevented against persons known to have been attached to the cortes. But the party of the cortes was not the only object of |. attention of the new government. A circular was issued on the 30th of May, from the office of the secretary of grace and justice, in which it was said, that “ the king being informed that many of those who had openly declared themselves the partizans and favorers of the in- trusive government, are preparing to return to Spain, that some of them are at Madrid, and use in public those badges of distinction which are allowed only to loyal and meritorious subjects, has resolved, in order to remove the just dissatis- faction which worthy men would feel thereat, and to avoid the consequences that would follow, if leave to return were given to all those who are in France, and who went forth along with the troops of the intruder, who called himself king, to enact the following articles:—“These related to the classes and distinctions of persons who were ab- solutely to be excluded from re-entering the king- dom, in consequence of having borne offices, &c. under Joseph Bonaparte; to those who were to be admitted on certain restrictive conditions; and to those (of the lower classes) who were to be freely restored.” The general strain of the articles displayed considerable severity, which in this in- stance was not chargeable with any violation of gratitude. Although the Spanish populace were impatient to rush again into arbitrary government, yet it could not be supposed that Spain was destitute of persons of better education, and more enlight- 6 ened ideas; and who received with different feel- BOOK XIII. ings the violent measures that had been adopted *- to obliterate every vestige of an authority founded Char. IV. on the principles of freedom. The most cele- brated university in the kingdom, that of Sala- manca, presented in great solemnity an address to the king; very different from the adulatory tributes which have usually in all countries been offered by learned bodies to the throne; and por- tending important political consequences, if sup- posed to represent the sentiments of a numerous class in the Spanish public. The following ex- tracts are so honorable to the addressers that it would be an injustice not to record them. “Re- seated on the throne of Spain, a throne preserved at the expense of such rivers of blood, your ma- jesty enjoys all your rights, and the nation may promise itself a futurity which will indemnify it for the sacrifices it has made with so much cou- rage and generosity. Yes, sire, the nation ex- pects from the reign of your majesty the reward of its heroic devotedness; but if that nation, solely given up to its enthusiasm on the happy event of your restoration to its wishes, has neglected to be anxiously careful about its future political in- terests, the generosity of your majesty is not less bound to fix on solid bases the existence and the happiness of your people. Your majesty has spoken: These bases are already fixed in an irre- vocable manner; they rest on the word of a Spa- niard and a king. Real and personal property will be guaranteed by laws which secure good order and the public tranquillity. Every one shall enjoy that salutary liberty, the exercise of which is the first blessing of citizens under the temperate reign of a prince who must be the fa- ther of his subjects. The press also will enjoy that just liberty which, while it does not degene- rate into licentiousness, is sufficient for the com- munication of useful ideas and the progress of the arts and sciences, the propagation of which en- lightens the government itself, and tends to pro- duce that mutual respect so necessary among all the members of society. The public taxes shall be fixed in concert with the representatives of the kingdom assembled in cortes; and with the con- currence of that body your majesty will establish the laws that are in future to fix the rights of all the citizens. After having restored order and the good usages observed by the nation, yourma- jesty will restore the cortes, where you will listen to the procurators of Spain and America, in order to labour legitimately and efficaciously for the welfare of your states, that all may live happily in the same religion and in the ties of indissolu- ble fraternity; for in this consists the temporal felicity of a people who bear, by way of eminence, the title of Catholic.” Who can here avoid re- cognizing the prospective view of a constitution 1814. 1.130. ~ HISTORY OF THE WARS * = -- BookxIII. possessing the essentials of a monarchy limited --~~~º º sº. CHAP. IV. NeºNºw 1814, by laws, and by an authorized expression of the public will? - e. The minister of the Indies, in the beginning of June, addressed a circular letter to the authori- ties of the countries beyond the seas, acquainting them with the restoration of Ferdinand, and the abolition of the cortes, with the alleged reasons for that measure. After expressing the king's concern for the troubles which had broken out in the American provinces, it mentioned his inten- tion of procuring full information of the excesses committed on both sides, after which, “ his ma- jesty, placing himself in the midst of his Euro- pean and American children, will put an end to the dissentions which would never have taken place among them, but for the absence and cap- tivity of their common father.” Such was the notice which the court thought proper to take of a breach in the Spanish empire, and which could not fail to be perplexing to its policy. Meanwhile, symptoms of dissatisfaction with the measures of the court broke out in various parts of Spain, and rumours were propagated which agitated men's minds, and tended to spread discontent. . These, at length, became so alarming, that the captain-general and civil overnor of Cadiz, and its maritime province, #. it necessary to publish a proclamation on the 8th of July, in order to contradict them. Af- ter reciting the substance of some of the rumours, such as war with England, and suspicions of war with France; the arrival of Charles IV., Ferdi- nand’s father, and his offers to sign the consti- tution; demands from the allied Fº of its sig- nature by Ferdinand, and the like; the procla- mation declared all such rumours false and sedi- tious, and forbid their propagation either by writ- ing or word of mouth, on pain of punishment with alſ the rigour of the laws, and called upon all loyal subjects to give information of every breach of these injunctions. Some efforts were made b the friends of the cortes, to spread a belief, that the army was not satisfied at the measures pur- sued by the king; and an article appeared in one of the Spanish papers which stated, that “all the , officers of the third army had declared collectively, that they would be the protectors and unshaken defenders of the constitution, (that is, the cortes.”) The editors were, however, tried for a libel ; and - having been convicted as the authors, were sen- tenced by order of the king, one to the galleys for six years, in one of the stations on the coast of Africa; and the other, who was a friar, to six years close confinement in the most rigid convent of his order. The restoration of arbitrary monarchy in Spain was very naturally followed by the re-establish- ment of the court of inquisition. A decree was published by the king on the 21st of July with the following preamble :-" The glorious title of Ca- tholics, which distinguishes us among all other Christian princes, is i. to the perseverance of the kings of Spain, who tolerate in their states no religion but the Catholic, Apostolic, and Roman. This title imposes on me, the duty of rendering myself worthy of it, by all the means that Heaven has placed in my power.” His majesty proceeds to speak of the causes which have injured the state of religion in his country, among which is mentioned, “the sojournment of foreign troops of different sects, almost all infected with sentiments of hatred against our religion;” and it is to be remarked, that this is the only allusion he had made to the assistance afforded by England, in expelling the usurpers of his throne and kingdom. He then declares, that for all these reasons, he “has thought it necessary, in the present circum- stances, that the tribunal of the holy-office should resume its jurisdiction;” adding as a further motive, its suppression by the usurper of Eu- rope, and by the general and extraordinary cortes. He re-establishes the supreme coun- cil of the inquisition, and all its other tribunals, in their powers, ecclesiastical and civil, according to the ordinances in force in the year 1808. He con- cluded, however, with saying, that as soon as the supreme council of the inquisition should be as- sembled, it was his intention to appoint two of its members, with two members of the council of Cas- tile, to examine the modes of proceeding of the holy-office, and if the interest of his subjects, or the rights of sound justice, required any reform. or alteration, to report them to himself, that he might adopt resolutions conformable to the cir- cumstances. It was afterwards stated, in an ac- count received from Madrid, that the British ambassador there had remonstrated on the pream- ble of this decree, as containing expressions in- jurious to the established faith of England. OF THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 1131 CHAPTER V. Spanish Affairs continued.—Disgust excited throughout Europe at the Conduct of Ferdinand.—Let- ter from the Spanish Ambassador on the State of Spain.—Proclamation of the Governor of Cadiz. —Tumults and Ea:ecutions.—Rota of the Nuncio restored—Ordinance abolishing Torture.—Pope's Nuncio recalled, who had been banished by the Cortes.—Reform in the Court of Inquisition.— Measures to repress Insurgents and Banditti...—Arrests multiplied—Restoration of Feudal Prici- leges.—Attempt of General Mina to take Pampeluna.-His Flight into France.—Arrested at Paris.-Liberated by the French Government.—Council of Mesta re-established.—Arbitrary Conduct of the Spanish Government. The persecutions and troubles which distracted the peninsula the greater part of this year, in- duced many persons of distinction to emigrate to Italy, where they rallied round the person of Charles IV. at Rome. A strict examination of all letters took place at the Spanish post-offices, and great pains were taken by the government to pre- vent information of the real state of affairs from being circulated, especially to foreign countries. Indeed, the cond-ict of the beloved Ferdinand and his ministers excited the greatest disgust throughout every country in Europe, and became the subject of discussion amongst all classes of society. The Spanish court, fearing perhaps of offending the allied monarchs, thought it necessary to contra- dict the rumours that had gone abroad ; and an article having appeared in the Journal de Pa- ris, reflecting on the conduct of the Spanish clergy, the Spanish ambassador addressed a most extra- ordinary letter to the editor of that paper, which we shall here insert. “ Gentlemen, In your paper of yesterday you inserted an article, dated Munich, 16th inst. repre- senting that the harangues of the Spanish clergy had occasioned the greatest disorders in the ci- ties of Leon and Compostella. You will readily believe that I have at Paris intelligence of a much more recent date, and, above all, more authentic than the Bavarian news-writer who has furnished . you with the article in question. Allow me, there: fore, to tell you, that the disorders at Leon and Compostella have no more reality than the alarm occasioned by the conduct and sentiments of Gene- ral Mina, and the seditious proceedings announced for some time past in different parts of Spain; whilst, on the contrary, General Mina is not less estimable for his loyalty and old-fashioned frank- ness, than worthy of admiration for his military achievements; and, in spite of the fabricators of false news, there is not a more quiet country ifi Europe than Spain. Yes, gentlemen, the most perfect tranquillity prevails in my native land; º ū . the people there enjoy even a happiness superior to that which any nation ever experienced : for none ever succeeded in recovering its indepen- dence and its sovereign by such extraordinary efforts of courage, fidelity, and constancy. Con- vinced of this happy situation of my country, I have hitherto been silent respecting those reports of discontents which idle or evil-disposed persons take delight in propagating ; and I should have done the same in regard to your brother journalist at Munich, if, after having announced false intel- ligence, he had not added an atrocious calumny against my august sovereign, and against his royal highness the Infant Don Antonio. “I flattered myself, gentlemen, that the times in which journalists insuited nations and sove- reigns with impunity were long past, and what more aggravated insult can there be, than to at- tribute to the uncle of the King of Spain a de- claration which would be an act of rebellion, and to ascribe to his majesty a disease which would incapacitate him from reigning 3 On what foun- dation has this miserable journalist raised his im- posture ? And you, gentlemen, how could you think of inserting such an imputation in your pa- per? The singularity of adopting Spanish news from a German journal ought to have deterred you, had you even not reflected on the mis- chievous consequences which your levity was likely to produce. All true Frenchmen have de- plored the war of perfidy and atrocity which their tyrant carried on for six years; they have deplored that war not only as unjust, but as a medium which could not fail to raise to the highest pitch the animosity and hatred of two neigh- bouring nations, whose mutual interest it is to maintain a good understanding with one another. All that can tend to perpetuate this disposition, ought to be carefully avoided ; and nothing, in my opinion, will contribute more to exasperate. my countrymen than the continuation of the sys- tem which most of the journalists and other. T3, D BOOK XIII., CHAP. W. _sº 1814. 1132 HISTORY OF THE WARS, '1300K XIII. CHAP V. Nºvº-Z 1814, writers of your nation have long and invariably pursued. Every piece of false intelligence relative to Spain, every invective is a disservice rendered to your own countrymen. tº “I hope that you will be pleased to publish this contradiction in your paper. * P. GoMez LABRADoR. “Paris, July 25, 1814.” Notwithstanding this letter of the Spanish am- bassador, it was manifest that great discontents still existed in Spain, and which kept the go- vernment in alarm. This appeared not only from various accounts transmitted from the different provinces, but especially from a general order and proclamation, issued at Cadiz, by Villava- cienzo, the captain-general. “My former procla- mations,” he says, “ have produced no effect. Traitors and disturbers of the public repose con- tinue to mislead the people, who are always fickle and credulous. These offences can no longer remain unpunished. Justice shall in fu- ture be executed with the celerity which circum- stances demand. I declare that considering my- self as in a state of war, a military commission is about to be immediately appointed, which shall ‘decide within the period of three days at farthest according to military forms; and I will cause to be brought before it every individual accused of having, directly or indirectly, spoken against the sovereignty of Ferdinand VII. or who is suspect- ed of any other manoeuvre to mislead public opi- nion.” A measure so violent and arbitrary as that here declared, must have proceeded either from some very urgent danger, or from the despotic character of the man ; and, if it did not effec- tually intimidate, must certainly have augmented the force of disaffection. It afterwards appeared that this proclamation had been preceded by party tumults, and that several executions were the result. In the mean time, the policy of strengthening the power of the crown by that of the church was pursued without intermission. By a royal decree, the tribunal of the rota of the apostolic nuncio was installed on the 22d of August, on which occasion its members, by the mouth of the dean of the tribunal, made a very loyal address to the king. Enumerating the advantages which would accrue from the re-establishment of this court, they observed, that “concord between the priesthood and the government being thus se- cured, the bases of the tranquillity and safety of the state can no longer be shaken; for the philo- sophers of the day have obstinately sought to dis- turb that concord, only the better to succeed in over- , whelming successively the altar and the throne.” In the same month, another ordinance was pub- lished, by which the civil judges, superior and in- 7 ~º --sº-sº ferior, were forbidden to make use of the torture towards criminals or witnesses in order to force confession. At the same time, the king directed that in the construction of prisons, attention should be paid to healthfulness as well as security, that the persons confined might not undergo an anticipated punishment. The arrested members of the cortes were at this period still detained in prison, and were said to bear their fate with a great appear- ance of fortitude. The pope's nuncio, who had been banished the kingdom by the cortes in 1813, for his resistance to the abolition of the in- quisition, had, as might be expected, been re- called, and was enjoying the highest degree of court favor. The abolition of the tribunal of the inquisition by the cortes certainly created them a vast number of enemies, and was probably the cause of their downfal on the return of Ferdi- nand. As it may not be uninteresting to our readers we will briefly revert to the proceedings of that body in 1813, relative to their dispute with the Spanish clergy and the pope's nuncio on that subject. Among the difficulties which the cortes had to encounter, one of the most serious arose from that bigotry which has for so many ages been charac- teristic of the Spanish nation, and has enslaved its clergy to the most obnoxious maxims of the church of Rome. Although religious toleration could obtain no admission into the new constitu- tion, yet.the more liberal members of the cortes had been able to carry a decree for the abolition of the odious tribunal of the inquisition, and had passed an injunction for reading the decree in the churches at the celebration of high mass. This was very galling to the clerical body; and at a sitting of the cortes on March 8th, 1813, a letter was read, transmitted by order of the regency, which conveyed three memorials relative to this subject, from the vicar-general of the diocese of Cadiz, the parochial clergy of the city and sub- urbs, and the chapter of the diocese. That of the vicar-general set forth his reasons for not obeying the order of the cortes, the substance of which was, that it would be matter of scandal to read resolutions purely civil in a sacred place and in the middle of the sacrifice of the mass, and that it had not been usual to publish laws in that man- ner. The clergy went so far as to impugn the spirit of the decree for abolishing the inquisition, saying that it contained doctrines contrary to what they had always preached to their parishioners. The Spanish regency, in the letter accompany- ing these memorials, informed the cortes that they had not chosen to take severe measures on the occasion, for fear of disturbing the public tranquílity; and recommended the business to the consideration of the cortes. * The first speakers who arose in the assembly OF THE 1133 FRENCH REVOLUTION. warmly condemned the regency for declining to exercise their authority in executing the orders of the cortes; and Senor Arguelles, after observing that the remarks of the clergy did not merit their attention, and that their sole business was to dis- cuss the conduct of the government in the observ- ance of the laws, said, that the regency ought to be deposed the moment it did not cause the laws to be executed, which duty it had sworn to per- form; and concluded with moving that the sit- ting be declared permanent till this business was terminated. This motion was carried by a great majority. He then, after declaring that the cir- cumstances were highly critical, and that a con- test between the two depositaries of the authority of government might involve the nation in the greatest calamities, moved that a regency should be nominated ad interim. This motion occasioned a considerable debate; after which, being put to the vote, it was carried by eighty-seven against forty-eight. The three councillors of state upon whom, on account of seniority, according to an article of the constitution, the provisional regency fell, were the Cardinal Bourbon (Archbishop of Toledo), Don P. Agar, and Don Gabriel Ciscar. One deputation was then appointed to dismiss the old regency, and another to wait on the new. The latter then appeared before the cortes, and was installed in office with a suitable discourse from the president. It was soon discovered that the resistance of the Spanish clergy to the decree of the cortes was supported and fomented by the powerful influence of the pope's nuncio, Peter Gravina, Archbishop of Nicea, then resident at Cadiz. This was made public by a manifesto of the regency, addressed to the prelates and chapters of Spain, and dated April 23d. In this important paper, the president of the regency, Cardinal Bourbon, after alluding to the energetic measures which he had been obliged to adopt in order to extinguish a flame which might have consumed the kingdom, says, that among the documents which he had called for on the occasion from different chapters, there had appeared a letter from the pope's nuncio to the Dean and Chapter of Malaga, exhorting them to delay, and even to oppose, the execution of the decrees concerning the inquisition. By so acting, the nuncio says, “they would do an important service to religion, to the church, and to our most holy father, whose authority and rights he con- ceives to be wounded, without thereby favoring the episcopal power.” Letters to the same pur- ose had been forwarded to the regency, from the nuncio to the Bishop of Jaen and the Chapter of Grenada; “from which it appears (says the ma- nifesto) that the said nuncio, trampling on the first principles of international law, overlooking the limits of his public mission, and abusing the veneration in which this pious people hold the le- gates of the apostolic see, has endeavoured to BOOK XIII, promote, and actually has promoted, under the cloak of religion, the disobedience of some very respectable prelates and ecclesiastical bodies, to the decrees and orders of the sovereign power.” After a number of observations on the conduct of the nuncio, and the necessity of controlling it, the cardinal president declares, that although he conceived himself fully authorised to exert his power by sending the nuncio out of the kingdom, and seizing his temporalities, yet he had confined himself to ordering that the following royal de- cree should be transmitted to him. The decree referred to expressed in strong terms the sense of the regency of the nuncio’s improper conduct; and informed him, that it expected that he would for the future keep within the limits of his mis- sion, and that all his remonstrances to government should be made through the medium of the se- cretary of state; assuring him, that should he henceforward forget the duties of his charge, the regency would be under the necessity of exercis- ing its power in fulfilling the duties intrusted to it. This spirited and decisive proceeding, however, was ineffectual to restrain the actions of a repre- sentative of that authority which, during so many ages, had maintained a successful contest with civil governments; and it appeared from a sub- sequent manifesto of the regeney, that the nuncio affirmed in a note “that he could not but believe that he was under an indispensable obligation to act as he had done, in quality of legate of the pope, and in fulfilment of the duties of his mi- nistry; that though he wished nothing more than the peace and tranquillity of the kingdom, and it was contrary to his character to intermeddle in other subjects than those belonging to the duties of his legation; yet in ecclesiastical matters he was obliged to engage in that correspondence and communication which was required of him by his office.” He added, “ that if his conduct in cor- responding with the reverend bishops, and acting as he had before done, gave offence to the cortes, they might act as they thought proper relatively to himself, as he believed his behaviour would merit the approbation of his holiness.” In a letter of the 9th of May, the nuncio persisted in the same sentiments, and said, that the greater part of the bishops, even those who were resident at Cadiz, had made known their opinion on this sub- ject, in the hope that, as legate of the pope, he would take the part which he should judge pro- per; that he had therefore been induced to give his advice and instructions as he had done to the prelates and chapters, and that he should pursue the same conduct whenever similar subjects should come in question. Thus, perhaps, very conscien- tiously, did Senor Gravina follow the same tract with the Beckets of old, in supporting the autho- rity of the Roman see against that of the supreme .# ** * Ch Ap. V. Jº"Nº-2 1814. 1134 HISTORY OF THE WARS Book xIII. civil government in a country; demonstrating the CHAP. V. 1814. uniformity of principle by which that vast machine of ecclesiastical power is actuated. The regency appears to have been reluctant to come to extre- mities and declare open hostilities with such a power; but its reputation, and authority were compromised ; and at length, on J uly 7th, after having heard the opinion of the council of state, a note was sent in its name to the nuncio, acquaint- ing him that a passport was sent to him for leav- ing the kingdom, and that his temporalities in it would be occupied. He was further informed that, in consideration of his dignity, and in order that he might perform his voyage commodiously, a national frigate should be prepared to carry him whithersoever he might choose to go. The nun- cio, however, preferred going to Portugal in a vessel provided by himself, where he remained till his recal by Ferdinand. An account was received from Rome, in Sep- tember, which stated that the "King of Spain had addressed a long memorial to the pope, in which it was proposed to abolish the code called Direc- torium Inquisitorium, and to adopt the following rules. Mahometans, Jews, and other infidels, no longer to give testimony against Catholics ac- cused of heresy. Wives, children, relations, and domestics, not to be admitted as witnesses in the first instance; the torture not to be applied in any case; the charges to be so specific, that slight or violent, suspicions of heresy cannot suf- fice for ordering the arrest of an individual; the property of the condemned in no case to fall to the inquisition; the families of the condemned to be admitted to inheritance; the expenses of the supreme council to be defrayed out of the royal treasury. A commission was appointed in September for the trial of the members of the cortes confined in the various prisons, and styled, by way of re- proach, the liberales. Two magistrates, both members of the supreme council of Castile, no- minated to form part of this tribunal, immedi- ately gave in their resignation. It was manifest, from every account which was received, that Spain was at this time in a most deplorable con- dition. One of these stated that the guerillas and deserters from the army had formed them- selves into numerous bands of robbers, by which the internal quiet of the kingdom was much dis- turbed; and that the high roads were so much infested by these banditti, that several towns had petitioned government to take effectual measures for the suppression of this evil. In consequence, a force of infantry and cavalry was sent into the provinces of the two Castiles, Estremadura, An- dalusia, Arragon, Valencia, and Catalonia, for the extermination of the offenders. An official order was issued at the same time, empowering the commanders of these troops to act without F-3 waiting for orders from the governors of the pro- vinces, and establishing in each a permanent council of war, by which all persons arrested were to be immediately tried ; and it was declared, that “the confronting of witnesses was not neces- sary, unless the advocate of the accused should represent it as indispensably requisite for their vindication. The sentences of this court were to be communicated to the governor of the pro- vince, and unless he disapproved, execution was to take place without delay. But in case of re- sistance by force, the execution might be ordered by the military commission, without any other au- thority. It can scarcely be doubted, that this ar- bitrary rigour was chiefly directed against more formidable insurgents than robbers on the high- way. In the meantime, the political discontents in the capital kept increasing; and, in the night be- tween the 16th and 17th of September, ninety persons were arrested and committed to custody. In the night of the 25th, twenty-six more were apprehended, for the alleged crimes of freema- sonry and attachment to the cause of the cortes. The number of persons arrested at length be- came so great, that the prisons were not capacious enough to contain them all, and the Franciscan convent was converted into a state prison. The alarm excited by these measures, induced many persons to take refuge in France and other coun- tries. Two of these having taken refuge in Gi- braltar, were demanded by the Spanish govern- ment, and given up by the British commander. One was a retired officer, the other a scholar, to- tally immersed in his studies, and never mixing in political concerns. They were thrown into prison; but, in consequence of the representations of the British government, they were liberated. The British commander at Gibraltar was severe- ly censured for delivering them into the hands of the Spaniards, and was afterwards recalled. Among other eminent patriots who had been per- secuted and compelled to fly, was the Marquis Matterosa, one of the most distinguished cham- pions of the Spanish independence, who had ex- posed his life and fortunes in the service of his country. He had fled from Madrid into the As- furias; his persecutors had followed him to his country seat, and had terrified the countess his mother so that she died in consequence of her apprehensions for his safety; he had, how- ever, arrived safe in England. Several members of the cortes were dragged from their homes, and others pursued into different parts of the country. It was dreadful to consider that Fer- dinand had profited so little by his sufferings, as to come back to his country, after an exile of five years, and begin his career by injuries to the very men who had been his benefactors. He had visited them with afflictions far severer than any, of THE FRENch Revolution. 1135 —r— which had fallen upon himself. He had en- º free air and exercise, and the free use of is limbs: they were confined in dreary dun- geons without air, ill fed, without the common decent comforts of nature: even the doors of their dungeons were kept closed, that they might not have the benefit of the refreshing atmosphere. It is worthy of remark, that the judges appoint- ed to try these offenders, were three persons who had opposed all the proceedings of the Spaniards from the outset, and had shewn themselves hos- tile to every measure that had for its object an effectual resistance to the arms of France. One of them had been chief judge under Joseph Bonaparte. * The province of Navarre at length became the seat of an insurrection which appeared in a truly formidable aspect. The famous partizan, Espoz de Mina, who had so much distinguished himself in the war by his enterprize and courage, was at the head of a body of troops in that province, and had fallen under the suspicion of government. It appeared from a proclamation of the viceroy of Navarre, that an order had been sent from court on the 16th of September, signifying that Mina should be regarded as a retired officer, and fix his residence in Pampeluna, and that the troops serving under him should be placed at the disposal of the Captain-general of Arragon, and distributed by him in the towns under his com- mand. The viceroy communicated this order to Mina on the 23d, and, at the same time, sent a dispatch to the Governor of Arragon, stating the urgent necessity of transferring Mina's troops to other quarters. On the 25th, he was informed ºbſ the Arragon courier, that he had been stop- ped by two horsemen, who had taken away his bag of letters. Mina, who had signified to the vice- roy his purpose of obeying the order, and coming to Pampeluna, approached that city on the night of the 26th, at the head of the first regiment of volunteers, provided with ladders to scale the ramparts, and having concerted his plan with the chiefs of the 4th regiment in garrison in the place. Accompanied by his nephew, he spent a part of the night upon the ramparts, conferring with his partizans, and expecting movements in his favor; but it appears that he had not suffi- ciently prepared his own officers for the attempt, for they sent one of their number to inform the viceroy of the transaction, and to assure him of . their fidelity to the government. In conclusion, Mina found it necessary to retire, followed by those who were most attached to him, and take the road of Puente la Ruyna, where, it is said, there was a great fermentation among his sol- diers, a part of whom quitted his standard. The viceroy published a proclamation, addressed to the deputies of the province, informing them of *: events; and another proclamation, to the people of Navarre, was issued by the bishop and two other persons in authority, in order to excite their loyalty. The high character formerly sustained by Ge- neral Mina cannot fail to interest readers in his fate, notwithstanding his failure in an enterprize perhaps rashly undertaken, and the precise ob- ject of which is only matter of conjecture. We therefore subjoin the following particulars re- specting him, taken from a French account. His nephew, a gallant young man, after the miscar- riage at Pampeluna, took refuge at Pau, with several officers attached to him and his uncle, and having presented himself at the police-office, ad- dressed a memorial to Louis XVIII. In this he represented that he had constantly supported the Bourbon cause in Spain, and that his great object had been to effect their restoration to the Spanish throne on the basis of a free constitution; that such a constitution had been acknowledged by the whole nation, but that Ferd nand, unmindful of the blood which had been shed in his cause, had persecuted with the greatest rigour those patriots who had most exerted themselves in his behalf, and had plunged the nation in the great- est calamities. On this account, he (Mina) with many of his companions, in arms, had made an exertion in support of the constitution, but having failed, they now applied to his majesty to grant them hospitality in France, or to furnish them with passports to any other country than Spain. About this period, Espoz de Mina arrived in Paris with four or five of his officers, and applied, under fictitious names, for passports to Count de Casa Flores, the Spanish chargé d'affaires. Being recognized by one of the legation, notice was given to the count, who amused Mina till he had obtained from the French commissary of police an order for his arrest. The French mi- nister for foreign affairs, apprized of the fact, caused the commissary to be arrested in turn for having violated the laws of France, by obeying the order of a foreigner, who had no authority whatever in the kingdom. The king was then informed of the whole affair, and directly ordered Mina to be liberated, and dismissed the commis- sary from his office; and, in consequence of what subsequently passed, the Spanish chargé d'af- faires was ordered to quit the French territory. Nothing could be more honorable to Louis and his ministers than the proceedings on this occa- SłOne A royal ordinance issued by Ferdinand on the 15th of September, exhibited a further progress in that system of bringing every thing back to its former state, which seems to be the leading, or rather the sole policy of his government. It recites, that by a decree of the general and ex- traordinary cortes, on the 6th of August, 1811, all jurisdictional * of whatever class, #: BOOK XIII. CHAP. V. R Jºe” 1814. 1136 HISTORY OF THE WARS *— were incorporated with the nation, and all pay- ments, both real and personal, which owed their origin to a jurisdictional title, were abolished, with the exception of such as proceeded from free contract, in the exercise of right of property; abolishing also the privileges called exclusive, privative, or prohibitive, such as those of the chase, fishing, ovens, and milis: that, in this state of things, representations had been made to him by various grandees of Spain, and titulars of Castile, jurisdictional lords of townships in Arragon, Valencia, and other provinces, com- plaining of the robberies suffered by them under pretence of the said decree, in the enjoyment of the rights and payments reserved to them; de- manding restitution, and some of them praying the nullity of the decree; that the said memo- rials had been referred to the council of state, and the law-officers of the crown, in consequence of whose recommendation and advice, his majes- ty orders that the said jurisdictional lords be im- mediately replaced in the enjoyment of all the rights, emoluments, &c. belonging to their ter- ritorial and manorial seignory, and of all the other rights which they enjoyed prior to August 6, 1811, and which do not derive their origin from jurisdiction and exclusive privileges: with- out prejudice to what he may hereafter resolve, as to the nullity, continuance, or revocation of the said decree of the cortes, abolishing seigno- ries. If the immediate operation of this ordi- nancé was in many respects to render strict jus- tice according to existing laws, the hope mani- festly held out, of a future revocation of the po- pular decree of the cortes, was a bait offered to the nobility of the kingdom, to secure their at- tachment to the renewed order of things. Another instance of the prevalent policy in the Spanish government, of reverting to old institu- tions, was given by re-investing the council of the Mesta in its former function, by which the flocks of Merino sheep will be permitted, as formerly, to traverse all Spain, notwithstanding the injury thence accruing to agriculture, which has been demonstrated by various enlightened writers. On October 14, being the king's birth-day, he attended the theatre at Madrid, to the great sa- tisfaction of the heroic inhabitants of the capital. The dramatic piece selected for the occasion is entitled “Giles, with the Green Breeches,” which certainly does not indicate any thing very elevated. On the same day his majesty published an am- nesty in favor of all persons detained in prison, or fugitives from the kingdom, on account of any other crimes than those recited in a copious list, including high-treason, divine and human, resist- ance to justice, peculation in the finances, and other defaults, which would exclude from the benefit all the subjects of the late arrests. In the mean time these arrests were still going on, and BOOK XIII. CHAP. W. vºyº 1814. **** included several distinguished general officers; while frequent changes in the ministry, denoted the unsettled state of public affairs, and the im- becility of the monarch. One of these instances of despotic violence was displayed on November 7, when the king in person repaired to M. de Ma- canaz, minister of justice and of the interior, and putting seals upon all his papers, ordered him to go to prison. Nothing could more decisively ex- hibit the weakness and petty policy of the king or his ministry, than the importance given to a pamphlet by M. Amoros, entitled “Representa- tion to Ferdinand VII.” The supreme eouncil being ordered to take measures for seizing all the copies of this work, circulars were sent to all the tribunals, civil and criminal, and to the prelates and clergy, enjoining them to carry into effect his majesty's wishes concerning it. In conse- quence, the work was very generally read, and many copies of it were preserved in manuscript. Conformably to this exercise of the sovereign au- thority, the government made a collection of all the papers which recorded the operations of the cortes, especially the liberal journals entitled “ l'Albesa,” “el Redactor,” “el Conciso,” “el Universal,” &c. and caused them to be conveyed in two carriages to a square in Madrid, where they were committed to the flames with all the formalities formerly practised at an auto da fé. A more important matter, however, had long been under the consideration of the Spanish mi- nistry, which was, the fitting out of an expedi- tion, which we shall have occasion to notice hereafter, for the reduction of the revolted pro- vinces in South America. Various obstacles oc- curred to this undertaking, arising from the ex- hausted state of the finances, and the public dis- orders; but late in the year the preparations ap- pear to have been nearly completed, and the fol- lowing account was given of its intended conduct and destination. The expedition, under the com- mand of General Morilla, was to sail from Cadiz in three divisions, convoyed by a ship of the line, two frigates, and a brig, and the island of St. Catharine was appointed for the general rendez- vous. From thence the troops were to embark for Rio Grande, and having proceeded up that river in small vessels as far as it is navigable, they were to march over land, and undertake the siege of Maldonado, a place one hundred miles to the east of Montevideo, in which the naval force was to co-operate. In December the sentence upon the state pri- soners was made public at Madrid. Twenty-one persons were condemned to the gallies for two, six, or eight years, or to strong castles for longer or shorter periods; among these were comprised: priests, military men, civil officers, literary per- sons, and especially the journalists under the cortes, who supported ***m. Two jour- OF THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. II 37 malists, the editors of the “Redactor General,” and two professors, were sentenced to the gallies. at Carthagena for ten years, under pain of death on leaving the precincts. Fines and confisca- tions were added in some cases. About the same time, the king issued a decree, granting an honorary decoration to those whose attachment to his person, during his arrest at the Escurial, exposed them to imprisonment and ex- Book xIII. ite under the influence of Godoy. A subsequent decree recognized the distinguished inerit of Don Chap. VI. Tºº- Pedro Gravina, the pope's nuncio, and Arch- bishop of Nicea, who signalised himself by his opposition to the cortes, in their abolition of the inquisition; and a canonry of Seville was con- ferred on him as a reward. 14. * CHAPTER VF. Hanover erected into a Kingdom.—Wote of Count Munster to the Foreign JMinisters at Vienna on this Occasion.—Remarks.-Prince-regent's Proclamation.—Hanoverian Diet assembled.—Their Proceedings—Free Constitution of Nassau–Military Regulations of Prussia.-Congress of Vienna.-Eapectations formed of it.—Characters of the Allied Sovereigns.—Observations.—Views of Prussia on Sarony—Declaration of the King of Saxony.—Genoa annered to the Dominions of the King of Sardinia by the Congress--Military Occupation of the Kingdom of Italy by the .4ustrians.—Remarks upon the Political Character of the Italians.—Their Wish to be independ- ent.—Jealousy of the Austrian Government.—The Italian Regiments marched into Germany.— Discussions in the Congress respecting Murat.—His eritical Situation.—Popularity of his Go- vernment.—Attempt of the Sicilian Court to eacite an Insurrection.—Increase of the Neapolitan .Army-Treaty of Alliance between Murat and the Emperor of Austria.-Suspicious Movements of the JWeapolitan Forces.—Affairs of Sicily.—Return of the Polish Troops to their Country.— .Anecdote of General Kosciusko.—State of St. Domingo.—Proceedings of King of the French General Lavaysse. As no country in Europe had undergone more changes during the long war, of which it was so often the seat, than Germany, so in none was the process of restoration more tardy, or more ob- structed with difficulties, arising as well from the actual state in which it was left at the period of the general peace, as from the complicated na- ture of its political constitution. So much, in fact, was to be done in order to reduce it to a harmonious and well-balanced system, that the year 1814 elapsed without settling some of the most important points relative to the future con- dition of the Germanic states. Some dispositions, however, were definitively made, of which it will be proper to give an account. The first event which attracted the most attention was the erection of Hanover into a kingdom. Count Munster, the Hanoverian minister of state, on the 12th of October, presented a note to the Austrian minis- ter, and the ministers of the other powers assem- bled at Vienna; in which he gave the reasons why the prince-regent had deemed it proper to assume the title of King of Hanover, in the name and on the behalf of his father. By the sixth ar- Henry.— Mission ticle of the treaty of peace at Paris, it was agreed “ that the States of Germany should remain in- dependent, and join in a federal union.” In con- sequence of this, the title of electoral prince of the holy Roman empire ceased to be suitable to present circumstances. Several of the principal powers, in this point of view, had invited the prince to renounce the title of elector, and, to as- sume that of king, by which he would facilitate. many of the arrangements which the future wel- fare of Germany seemed to require; and these considerations alone had induced him to consent. The note proceeded to observe, that “the house of Brunswick Luneburg being one of the most illustrious and most ancient in Europe, the Ha- noverian branch having filled for more than a century one of the most distinguished thrones, its possessions being among the most considerable in Germany; all the ancient electors of Germany and the house of Wurtemberg having erected their states into kingdoms; and, lastly, as ther prince-regent cannot derogate from the rank which Hanover held before the subversion of the German empire, his royal highness has resolved, 1138 HISTORY OF THE WARS Bookxiii. CHAP. Wl. <ºvº-Z 1814. º; aside, in the name of his house, the electo- ral title, to declare by the present note, which the undersigned has orders to deliver to his highness Prince Metternich, that he erects his provinces forming the country of Hanover into a kingdom; and that he shall henceforward assume, for his sovereign, the title of King of Hanover.” No doubt, before this declaration was made, the concurrence of the powers, to whose ministers this note was addressed, had been fully ascer- tained; and an account, which was soon after- wards received from Vienna, mentioned, that all the plenipotentiaries recognised the new dignity of the British sovereign. The prince-regent afterwards issued a proclamation to the inhabitants of Hanover, informing them of this change, and its motives. One of the necessary consequences of this change in the title of the English monarch will be, that the Hanoverian possessions must now be unalterably annexed to the crown of Great Britain; whereas, before, while they were an electorate, as they eould not descend to females, they would, in the event of the Princess Charlotte of Wales coming to the throne of Great Britain, have passed to the Duke of York, and thus been separated from England. Independently, however, of the consideration how far the interests of Britain were likely to be affected by this change, it must be confessed that the-peeple of Hanover will be gainers by it; for there, as well as in several other parts of Europe, the events which produced, as j, as these which contributed to destroy, the French revolution, seemed to have convinced rulers, that their inter- est, as well as their duty, lies in benefitting and enlightening their people, and in making them feel their weight in the conduct of public affairs. A proclamation from the prince-regent was pub- lished at Hanover, in October, in which, after adverting to the difficulties that had occurred in forming an uniform plan of taxation and finance, from the separation of the states of the different provinces, it is decreed, that henceforth all the É. affairs of the country which may be rought under discussion with the states, con- formably with the subsisting constitution, shall be submitted to an assembly of the states of all the provinces, which shall adopt a general reso- lution on such subjects. To effect this purpose, it is further decreed, that for the present the states of all the provinces composing the electorate shall form themselves, by means of representatives, in- to a general diet, to assemble at Hanover, on the 15th of December, furnished with full powers on the part of their constituents. On the day appointed, the diet was opened with a solemnity proper for the occasion ; and the Duke of Cambridge, provided with full authority from the prince-regent, repaired in state to the place of assembly, and addressed the representa- tives in a speech. After complimenting the Ha- noverians upon their firm and loyal attachment to their sovereign, and upon the share which they had, under “the greatest of commanders,” in des- troying the tyranny of Bonaparte, and restoring independence and tranquillity to Europe; he in- formed them that the prince-regent, one of the race of the Guelphs, who had always been dis- tinguished for justice and mildness, and which had produced many fathers of their country, none who had abused the strength of its subjects, had given to the German sovereigns, who were to form the confederation, the first example of call- ing an assembly, in which the voice of the people might declare itself with freedom, but with order, to point out to the prince the means of promoting his object, which is the good of the country. The first step towards this important object was made by the union of the states of all the different parts of the country, to which are given the rights of granting money, and other points of legislation. One of their principal objects of deliberation would regard the means of repaying those who, in confidence in good faith, lent the public their property to supply the public wants. The prince- regent, for his part, considered the good faith, which the sovereigns of Hanover had never vio- lated, as so sacred, that he declared his disposi- tion to contribute even from the revenues of his domains, that their claims might be fulfilled. The next object was to place Hanover in the most se- cure condition against any future attack which might be made upon it. Britain, to which Ha- nover had already, in common with the rest of Europe, been so much indebted, had generously replaced the necessary warlike stores carried off by the enemy, and this “enabled the men, who could bring nothing but their good-will, to join the list of combatants.” He concluded by in- forming them, that it would be their business to consider of the changes in the administration of justice, which the present times rendered neces- sary or advisable, and to deliberate on useful in- stitutions for the good of the country. What the regent intended would be communicated to them by his counsellors; while he would lend an attem- tive ear on other subjects. The list of full powers, which had been presented and approved, and the necessary regulation for the order of the states of the kingdom, would be communicated to them: according to these, they were to begin by choos- ing a president. “But first, let us, with united devotion, implore the blessings of the Most High on the sacred work of the first assembly of the states of the kingdom of Hanover.” At the end of this speech, his royal-highness repaired in pro- ºcession with the whole assembly to the church of the palace, where the hymn Nun danket alle Gott, “Now thank all God,” was sung, being particu- larly chosen, “ because the venerable father gf | OF THE PRENCH REVOLUTION. ; 1139 ~~~~}. --------------------- - - - --> -- ------ - - - -º- - - - - - - - *** ~~~~ *- the royal house, and of the country, his majesty, pied from the British parliament. Although this Book xIII. George the Third, with his strong sense of piety, set a particular value upon it.”, The deputies, after returning to their hall, made choice of Count Schulenburg Wolfsburg for their president, who, on the following day, ad- dressed his royal-highness to the following effeet. He began by stating the obligations which the in- habitants of Hanover were under to the prince- regent for calling the deputies together, and to the British nation for the decided, persevering, and glorious part which she had taken in the con- test, which had terminated in the triumph of peace and order. He next assured his royal-highness, that in all their deliberations and proceedings they would use their utmost endeavours to second his good intel,tions for the prosperity of Hanover; and, he concluded by stating, that they considered the presence of his royal-highness as a pledge of the gracious regard of their beloved sovereign and the prince-regent. The conclusion of the reply of the Duke of Cambridge to this address deserves to be quoted: “Assembled deputies of the kingdom, the whole country has its eyes on you. From you it looks for deliberations on the new measures which the prince-regent has to take in concert with you. You will weigh the relations of all classes, and maintain them in just equili- brium, having in view the good of the whole, which is founded on the good of the single parts. Never forget that the regent feels himself inti- mately connected with his subjects. If the diffi- cult times require great sacrifices in the increase of the revenues, consider that the sovereign de- mands nothing for himself; that we ask only what the country requires. If some privileges must be sacrificed to form a better internal order, remem- ber that the prince-regent gives up rights which others consider as an essential part of the royal dignity, by assembling you here—to be to him, here, what the parliament is, in the sister king- dom, Great Britain, the high council of the nation.” It was not in Hanover only that the example was given of the adoption of a representative go- vernshent in Germany. In the month of October, Frederick Augustus, Duke of Nassau, and Fre- derick William, Sovereign Prince of Nassau, is- sued a constitutional charter, founded upon the most liberal principles. It assured the free exer- cise of religious worship, suppiessed covéers, gave admission to the first offices of the state without any preference of rank or birth, esta- blished an independent magistracy, and renounc- ed the right of arbitrarily discharging the public functionaries. It appointed a states-general of the duchy, composed of two separate houses, that of nobles and that of deputies, the formation of which, and their powers and privileges, with the whole act of legislation, were almost exactly co- 77. was an experiment on a small scale, it was re- garded as paving the way to important results. Cha P. VI. The leading powers of Germany were too `-” much engaged with the weighty concerns of the congress at Vienna this year, to occupy them- selves considerably with arrangements in their own dominions. But as affairs were in an unsettled stafe, it was thought necessary to keep up a powerful military force: and Prussia in particular paid considerable attention to this point. In the month of September, an ordinance was publish- ed at Berlin, by which all the old laws for the completing of the military establishment were abolished, and a number of articles were decreed for the regulation of the armed force of the country, under the three heads of the permanent army, the landwehr of the first and second re- quisition, and the landsturm. It declared, that every individual, born a Prussian subject, and having completed his twentieth year, was bound to defend his country. In order to obviate the complaint made against the French conscription, that it deranged all the plans for the education of youth, it was here provided that the age for en- tering the military service should be twenty years complete; though youths of seventeen offering themselves should be accepted, if qualified by their physical powers. By the treaty of Paris, it was declared, in ge- neral terms, that all the powers engaged on both sides in the late war, should send plenipoten- tiaries to Vienna, for the purpose of regulating in a general congress the arrangements necessary for completing the enactments of that treaty. Ac- cordingly, in the months of August and Septem- ber, most of the ministers of the different powers were assembled at Vienna, and were followed by the Kings of Bavaria, Wirtemberg, and Den- mark, and the petty prinees of Germany. On the 25th of September, the Emperor of Russia and King of Prussia made their solemn entry into the Austrian capital. They were met at some distance by the Emperor of Austria, ac- companied by all the archdukes, and followed by his generals and courtiers in all the pomp of mi- litary and courtly parade. The preparations made for the accommodation and entertainment of the sovereigns were in the highest style of costly grandeur; and the intelligence from Wi- enna, during the remainder of the year, chiefly eonsisted in relations of the festivities and splen- dour attending the presence of so many crowned heads. It was hoped that, at the congress of Vienna, where monarchs were to see and judge for them- selves, more regard than usual would be paid to the dictates of inoderation and justice; and this hope was strengthened by a reflection on the personal characters and experience of those me- 13 F 1814. 1140 HISTORY OF THE WARS BOOK XIII. narchs. Cn AP. VI. Jº/*_/ 1814. -ºr —r— The Emperor Alexander had, more than any of the . established a character for simplicity, moderation, and justice: his whole behaviour, not only while he was in England, but antecedently during the campaign in France had led to the belief that he was far above the ambi- tion of being a mere conqueror; that his object was rather to improve the condition of the sub- jects which he already had, than to extend his territories. While in England, he principally employed his time in seeing and examining those institutions and improvements in machinery which might be of service to his own country; so that it was hoped, by many, that a monarch had at last arisen, who would feel more delight in extending the empire of knowledge and civi- lization, than in war and conquest. The King of Prussia had suffered deeply in his wars with Bonaparte; not merely as a sovereign, but as a husband. He was believed to be of a very do- mestic habit and turn of mind, and still to feel deeply for the death of his queen: these circum- stances, united to what they all had so recently witnessed of the fatal effects of war and ambition, it was hoped would have induced him, at the Congress, to raise his voice and exert his influ- ence in favor of those schemes alone which had for their object the real good of monarchs as well as subjects. Less, perhaps, was expected from the Emperor of Austria than from either the King of Prussia or the Emperor of Russia; for, though he had suffered dreadfully from his wars with Bonaparte, there appeared to be in his per- sonal character too much of the monarch; too little adaptation to circumstances; too great a fondness for parade and ostentation ; too little sympathy with the condition of mankind at large. From the other sovereigns who were assembled at Vienna, little was expected ; for, whatever their personal characters Inight be, they possessed, comparatively, so little influence, that they would be obliged to attach themselves to the views and plans of one or other of the three great sove- reigns? Besides the monarchs who were assembled at the Congress, there were the ministers of France and England; Lord Castlereagh from the latter, and Talleyrand from the former. When business came to be discussed amon the ministers of the several powers, it was j that so much previous labour was requisite to bring the questions for determination to a due state of maturity, that a declaration was issued for adjourning the formal opening of the Con- gress to the 1st of November. After this period had arrived, every pelitical pen in Germany seems to have been employed in conjectures relative to the great affairs under consideration, and the in- tentions of the leading potentates. The grand object which the Congress of Vienna professed to have in view, was to restore Europe as nearly as possible to the condition in which it was previous to the French revolution; only al- tering that condition so far as might be deemed necessary to strengthen the inferior states. The experience of the French revolution had proved that these inferior states, unable to protect and defend themselves, must necessarily fall under the power of their stronger neighbour in the case of another war. This had been fatally exemplified with respect to the small states of Germany : being contiguous to France, they had easily fallen into her power soon after the commencement of the revolution, and thus con- tributed to render her more equal to a contest with the great states of Europe, even when united against her. And as France, from the military spirit which had been infused into her, and from the immense armies she would still possess when her prisoners were restored—armies composed of men who were totally indisposed and unqualified for the occupations and engagements of peaceful and civil life, was still the great object of sus- §. and alarm to the rest of the continent of urope, it became necessary to strengthen the states which bordered on her territories. On this principle Belgium, even by the treaty of Paris, had been annexed to Holland. But the Con- gress of Vienna professed to have greater objects in view than even the protection of the smaller states against the ambition and power of France; they professed to assemble for the grand and be- nificent object of doing all in their power to save Europe from future wars, and of bestow- ing on its inhabitants a greater portion of national and individual security, independence, and happi- ness than they had ever enjoyed. The allied mo- narchs declared that these objects were so near their hearts, that, in order to secure them, they would most cheerfully sacrifice their own indivi. dual interests, and exhibit themselves no longer as warlike and ambitious, but as peaceful and pa- triotic monarchs. The settlement and concerns of Poland, Sax- ony, and the smaller states of Germany and Italy, necessarily came within the professed purpose and wish of the allied monarchs, and on each of these great difficulties arose; difficulties, the ex- istence of which too plainly and fatally proved, that the allies were not inclined to act so disin- terestedly as they had professed and promised. The fate of Saxony, indeed, appears to have been fully settled by two of the powers, Russia and Prussia, before the Congress commenced its sittings. On the 3d of November, Prince Rep- nin, the Russian governor of Dresden, sent a motification to the Saxon authorities, in which he acquainted them, that by a letter from the minister of state, Baron de Stein, he had been informed of a convention concluded at Vienna, on the 28th of September, in virtue of which the Em- peror of Russia, in concert with Austria and {)F THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. * 1141 --> ** –-a-º. England, was to put into the hands of the King of Prussia the administration of the kingdom of Saxony; and that he had in consequence received orders to consign the government of that country to persons provided with proper powers by his Prussian majesty, “in order thus to operate the union of Saxony with Prussia, which will soon take place in a manner more solemn and formal.” The prince concluded with saying, that King Frederick William, in quality of future sovereign of the country, had declared that it was not his intention to incorporate Saxony to his estates as a province, but to unite it to Prussia under the title of the kingdom of Saxony, to give it the ad- vantages which the constitution of Germany should secure to those kingdoms which make a part of the Prussian monarchy, and to change nothing in its present constitution ; and, further, that the Emperor Alexander had testified the pri- vate satisfaction which that declaration had caused him. Prince Repnin announced the same determi- nation in the farewell speech which he delivered at Dresden on the 8th of November, when he for- mally resigned his authority to the Prussian civil and military governors; but that the inhabitants of Saxony were by no means satisfied at this con- duct of the allies may be gathered from the speech of Prince Repnin: “I now come, gentlemen,” says he “to the subject which has most deeply af- fected your souls—I mean the uncertainty re- specting the fate of your country, and the attach- ment which you bear to a sovereign who, for half a century, has presided over your destinies. It was worthy of you to forget the calamities of these latter times in the remembrance of a calm and tranquil reign of forty-five years, during which old wounds were healed. The misfortune of an individual interests every tender heart; but that of a sovereign has in it something religious, which irresistibly seizes upon the feelings, and excites enthusiasm. Far be it from me, then, to censure the sentiments which you have displayed; and if you have seen me employ restrictive mea- sures against some proceedings into which you were hurried, attribute them solely to my certain conviction, that nothing but implicit confidence, and unlimitted submission to the designs of the high allied powers, could insure your future hap- piness, and preserve Saxony from the calamity of being partitioned.” The unfortunate King of Saxony, immediately after he had learned this transfer of the occupa- tion of his country, published a declaration, dated Frederickfeld, November 4. In this he says, “Firmly resolved never to separate our fate from that of our people; filled with confidence in the justice and magnanimity of the allied sovereigns, and intending to join their alliance as soon as we had the means of doing so, we determined, after the battle of Leipsic, there to await the con- Book XIII. querors. But the sovereigns refused to hear us. * We were compelled to depart from our States, Chap. VI. and proceed to Berlin. His majesty the Em- ~~~~ peror of Russia nevertheless made known to us, that our removal from Saxony was dictated only by military interests, and his majesty at the same time invited us to repose in him entire confidence. We also received from their majesties the Em- peror of Austria and the King of Prussia affecting proofs of interest and sensibility. We were in consequence enabled to cherish the hope, that as soon as these military considerations ceased to operate, we should be reinstated in our rights and restored to our dear subjects. We were the more entitled to expect a speedy and happy change in our situation, inasmuch as we had made known to the coalesced sovereigns our sincere desire to co-operate in the re-establishment of repose and liberty, and had manifested in every way which the power was left us of doing, our real devoted- ness to their persons, and to the cause which was the object of their efforts. On the conclusion of peace with France, it was infinitely painful to us to learn, that our reiterated instances for our speedy reinstatement had not been attended to ; that our just hopes were still deceived; and that the decision of our dearest interests, and those of our people, had been adjourned to the Congress of Vienna. Far, however, from crediting the re- ports circulated with regard to the fate of our states since the epoch of the peace of Paris, we placed entire confidence in the justice of the allied monarchs, though it be impossible to penetrate the motives of the proceedings which they have pursued towards us. The conservation and con- solidation of legitimate dynasties was the grand object of the war which has been so happily ter- minated: the coalesced powers accordingly re- peatedly proclaimed, in the most solemn manner, that, far removed from every plan of conquest and aggrandisement, they had only in view the restoration of the rights and liberties of Europe. Saxony, in particular, received the most positive assurances, that her integrity would be maintained. That integrity essentially includes the conserva- tion of the dynasty for which the nation has pub- licly manifested its constant attachment, and the unanimous wish to be re-united to its sove- reign.” he declaration concluded as follows:– “We should be wanting to the most sacred duties towards our royal house, and towards our peo- ple, were we to remain silent under the new measures projected against our states at a mo- ment when we are entitled to expect their restitu- tion. The intention manifested by the court of Prussia, of provisionally occupying our Saxon states, compels us to forearm our well-founded rights against such a step, and solemnly to pro- I814. 1142 HISTORY OF THE WARS *º-sºmº, ***** CHAP. VI. N_* /*-Z 1814, Book xIII. test against the consequences which may be d rawn from such a measure. It is before the Congress of Vienna, and in the face of all Eu- rope, that we discharge this duty, by signing these presents with our hand, and at the same time publicly reiterating the declaration, communicated some time ago to the allied courts, that we will never consent to the cession of the states inherited from our ancestors, and that we will never accept any indemnity or equivalent that may be offered to us.” d The fate of Genoa was the first event that was made public this year of the proceedings of the Congress. The occupation of that city by an English army, in the month of April, has been al- ready mentioned in Book XII. At that time Lord W. Bentinck issued a proclamation, im- porting that, “ considering it to be the universal desire of the Genoese nation to return to that an- cient government under which it enjoyed liberty, prosperity, and independence ; considering also that this desire seems to be conformable to the principles acknowledged by the high allied powers, to restore to all their ancient rights and privi- leges,” he declared the constitution of the Ge- noese states, which existed in the year 1797, re- established; and he accordingly appointed a pro- visional government upon its principles. The city continued in the possession of the British troops, and under the administration of the provisional government, till the month of December, when the Marquis de Carail, aid-de-camp to the King of Sardinia, arrived at Turin from his father, Sardinian minister at the Congress of Vienna, with the information, that by a protocol signed on the 14th, by the plenipotentiaries of the powers composing the Congress, the cession of Genoa and all the country had been decisively fixed, and that it had been agreed that his Sardinian majesty might make the arrangements he should judge advisable for their organization, and con- sider them as definitively united to his states. At the same time, an order was sent to the English general at Genoa to give up the government to the person commissioned by the King of Sardinia to receive it, and to consider his corps as auxiliary to that sovereign. With respect to this disposi- tion, the following extract from a dispatch of Lord Castlereagh to Colonel Dalrymple, commander of the British troops at Genoa, was afterwards pub- lished as by authority:—“I exceedingly re- gret, as well as do all the ministers, the not being able to preserve to Genoa a separate ex- istence, without the risk of weakening the system adopted for Italy, and consequently exposing its safety; but we are j, that by the mode adopted we have provided much more strongly for the future tranquillity of Genoa, and the prog- erity of her commerce. The generous disposition of the King of Sardinia, whose ardent desire it is ..º. to fulfil as much as possible the wishes of the Genoese, will be to them the most certain pledge of their being placed under the protection of a paternal and liberal government. I have no doubt, that under these circumstances, the Ge- noese of every class will receive this decision as a benefit, and will conform with pleasure to ar- rangements which conciliate their own interests with those of the rest of Europe.” Thus was another state transferred to a new master without considering its consent as in the least necessary to the validity of such an act. These examples tended to create a very unfavorable idea of the future decisions of the Congress. The annexation of all the other districts in the North of Italy to the Austrian dominions, appears to have been a further measure equally deter- mined upon in the councils of the allied powers before they assembled in Congress. In an ac- count which was received from Venice it was stated, that the emperor, by a note in his own hand-writing, informed the Grand-chancellor of Bohemia, that the union of all Lombardy, and the Ex-Venetian states, to the Austrian monarchy had been definitively settled; which important news was immediately communicated to the Prince of Reuss-Plauen, civil and military governor for the emperor in Italy. This, however, caused much dissatisfaction among the inhabitants. The Italians, generally speaking, or at least those that inhabit the north and middle part of Italy, had long been anxious to see their country formed in- to one independent state, and no longer either par- celled out among a number of petty sovereigns, or subject to the dominion of a foreign power. Soon after the abdication of Bonaparte, a depu- tation from the senate, which was then sitting at Milan, was sent to wait upon the allied monarchs at Paris, in order to know their determination on this point; but they were dismissed without re- ceiving any satisfactory answer. When the Aus- trians took possession of the country, a number of disorders and tumults took place, which plainly proved the disposition of the people. A decree was published, in consequence of orders from the Austrian court to the provisional regency of Mi- lan, rigorously prohibiting all secret societies, such as lodges of freemasons, and other associations, whose objects were not precisely known, and whose discipline and proceedings were enveloped in mystery. If the allies had been reafly desirous of contributing to the good of Europe, they ought to have acceded to the wishes of the people of Italy, and formed the northern and central parts of it into one independent kingdom. “The feeling of inde- pendence has made so rapid a progress in this country,” says M. de Pradt, “that, in the course of time, a general re-union of Italy, in a single and sovereign capacity, must result from the re- straint to which she has been compelled to sub- OF THE FRENCH HEVOLUTION. T 143 ºn- mit. The necessity of putting an end to her vex- ations, of no longer serving as aliment for the “which clearly proved the jea avarice of some, and remaining victims to the interested views of others, will lead the Italians to the adoption of a system that the universe will applaud.” About the close of the year, a measure was adopted by the Austrian #. in Italy ousy it entertained of the attachment of the natives. An account which was received from Milan contained the following : —“The decision which has been long expected, and which endeavours were made to avert by very humble representations, has at length ap- peared. . The Italian regiments, in consequence of an order from the Emperor of Austria, must quit their country, and march to do duty in the Austrian provinces. This news was no sooner known to be authentic, than it struck families with alarm, and increased desertion still more.” In consequence of these desertions, Baron Suden, the military Governor of Brescia, published a pro- clamation, informing all the corps of his brigade of the emperor's determination to quarter them in Germany, and calling upon the men to ob- serve strict discipline, and to “detest that shame- ful desertion of which too. many of their comrades have been guilty.” The places of the Italian regiments sent beyond the Alps were supplied by Austrian troops. Before the close of the year, it was understood that the case of Murat, as King of Naples, gave rise to much discussion at the Congress; and that the Bourbon government was using every effort to get the old family restored. Murat was certainly plaeed in a critical and uneasy situation. A mere soldier of fortune, with. no other title than his sword, he could not but be regarded by the re- gular and hereditary sovereigns of Europe as an intruder, into their dignity, and a remaining ex- ception to that principle of return to the ancient order of things which governed the political movements of the time. Closely bordered on one. side by a perpetual competitor for his, dominions in the king of the Two Sicilies, and on the other by the head of the catholic religion, from whom he withheld part of the patrimony of the church, and both of whom had powerful supporters, he was obliged to exercise constant vigilance against the attempts of force or policy. In this situation, his sole reliance must have been on the attach- ment of his subjects; and he appears not to have been inattentive to the means of acquiring this . advantage afforded him by the notorious defects of the former Neapolitan government. The coun- cil of state and the court of cassation having waited on him upon the 8th of May, he made an address to the former, in which he said, “The independence of our country is ensured : I pro- pose to ensure its prosperity also, by a constitu- 78. * *------- tion which shali be at the same time a safeguard to the throne and to the s-ºbject. The bases of it shaji be fixed agreeably to the opinions of the most enlightened statesmen of the kingdom.” He repeated the same sentiments to the court of cas- sation; adding, doubtless to inspire confidence, “There are no sacrifices, no efforts, which I have not made to ensure the in 'ependence of the Neapolitans; it is henceforth guaranteed by the peace of Europe, and by my relations with the sovereigns with whom I am in alliance.” At the same time there was published at Ancona an order of the day constituting, for the present, the banks of the Metauro the separation of the coun- tries occupied by the Neapolitan army, from the demińions of the pope, - - In August it was announced from Rome, that the Neapolitans still kept possession of the mar- quisate of Ancona, Macerata, and Ferrara ; and that the benefits of the revolution in the affairs of Europe were not felt there, the priests being imprisoned, respectable persons ill-treated, and their property confiscated. Joachim, indeed, was not one of the sovereigns from whom a restoration of the church to its former splendour was to be expected. In order, probably, to free himself from objects of suspicion, the king issued a de- cree relative to strangers, in consequence of which more than a thousand foreigners in employment quitted the country, and 500 petitions for natu- ralization were presented to the government, which was directed to examine them with the most scrupulous attention. The Neapolitans are said to have been much gratified with this mea- sure. Some partisans of the cºld government were arrested, who were, doubtless, the persons alluded to in the article from Rome. The official journal of Naples at this time mentioned the arrival of a Prince Moliterno at Rome, who, not being able to obtain a passport for Naples, had established himself at that capital, in order to foment intrigues in the Neapolitan kingdom. For this purpose he had associated to himself a few restless spirits, whom he had made the agents of a conspiracy directed against the Marche of Ancona and the Abruzzos. The journal treated these machina- tions with great contempt; but it soon afterwards appeared, that the army of Naples had been raised to its full complement of 50,000 men, corps of which were daily reviewed by Murat. The military division of Naples, on September 1st, presented a very loyal address to King Joachim, in which they affirmed the sentiments of the army to be “eternal attachment to his majesty and his dynasty, entire obedience to his orders, and in- violable fidelity to his throne;” and they pledged their lives to his service, after the example of all their brothers in arms who had had the, honor of serving under him. That he might not appear indifferent to those lºgional feelings which, in: * BOOK XIII. £RAF. vi. sºº/*/ 1814, I 144 HISTORY OF THE WARs \,{}OKXIII. *- CHAP. VI. 1814. the midst of the grossest licentiousness, the Nea: politans are so fond of indulging, Joachim and his queen, with all the royal family, paid a visit in great ceremony to the sanctuary of the Virgin; called the Foot of the Grotto, and displayed all the usual marks of piety on the occasion. º About the close of September, Neapolitan troops were continually arriving at Ancona by sea and land. Nothing could now be of greater importance to Joachim than to secure the friend- ship of the Emperor of Austria, with whom their co-operation before the termination of the war had connected him more intimately than with any other power. The Duke of Rocca-Romana, his master of the horse, having been sent on a mis- sion to that emperor, arrived at Portici on October 29, on his return, bringing with him a ratifica- tion of the treaty of alliance between the two powers, together with the assurances of the em- peror's constant friendship, and his unalterable disposition to support, by all the means in, his power, the interests of his ally, and the tranquillity of Italy. Notwithstanding, various suspicious movements took place in the Neapolitan army, about the close of the year. The corps of reserve organized at Naples and Benevento, and 20,000 strong, was put in motion towards the territories of the church; and two divisions under Gen. Macdonald, which had returned to the Abruzzos, were ordered to advance; three divisions which occupied the Marche of Ancona were also directed to hold themselves in readiness. The subsequent affairs of this country will be related in their proper order, in our next book... . The island of Sicily, which the circumstances of the war had so long almost converted into an English garrison, naturally returned to its pris- tine condition after the peace; and, in the begin- ning of July, it was announced from Palermo, that his majesty Ferdinand III. had resumed the reins of government, and that every thing was changed in the ministry and administration. The sentiments of the Sicilian court, with respect to the possessor of its former continental dominions, were explicitly expressed, by an order communi- cated in October from the commandant of the district of Messina to the commander of the Nea- politan troops in Calabria, importing, that under no pretext whatever should any vessel, bearing the flag of King Joachim, be admitted into the ports and on the coasts of Italy. The fate of Poland, and the proceedings of the Congress, will be fully detailed hereafter. The Polish troops, which had been so long in the French service, were conducted to their natiye country under the celebrated General Kosciusko. The manner in which this eminent character was restored to his rank and country is thus related by Miss Maria Williams:—“A Polish regi- ment, forming part of the advanced-guard of * - the Russian army, after ex elling the French from Troyes, marched upon Fontainebleau. The troºps were foraging in a neighbouring village, and were about to commit disorders, which would have caused considerable loss to the proprietors, without, benefit to themselves; such as piercing the banks, or forcing the sluices of some fish: ponds. While they were thus employed, and their officers looking on, they were astonished to hear the word of command bidding them to cease, pronounced in their own language, by a person in the dress of the upper class of peasants. They ceased their attempt at further spoliation, and drew near the stranger. He represented to the troops the useless mischief they were about to commit, and ordered them to withdraw. The officers coming up were lectured in their turn ; and heard with the same astonishment the laws of predatory warfare explained to them. “When I had a command in the army, of which your regiment is a part, I punished very severely such acts as you seem to authorize by your presence ; and it is not on those soldiers, but on you that punishment would have fallen.” To be thus tu- tored by a French farmer, in their own language, in such circumstances, and in such terms, was almost past endurance. They beheld the peasants at the same time taking off their hats, and sur- rounding the speaker, as if to protect him in case of violence; while the oldest among their own soldiers, anxiously gazing on the features of the stranger, were seized with a kind of involuntary trembling. Conjured more peremptorily, though respectfully, to disclose his quality and his name, the peasant, drawing his hand across his eyes to wipe off a starting tear, exclaimed, with an half stified voice, “I am Kosciusko !” The move- ment was electric. The soldiers threw down their arms, and falling prostrate on the ground, ac- cording to the custom of their country, covered their heads with sand. It was the prostration of the heart. On Kosciusko's return to his house in the neighbourhood of this scene, he found a Russian military post established to protect it. The Emperor Alexander, having learnt from M. de la Harpe that Kosciusko resided in the coun- try, ordered for him a guard of honor, and the country around his dwelling escaped all plunder and contribution. Kosciusko had withdrawn some years since from the guilty world of Bonaparte, to cultivate a little farm, rejecting every offer which was made him by Napoleon, who had learnt to appreciate his worth. Kosciusko knew him well. I called on him one day to bid him fare- well, having read in the official paper of the morning his address to the Poles on the subject of recovering their freedom, being named to the command of the Polish army by Bonaparte. Kosciusko heard me with a smile at my credu- lity; but on my shewing him the address, with 6F THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. I 145 —º- •y- sºrrºw sº- his signature, he exclaimed, “This is all a for- gery; Bonaparte knew me too well to insult me with any offer in this predatory expedition ; he has adopted this mode, which I can neither an- swer nor resent, and which he attempts to colour with the pretext of liberty. His notions and mine respecting Poland are at as great a distance as our sentiments on every other subject.” In the West India islands, the principal object of interest during this year was the island of St. Domingo, or the modern Hayti. It is well known, that the French colony of St. Domingo, previously to the revolution, was the most valuable com- mercial possession of France, and that its loss was the cause of very great public and private distress. Its recovery was entirely hopeless, while the seas were closed by the predominance of the British naval power; but as soon as the return of peace had removed this obstacle, it ap- ears that the French nation and government egan to entertain serious thoughts of attempting to regain so valuable a possession. This, how- i. was become an undertaking of great dif- Cuff W. #. two black chiefs of the island, Christophe and Petion, though they had been engaged in al- most constant hostilities with each other, seem to have been animated with an equal zeal for main- taining the independence of the negro state; and although M. Desfourmeaux, in reporting the sen- timents of a committee appointed by the body of French representatives, to consider the dictates of policy on this subject, confidently expressed an opinion, that these chiefs would with eagerness recognize the sovereignty of Louis XVIII. and submit to his will, events have hitherto entirely contradicted this expectation. An extract of a dis- patch from the minister secretary of state for foreign affairs to Christophe, now entitling himself Henry King of Hayti, addressed to M. Peltier, London, and dated June 10th, the 11th year of in- dependence, was published in September, giving an account of the feelings of his sovereign on being informed of the fall of Bonaparte, and of the preparations he had been making for the defence of his kingdom. In this paper a declaration is made of the King of Hayti's readiness to receive French merchant ships in his ports, upon the same footing as those of other nations; but it was clearly specified, that he meant to treat with France only as one independent power with an- other. A private letter from Port-au-Prince, the seat of Petion's power, dated August 1st, men- tioned the determination of that leader also to submit to every extremity, rather than yield to an invader. It might have been previously mentioned, that the King of Hayti commenced the year with a fête of independence, in which all the pomp and circumstance that could attend a festival cele- brated by the greatest monarch in the world was closely imitated, and a royal speech was pro- nounced, in a style exhibiting a curious mixture of oriental inflation and French gasconade. The titles of his nobility and officers of state, and the etiquette of his court, were all copied from Euro- pean examples; and the whole afforded a kind of -burlesque of royalty, which might induce a sus- icion, that the business would terminate rather in farce than tragedy, were not desperate resolu- tion compatible with ostentatious levity in half- savage characters. * On August 15th, there was published in the royal gazette of Hayti, an address to the people, stating the circumstances in which the country was placed by the deposition of Bonaparte. It professed a willingness to negociate a treaty of commerce with the King of France; but, in the most energetic terms, called upon the Haytians to make every exertion in defence of their liberty and independence, were arms employed against them. One of its paragraphs was as follows: “Should cer- tain colonists, our implacable enemies, still persist in their chimerical projects, and succeed in pre- vailing upon the actual government of France to carry on war against us, let them place themselves at the head of the invaders: they shall be the first victims of our vengeance We shall give no quarter—we shall take no prisoners: we desire to be treated in the same way ourselves, and the war must become a war of extirmination.” On Qctober 2d., was published a manifesto of King Henry, giving a detailed narrative of the events which had produced and accompanied the inde- pendence of Hayti, and expressing a firm resolu- tion to maintain it. This P. was evidently the composition of a practised pen, and in strength and clearness might vie with any manifesto of an European sovereign. The conclusion was as follows: “Solicitous to adopt every means for reviving our internal pros- perity, at all times attentively observing the events that passed in Europe during the bloody struggle supported there, we never for a single instant lost sight of our military system of defence. In that attitude we expected that Bonaparte, the enemy of the world, would attack us, either by force of arms, or by perfidy, his accustomed means. We have not forgot that, after the peace of Amiens, his first object was to enter on that famous ex- pedition for our extirmination. But the God of armies, who raises and overturns thrones accord- ing to his will, did not, in his justice, consent that this oppressor of nations should accomplish his horrible design. We hope that his fall will give repose to the world,—we hope that the return of those liberal and reanimating sentiments which influence the European powers, will induce them to acknowledge the independence of a people who require only the enjoyment of peace and com- BOOK XIII. Wr I * : 3 1146 § HISTORY OF THE WARS BOOK XIII, merce, the object of all civilized nations. *=s**...* ==º-º-º-º-º: * CHAP. VI. ~ºrs arº, 1814. It will be in vain to attempt again, by means of force or seduction, to reduce us under a foreign dominion. The absurd maxim of deceiving men, in order to govern them, is no longer dangerous to us; Taught by experience, we have acquired the aid of truth, of reason, and of force. We shall no longer be the victims of credulity; we cannot for- get that attempts have already been made to take away our liberty. The painful recollection of the horrible punishments which precipitated into the grave our fathers, our mothers, and children, will never be effaced from our minds. We can never again be deceived: we know the perverseness of our enemies: we have before our eyes the projects of those men named Malouet, Barri de St. Ve- nant, Pages, Bruiley, and other colonists. The political religion of those traffickers in human flesh—of those counsellors of Intsfortunes—is well known to us:—it is slavery and destruction. We are not ignorant of the criminal plots, the shame- ful measures of those apostles of criminality and falsehood; they are even more distinguished by their writings, than by the tortures they inflicted OY), U.S. “We call upon all the sovereigns of the world, we call upon the brave and loyal British nation, which was the first in its august senate to proclaim the abolition of the infamous trade in blacks; and which, making a noble use of the ascendency of victory, notified its resolution to the other states with which it concluded treaties: we call upon all philanthropists, upon all men, and upon the whole world, and ask what people, after twenty-five years of confliets, and after having conquered their liberty and their independence, would consent to lay down their arms for the pur- pose of again becoming the sport and the victims of their cruel oppressors? The last of the Hay- tians will yield up his last sigh sooner than re- nounce his independence. We will not do any power the injustice of supposing that it entertains the chimerical project of establishing its sway in Hayti by force of arms. The power that would undertake such an enterprise, would have to march for a long time overruins and dead bodies; and after having wasted all its means, if it could attain its object, what advantage would it derive from the loss of so much blood and treasure? It is not presumptuous to suppose that his majesty Louis XVIII. following the impulse of that phi= lanthropic spirit that reigns in his family, after the example of his unfortunate brother Louis XVI. in his political conduct towards the United States of America, will imitate that monarch in acknowledging the independence of Hayti. This would not only be an act of justice, but a repara- tion of the eyils which we have suffered from the French government. It is in vain that our calum- niators shall dare again to allege that we should not be considered as a people aspiring to inde- pendence, and collectively employed in the means of attaining it. This absurd assertion, invented by perfidy, wickedness, and the sordid interests of slave-traders, deserves the profoundest con- tempt and indignation of men of property in all countries. This assertion has been sufficiently falsified during eleven years of independence, and - its happy results. Free, in point of right, and independent, in fact, we will never renounce these blessings; we will never consent to behold the destruction of that edifice which we have ce- mented with our blood, until we are buried under its ruins. We offer to commercial powers, who shall enter into relations with us, our friendship —security to their property, and our royal pro- tection to their peaceable subjects, who shall come to our country with the intention of carrying on their commercial affairs, and who shall conform to our laws and usages. The king of a free peo- ple, a soldier by habit, we fear po war or enemy. We have already signified our determination not to interfere in any way in the internal government of our neighbours. We wish to enjoy peace and tranquillity among ourselves, and to exert the same prerogatives which other people have, of making laws for themselves. If, after the free exposition of our sentinents, and the justice of our cause, any power should, contrary to the laws of nations, place a hostile fort in our territory, then our first duty will be to repel such an act of aggression by every means in our power. We solemnly declare that we will never consent to any treaty, or any condition, that shall, compro- mise the honor, the liberty, and independence of the Haytian people. Faithful to our oath, we will rather bury ourselves under the ruins of our country, than suffer any political rights to sustain the slightest injury.” It was not, however, by arms, that the first attempt was made to restore Hayti to the do- minion of France. A French general,-named TX'Auxion Lavaysse, and bearing the character of an envoy from Louis XVIII. addressed from Kingston, in Jamaica, on October 1st, a letter “ to Gen. Henry Christophe, supreme head of the government of the North of Hayti,” in which, at considerable length, he placed before him every argument to induce him to proclaim the King of France. He endeavoured to shew him, that it was his personal interest rather to become “an illustrious servant of the great sovereign of the French, than a chief of revolted slaves.” Like. the generality of his countrymen in their diplo- matic functions, he did not scruple to employ falsehood to gain his point; and the following passage of his letter is worthy of notice. “Do not deceive yourself, General the sovereigns of Europe, although they have made peace, have not returned the sword into º scabbard, Doubts. OF THE FRENCH F.EVOLUTION. 1147 -- Tºr less, you are not ignorant of what every body in Europe knows, although a thing not yet diploma- tically published—that the principal articles of the compact which all the European sovereigns have just signed, on their royal honor, is to unite their armies, if need be, and to lend each other all necessary aid, in order to destroy all the go- vernments which have been the offspring of the French revolution, whether in Europe or in the New World. Know, also, that it is Great Britain who is the centre of, and principal party to, this convention, to which, a few months sooner or later, every government will find it necessary to submit : every government, and every potentate that shall refuse so to submit, must expect to be treated as traitors and brigands.” That this as- sertion, as it respects England, is a gross false- hood, we presume, is undeniable; and it may be hoped, that it is not less so with respect to the other powers. It was with true magnanimity that King Henry, convoking an extraordinary council of the nation, BOOK XIII. laid before them this document, together with the pamphlet of one H. Henry, printed at Jamaica, desiring them calmly to deliberate on their con- tents, and form such resolutions as they should deem necessary for the welfare of the country. This confidence was repaid by an address to the king, in the warmest language of patriotic de- votion. It adds, “No, never shall this execrable enterprise (against Hayti) také place. There is honor, there is a sense of glory, among the sovereigns and people of Europe; and Great Britain, that Liberator of the %.ii. will pre- vent such an abomination.” * Lavaysse made an application of a similar pur- pose, though in ambiguous language, to Petion, and on October 21st, he was suffered to land at Port-au-Prince, that he might explain in person the proposals of which he was the bearer. On his arrival he fell dangerously ill, in which state he continued at the close of the year. CHAPTER VII. Affairs of Great Britain.—Correspondence between the Princess of Wales and the Queen.—Applica- tion of the Princess to Parliament.—Her Income increased.—Departure for the Continent.— Interesting Meeting between her and the Empress Maria Louisa,—Interesting Particulars respect- ing the Princess Charlotte.—Case of Lord Cochrane.—Splendid Féte at Carlton-house, in Honor of the Duke of Wellington.—Address of the Chamberlain of the City of London, on presenting him a Sword.—Duke's Reply.—His Visit to Madrid.—Appointed Ambassador at Paris.—Féte in the Parks.-Disturbed State of Ireland.— Proceedings of the Irish Roman Catholics-Judge Fletch- er’s Charge. In the affairs of Great Britain this year, the case of the Princess of Wales excited consider- able interest. A short time previous to the ar- rival of the Emperor of Russia and King of Prus- sia in this country, it was announced that the queen intended to do honor to the illustrious vi- sitors by holding two splendid drawing-rooms. Soon afterwards an intimation was given, that the Princess of Wales would make her appearance at one of them. In consequence, the queen wrote a letter to the princess, in which she represented it as her duty to acquaint her with a communica- tion she had received from her son, the prince- regent, stating the necessity of his presence at her court, and that he desired it might be understood, for reasons of which he alone could be the judge, to be his fixed and unalterable determination not to meet the Princess of Wales }. any occasion, either in public or private. er majesty was therefore under the painful necessity of intimating to the princess the impossibility of receiving her royal-highness at her drawing-rooms. To this letter the Princess of Wales replied, by recalling to the recollection of her majesty the affectionate regard with which the king had ho- nored her; at the same time bestowing upon her the most gratifying and unequivocal proofs of his attachment and approbation, by his public recep- tion of her at his court, at a season of severe and unmerited affliction, when his protection was most neeessary to her. She was now without º: or protection ; but she could not so far forget her duty to the king and to herself, as to surrender her right to appear at any public drawing-room to be field by her majesty: yet, that she might not add to the difficulty and uneasiness of her majes- ty's situation, she yielded, in the present instance, to the will of his royal highness the prince-regent. “It would appear presumptuous in me (she added) to inquire of your majesty the reasons of his royal highness the prince-régent for this harsh proceeding, of which his royal highness can alone be the judge. I am unconscious of offence; and in that reflection I must endeavour to find conso- *- CHAP. VI. Jºzº 1814. 1148 HISTORY OF THE WARS BOOK XIII. Cilla P. W 11. ‘Jº" -"se-' J814, lation for all the mortifications I experience;— even for this, the last, the most unexpected and severe: the prohibition given to me alone to ap- pear before your majesty, to offer my congratula- tions upon the happy termination of those cala- mities with which Europe has been so long af- flicted, in the presence of the illustrious personages who will in all probability be assembled at your majesty's court, with which I am so closely con- nected by birth and marriage.” Her royal highness concluded her letter by be- seeching her majesty to acquaint the illustrious strangers with the reasons which alone induced her to abstain from the exercise of her right to appear before her majesty;-and by an intimation that she herself would make public the cause of her absence from court. Two days after this letter was sent to the queen, the Princess of Wales wrote to the prince-regent: after stating that she inclosed copies of the note from the queen, and her own answer, she added, “That it would be in vain further to inquire into the reasons of the alarming declaration made by his royal highness, that he had taken the fixed and unalterable determination never to meet her upon any occasion, either in public or private, since of these his royal highness was pleased to state himself to be the only judge. “But, sir, lest it should be by possibility sup- posed, that the words of your royal highness can convey any insinuation from which I shrink, I am bound to demand of your royal highness what circumstances can justify the proceeding you have thus thought fit to adopt? “I owe it to myself, to my daughter, and to the nation, to which I am deeply indebted for the vindication of my honor, to remind your royal highness of what you know ; that after open per- secution, and mysterious inquiries, upon undefined charges, the malice of my enemies fell entirely upon themselves; and that I was restored by the king, with the advice of his ministers, to the full enjoyment of my rank in his court, upon my com- plete acquittal. Since his majesty's }. ill- ness, I have demanded, in the face of parliament and the country, to be proved guilty, or to be treated as innocent. I have been declared inno- cent—I will not submit to be treated as guilty. “Sir, your royal highness may possibly refuse to read this letter. But the world must know that I have written it; and they will see my real mo- tives for foregoing, in this instance, the rights of my rank. Qccasions, however, may arise (one I trust is far distant) when I must appear in public, and your royal highness must be present also. Can your royal highness have contemplated the full ex- tent of your declaration? Has your royal highness forgotten the approaching marriage of our daughter, and the possibility of our coronation? “I waive my rights, in a case where I am not absolutely bound to assert them, in order to relieve the queen, as far as I can, from the painful situa- tion in which she is placed by your royal highness; not from any consciousness of blame, not from any doubt of the existence of those rights, or of my own worthiness to enjoy them. . “Sir, the time you have selected for this pro- ceeding is calculated to make it peculiarlygalling. #. illustrious strangers are already arrived in England; amongst others, as I am informed, the illustrions heir of the house of Orange, who has announced himself to me as my future son-in-law. From their society I am unjustly excluded. Others are expected, of rank equal to your own, to re- joice with your royal highness in the peace of Europe. My daughter will, for the first time, ap- pear in the splendour and publicity becoming †. approaching nuptials of the presumptive heiress of this empire. This season your royal highness has chosen for treating me with fresh and un- provoked indignity; and of all his majesty's sub- jects, I alone am prevented, by your royal high- ness, from appearing in my place to partake of the general joy, and am deprived of the indulgence in those feelings of pride and affection permitted to every mother but me. I am, sir, “Your royal highness's faithful wife, “CARoline, P. “Connaught House, May 26, 1814.” No notice being taken of this letter, the Princess of Wales, about a week afterwards, addressed a letter to the speaker of the house of commons, to the following purport: That his royal highness the prince-regent had been advised to take steps for º: her appearance at court; and to state is unalterable determination never to meet the princess, either in public or private. The pro- ceeding of 1807, and of last year, her royal high- ness considered to be in the perfect recollection of the house, as well as the ample vindication of her conduct, to which those proceedings led. It was impossible for her royal highness to conceal from herself what was the intention of the advice given to the prince-regent, or the probability of other objects pregnant with danger to the future succession of the throne, and to the domestic peace and tranquillity of the realm. Whatever might be her own feelings, a sense of what was due to her daughter, and to the interests of the country, induced her to communicate what had passed to the house of commons. Her royal high- ness therefore inckosed copies of the communica- tion between her majesty and herself. ' In the discussions which took place in parlia- ment on this oceasion, a motion was made to ad- dress the prince-regent, praying that he would be graciously pleased to acquaint , the house, by whose advice he had been induced to form the un- alterable resolution of never meeting her royal highness the Princess of Wales, either in public OF THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. -*. 1149 or in private. This motion was, however, with- drawn ; but it was intimated, that it would be again brought forward, in case her royal highness was still excluded from the drawing-room. When the subject was again brought before the house, it seemed to be the unanimous opinion that their interference would do no good; but to mark their respect for her royal highness, they voted her a separate establishment of 50,000l. a year. This sum was afterwards reduced, upon the suggestion of the princess, to 35,000l. Soon afterwards, her royal highness, finding herſ situation in this country uncomfortable, asked and obtained permission to make a tour to the continent. She first visited her brother at the court of Brunswick, and then proceeded to Italy, every where receiving the honors due to her rank. At Naples, where she fixed herself for the winter, she was treated with the greatest distinction by Murat. In proceeding through Switzerland, she met the Empress Maria Louisa at Geneva, with whom she continued about two days. The follow- ing account of some particulars that attended this meeting was communicated by the princess's phy- sician to a correspondent in Scotland.-The doc- tor says, “The princess, having invited the ex- empress to dinner, Mr. C–C– and he were ap- pointed to act as gentlemen ushers on the occasion. In the evening he took his seat on a sofa, between the illustrious personages, by their special com- mand. The conversation was carried on with mueh spirit on the part of the ex-empress; and, among other subjects, she most feelingly made remarks on the great and sudden changes that had lately taken place, from which her health suf- fered much. She concluded by giving the doctor a long and particular list of her complaints, re- questing his opinion, as a medical man, on the sub- ject. In the course of the evening, the ex-empress did the company the honor of singing two Ita- lian airs, remarking, that she had no natural taste for music, but her dear husband being passion- ately fond of it, she had, since her marriage, cul- tivated the science with much assiduity. She then proposed to the Princess of Wales to join her in singing a favorite duet, which was performed by these illustrious personages with considerable feeling and effect.” The doctor observed, that the ex-empress cannot by any means be called hand- some, but she had an interesting look. The Princess Charlotte of Wales became in this year a subject of that interest to the public which must necessarily attend any extraordinary occurrence relative to the presumptive heiress to the crown. This young princess, it was generally understood, had taken the part of her mother in the dispute between the regent and her; and in consequence of this, as well as of the political bias of the Princess Char- hotte not being perfectly such as her father .." approved, she had been kept much more re- Book XIII. tired and private than her rank , and age gave her a right to expect she should be. Those who were appointed to superintend and direct her education were very often changed; and it was understood that, from these aud other causes, her situation was by no means agreeable to herself. Although the Princess Charlotte had been hitherto educated in this retired manner, which, however it might have been favorable to her acquisition of knowledge, and to her freedom from the fashionable follies of high life, could by no means be calculated to render her fit to reign, by giving her a know- ledge of mankind; yet it was determined that she should marry. The choice of a proper husband for her was necessarily confined to a few, as it was necessary he should be a protestant, and many of the protestant princes of Germany had been completely stripped of their territories and rank by Bonaparte. The person fixed upon was the young Prince of Orange: he was recom- mended by having been long in England, and consequently acquainted with the government and with the habits and manners of the people; by having received his education at an English university, and by the connection between his fa- mily and that of the reigning family of Great Britain. Besides, he was favorably known to the British public, by the courage which he had displayed in the campaign of the Peninsula, under Lord Wellington. It never appeared, however, that he was very acceptable to the Princess Char- lotte of Wales: but as mutual attachment is sel- dom deemed a requisite in royal marriages, it was imagined the match would go on, notwithstand- ing any repugnance or indifference on her side. The real objections of the princess to her intend- ed husband have never been satisfactorily given to the public: she certainly expressed a strong unwillingness to leave the country, especially at a time when her mother required her countenance and consolation. This objection it was endea- voured to get over, by promising that her absence should be by no means permanent, but only for a very short time, and that she shouſd never be asked to go to Holland again. In this the prin- cess appeared at first to acquiesce, and the mar- riage-settlements were nearly drawn. Suddenly, however, the princess is said to have expressed doubts as to the security tendered to her, that she should not be obliged to reside longer than she wished in Holland, and to have demanded that a clause should be inserted in the marriage-con- tract, prohibiting her ever quitting the kingdom on any account, or for any time, however short. To this the Prince of Orange could not consent, as he was already engaged to the Dutch to take the princess among them for a short time. The match was therefore broken off; and the natural Chap. VII. Jº"NZ"ºf 1814. 1 150 HISTORY OF THE WARS BOOK XIII. CHAP. VII. \ºvº- 1814. * consequence was, that the princess and her royal father were not disposed to look on one another so favorably or affectionately as they did before. As it was also rumoured, that some condition respecting her being allowed to visit her mo- ther had been submitted and refused, and as the Princess Charlotte, under the circumstances in which she was placed, naturally looked to her mother for protection and advice, this too render- ed the breach between the father and daughter still wider. We have already mentioned that those who had the superintendance of the young princess's education were very often changed. On this occasion it was deemed proper to remove the principal persons about her, either because they were suspected of forwarding her views, or because they were not disposed or qualified to exercise that influence over her which was deemed necessary, in order to render her more obedient to the will of her father. On the 12th of July, the prince-regent, accompanied by the Bishop of . Salisbury, repaired to Warwick-house, his daugh- ter's residence, and announced the dismission of all her attendants, and his intention of taking her with him to Carlton-house. This declaration, probably joined with paternal reproof, had such an effect on the young lady's feelings, that re- questing leave to retire, she took the opportunity of escaping by the back stair-case, and rushing into the street, where she got into a hackney-coach, and drove to Connaught-house, her mother's residence. The Princess of Wales, much embar- rassed by this unexpected visit, immediately drove to the parliament-house to consult her friends what was proper to be done on the occasion. The result was, that the Princess Charlotte was ersuaded to, accompany her uncle, the Duke of §. to Carlton-house. After remaining there some time, she was removed to Cranbourn-lodge, in Windsor-forest, where she was placed under the care of her new attendants. A complaint in one of her knees having produced from the fa- culty a declaration of the expediency of a course of sea-bathing, her royal highness, in autumn, went to Weymouth for that purpose, whence she returned, at the latter end of the year, to her re- sidence near Windsor. The trial and conviction of Lord Cochrane and others for a conspiracy to defraud the Stock-Ex- change, by circulating false news of Bonaparte's defeat, death, &c. caused much noise throughout the country. The circumstances which gave rise to this trial were as follows. While every one was in the greatest anxiety and doubt as to the issue of the campaign in France, at the beginning of the year, a report was confidently put forth in the city on Monday the 21st of February, that an officer had arrived from France, bringing an of- ficial account of the death of the French empe- ror; and that the said officer was on the road with *** - sº the glorious news!—Strange as it may seem, this often-told tale was very generally believed; the Stock-Exchange people were of course all in a bustle ; omnium, which opened at twenty-seven and a half, ran up to thirty-three : immense sums were sold, to the amount of about half a million, during the morning; but as the officer, with his offi- cial dispatches, could nowhere be heard of, a fraud was at length suspected, and omnium fell back to twenty-eight and a half. While those who had planned the knavery were reaping the golden harvest on the Stock-Exchange, their agents or their dupes were spreading the tidings in all di- rections, and with all sorts of additions and em- bellishments. Bonaparte had not only been killed, but had been carved into many pieces by the Cossacks, who had marched into Paris with his. heart upon a pike : this was one story. Another related that the French emperor had not fallen by the hands of the enemy, but by those of his own guards, who, like their praetorian brethren of ancient history, had murdered their emperor, and proclaimed another (Louis XVIII.) in his stead. Each narrator, in short, had his own par- ticulars of the event, but the main point, the death, of Bonaparte, was affirmed by all. One person had seen the officer; another had heard the con- tents of his dispatches; a third had just had the news confirmed to him by a person in the confi- dence of government; and one man, dressed too like a gentleman, went into a bookseller's shop at the west end of the town, and declared that he had seen a letter from the lord-chancellor, Eldon, which fully confirmed all the news. The trick, it must be owned, though bungling enough in some of its parts, was supported with consider-. able industry. It appeared, that in the middle of Sunday might, a person, dressed as an officer, walked with all due gravity from the beach of Dover towards the town, and meeting with a watchman, inquired of him the way to the Ship Inn, to procure a post-chaise and horses for town. The officer was a tall dark man, dressed in scar- let and gold, with a prodigious star on his breast; the coat turned up with green, and he wore a swinging sword by his side. The gentleman was very much fatigued; and his beard, by its length, proved that the wearer had not had time to shave. himself. Before the gentleman proceeded on his journey, he addressed a letter to Admiral Foley, to the purport, that he had ordered back his boat's crew to France, and requested the politeness of the admiral, in case they should be intercepted by any of the British cruizers, that the men might be properly treated, and sent to France without loss of time. To this epistle he subscribed “ Co- lonel de Burgh.” No É. however, was seen, though it was quite clear that he had just landed from one, as his clothes were wet from the spray of the *. Every thing he paid for, and even of the FRENch TºVOLUTION. 1151 *- --—wº- at the turnpikes he offered napoleons (a French gold coin) for change. While this was going on at Dover, another party arrived at Northfleet, at five on Monday morning, in a six-oared cutter. They called up a Mr. Sandon, to request that he would accompany two of them to town, who re- resented themselves to be messengers from rance, to communicate the death of Bonaparte, and the hoisting of the Bourbon standard in France. They were decorated with white cock- ades, and the horses with laurels. They told Sandon that they would first proceed to the lord-mayor, and as if with that inten- tion, they actually entered the city, over Lon- don-bridge, but their progress was greatly im- peded by the mob, who stopped them at every short distance. Recollecting themselves on a sudden, they said it might be deemed disrespect- ful by the government, if they did not first com- municate with the ministers; and then they or- dered the post-boys to Downing-street. Before they reached this destination, however, they got rid of Mr. Sandon, and vanished As soon as the fraud was discovered, great indignation was excited on the Stock-Exchange, and measures were immediately taken to discover, if possible, all those who were concerned in it. Accordingly it was soon ascertained, that the person who represented the official bearer of the dispatches announcing the death of Bonaparte, had gone to the house of Lord Cochrane; and it was also found that, on the rise of the funds, oc- casioned by the false rumour, his broker had sold out stock to a considerable amount. These cir- cumstances combined, left no doubt in the minds of the Stock-Exchange, that he was a party in the scheme; and they also fixed suspicious cir- cumstances on his uncle the honorable Cochrane Johnstone, De Berenger, who had represented the official bearer of the dispatches, and others. A true bill having been found against them by the grand jury, they were tried for a conspiracy, found guilty, and Lord Cochrane, with De Be- renger and another, were sentenced to stand in the pillory, as well as to suffer the penalty and unishment inflicted on the rest. Cochrane Johnstone had fled from the country before the trial. The sentence of Lord Cochrane to the pillory excited very general surprise and indignation throughout the country; for great doubts were entertained by many respecting his guilt. Either from his own fault, or the fault of his counsel, his trial was not ably conducted; there were de- ficiences in the evidence, as well as apparent con- tradictions in it, which it afterwards was proved might have been filled up and removed. On these grounds Lord Cochrane moved for a new trial; but it was refused him on grounds no doubt sanc- tioned by law and precedent, but which we must 78. nevertheless think very insufficient: a new trial Book XIII. was refused him, because all the parties did not join in the application for it; Johnstone was absent, it was impossible to obtain it. But can any thing be more absurd, and, at the same time, more unjust than this, to refuse a man a new trial, not because he does not show he is now in possession of evidence to prove his in- nocence which he could not produce before, but because those who were connected with him in the supposed conspiracy do not join with him in the application? Besides, the circumstance of one of the parties having fled from justice, as in the case of Cochrane Johnstone, may it not happen in a conspiracy, that one is innocent, while the others are guilty; and consequently that one may have reasons and hopes from a new trial, which the others have not ? Indeed, it is not necessary to dwell any longer on this part of the business: so general was the conviction that the ground on which Lord Cochrane was refused a new trial was at variance with justice, that even those who thought the sentence of the pillory not too severe, were of opinion that a new trial ought to have been granted. We shall now consider the circumstances which led a great many to feel an interest in Lord Cochrane, independently of the interest excited by a belief or suspicion of his innocence. In the first instance, the nature of the fraud itself, and the place where it was committed: it was alleged that it was extremely harsh to punish so severely the propagation of false intelligence on the Stock- Exchange among stock-jobbers, for the purpose of raising or depressing the stock, when it was notorious that scarcely a day passed, in the course of which some members of the Stock-Exchange did not either countenance or create false intelli- gence, for the same purpose as Lord Cochrane was accused of, its influence on the funds. It was well known (it was moreover urged) that nearly the whole transactions on the Stock-Exchange were of a speculative nature, and some of them what blunt and rude persons would not hesitate to call gambling transactions: consequently, it was to be supposed, that every person who trans- acted business there, being acquainted with the character of the place, and the mode in which custom had rendered it common to transact busi- ness, would be upon his guard, and examine into the truth of every report likely to influence the funds, before he acted upon that report in buying or selling stock. It seemed hard, therefore, in the opinion of many, that Lord Cochrane should be punished for doing that which had been often done before with impunity by the persons themselves who brought him to punish- ment, and which also seemed an essential part of the transactions of the place itself. In the second place, the committee of the Stock-Exchange, who 13 i so that, as Cochrane CHAP. VII. 1814. 1152 HISTORY OF THE WARs -m- BOOKXIII, were appointed to take measures for the purpose char. WII. v_s^^** 1814. of detecting and bringing to punishment the pro- pagators of the false report, it was alleged, step- ped beyond the line of their duty, or their right; for they almost assumed to themselves the powers and functions of judge and jury; examining witnesses, and giving publicity to their opinion in such a manner as could not but be prejudicial to the cause of the supposed delinquents. Thirdly, a strong impression was made on the public mind in favor of Lord Cochrane, (for the other persons concerned did not excite nearly so deep or gene- ral interests.) from the idea that the lord-chief- justice of the king's-bench, before whom they were tried, did not conduct himself with that coolness and impartiality which became a person in his situation: and this want of coolness and impartiality was attributed to political causes— Lord Cochrane having been long remarkable for the violence of his attachment to the opinions of Sir Francis Burdett, while Lord Ellenborough was attached to the ministerial side. This account of the judge's behaviour on the trial Was, how- ever, proved afterwards to be void of foundation, or at least greatly exaggerated. Nevertheless, in a case like that of Lord Cochrane, in which the public took a great interest, and to which many attached themselves, from their politics coinciding with those of his lordship, the belief that Lord Ellenborough had conducted himself improperly remained, and Lord Cochrane was the more pitied and defended on that account. It was soon perceived that it would by no means be prudent, or even safe, to put Lord Cochrane in the pillory: meetings were held by his constituents in Palace-yard, Westminster, at which his colleague, Sir Francis Burdett, declared, that if Lord Cochrane was put in the pillory, he would attend him, and consider it an honor in- stead of a disgrace; and in this resolution he was joined by nearly all who were present. His lordship's case was also taken up in the house of commons: but though several members expressed a belief in his innocence, and many more con- demned the punishment of the pillory, yet the majority were decidedly of opinion that he was guilty; and he was accordingly expelled the house, after having been heard in his defence. One thing, however, was gained by this discus- sion, and by the deep and general interest which the public took in his fate; the punishment of the pillory was remitted, both in respect to him and to the others who had been condemned to it. Soon after he was expelled the house of com- mons, another meeting of the electors of West- minster was held, and he was again chosen their representative. The 7th of July having been appointed for returning thanks to the Almighty for the restora- tion of the blessings of peace to this country and to Europe, it was observed with all the state and Wellington. -º- wº A- * # solemnity usual on such occasions; and the prince- regent, attended by the two houses of parliament, went in procession to St. Paul's º On the 21st of July, the Prince-regent gave a superbe fête to Field-marshal the Duke of On this occasion the temporary erections in the gardens of Carlton-house, which had been so long in preparation, were used for the first time; and the whole of the entertain- inent exhibited a splendour and magnificence which had probably never been º in this country. The Duke of Wellington appeared in regi- mentals, wearing the brilliant insignia of the wa- rious orders with which he had been invested, and 9f course was the grand attraction of the night. One of the temporary rooms, also, was wholly devoted to the display of military trophies, among which were the colours of his grace's regiment, the standard of England, and other military de- corations. Nor was the navy, the bulwark and glory of Britain, neglected, an opposite room being fitted up with naval trophies, and appro- priate devices. Besides the principal branches of the royal family, there were present the foreign ambassa- dors, the ministers, the great officers of state, a great number of foreigners of rank, and a nume- rous assemblage of the mobility and persons of distinction. From the number of officers who were present, many of whom had served in the Peninsula, the entertainment assumed the ap- pearance of a military fête; and they might in all amount to between 1,800 and 2,000. There were 2,500 persons invited. The Duke of Wellington had been previously entertained by the corporation of London, with a grand dinner at Guildhall, where he was pre- sented, in the customary forms, with a sword of exquisite workmanship, voted by the common- council. On this occasion, the chamberlain ad- dressed him in a speech, from which we shall make the following extract:—“The citizens of London can never forget the many signal victo- ries obtained by your grace, in those regions which have been dignified by the triumphs of an Alexander, an Aurengzebe, and a Clive. By the exertions of your grace the British empire in In- dia has been placed in a state of security which promises felicity to millions in that country, and an extension of commerce to Great Britain. To enumerate the brilliant actions of your grace in Europe, would require more time than the present occasion will permit, and would trespass too much upon your grace's delicacy : but it is a truth which I cannot refrain from declaring, that dur- ing the war in Spain and Portugal, which termi- nated in the complete emancipation of those kingdoms, a more illustrious instance is not re- corded in history, of the caution of Fabiits, most happily combined with the celerity of Casar : * of the FRENch Revolution. I 153. wº- -mm- and when your grace had planted the British standard in the heart of the enemy's country, you gave a great example to the world of the prac- ticability of that lesson which the great Roman poet taught his countrymen, * Parcere subjectis, et debellare superbos.’ “I am conscious, my lord, how inadequately I express the sense of my fellow-citizens of your grace's merits—but they will recollect that where Thave failed no one has succeeded the most eloquent of the British senate, and the first au- thorities in the two houses of parliament, have confessed themselves unequal to the task. But ample justice will be done to your grace by the world at large, who will frequently and atten- tively peruse with admiration and delight those inimitable dispatches, which, like the commen- taries of Caesar, will hand down with honor the name of their illustrious author to the latest pos- terity. “Your grace has been a chosen instrument in the hands of Providence during war. May you long enjoy in peace the love of your country and the admiration of mankind and, in the ãº. of that honorable office to which his royal high- ness the prince-regent has recently appointed you, may you cement and perpetuate union and good- will between Great Britain and France, so essen- tial to the peace and happiness of Europe l’” The noble duke expressed his high sense of the honor conferred upon him by the city; and attributed the success of all his enterprizes to the ability with which he was supported by his bro- ther officers, and to the valour and discipline of his majesty's forces and those of the allies. Qn receiving the sword, he with particular energy declared his readiness to employ it in the service of his sovereign and his country, should it unfor- tunately happen that the general wish of the na- tions of Europe for a permanent peace should be disappointed, and that he should be again called upon to assist in the public cause. On the conclusion of the campaign in France, , the duke proceeded to Paris; and, after a short stay in that city, he repaired to Madrid, where he arrived on the 24th of May. His reception there was such as his eternal services entitled him to expect. Ferdinand, considering that the rank of generalissimo was but of a temporary nature, granted him, as a permanent distinction, and as a lasting proof of the high sense he enter- tained of his exploits, the title of captain-general of the kingdom. He also confirmed all his honors as a grandee of Spain, and a knight-companion of the order of the Golden Fleece; honors, which, without such a recognition, would have been void, in ...}. of the royal decree which had abrogated all the grants of the late regency. On the 5th of July, the prince-pegent nominated him -- * to the high and important function of ambassador- Book XIII, extraordinary and plenipotentiary to the court of France, dience of leave of the prince-regent, and on the 8th left town for the continent, accompanied by his eldest son, the Marquis of Douro. In his way to Paris, he passed through the Netherlands, and made a sort of military tour to all the principal fortified towns of these countries, in compar with the Prince of Orange. On the 20th, he ar- rived at Paris ; and, on the 24th, had the honor of presenting his credentials, with the usual cere- monies, to Louis XVIII. When he was intro- duced to monsieur, that prince said, “the king, and all the royal family, view with the most lively leasure the selection which the prince-regent as made, of a hero worthy to represent him. It is our wish and hope to see a durable peace es- tablished between the two nations, made rather for mutual esteem than for hostility.” Although the months of June and July had been distinguished in the metropolis by an almost constant succession of spectacles of grandeur and festivity, all bearing relation to the great and happy events which had taken place in the ear- lier part of the year, yet it was determined, in the councils of the prince-regent, that the return of peace should be marked by displays of joy still more striking and appropriate to the occasion, and of which the whole public might be par- takers. Of the particular character of these ex- hibitions, and the time when they were to make their appearance, considerable indecision seems to have prevailed. It was at first understood that the º was to be combined with some en- tertainment of superior splendour to be given to the imperial and royal visitors; but the shortness of their stay would not allow time for the vast reparations to be brought near to completion. Wº. respect to the subject of celebration, the renewal of peace was naturally that which first presented itself; and over the royal booth an in- scription was placed to this effect : viz. “Peace. restored under the regency.” But, from delay, peace was now become a circumstance with which the public mind was familiarized; and it was at length resolved to associate with it the accession of the house of Brunswick, by select- ing the day on which that happy event took place a hundred years before. A new inscription º out this intention ; and the names of elson and Wellington, in great letters upon the booth, further indicated that our naval and mili- tary glories were to form other objects to which the joyful feelings of the spectators were to be directed. The three parks were properly chosen for the scene of this civic jubilee, as alone affording space for the expansion of the immense multitudes by which the British metropolis is peopled. In On the 7th of August he had his au- Cra P. VII. Jºvº-V 1814. 1154 HISTORY OF THE WARS * BOOKXIII, that of St. James's, the principal attraction to • ------ CHAP. VII. Jºvº-A 1814. curiosity was a Chinese bridge thrown over the canal, upon the centre of which was erected a lofty pagoda, while the other parts were decorated with pillars and boxes for the exhibition of fire- works. The Bird-cage-walk, and part of the Mall, were hung with Chinese lanterns. In the Green-park, on the edge of the Mall, was placed the royal booth, of a circular form, with a gallery attached to it, for the ministers of state, foreign ministers, and other distinguished persons. . Not far from it, in the same park, was the grand edi- fice, intitled the Temple of Concord, the general design of which was the invention of Sir. W. Congreve, and the external decorations were by Greenwood and Latilla. From the queen's palace a bridge of communication to the Green-park was thrown over the road of Constitution-hill. In Hyde-park, the Serpentine river was allotted for the spectacle of a naumachia, in which a British and French fleet, represented by barges brought from Woolwich, and fitted up to resemble men of war of the line, and frigates, were to exhibit the manoeuvres and circumstances of a naval fight. The park itself was covered with a multitude of booths, erected by permission, and fraught with all the variety of amusement and recreation be- longing to a country fair. During the whole progress of preparation, and especially as it approached to completion, the parks were the great object of public curiosity, and became the most crowded promenade of the metropolis. The daily papers were likewise filled with descriptions and speculations relative to the expected jubilee, which even was a subject of arliamentary discussion; and not a little satire, {. within and without doors, was bestowed upon the fluctuations of the plan, and particularly upon the mimic naumachia, which, after the late display of real power and grandeur at Ports- mouth, was treated as a kind of burlesque, cal- culated only for the diversion of holiday cockneys. At length, on July 31, the following public notifica- tion was issued by authority: “ º 1st is the day fixed for a grand national jubilee, being the centenary of the accession of the illustrious family of Brunswick to the throne of this kingdom, and the anniversary of the battle of the Nile. Hyde- park, in which there will be a grand fair, is en- tirely open to the people. The Green-park will also be entirely open to the people. The Mall of ; James's-park, º Constitution-hill, will also e open to the people, to enter by Spring-gardens and º º: The i. : §ames's- park, and the Bird-cage-walk, will be devoted to those who have purchased tickets.” Then fol- lowed a description of the accommodation pre- pared for the public. The conclusion ran thus:– “Let not the people, therefore, listen to those who would poison their minds—to those who are 7 -*—i- the constant enemies of all public joy. Let them be assured, that the object of the peaceful festi- val, is to give to all ranks and orders a grateful occasion to indulge in that full participation of happiness to which their perseverance, in a most sanguine and trying contest, crowned with un- precedented success, has so richly entitled them.” The appointed day, which began with a lower- ing sky, turned out [. #. and nothing occurred to prevent the enjoyment of the whole circle of entertainment provided for the public. After a morning and noon spent by the crowds of every rank which thronged the parks, in wander- ing from place to place, the exhibitions began with the ascent of Mr. Sadler, jun. in a balloon from the Green-park about six in the evening. He rose almost perpendicularly till nearly out of view, when the machine gently moved in the di- rection of Kent. About eight, the naval action in the Serpentine river commenced; and by a judicious variety of action, and the grand display of a ship on fire, this spectacle afforded more pleasure than might have been supposed from the ridicule attached to it. But the great object of general expectation was the fire-works, of which the centre was the magnificent edifice in the Green-park. This erection at first exhibited the appearance of a fortified castle, from the battle- ments of which the most brilliant showers of rockets were thrown, whilst the walls disclosed every curious and complicated contrivance of the pyrotechnic art. After every eye had been as- ionished and delighted for two hours with these displays, the metamorphosis took place of the castle into the Temple of Concord, richly illumi- nated with a profusion of differently-coloured lamps, and decorated with suitable emblems and devices. The mechanical skill exercised in pro- ducing this change, the grandeur of the effect, and the whole of this part of the exhibition, seem to have excited universal admiration. The illu- mination of the Chinese bridge in St. James's- park, with its pagoda and other appendages, was extremely brilliant; but the close of it was ren- dered somewhat tragical, by the accidental con- flagration of the pagoda itself, attended with mis- chief to some of the attendants, and even the eventual loss of one or two lives. This was the only disaster accompanying the whole of the day's amusements, notwithstanding gloomy predictions of the pressure and ungovernable violence of the populace. On the contrary, all was quiet and harmony, and the inconveniences of a crowd were less felt than in any common cause of assemblage in the streets of London. On the whole, though the amusements were protracted to a tedious length, and the want of a decided object of fes- tivity deadened every feeling but that of curiosity, the day will live in the remembrance of those who witnessed its splendours, and will not be un- *- - OF THE FR ENCH REVOLUTION. 1155 wº recorded by future historians of the British me- tropolis. he queen gave a grand entertainment at her palace to a large J; of members of the royal family and other distinguished persons, who came to view the different exhibitions in the parks. In Ireland, such a spirit of outrage and lawless violence was manifested in several of the coun- ties this year, that it was thought necessary to arm the magistrates with extraordinary powers for the preservation of the public peace. In the proceedings of the Irish Roman Catho- lics in the last and the present year, a spirit of disunion had manifested itself in that body, which operated unfavorably upon the efforts that were made towards an improvement of their situation. In the beginning of May was made public a let- ter sent to the Right Rev. Dr. Poynter from Monsieur Quarantotti, president of the sacred missions at Rome, communicating his opinion, and that of a council of the most learned prelates and theologians, on the letters transmitted by Dr. Poynter and the catholic Archbishop of Dub- lin, relative to the proposed bill for catholic eman- cipation. Their 3. was, that the pro- positions should be gratefully accepted, with an explanation of the second article of the oath, by which the clerical person is bound te have no in- tercourse with the supreme pontiff or his minis- ters, which can directly or indirectly subvert or disturb the protestant church. It is observed, that if this be construed to prohibit all attempts to bring back protestants to the orthodox faith, it cannot be taken ; but if the meaning be onl to interdict all attempts to disturb the established church by force of arms, or by disingenuous arts, the oath is unobjectionable. The remaining ar- ticles of the bill are declared to be such as may . allowed by the indulgence of the apostolic CºalT, A meeting of the catholic board at Dublin being held on May 7th, Mr. O'Connel made a speech, expressing great indignation at this inter- ference of the slaves at Rome (as he termed them) to instruct the Irish catholics concerning the manner of their emancipation. It was on no theo- logical ground, but upon that of its danger to civil liberty,’ that he objected to the late bill, which would place in the hands of ministers a new and extensive source of patronage; and he would ra- ther that the catholics should for ever remain as they were, than receive it on such terms. He concluded with moving that a committee be ap- pointed to prepare resolutions for the aggregate meeting, which was agreed to. The catholic priests of Dublin also, on May 12, held a convo- cation to take into consideration the rescript of Quarantotti, when they declared it non-obligatory on the catholic church in Ireland, and passed re- solutions against the granting to an anti-catholic government any power, direct or indirect, with re- Book XIII. gard to the appointment of catholic bishops. The -— aggregate meeting was held on the 19th, at which Char-Yº, the rescript above-mentioned was the principal subject of discussion. Mr. O'Connel having pro- posed the following resolution, “That we deem it a duty to ourselves, and to our country, solemnly and distinctly to declare, that any decree, man- date, rescript, or decision whatsoever, of any fo- reign power or authority, religious or civil, ought not, and cannot of right, assume any dominion or control over the political concerns of the catholics of Ireland,” delay was recommended by another speaker till the opinion of the catholic bishops was known. A great majority, however, opposed delay, and the resolution was adopted. he ca- tholic clergy of many of the provincial dioceses unanimously resolved against the rescript; and at length the catholic bishops, at a general meeting held at Maynooth, on May 25th, passed, amon other resolutions, two, of which the first declare Quarantotti's rescript not mandatory; and the second resolved, that a communication be opened with the holy see on the subject of the said docu- ment, and that two persons be deputed to con- vey their unanimous sentiments to the chief pastor. The proceedings of the catholic board had been so intemperate, that it was not to be won- dered at, in the disturbed state of part of Ireland, that government should at length exercise its au- thority to suppress it. On June 3d the lord-lieu- tenant, with the advice of the privy-council, issued a proclamation, declaring the board contrary to law, and giving notice that if it should renew its meetings, all the members would be proceeded against legally. We shall close this chapter by laying the sub- stance of Judge Fletcher's charge to the grand jury, at the #j assizes, on the state of Ireland. His lordship made some preliminary observa- tions on the general duty of the grand juror's office; bound as he was from the station in which he was placed, between the government and the people, to a scrupulous inquiry into the ground of every matter of presentment. . After his lord- ship had expatiated on this topic he proceeded to notice more particularly the state of the country. From the appearance of the calendar, although the quantity of criminal business was very great, he found it had been exceeded on recent occa- sions, and hoped he might congratulate the country, from this comparison, that some improve- ment had fortunately taken place in the public manners. If, however, unhappily, the country continued to be disturbed, notwithstanding the enactment of law after law, enforcing a coercion unknown to the constitution, it showed most clearly that the checº this contagion was 3 1814. 1156 HISTORY OF THE WARS BOOK XIII. { w A P. VII, NeºVerºa, 1814. to be found only in the exertions of the upper classes. He had often heard it sneeringly ob- served of the Irish character, that, contrary to all other countries, they had become more barbarous as they increased in that wealth and those com- forts which tended to civilize all the rest of the world. How the system of outrage which took place among the lower orders here was to be accounted for he did not know. It could not be extenuated or justified any where ; but in other places, with which he was familiar, there were many natural causes to which this unfortunate spirit of insubordination could naturally be refer- red. The severe and heavy burthens to which the peasantry were liable excited that irritation and ferocity, against which the state of ignorance they were suffered to grovel in, without care or education, offered little correction to prevent a deluded people from exposing themselves to the punishment of those laws which they set at defi- ance. Much, also, was to be attributed to the enormous rise of land, occasioned by the deluge of paper money, “which,” said his lordship, “ has generated a new crime, now prominent upon the list, in every calendar, the crime of making and uttering forged bank-notes. In every province, we have seen private banks failing, and ruining multitudes: and thus have fresh mischiefs flowed from this paper circulation. In the next place, the country has seen a magistracy, over-active in some instances, and quite supine in others. This circumstance has materially affected the adminis- tration of the laws in Ireland. In this respect I have found that those societies called Orange societies, have produced möst mischievous effects; and º; in the north of Ireland. They poison the very fountains of justice; and even some magistrates, under their influence, have, in too many instances, violated their duty and their oaths. I do not hesitate to say, that all associa- tions of every description, in this country, whether of orangemen or ribbonmen, whether distinguish- ed by the colour of orange or of green, all com- binations of persons, bound to each other (by the obligation of an oath) in a league for a common purpose, endangering the peace of the country, I pronounce them to be contrary to law. And should it ever come before me to decide upon the question, I shall not hesitate to send up bills of indictment to a grand jury against the individuals, members of such an association, wherever I can find the charge properly sustained. Of this I am certain, that, so long as those associations are permitted to act in the law less manner they do, there will be no tranquillity in this country; and particularly in the north of Ireland. There, those disturbers of the public peace, who assume the name of orange yeomen, frequent the fairs and markets, with arms in their hands, under the pre- tence of self-defence, or of protecting the public -º- .*.*.* -*-sº peace, but with the lurking view of inviting at- tacks from the ribbonmen, confident that, armed as they are, they must overcome defenceless op- ponents, and put them down. Murders have been repeatedly perpetrated upon such occasions; and, though legal prosecutions have ensued, yet, such have been the baneful consequences of those fac- tious associations, that, under their influence, petty juries have declined (upon some occasions) to do their duty. These facts have fallen under my own view. It was sufficient to say, such a man displayed such a colour, to produce an utter disbelief of his testimony; or, when another has stood with his hand at the bar, the display of his party badge has mitigated the murder into man- slaughter. “Gentlemen, I do repeat, that these are mysen- timents, not merely as an individual, but as a man discharging his judicial duty, I hope with firmness and integrity. With these orange asso- ciations I connect all commemorations and pro- cessions, producing embittering recollections, and inflicting wounds upon the feelings of others; and I do ºrieſ. state it as my settled opi- nion, that, until those associations are effectually put down, and the arms taken from their hands, in vain will the north of Ireland expect tranquil- lity or peace. “Gentlemen, that moderate pittance which the high rents leave to the poor peasantry, the large country assessments nearly take from them; roads are frequently planned and made, not for the general advantage of the country, but to suit the particular views of a neighbouring landholder, at the public expense. Such abuses shake the very foundation of the law : they ought to be checked. Superadded to these mischiefs, are the permanent and occasional absentee landlords, residing in another country, not known to their tenantry, but by their agents, who extract the uttermost penny of the value of the lands. If a lease happens to fall in, they set the farm by public auction to the highest bidder. No grati- tude for past services, no preference of the fair offer, no predilection for the ancient tenantry, (be they ever so deserving;) but, if the highest price be not acceded to, the depopulation of an entire tract of country ensues. What then is the wretched peasant to do? Chased from the spot where he had first drawn his breath, where he had first seen the light of heaven, incapable of procuring any other means of existence. Vexed with those exactions I have enumerated, and harassed by the payment of tythes, can we be surprised that a easant, of unenlightened mind, of uneducated habits, should rush upon the perpetration of crimes, followed by the punishment of the rope and the gibbet 3 Nothing (as the peasantry imagine) re- mains for them, thus harassed and thus destitute, but with strong hand to deter the stranger from O F THE | 157 FitENCH H.EVOLUTION. * * *s-s-s- *-** *- -- - ---------- • * —- sº -e-º-º-º-º-º-º- -º- -º-º- ºr-- as: ~~~ ** intruding upon their farms; and to extort from the weakness and terrors of their landlords (from whose gratitude or good feelings they have failed to win it), a kind of preference for their ancient tenantry. “Such, gentlemen, have been the causes which I have seen thus operating in the north of Ire- land, and in part of the south and west. I have observed, too, as the consequences of those Orange combinations and confederacies, men, ferocious in their habits, uneducated, not knowing what remedy to resort to, in their despair flying in the face of the law; entering into dangerous and criminal counter-associations, and endeavour- ing to procure arms, in order to meet, upon equal terms, their range assailants.” His lordship observed, that the prosperity of the country brought mischief to the peasant: after his land- lord and his taxes, he had the clergyman and the proctor; the latter, who was paid, with execra- tions, for an agency that was odious; and the former paid with reluctance by those to whom, as a pastor, they looked for no spiritual comfort. It was not, his lordship emphatically said, to be understood, that in any case the established cler- gyman got the full value of his tithes; , but it was not to be wondered at that much dissatisfaction should be excited by the tithes-farmer, who kept to himself so great a portion of what he exacted from the poor under the title of the clergyman. This latter class, his lordship said, ought, for their own sakes, to establish a system as moder- ate as consisted with their situation; for, surely, in point of personal interest, it was wise in them to secure a certain income by encouraging tillage under moderate charges, rather than drive the farmer to a system of pasturage, by which, under the agistment law, the tithes would be lost alto- gether. From this countenance and kindness, from a wise liberality in the landlords, the tenantry would naturally be led, during the present state of depression in the value of their produce, to look for assistance and encouragement; and the landlords could not well set up any argument to resist this appeal to their consideration, when they reflected on the failure of the corn-bill, to the pro- tection of which the farmer had looked with so much hope and anxiety. But no man on these accounts, or any of them, was to violate the laws: and it was only by the exertions of such men as he then addressed, that the advantages and bless- ings of that peace and obedience were to be ex- pected, in the improvement of which they had no excuse for apathy or relaxation. In other coun- ties, his lordship said, he found also, that mur- murs and discontent arose from the conduct of the clergy, not of the established church, looking for an increase of those voluntary contributions from which they derived their only support; and in some of those places the lower orders had not -- sº-º-º-º-º-º been refrained from acts of violence to prevent BOOK XIII. But if every man in the higher ranks - exactions. of life would individually exert himself, it would Cº. Vºl. be easy to come at the root of all those evils of which we complained. To effect this, the great and opulent landholder, instead of standing at his post ready at all times to support the laws of his country and to promote its peace and prosperity, should not desert that country to spend its pro- duce in another, and leave his tenantry to the management of a griping agent, whose only ob- ject was by misrepresentation and deception to grasp all he could for the gratification of his own a War I Cée #: “I should imagine,” continued his lordship, “ that the permanent absentees ought to see the policy (if no better motive can influence them) of appropriating, liberally, some part of those splen- did revenues which they draw from this country, which pay no land-tax or poor's-rate, and of which not a shilling is expended in this country! Is it not high time for those permanent absentees to offer some assistance, originating from themselves, out of their own private purses, towards improving and ameliorating the condition of the lower orders of the peasantry upon their great domains, and ren- dering their lives more comfortable? Indeed, I believe that some of them do not set up their lands to auction. I know that the Earl Fitzwilliam, in one county (Wicklow), and the Marquis of Hert- ford, in another (Antrim), act upon enlightened and liberal principles; for, although their leases, generally, are only leases for one life and twenty- one years, the tenant in possession well knows, that upon a reasonable advance (merely propor- tionate to the general rise of the times), he will get his farm without rack-rent or extortion. But, I say, that the permanent absentees ought to know that it is their interest to contribute every thing in their power, and within the sphere of their ex- tensive influence towards the improvement of a country, from whence they derive such ample revenue and solid benefits. Instead of doing so, how do many of then act? They often depute their managers upon the grand jury of the county. This manager gets his jobs done without question or interruption; his roads, and his bridges, and his park-walls, all are conceded. “For my part, I am wholly at a Joss to conceive how those permanent absentees can reconcile it to their feelings, or to their interests, to remain silent spectators of such a state of things, or how they can forbear to raise their voices in behalf of their unhappy country, and attempt to open the eyes of our English neighbours; who, generally speaking, know about as much of the Irish as they do of the Hindoos. Does a visitor come to Ireland, to compile a book of travels, what is his course? He is handed about from one country gentleman to another, all interested in concealing 1814. 1158 History of THE wars BOOK XIII. Cha P. VII. Jºvº-Z 1814. from him the true state of the country ; he passes from squire to squire, each rivalling the other in entertaining their guest, all busy in pouring false- hoods into his ears, touching the disturbed state of the country, and the vicious habits of the people. Such is the crusade of information upon which the English traveller sets forward; and he returns to his own country with all his unfortunate pre- judices doubled and confirmed, in a kind of mo- ral despair of the welfare of such a wicked race, having made up his mind that nothing ought to be done for this lawless and degraded country. And, indeed, such an extravagant excess have those intolerant opinions of the state of Ireland attained, that I shall not be surprised to hear of some political projector coming forward, and re- novating the obsolete ignoraace and the preju- dices of a Harrington, who, in his Oceana, calls the people of Ireland an untameable race; declar- ing, that they ought to be exterminated, and the country colonized by Jews; that thus the state of this island would be bettered, and the com- merce of England extended and improved. “Gentlemen, I will tell you what those absen- tees ought particularly to do; they ought to pro- mote the establishment of houses of refuge, houses of industry, school-houses, and set the example upon their own estates, of building decent cot- tages, so that the Irish peasant may have, at least, % so: lodge the comforts of an “English sow ; for an Eng- lish farmer would refuse to eat the flesh of a hog and fed as an Irish peasant is. Are the farms of an English landholder out of lease, or his cottages in a state of dilapidation, he rebuilds every, one of them for his tenants, or he , COVenants to º them with materials for the purpose. But how are matters conducted in this country? Why, if there is a house likely to fall into ruins, upon an expiring lease, the new rack- rent tenant must rebuild it himself: and can you wonder if your plantations are visited for the purpose, or if your young trees are turned into plough-handles, spade-handles, or roofs for their cabins ? They are more than Egyptian task- masters, who call for bricks without furnishing a supply of straw. Again, I say, that those occa- sional absentees ought to come home, and not remain abroad, resting upon the local manager, a species of “locum tenens' upon the grand jury. They should reside upon their estates, and come forward with every possible improvement for the country.” His lordship then proceeded to ob- serve, that, it was to men such as he was address- ing that it particularly belonged to have a close and watchful eye on the conduct of the magis- tracy, in the exercise of those powers which, in fact, superseded the old constitution. They were on the spot, and could trace every mischief that arose from zeal or supineness. The latter was, in all cases, reprehensible and disgraceful : the ~~~~sº-º- ºr--ºr" - --- * *------> * ~ *---------- - ----. - - - - - -*- former became baneful only when it brought an over-vigilance of power into action to administer to some private purpose; when men cram the gaols with their miserable fellow-creatures, merely to show the extravagance of their loyalty. No- thing, said his lordship, could beget amongst the multitude a proper respect for the laws, more than the observation that the scales of justice were too steadily and firmly placed to be warped by any little feelings of cabal or party. But of the two descriptions of men to whom he alluded, he did not -know whether the apathy of the one, or the vigi- lance of the other, was more criminal or mischiev- ous. His lordship earnestly recommended a strict frugality in the admeasuring of those public burdens which it was compulsory for them to lay upon the country; and not a shilling which was not imperiously called for, would, he hoped, be imposed by them: he trusted that not a single pound would be raised upon the country to gra- tify that vile spirit of jobbing, which he had wit- nessed in other counties; but, on the contrary, that the fºllºn whom he addressed would be #. by the most conscientious scruple in evying the public money, and by the minutest scrutiny in inquiring into its fair and just expen- diture. This part of their duty was one, his lordship said, in which the capacity even of the peasant was capable of forming a proper estimate; and every man’s reason would point out to him where grants were made for the purpose of public convenience and accommodation, or to put money into the private pockets of individuals; for it was impossible that the peasant should not feel at the means which should administer to the hunger and nakedness of his children, being diverted to any of those improper purposes, or submit to the discontented sentiment, that all law was made against him, and no law for him. Let him, said his lordship, have, from bodies such as you, the protection he claims at your hands, and no such unworthy idea will ever arise in his mind. Let him see that all public grants are for public purposes, and to promote general intercourse, and you encourage him to bear up against his burdens. His lordship was glad to bear testimony, that he no where found, accompanying the most disgraceful outrages, any thing like a conspiracy against the government, or a correspondence with that great bad power whose state was fallen, he hoped, never to rise again. His lordship di- rected the most particular attention of the grand *F. to the subject of private distillation.— “From this source, a dreadful torrent of evils and crimes has flowed upon our land. The ex- cessive increase of rents had induced many per- sons to bid rents for their farms, which they knew they could not fairly or properly discharge; but they flattered themselves, that, in the course of years, the value of those farms would rise still OF THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. *$ 1 159 *e-ºr- º ºsºl- 2—it A- and * † º ***. higher, that thus they might ultimately ac- quire beneficial interests. In the mean time, they have had recourse to illicit distillation, as the means of making good their rents. Henee the public revenue has been defrauded to the amount of millions. Nay, it is a fact, that at one period not far back, there was not a single licensed dis- tillery in an entire province, namely, the north- west circuit, where the consumption of spirituous liquors is, perhaps, called for by the coldness and humidity of the climate. The old powers of the law having proved unavailing, the legislature was compelled to enact new laws, which, though clashing with the very first principles of evidence under our happy constitution, were yet called for by the exigency of the times, laws, which qua- lify a prosecutor to be as a witness in his own cause. If he feared not the consequences of per- jury, he gained the suit, and put the money into his pocket. Hence, a kind of bounty was neces- sarily tendered to false-swearing; and we all know the revenue-folk are not very remarkable for a scrupulous feeling in such cases. These oaths were answered again by the oaths of the parties charged, who, in order to avoid the fine, denied the existence of any still upon their lands. Thus have I witnessed trials, where, in my judgment, the revenue-officer, who came to impose the fine, was perjured, the witnesses who came to avert it, perjured, and the petty jury, who tried the cause, perjured, for they declined to do their duty, be- cause they were, or might be, interested in the event; or because the easy procurement of those * illicit spirits produced an increased consumption Book XIII. of grain for their benefit. The resident gentry of the county, generally, winked with both their Chap. V11. eyes at this practice, and why? because it brought -ºº- home to the doors of their tenantry a market for their corn; and consequently increased the rents of their lands; besides, they were themselves consumers of those liquors, and in every town and village there was an unlicensed house for retail- ing them. This consumption of spirits produced such pernicious effects, that at length the execu- tive powers deemed it high time to put an end to the system. . The consequence was, that the peo- ple, rendered ferocious by the use of those liquors, and accustomed to lawless habits, resorted to force, resisted the laws, opposed the military, and hence have resulted riots, assaults, and murders.” His lordship again adverted to the situation of the lower orders, and the ample means possessed by the higher classes of ameliorating their condition; and of rendering them at home as valuable for the domestic virtues of peace and industry, as they were eminent and exemplary in every other country for their bravery, their generosity, and their talent. Unfortunately, said his lordship, hitherto there had been a concurrence of too many causes to brutalize the Irish character, and we think ourselves justified in treating them as brutes. Instead of feeling surprise at finding them so wild, so thoughtless, and so ungovernable as they were, the wonder seemed to be that their character was not worse, *** CHAPTER VIII. American War.— Preliminary Remarks.-Correspondence between the British and American Governments.-Governor Strong's Speech in Massachusets.-Retreat of the American Army from Lower Canada.-Pursued by the British.-Defeat of the Americans at Odell-town.—Repeal of the Embargo and .Won-importation Acts.-Extension of the Blockade of the American Coasts by the British.--Capture of the American Frigate Essea.—Fort Oswego stormed by the British.— Repulse of the British at Sandy Creek-Capture of the Reindeer by the Americans.—State of the American Wavy.—Remarks,—President's Proclamation respecting Neutral Vessels—Admiralty Official Paper.—Preparations of the British for carrying on the War with Vigour.—Part of Lord Wellington's Army sent to Canada-Invasion of that Country by the Americans.—Battle near Fort Erie, which is taken by them.—Defeat of the Americans near the Falls of Miagara, by General Drummond–Capture of the Islands in Passamaquoddy Bay—Hostages for Retaliation mutually earchanged. WE must turn our attention from Europe to the t]nited States of America. While the contest with Bonaparte continued, the warfare between that cºnd Great Britain was little thoughtof; and 9. was not viewed with that degree ofimportance which it deserved. The continuance of the war, however, was of serious injury to both countries, and par- ticularly to Great Britain. In the United States e 13 L 1814. 1160 HISTORY OF THE WARS +- BookxIII, many classes, who at its commencement had been hostile to it, became reconciled to its continuance; Cnap. VIII, the merchants and ship. owners, whose interests had 1814. been cut up by the interruption of commerce, re- ceived an adequate compensation by the richness and number of the captures which they made; and in consequence of the interruption of trade with Britain, many mew manufactures were set on foot, and old ones improved, which afforded em- ployment and wealth to a great number who suf- fered at the commencement of the war. The American government was aware, however, that if the contest was carried on much longer, it would entail on the United States burdens which the inhabitants in their stage of society would neither be disposed nor able to bear. For this reason, and being conscious of the inferiority of their military force to the British, they began to think of making peace, and for that purpose pro- posed the mediation of the Emperor of Russia, which we have noticed in Book XI. ; but which was objected to by the British government. The correspondence which took place on this occasion between the British secretary of state, Lord Castlereagh, and the American secretary, Mr. Monroe, was laid before Congress by the president, on the 7th of January. Lord Castle- reagh's letter enclosed a note from Lord Cathcart, British ambassador to the Emperor of Russia, ad- dressed to the Count de Nesselrode, in which he mentioned that the prince-regent had been in- formed of the arrival of the American commis- sioners in Russia, and though he found reason to decline the mediation of the Emperor of Russia in the discussions with the United States, yet being sincerely desirous of terminating the war between Great Britain and America, he was ready to nominate plenipotentiaries for treating directly with them, and would prefer that the conferences should be held in London, but if that were ob- jected to, he would consent to substitute Gotten- burgh. Lord Castlereagh then said, that the American commissioners baving declared their readiness to treat in London, he had transmitted this proposal by a flag of truce, and that the Bri- tish admiral on the American station would be ready to give the necessary protection to any per- sons sent by the United States in furtherance of the overture. The reply of Mr. Monroe, after expressing the president’s regret at the new ob- stacle which had arisen to the negociations for peace, and giving reasons why the mediation of the Emperor of Russia had been thought advisa- ble, #. conveyed the president's consent to the proposal, and made election of Gottenburgh for the place of conference. At this period, the war was still very unpopular in some parts of the United States. The speech made by Governor Strong to the legislature of Massachusets on the 12th of January, distinctly expressed the desire for peace, and the disappro- bation of the reasons for war alleged by the go- vernment of the United States, which from the first were the prevailing sentiments in this part of America. “The friends of peace,” said the go- vernor, “are accused of being under British in- fluence, but their accusers ought to reflect whe- ther partialities of an opposite kind have not pro- duced the evils we suffer ; and whether, if our conduct towards, both belligerents had been im- partial, a war with either would have been thought necessary. We had assumed the character of a neutral nation; but had we not violated the du- ties imposed by that character 3 Had not every subject of complaint against one belligerent been amply displayed, and those against the other con- cealed or palliated ? It has indeed been sug- gested, that we have no connection with France in regard to the war; but when France and Eng- land were engaged in a most arduous struggle, and we interfered and assaulted one of them, will any man doubt our intention to assist the other ?” Intelligence of the battle of Leipsic, and the evacuation of Germany by the French army, ar- rived in America in the beginning of this year, and caused a wonderful sensation amougst the republicans. It was celebrated by the federalists, however, in almost every town throughout the Union. The following notice appeared in the Annapolis paper:—“The deliverance of Germany is effected— theemancipation of Europe is secured- ratiosal in- dependence is established—we are saved from the chains prepared for us, which the sinister views of some among us, and the infatuation of many, were ready to rivet. These auspicious events ought to fill the hearts of all true patriots, and philanthro- pists with joy and exultation. They ought to be celebrated by the friends of freedom, as the second birth of our independence—as the final coming of that day which dawned in Russia. For the per- formance of this duty, equally sacred and delight- ful, it has been resolved by sºme of the friends of national independence and Anerican liberty, now at Annapolis, where the glad tidings were first re- ceived, to assemble at that place, on Tuesday, the 18th of January next, and celebrate, by a public expression of their joy and thankfulness, this sig- nal, and, as it may be justly hoped, final triumph of the cause of mankind. All who partake of the sentiments which give rise to this celebration are invited to join in it. Suitable arrangements will be made by a committee appointed for the pur- pose.” * The Amarican army, under General Wilkinson, continued to occupy its position in the beginning of February on the frontier of Lower Canada, at of the French REvolution. 1 161 the French-mills on the Salmon river; but be- tween the 12th and 16th of that month, the troops abandoned this station, after partially burning their block-houses and barracks which had been erected at vast expence, and destroying their ri- ver-craft batteaux. They carried away their ord- nance, and the greater part of their military stores. Two regiments proceeded to Sackett's-harbour, and the remainder to Burlington and Plattsburg, where General Wilkinson took up his . quarters. . The reason for this movement was stated to have been the enormous expence in- curred in supplying troops at such a distance with provisions, and their daily decrease by sick- ness and desertion. As soon as their retreat was made known to Sir George Prevost, he detached a party to press upon their rear-guard, which took possession of a quantity of provisions and stores, and completed the destruction of their block- houses, barracks, and boats. The American general remained quiet in his new position fill the 30th of March, when collect- ing a large force from Plattsburg and Burlington, he attacked, at an early hour, the outposts of the communication leading from Odell-town to Bur- tonville, and La Cole-mill, the chief attack being directed on the latter post, which was under the command of Major Hancock. The enemy brought a battery to bear upon it, which occasioned two attempts to take the guns, but both were unsuc- cessful. The resistance by the British com- mander, however, was so judicious and spirited, that after the enemy had persevered in the attack till night-fall, he withdrew his guns, and retreat- ed without attaining his object, after sustaining severe loss. That of the defenders, British and Canadian, amounted, in killed, wounded, and missing, to sixty-one. The Congress received a message from the president, dated the 31st of March, in which he recommended to that assembly the expediency of authorizing, after a certain day, exportations (specie excepted) from the United States in ves- sels of their own, and of powers in amity with them, and a repeal of the laws prohibiting the importation of articles not the property of ene- mies. This proposed relaxation of the acts re- strictive of commercial intercourse evidently pro- ceeded from a sense of the discontents they had excited, and their effect upon the public revenue. The message was immediately followed by the introduction of a bill for the repeal of the embargo and non-importation acts, and for other purposes, which passed by a great majority, and excited in the more commercial states sanguine expectations of the revival of trade, and the renewal of pacific relations. Admiral Cochrane, however, issued a proclamation from Bermuda, on the 25th of April, which tended to overthrow these hopes. The blockade of the American ports, which before ex- tended from the southern limits of the states to BOOK XIII. Long-island Sound, and the opposite parts of New York, was now made to comprehend all the Chap. VIII. -- w tº 7 (7 remaining coast northwards to the boundary of the British province of New Brunswick. The reason alieged for this extension was, that nu- merous vessels-of-war had been fitted out from the ports left open, and others were now in prepa- ration, for the prosecution of the war against Great Britain, and frustrating the object of the blockade. The American frigate Essex, Captain Porter, which had been long cruizing on the coasts of South Aincrica, and had made many captures, especially among the English South-whalers, was at length taken off Valparaiso, in Chili, by the Phoebe frigate, Captain Hillyar, in company with the Cherub sloop, Captain Tucker. Captain Hil- lyar, in his letter, dated Valparaiso Bay, the 30th of March, informed the secretary of the admiralty, that on the afternoon of the 28th of that month, after nearly five months anxious search, and six weeks more anxious look-out for the Essex, and her companion (a corvette of twenty guns) to quit the port of Valparaiso, he saw her under weigh, and immediately, accompanied by the Cherub, made sail to close with her. On rounding the point of the bay, the Essex lost her main-top- mast; and not being able to regain the limits of the neutral port, bore up, and anchored very near to the shore, a few miles to the leeward of it. Af- ter some distant firing, the Phoebe closed with the Essex, at thirty-five minutes past five in the afternoon, when a very serious, and, indeed, une- qual contest ensued, the Cherub much contributing to the annoyance of the enemy. The defence of the Essex (said Captain Hillyar) did honor to her brave defenders, and fully evinced the cou- rage of Captain Porter and those under his com- mand. She was twice on fire, and did not strike her colours till her loss of men was so great, and her condition so bad, that further resistance was manifestly unavailing. The engagement ceased at twenty minutes past six. The loss on the part of the victors was not very considerable. A very detailed account of this affair was trans- mitted to the American government by Captain Porter, written in an ostentatious and evidently partial manner, and differing in several respects from the plain narrative of Captain Hillyar, al- though it did justice to his humane and generous conduct after the victory. The American com- plained of the attack as a violation of neutral ter- ritory, and intimated that there was an under- standing between the Governor of Valparaiso and the British commander. It appeared that Captain Porter connived at the escape of some of his men after the ship had surrendered. In the month of April, Captain Pigot, of the Orpheus, after a chace •. sixty miles, took, off v_s^^_0 1814. 1162 HISTORY OF THE WARS *- -------— ~-----...--. *----- - - - - BOOK XIII, Cuba, the United States ship Frolic, carrying - CHAP. VIII. 1814. twenty thirty-two-pound carrouades and two long eighteen-pounders, with a crew of 171 men. In the beginning of May, an expedition, under the command of General Drummond and Com- modore Sir James Yeo, was sent against the Ame- rican fort Oswego, on Lake Ontario. After a reconnoisance of the defences of the place on the 5th of that month, the attack was made on the 6th, by a select detachment of troops and the squadron of armed-vessels on the lake. The landing of the troops was effected under a heavy fire from the fort, and the enemy posted on the brow of a hill, and in the woods, but nothing could retard the advance of the assailants, who obtained possession of the fort in ten minutes. The garri- son, which consisted of 400 men, made their escape, except about sixty men, half of whom were severely wounded. There were taken seven heavy guns, intended for a large ship of the Americans newly launched on the lake; and other guns, cordage, and naval stores, were sunk by them- selves in the river. After the barracks in the town and fort had been burnt, and all the da- mage done to the works that was practicable, the troops were re-embarked, bringing away a quan- tity of stores. The principal advantage aimed at by this expedition appears to have been prevent- ing the completion of the enemy's armament on the lake, and especially the equipment of their new ship, which was calculated to carry sixty-four guns. f Another attempt, on a small scale, which had the same purpose in view, proved unfortunate. Captain Popham, of the navy, commanding a squadron which was blockading Sackett's-harbour, having obtained information of the arrival of an enemy's flotilla at Sandy-creek, with naval stores from Os- wego, to be thence conveyed over land to Sackett's- harbour, resolved, in concert with Captain Spils- bury upon an enterprize for its destruction. É. ceeding to the creek, he reached its entrance with the boats of the squadron, soon after day-light on the 31st of May, having with him near 200 sea- men and marines. The boats cautiously advanced up the creek to within a quarter of a mile from the enemy, and landed armed parties on each side, On eoming to a turning, with the flotilla full to their view, a sixty-eight-pounder corronade, on which they greatly depended, was disabled; and as they were bringing a twenty-four-pounder to bear, they were attacked by a force, consisting of 150 rifle-men, nearly 200 Indians, and a nume- rous body of militia and cavalry. A gallant re- sistance was made for a time, but against such a superiority it was unavailing. ...The loss of the British amounted to eighteen killed and fifty dan- gerously wounded, besides prisoners; the wind- ing of the creek gave the enemy a great advantage in intercepting the retreat. Captain Popham -- -------- - - -----—- -..º. -------- - - --- *-------------------- - made acknowledgments for the exertions of the officers of the American rifle-corps, in saving the lives of many officers and men, whom the In- dians and their own men had devoted to death. A very severe action, ending unfortunately to the British flag, took place on the 28th of June, between the Reindeer sloop-of-war, Captain Man- mers, and the American sloop-of-war Wasp, Cap- tain Blakeley. On the morning of that day, in lat. 48 N. long. Il W. Captain Manners per- ceived an enemy to the leeward, and instantly gave chase; about three o'clock, the ships were close together, when the action commenced, and was kept up with the most determined spirit for twenty-five minutes. At the end of this time, the captain of the Reindeer, the purser, and twenty- seven men were killed, and forty-eight wounded, amongst whom were all her officers then on-board; before this, she had made several unsuccessful at- tempts to board. . In this state she was under the necessity of striking her colours to the American. The disproportion between the two ships in size, weight of metal, and complement of men, was very considerable. The Wasp was of the burden of near- ly 800 tons, mounting twenty thirty-two-pounder carronades, besides two long twelve-pounders, and having on-board 175 men, while the Reindeer was little more than 380 tons, mounting only sixteen twenty-four-pounder carronades, besides two long twelve-pounders, with two long-sixes, and had only ninety-eight men and twenty boys. Captain Manners fought his vessel against this very su- erior enemy in the most gallant manner; and lost is life in attempting to board, after receiving fourteen wounds. The Wasp was very much cut up in her hull and rigging; and her loss in killed and wounded was supposed to have been fully equal to that of the Reindeer. On the day after the action it became necessary to destroy the prize. This success . sea, on the part of the Americans, was certainly very galling to the Bri- tish nation; for the Americans now boasted, that though they were opposed to the once-dreaded navy of Great Britain, the proportion of victories had been beyond all comparison in their favor, having captured three frigates, two twenty-gun ships, four eighteens, one twelve, and one ten-gun vessel. About this period, an official statement was published by the American government of the number and state of their navy. It was divided into two classes; one part for the ocean, and the other for the lakes: that for the ocean consisted as follows:—Three ships of seventy-four guns; six of forty-four; three of thirty-six; one of thirty-two; two of twenty-four; nine of eighteen; four of sixteen; three of fourteen; two of thir- teen; and one often. Those on the lakes eon- sisted of thirty-two vessels of various sizes, carry- ing 265 guns. The gun-boats, barges, &c. of OF THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 1163 --- * * ~ *** ** which a considerable number were on the lakes, amounted to 203. From this statement, it appeared beyond all doubt that the Americans had been making the greatest exertions for increasing their naval force; and that they confidently looked forward to the day on j. they might set the British navy at defiance. On the lakes, indeed, they already had the superiority, which was of great advantage to them, in their attempts to invade Canada. The lakes constitute the most important boundary be- tween Canada and the United States; and the f. of these lakes by the British is abso- utely necessary to the secure and permanent possession of Canada. It was therefore the duty and the interest of the British government, as soon as the war broke out, to have secured the superiority of these lakes in so decided a manner as to have effectually defended Canada: this, however, during the two years which the war had already lasted, they had neglected to do. In fact, though on some of the lakes the British were oc- casionally successful, yet this success was never of long continuance, and it was so chequered with defeat as to give confidence to the Americans, and to dispirit the Canadians. For the former, when they commenced the war, could hardly have looked forward to such victories as they had ob- tained over the British ; and being naturally a vain and boastful people, the achievement of vic- tory over such a nation as Britain could not fail to gratify and invigorate their feelings, and to re- concile to the war those who at its commence- ment were averse to it. In some respects, how- ever, the Americans possessed advantages which the British did not enjoy for carrying on opera- tions on the lakes; they were nearer to the sup- plies necessary for the equipment and repair of their squadrons. But, on the other hand, it seems to have been abundantly shewn in the house of commons, that their superiority arising from these advantages were greatly increased by the neglect of the British ministry. It was disputed in par- liament, to what department of government the equipment of the flotilla on the lakes properly belonged. . It was supposed that it belonged to the admiralty; but the admiralty denied this, because the lakes were inland seas of fresh-water; and they threw the duty of equipping the flotilla on the secretary of state for the colonial depart- ment. Great expectations were at one time formed, of a very large ship which had been constructed upon the lakes, mounting 100 guns; but the season of the year was so far advanced before she was completed, that no other advantage was derived but that of blockading the enemy's squadron in Sackett's-harbour, and gaining the mastery of the lake on which it stands, at a period when that mas- tery could be of no service. Besides the successes which the American 79. navy had at sea and on the lakes, their privateers made many rich ..". and what was very galling to the British, these captures were made not merely on their own coasts, or on the Atlantic ocean, but on the very coasts of England and Ireland; so that at length it was not safe for a vessel to sail without convoy from one part of the English or Irish channel to another. Strong re- presentations were made to the admiralty on this subject; but as they were not attended to as they ought to have been, addresses to the prince-regent were presented from London, Liverpool, and other sea-ports. It was, indeed, a most mortifying reflec- tion, that while our navy amounted to nearly 1,100 ships of different sizes, and at peace with all Eu- rope, we could not protect our commerce on our coasts. The only defence the admiralty could make was, that we had captured a greater num- ber of ships from the Americans than they hat. from us. But the proportion of captures we had made was very far indeed below the proportional superiority which our navy bore to theirs: and, indeed, all things considered, not too much would have been expected from the admiralty, if, with the means in their power, the nation had anti- cipated the capture of every American armed vessel that put to sea. The following official paper was issued from the British admiralty-office on the 30th of April:— “The lords-commissioners of the admiralty cannot announce to the fleet the termination of hostilities with France, without expressing to the #.". officers, the seamen, and royal marines of is majesty’s ships, the high sense which their lordships entertain of their gallant and glorious services during the late war. “The patience, perseverance, and discipline; The skill, courage, and devotion with which the seamen and marines have upheld their best in- terests, and achieved the noblest triumphs of the country, entitle them to the gratitude not only of their native land, which they have preserved in- violate, but of the other nations of Europe, of whose ultimate deliverance their successes main- tained the hope, and accelerated the accomplish- ment. “ Their lordships regret that the unjust and unprovoked aggressions of the American govern- ment, in declaring war upon this country, after all the causes of its original complaint had been removed, does not permit them to reduce the fleet at once to a peace-establishment; but as the question now at issue in this war is the mainte- nance of those maritime rights which are the sure foundations of our naval glory, their lordships look with confidence to that part of the fleet which it may be still necessary to keep in com- mission, for a continuance of that spirit of dis- cipline and gallantry which has raised the British navy to its present pre-eminence. 13 M BOOK XIII. Yr I y I * * *- Historty of THE WARs BOOK XIII. CHA P. VIII. vº "ººz 18l 4 *** --------------- * -- - - - - - - -- - - - -ºs- ------ -------- **** * * - - -º-º: “In reducing the fleet to the establishment necessary for the American war, the seamen and marines will find their lordships attentive to the claims of their respective services. “The reduction will be first made in the crews of those ships which it may be found expedient to pay off, and from them the petty officers and seamen will be successively discharged, accord- ing to the length of their services ; beginning in the first instance with all those who were in his majesty's service previous to the 7th of March, 1803, and have since continued in it. “When the reduction shall have been thus made, ſs to the ships paid off, their fordships wili direct their attention to those which it may be found necessary to keep in commission; and, as soon as the circumstances of the war will admit, will bring home and discharge all persons having the same standing and periods of service as those before discharged from the ships paid off; so that, in a few months, the situation of individuals will be equalized ; all men of a certain period of ser- vice will be at liberty to return home to their fa- milies; and the number which it may be still ne- cessary to retain will be composed of those who have been the shortest time in the service. “. An arrangement in itself so just cannot, in their lordships’ opinion, fail to give universal sa- tisfaction ; and they are induced to make this communication to the fleet, because they think that the exemplary good conduct of all the petty ôfficers, seamen, and marines, entitle them to every confidence, and to this full and candid ex- planation of their lordship's intentions. “ Their lordships cannot conclude without ex- pressing their hope, that the valour of his majesty's fleets and armies will speedily bring the Ameri- can contest to a conclusion honorable to the British name, safe for British interests, and con- ducive to the lasting repose of the civilized world. “By command of their lordships, “ J. W. CROKER.” In order to counteract the effects of the general blockade of the American coasts, the President of the United States, on the 29th of June, issued a . proclamation, which was couched in the following terms : —“Whereas it is manifest that the block- ade, which has been proclaimed by the enemy, of the whole Atlantic coast of the United States, nearly two thousand miles in extent, and abound- ing in ports, harbours, and navigable inlets, can- not be carried into effect by any adequate force actually stationed for the purpose ; and it is ren- dered a matter of certainty and notoriety, by the multiplied and daily arrivals and departures of the private armed vessels of the United States, and other vessels, that no such adequate force has been so stationed; and whereas a blockade thus destitute of the character of a regular and --- ------ - -º-º-º- -- - - - -- -º legal blockade, as defined and recognized by the established law of nations, whatever other pur- poses it may be made to answer, forms no lawful prohibition or obstacle to such neutral and friendly vessels as may choose to visit and trade with the United States; and whereas it accords with the interest and the amicable views of the United- States, to favor and promote, as far as may be, the free and mutually beneficial commercial in- tercourse of all friendly nations disposed to engage therein, and, with that view, to afford to their vessels destined to the United States a more po- sitive and satisfactory security against all inter- ruptions, molestations, or vexations whatever, from the cruizers of the United States; Now be it known, that I, James Madison, President of the United States of America, do, by this my procla- mation, strictly order and instruct all the public armed vessels of the United States, and all pri- vate armed vessels commissioned as privateers, or with letters of marque and reprisals, not to inter- rupt, detain, or otherwise molest or vex, any vessels whatever belonging to neutral powers, or the subjects or citizens thereof, which vessels shall be actually bound and proceeding to any port or place within the jurisdiction of the United States; but, on the contrary, to render to all such vessels all the aid and kind offices which they may need or require.” - When Europe was at length restored to peace by the deposition of Bonaparte, the British go- vernment resolved to prosecute the war against the United States, with a great accession of means and vigour; and it was confidently expected that Mr. Madison would be compelled to accept of such terms as the British should be disposed to dictate. Before the treaty of Paris was signed, about 14,000 of those troops which had gained such fame under the Duke of Wellington, were embarked at Bourdeaux, and sent to America. Besides these troops, a strong naval force, with an adequate number of troops on-board, was collect- , ed for the purpose of invading different parts of the United States. The British now thought that they would not only be able to protect Canada; but that they would be able to conquer so much of the adjoining territory of the United States as might, in the event of a future war, effectually guard that country from all danger. Indeed, when Mr. Madison became acquainted with the events that had taken place in Europe, he was convinced that, now that Britain was at full liberty to employ all her force against the United States, the war would assume a different character from what it previously had done; and consequently that it would be absolutely necessary, either to meet the more extended and vigorous warfare by measures of corresponding vigour and extension, or to bring about a peace with Great Britain. The latter was resolved upon; at the OF THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. i 165 f; - - - ------ -- ~~"--— --— ------ - - - - - -- -- - game time that, in case of the failure of the nego- ciations, measures were taken which he hoped would secure the United States from the attacks which would be now made against them. On the 3d of July, a large American force, under Major-general Brown, crossed the Niagara river and advanced into Canada, having driven in the picquets of the garrison of Fort Erie. . As soon as Major-general Riall, who commanded the British troops in this neighbourhood, was made acquainted with this event, he ordered the imme- diate advance of five companies of the Royal Scots towards Chippawa, to reinforce the garrison of that place. About the same time, a detachinent of the 100th regiment, with some militia and a few Indians, moved forward for the purpose of reconnoitring the position and the numbers of the enemy. They were discovered to be in consider- able force, and strongly posted ; and it was also ascertained that another body of them had landed above Fort Erie. On the 5th, in the afternoon, Major-general Riall, having made the necessary dispositions, ordered the attack to commence. The enemy had taken up a position, expecting and prepared for the attack, with his right rest- ing on some buildings and orchards close on the river Niagara, and strongly supported by artillery: his left was towards a wood, having a considerable body of riflemen and Indians in front of it : these were first attacked, and, after a sharp but short contest, were dislodged. After this success Major-general Riall ordered the king's regiment to move to the right, while the Royal Scots and 100th regiment were di- rected to charge the enemy in front. On this arduous enterprise they advanced with the great- est coolness and gallantry, notwithstanding they were exposed to a very heavy and galling fire. The enemy, aware of the advantages of their posi- tion, and finding that their fire was very destruc- tive, stood firm, till at length Major-general Riall, finding that further efforts would be unavailing, and that his troops had suffered severely, ordered them to give up the attack. In this affair Lieu- tenant-colonel Gordon and Lieutenant-colonel the Marquis of Tweedale, who charged in the most gallant manner at the head of their respective re- giments, were wounded. A retreat now beeame necessary upon Chippawa, which was eonducted with good order and regularity, not a single pri- soner falling into the hands of the enemy, exeept those who were disabled by wounds. In this as well as in many other affairs between the British troops and the Americans, the latter, after the conclusion of the battle, were ascertained to be much more numerous than they were pre- viously conjectured to be : they were, according to the accounts of the prisoners, not fewer than 6,000 men, with a numerous train of artillery, having been augmented by a very large body of -- - - — — — troops, which moved down from Fort Erie imme- diately before the couniencement of the action. The force of the British in regular troops amounted to about 1,500, exclusive of the militia aid the Indians, of which there were not more that 30!). It must, however, he remarked, that this was the first affair in which the Americans fought well; that is, in which they stood firm against the Bri- tish. It may indeed be said that there was no great merit in defeating 1,800 men with 6,000: but we should recollect that, during the first two cam- #" of the war, they could not withstand the ritish even with a still greater superiority of force. The object of this advance of the enemy was evidently to gain possession of Fort Erie, and Major-general Riall was in hopes of being able to save it from falling into their hands. But after the battle he understood that it had capitulated on the 3d. Major Buck, who commanded that fort, appears to have been very ill-informed of the movements of the enemy, since he was wholly unapprised of their landing on both sides of him, and only at the distance of a mile; and after this, instead of endeavouring to make up for his want of circumspection by determined courage, he surrendered the fort without firing a gun, him- self and about 150 men being made prisoners of war. The enemy, emboldened by the success which attended them on their first crossing of the fron- tier, looked forward to still greater advantages: but in this hope they were disappointed. For General Drummond advanced in considerable force to the support of Major-general Riall, who was posted near the falls of Niagara. Scarcely had the junction taken place, when intelligence arrived that the American army were advancing in great force. General Drummond immediately proceeded to meet them; he found them abready in possession of a rising ground, while his light- troops were in the surrounding woods. The ad- vance of Major-general Riall's division, consisting of the Glengarry light-infantry, and incorporated militia, having commenced their retreat upon Fort George, General Drummond countermanded these corps, and formed the 89th regiment and the Royal Scots detachments, and 41st light-compa- nies, in the rear of the hill on which the enemy was posted, their left resting on the great road ; two twenty-four-pounder brass field-guns a little ad- vanced in front of the centre on the summit of the hill ; the Glengarry light-infantry on the right, the battalion of incorporated militia, and the detachment of the king's regiment on the left of the great road; the squadron 19th light- dragoons in the rear of the left on the road. He had scarcely completed this formation, when the whole front was warmly and closely engaged. The enemy's principal efforts were directed against ~" BOOK XIII. *s- CHAP. VIII. ~ºº-W 1814. 1166 HISTORY OF THE WARS BOOKXIII CHAP. VIII. Jºvº-Z 1814. Nº. the left and centre. After repeated attacks, the troops on the left were partially forced back, and the enemy gained a momentary possession of the road. This gave him, however, no material ad- vantage, as the troops which had been forced back formed in rear of the 89th regiment, front- ing the road, and securing the flank... During this short interval, Major-general Riall having received a severe wound, was intercepted as he was passing to the rear, by a party of the enemy's cavalry, and made prisoner. In the centre, the repeated and determined attacks of the enemy were met by the 89th regiment, the detachments of the royals and king's, and the light-company 41st regiment, with the most perfect steadiness and intrepid gallantry, and the enemy was constantly repulsed with very heavy loss. “In so determined a manner,” says General Drummond, “were these attacks di- rected against our guns, that our artillerymen were bayoneted by the enemy in the act of load- ing, and the muzzles of the enemy's guns were advanced within a few yards of our's. The dark- ness of the night, during this extraordinary con- flict, occasioned several uncommon incidents: our troops having for a moment been pushed back, some of our guns remained for a few mi- nutes in the enemy's hands; they were, however, not only quickly recovered, but the two pieces, a six-pounder, and a five-and-half-inch howitzer, which the enemy brought up, were captured by us, together with several tumbrils; and in lim- bering up our guns at one period, one of the enemy's six-pounders was put, by mistake, upon a limber of our's, and one of our six-pounders limbered on one of his ; by which - means the pieces were exchanged; and thus, though we captured two of his guns, yet, as he obtained one of our's, we have gained only one gun.” About nine o'clock (the action having com- menced at six) there was a short intermission of firing, during which the enemy was employed in bringing up the whole of his remaining force, and he shortly afterwards renewed his attack with fresh troops, but was every where repulsed with equal gallantry and success. About this period the remainder of Major-general Riall's division, which had been ordered to retire on the advance of the enemy, consisting of the 103d regiment, under Colonel Scot; the head-quarter division of the Royal Scots; the head-quarter division of the 8th or king's; flank-companies 104th ; some detachments of militia, under Lieu- tenant-colonel Hamilton, inspecting field-officer, joined the troops engaged; and General Drum- mond placed them in a second line, with the exception of the Royal Scots and flank-com- panies 104th, with which he prolonged his front line on the right, where he was apprehensive of the enemy's out-flanking him. The enemy's efforts to carry the hill were continued until about midnight, when he had suffered so severely from the superior steadiness and discipline of the British troops, that he gave up the contest, and retreated with great precipitation to his camp beyond the Chippawa. On the following day he abandoned his camp, threw the greatest part of his bag- gage, camp-equipage, and provisions into the Rapids; and having set fire to Streets Mills, and destroyed the bridge at Chippawa, continued his retreat in great disorder towards Fort Erie. The light-troops, cavalry, and Indians, were imme- diately detached in pursuit. General Drummond estimated the loss of the Americans at no less than 1,500, including several hundred prisoners; their whole force, rated at 5,000, having been engaged. The British force, during the first three hours of the action, did not exceed 1,600 men, and the additional troops, under Colonel Scott, did not augment it beyond 2,800 of all descriptions. Of these, the loss amounted in killed, wounded, and missing, to 878. In this manner was defeated another at- tempt of the Americans to penetrate into Canada, respecting which it cannot escape observation, that although British valour and discipline were finally triumphant, the improvement of the Ame- rican troops in these qualities was eminently con- spicuous. That this defeat, and the arrival of succours from Europe, were timely events, may be inferred from the trial of a number of inhabitants of Upper Canada for high-treason, in the month of May, of whom fifteen were convicted; out of which number, eight were executed at Burlington, in the district of Niagara, on the 12th of July. An expedition was sent in the beginning of July, from Halifax, to Passamaquoddy-bay, near the mouth of the bay of Fundy. On the 5th, a party, under the command of Lieutenant-colonel Pilkington, arriving at the place of rendezvous on the 7th, found there Captain Sir Thomas Hardy in the Ramilies, with transports, having on-board the 102d regiment. They immediately proceeded, and, on the 11th, anchored off the town of Eastport, on Moore-island, in Passama- quoddy-bay, when a summons was sent to the American officer commanding at Fort Sullivan, requiring his surrender of the island. On his re- fusal, preparations were made for an attack, the effect of which was an immediate capitulation, whereby the garrison became prisoners of war, and the island, with all the ordnance, stores, &c. came into the possession of the victors. The is- land was stated to contain about 1,500 inhabitants, and to be highly cultivated. Two other islands were likewise occupied by the expedition, so that the whole bay was subjected to the British flag, and the inhabitants were required to take an oath of allegiance to King George, or quit the spot with their property. OF THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. II67. We had to record, at the conclusion of the campaign in 1813, the threats of a system of re- ciprocaſ retaliation, which would have fixed a character of sanguinary ferocity on the war dis- graceful to any people above the rank of savages. The determined conduct of the British govern- ment, with the untenable ground upon which re- taliation was first declared by that of the United States, doubtless produced that accommodation which was made public in a general order at Montreal, on the 18th of July. Its substance was, that, on the invitation of the American go- vernment, Colonel Baynes and Lieutenant-colonel Brenton having been deputed to meet Colonel Lear, at Champlain, for the purpose of re-consi- dering the convention for the exchange of pri- soners entered into in April last, between Colonel Book XIIK. Baynes arid Brigadier-general Winder, all objec- tions to that convention were removed, and it was ratified, with a supplementary clause, by which the twenty-three British soldiers, and the forty- six American officers and non-commissioned of. ficers, detained as hostages, were included in the convention, to be released and exchanged in the same manner as other prisoners of war men- tioned in the articles of convention, notwithstand- ing the exception therein contained. At this period, the British force in Canada was augmented by the arrival of the troops which had embarked at Bourdeaux, on the conclusion of the war with France. —- CHAPTER IX. JYaval and JMilitary Operations in the Chesapeak-Battle of Bladensbury.—Entrance of the British Army into Washington.—Description of that Place.—Remarks.--Capture of Alexandria. —President's Proclamation.—Attack on Baltimore.—Death of General Ross.-Failure and Death of Sir P. Parker, at Bellier—Military Operations on the Frontiers of Canada.-Eapedition up the Penobscot.—Destruction of an American Frigate.—Proclamation of the British Commanders. THE operation of the British armaments on the coast of the southern American states had hither- to been on a small scale, and calculated rather to alarm and irritate; but as soon as the troops ar- rived from Bourdeaux, the resolution was taken of striking some important blow in these quar- ters. A large naval force was employed, under the chief command of Vice-admiral Sir Alexander Cochrane, having on-board a powerful land-force, commanded by Major-general Robert Ross. In the beginning of August, Admiral Cochrane was waiting in the Chesapeak for the arrival of Rear- admiral Malcolm, with an expedition from Ber- muda. Being joined by him on the 17th, the admiral was informed by Rear-admiral Cockburn, whom he found in the Potowmac, that the Ame- rican commodore Barney, with the Baltimore flotilla, had taken shelter at the head of the Pa- tuxent. This circumstance afforded a pretext for ascending that river to attack him, while the ul- timate destination of the combined land and naval force was the American capital, Washington. To this city the best approaches are by port To- bacco, on the Potowmac, and Benedict, on the Patuxent, from both of which are good roads to Washington, and the distances are nearly equal. It being determined to enter the Patuxent, the admiral sent a force to bombard Fort Washington, situated ten or twelve miles below the city; and a man-of-war, with some small vessels, were sent up the Chesapeak above Baltimore, by way of diversion. The army being landed, on August 19th and 20th, at Benedict, General Ross march- ed to Nottingham on the 21st, and to Upper Marlborough on the 22d ; Admiral Cockburn, in the meantime, with the barges, armed launches, and other boats of the fleet, having the marines on-board, proceeding up the Patuxent, on the flank of the army. When they approached the station of Commodore Barney with his flotilla, that officer did not wait an attack, but set fire to his CHAP. VIII. \ºvº..” 1814. vessels, all of which, to the number of seventeen, , were blown to pieces, except one, which was captured. The expedition was now within six- teen miles of Washington; and the force of the Americans being ascertained to be only such as would authorize an attempt to carry the capital, General Ross determined on making it. He put his troops in motion on the evening of the 23d, and on the 24th reached Bladensburg, on the eastern bank of the Potowmac, about five miles from Washington. The enemy was now discovered on the oppo- site side of the river, strongly posted on two commanding heights, formed in two lines, his advance occupying: guied house, which, with. 1168 HISTORY OF THE WARS Book XIII. artillery, covered the bridge over which the Bri- CHAP. IX. Nº" tº . 1814. tish troops were to pass. They were in number 8 or 9,000 men, with 3 or 400 cavalry, commanded by General Winder, and composed of troops drawn from Baltimore and Pennsylvania. The disposition for an attack being made, the British light brigade soon carried the fortified house, the enemy retiring to a higher ground. The assail- ants rushed on, and with an irresistible charge drove the first line upon the second, which also got into disorder, and fled with rapidity, leaving the British in full possession of the field. Of the American artillery, ten pieces fell into the victor's hands, its commander, Commodore Barney, being wounded and taken prisoner. The British loss in this action did not exceed 250 in killed and wounded. General Ross, after a short halt, marched to Washington, which he reached at eight o'clock in the evening, and he immediately began the destruction of the public buildings. Those com- mitted to the flames were the capitol, including the senate-house, and house of representation, the arsenal, the dock-yard, treasury, war-office, E. palace, rope-walk, and the great ridge across the Potowmac : in the dock-yard were consumed a frigate nearly ready to be launched, and a sloop-of-war. #. object of the expedition being effected, it was determined to withdraw the troops, before any greater force of the enemy could be assembled, and a retreat was accordingly commenced on the might of the 25th. The army reached Benedict on the 29th, and re- embarked on the following day; and nothing eould be more complete than the success of this daring enterprise, the credit of suggesting which was given by the general to Admiral Cockburn. In order to give our readers some idea of the city of Washington before its capture by the British army, we shall here give a *...; descrip- tion of it. It stands in the territory of Columbia, and is situated at the junction of the rivers Po- towmac and the Eastern Branch, extending about four miles each; a spot scarcely to be exceeded, in point of salubrity and beauty, by any in the world. The plan of the city combines ever this g grand and beautiful: for although the land in general appears level, yet by gentle and gra- dual swellings, a variety of elegant prospects is produced, and a sufficient descent formed for carrying off the rain. The city is divided into squares, or grand divisions, by streets running due north and south, and east and west. But from the capitol, the president's house, and some of the important areas of the city run in diagonal streets, from one principal point to another, which not only produce a variety of fine prospects, but obviate the ºf: sameness which renders great cities in general unpleasing: , The grand leading streets are all 160 feet wide, including a pave: -*. ment of ten feet, and a gravel walk of thirty feet, planted with trees on each side, which leave eighty feet of paved street for carriages. The rest of the streets are in general 110 feet wide; a few only being ninety feet. The squares or di. visions of the city amount to 1150. The rectan- gular squares generally contain from three to five acres, and are divided into portions of from forty to eighty feet in front, their depth being from about 110 to 300 feet, according to the size of the square. There is not a single house in the city but what is built either of brick or stone; so that its appearance is the most beautiful that can be conceived. The area for the capitol, or senate- house, is on the most elevated eminence of the city, about a mile from the Eastern Branch, and not much more from the Potowmac, commanding a full view of the city, as well as the surrounding country. In a direction due-west from the capi- tol, and due-south from the president's house, run two great pleasure parks, or malls, which intersect and terminate on the banks of the Po- towmac, and are ornamented at the sides by a variety of elegant mansions. Fifteen of the best of the open areas, where the principal streets cross each other, are named after the different states composing the union, and when finished, were to have statues or columns to the memory of their favorite or most eminent men. One of them has been already selected for a statue of James Madison. The equestrian statue of Washington was erected not long since in another. The eastern branch of the Potowmac is one of the safest and most commodious harbours in America, being sufficiently deep for the largest ships about four miles above its junction with the Potowmac; while the channel lies close along the edge of the city, and is abundantly capacious. he city being situated on the great post road, exactly equi-distant from the northern and southern ex- tremities of the union, and nearly so from the Atlantic to the Ohio, was deemed the most eligible situation for the Congress; and the rapidity with which it has been built, is owing to the excellent and inexhaustible quarries of free-stone a few miles below it, on the banks of the Potowmac. Extensive coal-mines have been ascertained to exist in its neighbourhood. By the capture of Washington, the American government not only sustained a severe loss in property, but incurred much reproach from the nation, especially from the party averse to the war, as having been the occasion of a disgrace which it had taken no effectual measures to prevent. A vulnerable part of the republic was now ex- posed, and men's minds were impressed with a sense of imminent danger, where before it had been regarded only as a remote possibility. On the other hand, the extent of devastation practised by the victors, brought a heavy censure upon the 5 OF THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 1169 wº: tº British character, not only in America, but on the continent of Europe. It was acknowledged, ihat, strici discipline was observed while the troops were in possession of Washington, and private property was anxiously protected. But the destruction not only of every establishment connected with war, but of edifices consecrated to the purposes of civil government, and afford- ing specimens of the advance of the fine arts among a rising people, was thought an indulgence of animosity more suitable to the times of barba- rism, than to an age and nation in which hostility is softened by sentiments of generosity and civi- lized policy. If there be such a thing as humanized war, its principle must consist in inflicting no other evils upon an enemy than are necessary to promote the success of warlike operations. This indeed may be construed so as to admit of a wide scope of mischief, and it will sometimes scarcely be pos- sible to draw the line between allowable and illicit injury. But there are cases in which no ambiguity exists, and those of the destruction of useful or ornamental works, the purpose of which is altogether pacific, seem to be of this kind. History presents many instances of the hostile conflagration of palaces, which have sel- dom failed to be reprobated as acts of unmanl vengeance. Retaliation, indeed, has usually been the pretext of hostilities exceeding the prescribed measure; and, in the present case, the excesses committed by the Americans in their invasion of Canada were made the apology for the devasta- tions at Washington. But by referring to a for- mer part of this work, in Book XI. Chapter XI. it iſ be found, that due retribution had already been inflicted for those enormities, with the pro- mise that the punishment should not be carried farther without fresh provocation. The intelligence of the destruction of Washing- ton was received in England with great exulta- tion; but in France it created a very different sensation; and the proceedings of the British at Washington were represented as barbarous in the extreme. “We daily receive new details,” said one of the French papers, “as to the herrible eatastrophe which has annihilated one of the finest cities in the world. People ask, how a nation, eminently civilized, has conducted itself at Wash- ington with a barbarity equal to that of the bands of Attila and Genseric. They ask whether this act of atrocious vengeance be not a crime against the whole human race. Robespierre, indeed, seconded by his execrable accomplices, caused the towns of La Vendee to be burned—or- dered the massacres of Toulon and Bedoin— demolished the city of Lyons—but still it was Robespierre, and his name is devoted to eternal execration. The revolutionary Vandals who de- vastated France in 1793 took a ferocious pleasure in destroying or mutilating the monuments of BookxIII. the arts, but they were men sprung from the very aregs of society, miserable sans-culottes, agitated Chap IX. by all the furies of the revolution. But when from --> the midst of one of the most enlightened nations a chief has issued, who, without fanaticism, with- out any extraordinary motives for vengeance, without any of those violent passions which dis- turb the understanding, has imitated the fury of the most savage hordes; has carried fire and flame into the heart of a city whose wealth and beauty were one of the most valuable monuments of the . of the arts, and of human industry; has made war, not upon his enemies, but on the co- lumns of temples, of public edifices, and palaces; has laid waste for the mere pleasure of devasta- tion—we behold in this a proceeding which must excite deep feelings of grief and indignation. For twenty years Europe groaned under the hor- rors engendered by the frightful genius of revo- lutions. England justly thundered against these excesses; and now when sentiments of humanity spring up again in all hearts, she renews in Ame- rica these scenes of carnage and desolation 1 However, if she thought by such sanguinary exe- cution to strike terror into the heart of her ene- mies, she is deceived in her cruel calculations. Injustice and barbarity º still more than they frighten. They communicate an unknown energy to the soul; they rouse even the most pacific, and produce those boid and desperate resolves which secure the safety and independence of nations.” It has been mentioned, that a part of the ope- rations against Washington consisted in dispatch- ing a force against Fort Washington, situated upon the Potowmac below that city. Captain Gordon, of the Sea-horse, the commander of this expedi- tion, proceeded with several other vessels up the Potowmac on the 17th of August, but for want of pilots was not able, after severe labour, to reach the fort till the 27th. The bomb-ships were placed on the evening of the 27th, and immediately began the bombard- ment of the fort, it being Captain Gordon's inten- tion to attack it with the frigates at day-light the following morning. On the bursting of the first shell, the garrison were observed to retreat; but supposing some concealed design, the fire was continued. At eight o'clock, however, this doubt was removed by the explosion of the powder-ma- gazine, which destroyed the inner buildings, and at day-light on the 28th the British took posses- sion. Besides the principal fort, which contained two fifty-two-pounders, two thirty-two-pounders, and eight twenty-four-pounders, there was a bat- tery on the beach of five eighteen-pounders, a , martello tower, with two twelve-pounders, and loop-holes for musketry, and a battery in the rear of two twelve and six six-pound field-pieces. The whole of these guns were already spiked by the 1814. II 70 * HISTORY OF THE WARS BOOK XIII. enemy, and their complete destruction, with their CHAP. IX. 1814. carriages also, was effected by the seamen and ma- rines sent on that service, in less than two hours. The populous and commercial city of Alexandria thus lost its only defence; and, having buoyed the channel, Captain Gordon deemed it better to post- pone giving any answer to a proposal made to him for its capitulation until the following morning, when he was enabled to place the shipping in such a osition as would ensure assent to the terms he ad decided to enforce. In the mean time, the common-council of Alexandria having assembled, unanimously concurred in a resolution, stating, that the forts for the defence of the district having been blown up by their own men, and abandoned without resistanee, and the town being left with- out troops or means of resistance to the hostile force now in sight, they have with reluctance been compelled to authorize an arrangement with the enemy, by which it has been stipulated, that during their continuance before the town they are not to be molested. The conditions proposed by Captain Gordon, and acceded to by the corpora- tion of Alexandria, imported that the town, with the exception of public works, should not be de- stroyed, nor the inhabitants in any manner mo- lested, on compliance with the following articles:— that all naval and ordnance stores, public and private, be given up; that possession is immedi- ately to be taken of all the shipping, the furniture of which must be sent on-board by their owners; that the sunk vessels are to be delivered in the same state they were on the 19th ; that mer- chandize of every description must be instantly delivered up, including all such as has been re- moved from the town since the 19th, and that refreshments are to be supplied to the British squadron at the market-price. This capitulation was signed on the 29th, and the whole of the captured vessels which were sea- worthy, being twenty-one in number, were fitted and loaded by the 31st. Captain Gordon being now informed that great preparations were making by the Americans to oppose his return, deter- mined to quit Alsº, without waiting to destroy the remaining stores which he had not the means of bringing away. impeded the progress of the squadron down the river, and the grounding of one of the ships (the Devastation) afforded the enemy an opportunity of attempting its destruction, and raising batteries to command the channel. In order to destroy the vessel that had grounded, the enemy sent three fire-vessels, attended by five row-boats; but their object was defeated by the promptitude and gal- lantry of Captain Alexander, who, having collect- ed some boats, chased those of the enemy up to the town of Alexandria. Captain Gordon had, however, a number of difficulties to encounter in proceeding down the river, the enemy having col- Contrary winds lected a large military force, and a number of fire-vessels. For the details we cannot do better than give them in Captain Gordon's own words, in his dispatch to Admiral Cochrane, from which we shall, make the following extract:—“The Meteor and the Fairy, assisted by the Anna Maria dispatch-boat, a prize gun-boat, and a boat belonging to the Euryalus, with a howitzer, had greatly impeded the progress of the enemy in their works; notwithstanding which they were enabled to increase their battery to eleven guns, with a furnace for heating shot. On the 3d, the wind coming to the N. W. the Etna and the Erebus succeeded in getting down to their assistance, and the whole of us, with the prizes, were assem- bled there on the 4th, except the Devastation, which, in spite of our utmost exertions in warping her, still remained five miles higher up the river. This was the moment when the enemy made his greatest efforts to effect our destruction. Theº Erebus being judiciously placed by Captain Bar- tholomew in an admirable position for harassing the workmen employed in the trenches, was at. tacked by three field-pieces, which did her consi- derable damage before they were beaten off. And another attempt being made to destroy the De- vastation with fire-vessels, I sent the boats under Captain Baker to her assistance: nothing could exceed the alacrity with which Captain Baker went on this service, to which I attribute the im- mediate retreat of the boats and fire-vessels. His loss, however, was considerable, owing to their having sought refuge under some guns in a nar- row creek thickly wooded, from which it was impossible for him to dislodge them. On the 5th, at noon, the wind coming fair, and all my arrange. ments being made, the Seahorse and Euryalus anchored within short musket-shot of the batteries, while the whole of the prizes passed betwixt us and the shoal; the bombs, the }. and Erebus, firing as they passed, and afterwards anchoring in a favorable position for facilitating, by means of their force, the further removal of the frigates. At three p. m. having completely silenced the enemy's fire, the Seahorse and Euryalus cut their cables, and the whole of us proceeded to the next position taken up by the troops, where they had two batteries, mounting from fourteen to eighteen guns, on a range of cliffs of about a mile extent, under which we were of necessity obliged to pass very close, I did not intend to make the attack that evening, but the Erebus grounding within range, we were necessarily called into action. On this occasion the fire of the Fairy had the most decisive effect, as well as that of the Erebus, while the bombs threw their shells with excellent precision, and the guns of the batteries were thereby completely silenced by about eight o'clock. At day-light on the 6th I made signal to weigh, and so satisfied were the whole of the parties op- OF THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 1171 - posed to us of their opposition being ineffectual, that they allowed us to pass without further mo- lestation. I cannot close this detail of operations, comprising a period of twenty-three days, without begging leave to call your attention to the singular exertion of those whom I had the honor to com- mand, by which our success was effected. Our hammocks were down only two nights during the whole time; the many laborious duties which we had to perform were executed with a cheerfulness which I shall ever remember with pride, and which will ensure, I hope, to the whole of the de- tachments, your favorable estimation of their extraordinary zeal and abilities.” Captain Gordon arrived in safety with all his ships and prizes in the Chesapeak on the 9th of September. # he result of this expedition, with that of the enterprize against the capital of the United States, appear to have been particularly galling to the president, who, on the 8th of September, issued the following proclamation:-" Whereas the ene- my, by a sudden incursion, have succeededin in- vading the capital of the nation, defended at the moment by troops less numerous than their own, and almost entirely of the militia; during their possession of which, though for a single day only, they wantonly destroyed the public edifices, having no relation in their structure to operations of war, nor used at the time for military annoy- ance; some of these edifices being also costly monuments of taste and of the arts, and other repo- sitories of the public archives, not only precious to the nation, as the memorials of its origin and its early transactions, but interesting to all na- tions, as contributions to the general stock-of historical instruction and political science. “And whereas advantage has been taken of the loss of a fort, more immediately guarding the neighbouring town of Alexandria, to place the town within the range of a naval force, too long and too much in the habit of abusing its supe- riority wherever it can be applied, to require, as the alternative of a general conflagration, an un- disturbed plunder of private property, which has been executed in a manner peculiarly distressing to the inhabitants, who had inconsiderately cast themselves upon the justice and generosity of the victor. “ And whereas, it now appears, by a direct communication from the British commander on the American station, to be his avowed purpose to employ the force under his direction, in de- stroying and laying waste such towns and districts upon the coast as may be found assailable;’ adding to this declaration the insulting pretext that it is in retaliation for a wanton destruction committed by the army of the United States in Upper Canada, when it is notorious, that no de- struction has been committed, which, notwith- 79. standing the multiplied outrages previously com- Book xIII. mitted by the enemy, was not unauthorized and promptly shown to be so; and that the United States have been as constant in their endeavours to reclaim the enemy from such outrages, by the contrast of their own example, as they have been ready to terminate, on reasonable conditions, the war itself. * “And whereas, these proceedings and declared purposes, which exhibit a deliberate disregard of the principles of humanity, and the rules of civi- lized warfare, and which must give to the existing war a character of extended devastation and bar- barism, at the very moment of negociation for peace, invited by the enemy himself, leave no prospect of safety to any thing within the reach of his predatory and incendiary operations, but in manful and universal determination to chastise and expel the invader. “Now, therefore, I, James Madison, President of the United States, do issue this my proclama- tion, exhorting all the good people thereof to unite their hearts and hands in giving effect to the ample means possessed for that purpose. It enjoin it on all officers, civil and military, to exert themselves in executing the duties with which they are respectively charged. And more espe- cially, I require the officers commanding the respective military districts to be vigilant and alert in providing for the defence thereof; for the more effectual accomplishment of which, they are authorized to call to the defence of exposed and threatened places portions of the militia most convenient thereto, whether they be or be not parts of the quotas detached for the service of the United States under requisitions of the general government. “On an occasion which appeals so forcibly to the proud feelings and patriotic devotion of the American people, none will forget what they owe to themselves, what they owe to their country, and the high destinies which await it; what to the glory acquired by their fathers, in establishing the inde- pendence which is now to be maintained by their sons, with the augmented strength and resources with which time and Heaven had blessed them.” After the capture of Washington the American secretary-of-war, General Armstrong, was charged with having neglected to provide a sufficient force for the defence of the district; and so strong was the popular feeling against him, that he was re- moved from his situation. He was succeeded by Colonel Monroe. Resuming the narrative of events, we have next to notice an attack upon a body of Ameri- can militia posted at Bellair, by Sir Peter Parker, captain of his majesty's ship Menelaus, lying in the Chesapeak. Sir Peter having received in- formation of their number and position, landed about 120 men on tºo night of the 30th of $ Cha P. IX. •-sº- 1814. II 72 HISTORY OF THE WARS BOOK XIII. smºs CaAP. IX. Jº ºn- 1814. *- August, and *...* at their head up the coun- try found the enemy drawn up in line before their camp in the midst of woods, and in much greater force than had been represented. He did not, however, hesitate to attack; but as he was ani- mating his inen, he received a mortal wound. The other officers gallantly continued the combat, and forced the enemy to full retreat; but the in- equality of their numbers rendered it expedient to fall back to the beach, carrying with them their wounded. Besides the death of their brave coin- mander their loss amounted to forty-one in killed and wounded. A very brilliant affair took place on the north- west frontier of Canada on the 5th of Au- gust. On the forenoon of that day, the Ameri- cans landed about 900 men at the back of an island, on which is situated Fort Michilimakinac. Lieutenant-colonel M’Doual, who commanded this fort, formed his small garrison, 150 at most, at the extremity of the woods, and the Indians were stationed on each flank, to keep the enemy from out-flanking the troops. By a false account of the enemy’s intention to land on another part of the island, a certain number of Indians were sent to watch their motions; but more Indians ab- senting themselves, exposed one flank of Lieu- tenant-colonel M’Doual's party entirely; and an apprehension was entertained, that the enemy would out-flank and cut off the garrison from the forts; it was, therefore, deemed expedient to fall back between the two forts, and there await the advance of the enemy. A party of between forty and fifty Indians, placed on the left flank, and ignorant of the movements in the centre and right flank, fired on the Americans, and threw them into confusion, which the Indians soon perceived, and encouraging each other by whoops and yells, totally broke the little order still observed by the enemy, who took instant flight, and were all out of reach before Lieutenant-colonel M*Doual was apprised of their retreat. Thus was a body of at least from 6 to 900 men defeated, and put to instant flight, by forty or fifty Indians, with a loss of seventeen men and a major, (Holmes,) killed and found on the spot. The Indians lost but On 8 Iſlalºe The approach of the equinox rendering it un- safe for the British fleet to proceed immediately to sea, out of the Chesapeak, and act according to a concerted plan of further operations, it was agreed, between Admiral Cochrane and General Ross, to employ the intermediate time in an at- tempt upon the important maritime town of Bal- timore, which had been thrown into the utmost alarm by the fate of the neighbouring capital, (Washington,) which is only about forty miles distant. The admiral accordingly sailed up the bay; and, on the 11th of September, anchored off the mouth of the Patapsco river, on the north *- side of which, round a kind of bason, Baltimore is situated. On the following day the troops were disembarked near North Point, at the dis- tance of about thirteen miles from the town; the approach to which is through a peninsula formed by the Patapsco and Black rivers. Three miles from North Point the enemy had entrenched himself quite across this meek of land, towards which (the disembarkation having been completed at an early hour) the troops advanced. The enemy was actively employed in the com- pletion of this work, deepening the ditch, and strengthening its front by a low abbatis, both which, however, he V.P., abandoned on the approach of the skirmishers. Some few dra- goons, being part of his rear-guard, were taken prisoners. About two miles beyond this post the advance of the British became engaged; the country was here closely wooded, and the enemy's riflemen were enabled to conceal themselves. At this moment the gallant General Ross received a wound in his breast, which proved mortal. He immediately sent for the second in command, Colonel Brooke, and after giving him his instruc- tions, and recommending his young family to the protection of his country, exclaiming, “My dear wife!” he dropped senseless. “Thus,” says Colonel Brooke, “fell at an early age one of the brightest ornaments of his profession; one who, whether at the head of a regiment, a brigade, or corps, had alike displayed the talents of command; who was not less beloved in his private, than en- thusiastically admired in his public character; and whose only fault, if it may be deemed so, was an excess of gallantry, enterprise, and devo- tion to the service.” A tribute not less warm and affectionate was paid to his memory in the dispatch of the naval commandey General Ross was the nephew of the late patriotic Earl of Char- lemont, and had served in all the campaigns of the British army in Portugal, Spain, and France. The van of the British continuing to press for- ward, the enemy's light troops were pushed to within five miles of Baltimore, where a corps of about 6,000 men, six pieces of artillery, and some hundred cavalry, were discovered posted under cover of a wood, drawn up in a very dense order, and lining a strong paling, which crossed the main road nearly at right angles. Dispositions were im- mediately made, by Colonel Brooke, for a gene- ral attack. The light brigade, under the com- mand of Major Jones, of the 4th, consisting of the 85th light infantry, under Major Gubbins, and the light companies of the army, under Major Pringle, of the 21st, covered the whole of the front, driving in the enemy’s skirmishers, with great loss on his main body. The 4th regiment, under Major France, by a detour through Súliſle hollow ways, gained unperceived a lodgment close upon the enemy's left. The remainder of OF THE FRENCFI REVOLUTION. #73 ----- —w- the right brigade, under the command of the Hon. Lieutenant-colonel Mullins, consisting of the 44th regiment, under Major Johnson, the marines of the fleet, under Captain Robbins, and a detachment of seamen, under Captain Money of the Trave, formed line along the enemy's front, while the left brigade, ºir Colonel Pa- terson, consisting of the 21st regiment, com- manded by Major Whitaker, the 2d battalion marines, by Lieutenant-colonel Malcolm, and a detachment of marines by Major Lewis, remain- ed in columns on the road, with orders to deploy to the left, and press the enemy's right, the mo- ment the ground became sufficiently open to admit of that movement. º In this order, the signal being given, the whole of the troops advanced rapidly to the charge. In less than fifteen minutes, the enemy's force being utterly broken and dispersed, fled in every direc- tion over the country, leaving on the field two ieces of cannon, with a considerable number of illed, wounded, and prisoners. The enemy lost, in this short but brilliant affair, from five to six hundred in killed and wounded ; and his whole loss was computed at 1,000 hors de combat. The loss of the British did not amount to 300. The day being now far advanced, and the troops much fatigued, they halted for the night on the ground of which the enemy had been dis- possessed. , Here the commander received a communication from Admiral Cochrane, inform- ing him that the frigates, bomb-ships, and flotilla of the fleet, would on the ensuing morning take their stations as previously proposed. At day-break on the 13th, the army again ad- vanced, and at ten o’clock Colonel Brooke occu- pied a favorable position eastward of Baltimore, distant about a mile and a half, and from whence he could reconnoitre at his leisure the defences of that town. Baltimore is completely surrounded by strong but detached hills, on which the enemy had con- structed a chain of pallisaded redoubts, connected by a small breast-work. These works were de- fended, according to the best information, by about 15,000 men, with a large train of artillery. Relying, however, on the quality of his soldiers, the British commander made arrangements for a night attack, during which the superiority of the enemy's artillery would not have been so much felt; but, on the evening of that : he received a communication from the commander-in-chief-of the naval forces, by which he was informed, that in consequence of the entrance to the harbour being closed up by vessels sunk for that purpose by the enemy, a naval co-operation against the town and camp was found impracticable. Under these circumstances it was agreed be- tween the two commanders, that the capture of the town would not have been a sufficient equi- BookxIII. valent to the loss which might probably be sus- tained in storming the heights. Having formed this resolution, after compel- ling the enemy to sink upwards of twenty vessels in different parts of the harbour, causing the citizens to remove almost the whole of their pro- perty to places of more security inland, obliging the government to concentrate all the military force of the surrounding states, harassing the militia, and forcing them to collect from many remote districts, causing the enemy to burn a valuable rope-walk, with other public buildings, in order to clear the glacis in front of their re- doubts, besides having beaten and routed them in a general action, Colonel Brooke retired, on the 14th, three miles from the position which he had occupied, where he halted some hours. This tardy movement was partly caused by an expectation that the enemy might possibly be in- duced to move out of the entrenchments and follow the British ; but he profited by the lesson which he had received on the 12th, and towards the evening the troops retired about three miles and a half further, where they took up their ground for the night. Having ascertained, at a late hour on the morning of the 15th, that the enemy had no disposition to quit his entrenchments, Colonel Brooke moved down and re-embarked the ar- my at North Point, not leaving a man behind, and carrying with him about two hundred pri- soners, being persons of the best families in the city, and which number might have been ver considerably increased, was not the fatigue of the troops an º principally to be avoided. This expedition caused great alarm and con- fusion; and during the time it was on the coast, trade was completely at a stand, throughout the United States, One of the American papers contained the following:—“What will the fac- tion who have so long misruled our unfortunate country do next? Let us see how they stand and guess what they will do, since they fin that all the fair-minded and honest are forsak- ing them. The war was commenced for these reasons:—First, to gratify ancient hatred against Great Britain, and to assist the French in sub- duing the English. Secondly, to give that tone and strength to the Madisonian government, which might naturally be expected to arise out of a state of war. Thirdly, to silence those men who had opposed the Jeffersonian and Madisonian course of policy, and to command their wealth for the purpose of keeping them still. Fourthly, to take the chances of the events which might arise out of this new state of things, and from the noise, excitement, and acclamation of suc- cessful war, probably to establish, by the help of arms, a government not unlike that of Bonaparte. Chap. IX. N-ºvº..” 1814. 1174 HISTORY OF THE WARS BOOK XIII. CHAP. IX. vºyº-V 1814, -º- Fifthly, to satisfy the people as to all the expenses and sacrifices which might arise, by conquering the Canadas, and making a great outcry as to our guns and glory. Now it unfortunately turns out, that this war, which was pretended to be waged to protect seamen and commerce, has nearly annihilated both. Canada is not taken, and never will be. The English nation has not become bankrupt, and has not fallen before our ally in fact, Bonaparte; but he and his power are fallen for ever; and the English are the most powerful and effective nation, for their numbers, on the earth. Instead of having General Hull quietly domesticated in Little York–General T}earborn in Montreal—and General Wilkinson in Quebec—we have nobody within Canada, after two years' fighting and an hundred millions of expense, except the detachment of the army that are bravely defending themselves at Erie. But on the sea-board, and in the rivers of the United States which conduct to the capitals of the several states, the enemy are in great and threat- eming force. Public credit is at an end. No confidence is placed in the national administra- tion, even by their warmest partisans. A portion of our territory is taken away, and quietly pos- sessed by the enemy. In short, . Mr. Jefferson and Mr. Madison have, in ten years, completely ruined the resources, and the government, and the character, and blasted the prospects of this once happy and flourishing nation. It is plain that Mr. Madison, and all his political adherents, know this, and know that the country never can recover from these calamities, while he and his friends remain in power. Will they, then, volun- tarily give up the power?—Will Mr. Madison and the “super-eminent” Mr. Gerry resign 7 No. What then must be done 3—Mr. Madison is old; he is without ability for the times which he has produced; he has little or no influence; he is not wanted, and is not feared. There must be a scape-goat for the party. They have tried one Secretary and another, until it is plain they must make a bolder push. They will impeach Mr. Madison. They understand how to put a man up, or put a man down, as suits their purpose. Notwithstanding the artful message which Mr. Madison will send to Congress next Monday, unless we are greatly deceived in human princi- Fº of action, Mr. Madison will be impeached by is own party.” In the mean time, military operations were ...}. on with various fortune in the vicinity of the Canadian lakes, and on the northern borders of the American territory. On the 12th of Au- #" Captain Dobbs made a gallant attack with is boats on three schooners, which were an- chored close to Fort Erie, for the purpose of flanking the approaches to that fortress, two of which he carried sword in hand; the other es- 6 caped by cutting its cables. This success induced General Drummond to make an attack on the fort, against which he opened a battery on the 13th. Its effect was such that General Drum- mond determined on assaulting the place; and accordingly made the necessary arrangements for attacking it, by a heavy column directed to the entrenchments on the side of Snake-hill, and by two columns to advance from the battery, and as- sault the fort and entrenchments on the cther side, The troops destined to aitack by Snake-hill consisted of the king's regiment and that of De Watteville's, with the flank companies of the 89th and 100th regiments, under Lieutenant- colonel Fischer, of the regiment De Watteville. The attack took place two hours before day- light on the 15th. The attack on the fort and entrenchments lead- ing from it to the lake was made at the same mo- ment by two columns; one under Lieutenant- colonel Drummond, 104th regiment, consisting of the flank companies 41st and 104th regiments, and a body of seamen and marines under Captain Dobbs, § the fort; the other, under Colonel Scott, consisting of the 103d regiment, supported by two companies of the royals, was destined to attack the entrenchments. These columns ad- vanced to the attack, as soon as the firing upon Colonel Fischer's column was heard, and suc- . ceeded, after a desperate resistance, in making a lodgment in the fort through the embrazures of the demi-bastion, the guns of which they had actually turned against the enemy, who still maintained a stone building, when most unfortu- nately some ammunition, which had been placed under the platform, caught fire from the firing of the guns to the rear, and a most tremendous ex- plosion followed, by which almost all the troops which had entered the place were dreadfully mangled. Panic was instantly communicated to the troops (who could not be persuaded that the explosion was accidental), and the enemy, at the same time pressing forward, and commencing a heavy fire of musketry, the fort was abandoned, and the British troops retreated towards the bat- tery. The attack made by Colonel Fischer, al- though it was made with great skill and gallantry, also failed ; and he was obliged to retreat with considerable loss. The loss altogether in this affair amounted in kikled, yºu. and missing, to 962. Colonel Scott and Lieutenant-colonel Drummond, two officers of distinguished merit, were among the killed. . . At this time an expedition up the Penobscot river was undertaken, for the purpose of reduc- ing the inhabitants of this part of the province of Maine under the British dominion. The Penobscot river is about eighty miles S.W. of the Passamaquoddy, which forms the barrier between the United States and the British pro- OF THE FR ENCH REVOLUTION, 1175 - vince of New Brunswick. At the mouth of the latter river - the British took possession of some small islands; and, after this. Lieutenant-general Sir J. Sherbrooke and Rear-admiral Griffith, who commanded the land and sea-forces on this sta- tion, determined to push their attack as far as the Penobscot. To this they were more especially determined from the intelligence which they re- ceived, that the John Adams frigate had taken refuge by running twenty-seven miles up that river to Hamden, where she had landed her guns, and lay under their protection. On the 26th of August, therefore, a combined sea and land-force, under the command of these officers, set sail for Halifax on this determination. On the 1st of September, they reached the town and fort of Castine, built on a peninsula on the eastern side of the Penobscot. The officer commanding this fort having blown up the magazine, and fled with the troops composing its garrison, it was imme- diately occupied by the British general, who sent forward a regiment to secure the town of Belfast on the western bank, while a body of picked men, amounting to 700, supported by the boats of the expedition, ascended the river towards Hamden. Here they bivouacked during the night under an incessant rain ; notwithstanding which, on the following day, they pushed on to attack an enemy double their numbers, and strongly posted in front of the town, with rising grounds on both his flanks, strengthened with cannon. The British troops charged up the hill, and took possession of }. guns, while some rockets from the boats completed the confusion of the enemy. Before the boats got within good gun-shot of the battery thrown up to j the frigate, the Americans abandoned its defence and set fire to her, and she was totally destroyed; while the troops that were stationed at the other battery ran away with great precipitation the moment the Bri- tish troops ascended the hill. The pursuit conti- nued as far as the town of Bangor, where some of the inhabitants, who had not fought, but pretended to fight, at Hamden, threw off the military charac- ter, and, as magistrates, &c. made an unconditional surrender of the town. Shortly after this, the American general, Blake, with 191 troops, also surrendered, and were admitted to their parole. During these operations, another body of British troops, to the number of 700, were marched up the eastern bank of the river, about eighteen miles, to Buxton ; but the destruction of the fri- gate, and the dispersion of the enemy's troops in that quarter being fully effected, the British force was withdrawn from Bangor, Belfast, and Bux- ton, to Castine, where the head-quarters of Sir J. Sherbrooke were fixed. The only fort between the Penobscot and the Passamaquoddy is that of Machias, which it was originally intended to have attacked first; but the attempt against Hamden BookxIII. necessity 2..… ºººººº; ſº ºw was considered as preferable, from the -—-º- of taking or destroying the frigate. This object Chap. 1X. however having been accomplished, no time was lost in dispatching another body of troops against Machias, where they landed without opposition on the 10th of September; and, after a most fa- tiguing night march, took possession of the fort without loss. This capture was followed by the capitulation of the American general, Brewer, commanding the troops in that neighbourhood ; who, considering the situation of the country be- tween the Penobscot and Passamaquoddy to be such as to preclude the hope of adequate protec- tion by the United States, engaged; in the name of himself and his treops, not to serve against the British during the war. On their return to Halifax, General Sherbrooke and Admiral Griffith issued the following pro- clamation :- “Whereas we have taken formal possession, for his majesty, of all the eastern side of the Pe- nobscot river, and all the country lying between the same river and the boundary-line of the province of New Brunswick, including Long Island, and all the other islands near and contiguous to the shores thereof: “And whereas it is expedient and necessary, that a provisional government be established in that country until his majesty’s pleasure shall be known;–we do therefore order and command, for the present, and until further orders to the contrary, all judges, justices of the peace, and other officers duly commissioned and appointed to keep the peace and administer justice, and who were acting under the authority of the former go- vernment within that country, still to continue in authority until his majesty's pleasure shall be fur- ther known, and to administer justice, and to pre- serve peace and good order within the same coun- try, and every part thereof, agreeably to the laws, usages, and customs, in force at the time we took possession of that country; subject, however, to such future orders and alterations as may be ex- pedient. And we have appointed Gerard Gosse- lin, Esq. major-general in his majesty's service, or whoever may succeed to the military command in case of his death, or departure, to command and govern that country until his majesty's pleasure shall be further known, or until the commander- in-chief of his majesty's forces in North America shall make other orders to the contrary. And we strictly enjoin and command all persons of every description, dwelling and * within the limits of the before-described country, to pay obe- dieuce to this proclamation, and to the said Ge- rard Gesselin, or to the senior officer commanding that country for the time being, and to conduct themselves peaceably and quietly. , And if any person or persons, rººf or inhabiting within 1814. 1176 THE WARS HISTORY, O Fº ROOK XIII. CHAP. IX. *S/~/ 1814. the country before described shall hereafter be found in arms against his majesty, or aiding and assisting his majesty’s enemies in any other shape, either by conveying intelligence, or otherwise, such person or persons shall be immediately brought before a court-martial, and, on conviction, shall be punished agreeably to mihtary law. And all collectors and receivers of the public revenue of that country are enjoined and commanded im- mediately to render, to the proper officer of his majesty’s customs, appointed for that purpose at Castine, a true and exact account of all and every sum or sums of public money in their hands at the time possession was taken of that country for his majesty, and to pay over the same to the said officer of the customs; and all such collectors and receiv- ers are to account for, and pay over in the said manner, all monies by them collected or received since possession of that country was taken by us as aforesaid. And all persons inhabiting within the said country and islands, are required to appear before the proper officers appointed for that pur- pose, as speedily as possible after the publication hereof, and to take an oath to behave peaceably and quietly, and, while inhabiting if within that country, not to carry arms, or in any respect act hostilely towards his majesty, or any of his subjects: and such inhabitants, after taking such oath, shall be protected in their per- sons and properties until his majesty's pleasure shall be known. Nothing, however, herein con- tained, is to extend to any property seized, and taken as prize previous to the publication hereof, or to the security of persons or property of those who refuse to take the oath before-mentioned. And all and every person and persons not being an inhabitant or inhabitants of that country, at the time it was taken possession of by his ma- jesty's forces, whether such person be a British subject or otherwise, who shall be found sojourn- ing in that country, within the same limits, or passing or repassing within the same, without a proper pass and license, granted either by the go- vernor-in-chief of British North America, or by the admiral commanding in chief his majesty's ships on the coast of North America, or by the lieutenant- governors or commanders-in-chief for the time being of the provinces of Nova Scotia, or New Brunswick, or by the admiral commanding for the time being at Halifax, or from the said Gerard Gosselin, or whoever may succeed him as senior officer commanding within the said country, shall be immediately apprehended and brought to trial before a court-martial, and punished as for a breach of orders, according to military law; and full power and authority is hereby granted to the said Gerard Gosselin, or whoever may hereafter be commander in that country, until his majesty's pleasure be known, to compel any person or per- sons, who may hereafter * guilty of any hostile, *-*-*-* *-*- -- - - - -- - - *-**-ºs tºº-ºº: * * * ~ * *------- - -- * --- residin g - --- - ------> --—------, ------------------º disorderly, or disobedient conduct, or who refuse to take the oath before directed, to be removed from that country, and to punish such person or persons who may return to the same, after such removal, according to military law, as for a breaeh of orders. “And all persons inhabiting, or residing within that country, being owner or owners of any ship or ships, vessel or vessels, and who shall have taken the oath of allegiance to his majesty, shall be enti- tled to receive from the officer of the customs, ap- pointed at Castine, a certificate and coasting-license, countersigned by the military officer commandi in that country for the time being, which shall protect such ships or vessels respectively, in fish- ing or coasting from one harbour or river to the other, within the limits of the country aforesaid; and it shall be lawful for such vessels, when fur- nished with coasting clearances and permits from the proper officer of the customs at Castine aforesaid, to carry, without molestation, from one harbour to another, within the said district, the produce of that country, or any goods, wares, or merchandize lawfully imported into Castine. Provided, always, that if any ship or vessel so li- censed for fishing or coasting shall be found at the distance of ten leagues from the shore of said country, or to the southward or westward of the eastern side of Monhegan island, or shall be found to the northward or eastward of the line of the province of New Brunswick, the licence of such vessel or vessels shall be null and void, and it shall be lawful to seize and make prize of such vessel or vessels, the same as if owned by the enemy. “And it shall and may be lawful, until his ma- jesty’s pleasure shall be known, for any British subject, or persons inhabiting within the said country, who shall be admitted to the privilege of a British subject, to import, and bring from the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland, or any of the colonies or plantations thereto belong- ing, into the port of Castine, and no other port or place within the said district, in British ships, owned and navigated according to law, all goods, wares, and merchandize which can be lawfully exported from Great Britain or Ireland to the British colonies; and all goods, wares, and mer- chandize which can be lawfully imported from one British colony to another; and to export in like manner, in British ships only, from the said port of Castine, any goods, wares, or merehandize the produce of the said country, or goods con- demned as prize, and to carry the same to Great Britain or Ireland, or any of the British colonies. Provided always, that any British ship entering, or attempting to enter any other port, harbour, or place, within the limits of the said country, save the said port of Castine, shall be liable to be seiz- ed as prize, and condemned as a British ship trading with the enemy; and provided also, that OF THE FRENCH R. EVOLUTION. II 77 * # nothing herein contained shall authorise British subjects, or persons trading to that country under the authority of this proclamation, to take up a residence in said country, unless specially licensed for that purpose as aforesaid. “And all goods imported and exported into or from the said port of Castine, or carried coastwise within the limits of the said country, and all ves- sels trading to or from the same, whether coast- wise or otherwise, shall be subject to all the du- ties, rules, orders, and regulations, which the laws of trade and navigation, and the British acts of parliament regulating the trade and fisheries of the British colonies appoint: and which duties shall be collected, and laws of trade, rules, and regulations executed after the same manner as at the custom-house in Halifax, in the province of Nova Scotia. “And we do assure and promise the inhabitants of the country taken possession of by us as afore- said, that so long as they shall conform to this proclamation, and behave themselves peaceably and quietly, and shall take and subscribe either the oath of allegiance to his majesty, or the oath by this proclamation appointed, they shall be protected both in person and property, until his majesty’s pleasure shall be known; and as far as possible shall have the laws which were in force at the time we took possession of that country carried into execution by the judges, magistrates, and peace-officers, who were in authority at the time we took possession of said country: subject, however, to such alteration, and ordinances as the officer commanding for the time º may deem necessary and expedient, to enable him to sup- port and maintain the power and authority of his majesty, in and over that country, and subject to the authority of that summary and military course of proceeding which the defence of the country may render necessary, and which the laws of war amongst the civilized nations authorise. And we hope, that the peaceable demeanour and behaviour of the inhabitants, under present circumstances, will be such as will enable the officer command- ing for the time being, to carry into effect every measure necessary to promote their present secu- r -y rity and happiness: but nothing contained in this Book XIII. proclamation is to extend, or be construed to ex- tend, to the establishment of any form of govern- ment that shall exist longer than until his majesty's pleasure shall be known, and subject to all such orders and regulations as the Prince-regent of the United Kingdom, acting in the name and on the behalf of his majesty, may think expedient to ap- point and establish, for the permanent government of that country, until which period we promise to carry into effect this proclamation in every way that will best conduce to the safety and prosperity of the inhabitants of the couniry. Provided they contribute by their peaceable demeanour to the measures necessary and expedient to be taken to hold possession of the country against his ma- jesty's enemies, to which object the officer com- manding in that country, for the time being, is to employ his whole force, and any opposition from the inhabitants of that country to the measures necessary to accomplish that object will render this proclamation null and void. “Given under our hands and seals at arms at Halifax, this 21st day of September, in the 54th. ear of his majesty's reign. Annoque domini 1814. . “John CoAPE SHERBRooke, Lieut.-general cominanding. Edward GRIFFITH, Rear-admiral.” This step of the British commanders in many points of view was very impolitic; since to declare any territory as essentially and permanently at- tached to the conqueror, of which he has only gain- ed a temporary possession, can only serve to expose his weakness when he is compelled to give it up, and to irritate the enemy. It was said, that the ter- ritory of which the British gained possession was necessary for the purpose of an open and direct communication between Canada and New Bruns- wick:-but as it was to the Americans of little value, it might have been obtained, in the event of peace, for an equivalent; whereas they were not likely to permit the disgrace of having it forced from them, of however little real value it might be to them. CHAP. IX. * . . ~~~ * 1814. HISTORY OF THE WARS BOOK XIII. CHAP. X. \_*N/~/ 1814. **a-ºl-ºr- *-***--- ** -** CHAPTER X. Invasion of the United States by the British Army under Sir George Prevost.—Attack upon Platts- burgh.-Defeat of the British Flotilla on Lake Champlain.—Retreat of the British Army in consequence.—Remarks.-Battle near Fort Erie.—Curious Proclamation of an American Cap- tain.—Meeting of Congress.-Message of the President.—Budget.—Negociations at Ghent.- Proceedings of the British and American Commissioners published by the American Government. —Impression made by this Event.—Proceedings of the Congress. *- The British government having determined to transfer the seat of war into the territories of the United States, the Governor-general of Canada, Sir George Prevost, assembled all the disposable force in the lower province of that country; and, on the 1st of September, entered the state of New York, and occupied the village of Cham- plain, near the lake of that name. The force as- sembled under his command amounted to about 15,000 men, annong whom were a number of vete- rans who had served in Lord Wellington's army, and the commander and appointments were such as to give sanguine hopes of success. The first operation was directed against Plattsburgh, a for- tified place on Lake Champlain, which was gar- risoned by the American Brigadier-general Ma- comb, with about 1,500 effective men, of various descriptions. The British army advanced by slow marches, gallantly surmounting every ob- stacle thrown in its way by the enemy; and, on the 6th, had arrived within a mile of Plattsburgh. The following days were occupied in bringing up the battering-train, and making approaches; and it was planned that the attack should be support- ed by the co-operation of the British naval force on Lake Champlain, consisting of a frigate, a brig, two sloops-of-war, and some gun-boats, un- der the command of Captain Downie. On the morning of the 11th, this flotilla appeared in sight of Plattsburgh, and bearing down, engaged at anchor in the bay of the town; at the same time the land-batteries were opened against the fort, and threw in a continued shower of balls and bombs. The British flotilla was opposed by the Ame- rican Commodore M*Donough, with a force nearly equal, and the conflict was fierce and bloody. Captain Downie was unfortunately killed at the very beginning of the engagement, and the rud- der of his ship being disabled, and the brig com- manded by Captain Piercy becoming quite un- maneageable, both vessels were left almost at the mercy of the enemy. After an action of two hours, the Americans captured the frigate, the brig, and the two sloops, after a loss of 84 killed and 110 wounded, Captain Downie and two lieutenants being among the former. The loss of the Americans was forty-nine killed, among whom were two officers, and fifty-seven wounded. The firing from the land against the fort conti- nued till sun-set, and attempts were made by the parties to advance to an assault of the works, but were foiled. The destruction of the naval force having now put an end to all hopes of success, it was thought necessary by the British general to abandon the enterprise. The cannon were with- drawn from the batteries, and at two o'clock the next morning the whole army began its retreat towards Canada, leaving the siek and wounded to the humanity of the enemy. Great quantities of provisions were likewise left behind and des- troyed; and the Americans found on the ground a large quantity of shot, shells, ammunition, en- trenching-tools, &c. The Americans being now collected from all the circumjacent territory, the British drew back to their lines; and every idea of penetrating into the territories of the United States on that side was relinquished. The American general gave a very detailed account of this affair in his dispatch to the secre- tary of war, which we shall here subjoin. It is a very interesting account, and does not present any of those exaggerations which but too much disgraced the dispatches of the French and some of the American officers. It is dated Plattsburgh, September 15. “The Governor-general of the Canadas, Sir George Prevost, having collected all the disposa- ble force in Lower Canada, with a view of con- quering the country as far as Crown Point and Ticonderoga, entered the territories of the United States on the lst of the month, and occupied the village of Champlain : there he avowed his in- tentions, and issued orders and proclamations, tending to dissuade the people from their allegi- ance, and inviting them to furnish his army with provisions. He immediately began to impress the waggons, and teams in the vicinity, and loaded them with his heavy baggage and stores. From this I was persuaded he intended to attack this OF THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 1179 m- *- place. I had but just returned from the lines, where I had commanded a fine brigade, which was broken up to form the division under Major- eneral Izard, and ordered to the westward. É. senior officer he left me in command; and, except the four companies of the 6th regiment, I had not an organised battalion among those re- maining. The garrison was composed of conval- escents and recruits of the new regiments, all in the greatest confusion, as well as the ordnance and stores, and the works in no state of defence. To create an emulation and zeal among the officers and men in completing the works, I divided them into detachments, and placed them near the se- veral forts; declaring in orders, that each de- tachment was the garrison of its own work, and bound to defend it to the last extremity. The enemy advanced cautiously and by short marches, and our soldiers worked day and night, so that by the time he made his appearance before the place we were prepared to receive him. Gene- ral Izard named the principal work Fort Mo- reau; and, to remind the troops of the actions of their brave countrymen, I called the redoubt on the right Fort Brown, and that on the left Fort Scott. Besides these three works, we had two block-houses strongly fortified. Find- ing, on examining the returns of the garrison, that our force did not exceed 1,500 effective men for duty, and well informed that the enemy had as many thousands, I called on General Mooers, of the New York militia, and arranged with him plans for bringing forth the militia en masse. The in- habitants of the village fled with their families and effects, except a few worthy citizens and some boys, who formed themselves into a party, re- ceived rifles, and were exceedingly useful. By the 4th of the month, General Mooers collected about 700 militia, and advanced seven miles on the Beekman Town-road, to watch the motions of the enemy, and to skirmish with him as he ad- vanced; also to obstruct the roads with fallen trees, and to break up the bridges. On the Lake- road, at Dead Creek Bridge, I posted 200 men, under Captain Sproul, of the 13th regiment, with orders to abbatis the woods, to place obstructions in the road, and to fortify himself: to this party I added two field-pieces. In advance of that pó- sition was Lieutenant-coleael Appling, with 110 riflemen, watching the movements of the enemy, and procuring intelligence. . It was ascertained, that before day-light on the 6th, the enemy would advance in two columns, on the two roads before- mentioned, dividing at Sampson's a little below Chazy village. The column on the Beekman Town-road proceeded most rapidly; the militia skirmished with his advanced parties, and ex- cept a few brave men, fell back most precipi- tately in the greatest disorder, notwithstanding ºil. troops did not deign to fire on them, -ms except by their flankers and advanced patroles. The night previous, I ordered Major Wool to advance with a detachment of 250 men, te sup- port the militia, and set them an example of firm- ness; also Captain Leonard, of the light-artillery, was directed to proceed with two pieces to be on the ground before day; yet he did not make his appearance until eight o'clock, when the enemy had approached within two miles of the village. With his conduct, therefore, I am not well pleased. Major Wool, with his party, disputed the road with great obstinacy, but the militia could not be prevailed on to stand, notwithstanding the exer- tions of their general and staff-officers; although the fields were divided by strong stone-walls, and they were told that the enemy could not possibly cut them off. The state-dragoons of New York wear red coats; and they being on the heights to watch the enemy, gave constant alarm to the mi- litia, who mistook them for the enemy, and feared his getting in their rear. “Finding the enemy's columns had penetrated within a mile of Plattsburg, I dispatched my aid- de-camp, Lieutenant Root, to bring off the de- tachment at Dead Creek, and to inform Lieu- tenant-colonel Appling that I wished him to fall on the enemy's right flank. The colonel fortu- nately arrived just in time to save his retreat, and to fall in with the head of a column debouching from the woods. Here he poured in a destructive fire from his riflemen at rest, and continued to an- noy the enemy until he formed a junction with Major Wool. The field-pieces did considerable execution among the enemy's columns. . So un- daunted, however, was the enemy, that he never deployed in his whole march, always pressing on in column. Finding that every road was full of troops, crowding on us on all sides, I ordered the field-pieces to retire across the bridge and form a battery for its protection, and to cover the retreat of the infantry, which was accordingly done, and the parties of Appling and Wool, as well as that of Sproul, retired alternately, keeping up a brisk fire until they got under cover of the works. The enemy's light troops occupied the houses near the bridge, and kept up a constant firing from the windows and balconies, and annoyed us much. I ordered them to be driven out with hot shot, which soon put the houses in flames, and obliged those sharp-shooters to retire. The whole day, until it was too late to see, the enemy's light troops endeavoured to drive our guards from the bridge, but they suffered dearly for their perse- verance. An attempt was also made to cross the upper bridge, where the militia handsomely drove them back. The column which marched by the lake road was much impeded by the obstructions, and the removal of the bridges at Deal creek ; and, as it passed the creek and beach, the gallies kept up a lively and, fºre fire. Our troops BOOK XIII. CHAP. X. v_s^^_/ 1814. 1180 III STORY OF THE WARS BOOK XIII. CH A P.X. Jºzº V | SH 4. being now all on the south side of the Saranac, I directed the planks to be taken off the bridges and piled up in the form of breast-works, to cover our parties intended for disputing the passage, which afterwards enabled us to hold the bridges against very superior numbers. From the 7th to the 14th, the enemy was employed in getting on his battering train, and erecting his batteries and approaches, and constantly skirmishing at the bridges and fords. By this time the militia of New York and the volunteers of Vermont were pouring in from all quarters. I advised General Mooers to keep his force along the Saranac to prevent the enemy's crossing the river, and to send a strong body in his rear to harass him day and night, and keep him in continual alarm. The militia behaved with great spirit after the first day, and the volunteers of Vermont were exceed- in gly serviceable. Our regular troops, notwith- standing the constant skirmishing, and repeated endeavours of the enemy to cross the river, kept at their work day and night strengthening the de- fences, and evinced a determination to hold out to the last extremity. . It was reported that the enemy only waited the arrival of his flotilla to make a general attack. About eight in the even- ing of the 11th, as was expected, the flotilla ap- peared in sight round Cumberland Head, and at nine bore down and engaged at anchor in the bay off the town. At the same instant the bat- teries were opened on us, and continued throw- ing bomb-shells, shrapnells, balls, and Congreve ockets until sun-set, when the bombardment &eased, every battery of the enemy being silenced by the superiority of our fire. The naval engage- ment lasted but two hours, in full view of both armies. Three efforts were made by the enemy to pass the river at the commencement of the cannonade and bombardment, with a view of as- saulting the works, and they had prepared for that purpose an immense number of scaling-lad- ders. One attempt to cross was made at the vil- lage bridge, another at the upper bridge, and a third at a ford about three miles from the works. At the two first he was repulsed by the regulars —at the ford by the brave volunteers and militia, where he suffered severely in killed, wounded, and º a considerable body crossed the stream, ut were either killed, taken, or driven back. The woods at this place were very favorable to the operations of the militia. A whole company of the 76th regiment was here destroyed, the three lieutenants and twenty-seven men prisoners, the captain and the rest killed. I cannot forego the pleasure of here stating the gallant conduct of Captain M’Glassin, of the 15th regiment, who was ordered to ford the river, and attack a party constructing, a battery on the right of the enemy's line, within 500 yards of Fort Brown, which he handsomely executed at midnight, with fifty men; drove off the working party, consisting of 150, and defeated a covering party of the same number, killing one officer and six men in the charge, and wounding many. At dusk the enemy withdrew his artillery from the batteries, and raised the siege; and at nine, under cover of the night, sent off, in a great hurry, all the bag- gage he could find transport for, and also his ar- tillery. At two the next morning the whole army precipitately retreated, leaving the sick and wounded to our generosity; and the governor left a note with a surgeon, requesting the humane attention of the commanding-general. “Vast quantities of provision were left behind and destroyed, also an immense quantity of bomb-shells, cannon-balls, grape-shot, ammunition, flints, &c., entrenching tools of all sorts, also tents and mar- quees. A #. deal has been found concealed in ponds and creeks, and buried in the ground, and a vast quantity carried off by the inhabitants. Such was the precipitance of his retreat, that he arrived at Chazy, a distance of eight miles, before we dis- covered he had gone. The light troops, volun- teers, and militia, pursued immediately on learning of his flight, and some of the mounted men made prisoners five dragoons of the 19th regiment, and several others of the rear-guard. A continual fall of rain and a violent storm prevented further pur- suit. Upwards of 300 deserters have come in, and many are hourly arriving. We have buried the British officers of the army and navy with the honors of war, and shewn every attention and kindness to those who have fallen into our hands. The conduct of the officers, non-commissioned officers, and soldiers of my command, during the trying occasion, cannot be represented in too high terms. (Signed) “ALEx. MACOMB. “The loss of the enemy in killed, wounded, prisoners, and deserters, since his first appear- ance, cannot fall short of 2,500.” It is scarcely possible to conceive the degree of mortification and disappointment which the intelligence of this defeat created in Great Bri- tain. Troops, which had been victorious in Spain and France; which had not only fought and con- quered under Wellington, but which had received his particular commendation for their steadiness and bravery, had been defeated by the Ameri- cans,—by men who could scarcely be called sol- diers;–who but a few months before had run from the Canadian militia:—and not only had the he- roes of the Peninsula fled before such raw troops, but also before a very inferior force ; since Sir George Prevost had at least 14,000 men, while the American army was not half that number. In Canada the complaints were loud and gene- ral against Sir George Prevost; and Sir James Yeo, who commanded his majesty's ships and vessels on the lakes, distinctly gave it as his opi- OF THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 1181 ** nion, in his official dispatch, that captain Downie was urged and his ship hurried into action before she was in a fit state to meet the enemy: he also gave it as his opinion, that there was not the least necessity for the British squadron giving the enemy such decided advantages, by going into their bay to engage them; since, even if they had been successful, it would not in the least have as- sisted the troops in storming the batteries;— whereas, he added, had the troops taken the bat- teries first, it would have obliged the squadron of the enemy to quit the bay, and thus given the British a fair chance. After the defeat of the flo- tilla, it was said, that the officers of the army were of opinion they could have taken Plattsburgh, and that they obeyed Sir G. Prevost's orders for a retreat with reluctance and murmuring. During this time a considerable force, under General Drummond, was actively employed in besieging Fort Erie. On the 17th of September, the Americans stationed in that fort, joined by volunteers from the militia, made a sortie with their whole force, estimated at 5,000 men, upon the entrenched position of Major-general de Wat- teville, occupied by the 8th and de Watteville's regiments. #. cover of a heavy fire from Fort Erie, and much favored by the nature of the ground, and also by the state of the weather, the rain falling in torrents, they succeeded in turning the right of the picquets without being perceived, and with a very considerable force attacked both the picquets and support in their flank and rear. At the same time another of the enemy's columns attacked in front the picquets between No. 2 and No. 3 batteries, and having succeeded in pene- trating by No. 4 picquet, part of his force turned to his left, and thereby surrounded our right, and got almost immediate possession of No. 3 battery. The enemy then directed his attacks with a very superior force towards No. 2 battery, but the ob- stinate resistance made by the picquets, under every possible disadvantage, delayed considera- bly his getting possession of No. 2 battery, in which, however, he at last succeeded. As soon as the alarm was given, the 1st brigade being the next for support, composed of the Royal Scots, the 82d, and 9th regiments, under Lieute- nant-colonel Gordon, received orders to march for- ward, and also the light demi-brigade, under Lieu- tenant-colonel Pearson; the 6th regiment remain- ing in reserve, under Lieutenant-colonel Campbell. From the Concession-road, the Royal Scots, with the 89th as support, moved by the New-road, and met the enemy near the block-house, on the right of No. 3 battery, whom they engaged, and by their steady and intrepid conduct checked his further progress. The 82d regiment and three companies of the 6th regiment were detached to the left, in order to support No. 1 and 2 batteries: The enemy having at that time possession of No. Book XIII, 2 battery, and still pushing forward seven com- panies of the 82d, under Major Proctor, and the three companies of the 6th, under Major Taylor, received directions to oppose the enemy's forces, and immediately charged them with the most intrepid bravery, driving them back across the entrenchments, and also from No. 2 battery, thereby preventing their destroying it, or damag- ing its guns in a considerable degree; Lieutenant- colonel Pearson, with the Glengarry light infan- try, under Lieutenant-colonel Battersby, pushed forward by the centre road, attacked and carried with great gallantry the new entrenchment then in full possession of the enemy. The enemy being thus repulsed at every point, was forced to retire with precipitation to their works, leaving 200 prisoners and wounded. The loss of the British in this affair was, how- ever, very serious, consisting of about 600 killed, wounded, and missing. On the evening of the 21st, General Drummond was under the neces- sity of raising the siege, and commencing a re- treat, in which he was followed and harassed by the American army. .” The idea of blockading 2,000 miles of the Ame- rican coast by a British fleet was ridiculed by the inhabitants of the United States; and the captain of a brig of war issued the following curious pro- clamation:—“Whereas it has become customary with the admirals of Great Britain, commanding the small forces on the coast of the United States, particularly Sir John Borlase Warren and Sir Alexander Cochrane, to declare all the coast of the said United States in a state of strict and rigorous blockade, without possessing the power to justify such a declaration, or stationing an adequate force to maintain said blockade: º, do, therefore, by virtue of the power and authority in me vested, (possessing sufficient force), declare all the ports, harbours, bays, creeks, rivers, inlets, outlets, is- lands, and sea-coast of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland in a strict and rigorous blockade. I do further declare, that I consider the force under my command adequate to main- tain strictly, rigorously, and effectually, the said blockade. And I do hereby require the respec- tive officers, whether captains, commanders, or commanding-officers, under my command, em- ployed or to be employed on the coast of England, Ireland, or Scotland, to pay strict attention to the execution of this my proclamation. And I do hereby caution and forbid the ships and vessels of all and every nation in amity and peace with the United States, from entering, or attempting to enter, or from coming, or attempting to come, out of any of the said ports, harbours, bays, creeks, rivers, inlets, outlets, islands, or sea- coast, under any pretence whatsoever. And, that no person may plead ignorance of this my procla- 6 Char. X. \ºvº 1814. 1182 HISTORY OF THE WARS BOOKXIII. mation, I have ordered the same to be made pub- CRAF. X. v_s^^,” 1814. lic in England. Given under my hand, on-board the Chasseur, day and date as above. “Thos. Boy L.E. “By command of the commanding-officer, “J. J. STOUSBURY, Sec.” We shall now turn our attention to the pro- ceedings of the American government at this momentous crisis. Congress assembled at Wash- ington on the 20th of September, when they re- ceived a message from the president, from which we shall make an extract. It began thus:—“Not- withstanding the early day which had been fixed for your session of the present year, I was in- duced to call you together still sooner, as well that any inadequacy in the existing provisions for the wants of the treasury might be supplied, as that no delay might happen in providing for the result of the negociation on foot with Great Britain ; whether it should require arrangements adapted to a return of peace, or further and more effective provisions for prosecuting the war. The result is not yet known : if on one hand the re- peal of the orders in council, and the general pacification of Europe, which withdrew the occa- sion on which impressments from American ves- sels were practised, suggest expectations that peace and amity may be established, we are compelled on the other hand, by the refusal of the British government to accept the offered me- diation of the Emperor of Russia, by the delays in giving effect to its own proposals of a direct negociation; and, above all, by the principles and manner in which the war is now avowedly carried on, to infer that a strict hostility is indulged more violent than ever against the rights and rosperity of this country. This increased vio- ence is best explained by two important circum- stances, that the great contest in Europe for an equilibrium, guaranteeing all its states against the ambition of any, has been closed without: any check on the overbearing power of Great Britain on the ocean, and that it has left in her hands disposable armory, with which, forgetting the difficulties of a remote war against a free people, and yielding to the intoxication of success, with the example of a great victim to it before her eyes, she cherishes hopes of still farther aggran- dizing a power already formidable in its abuses to the tranquillity of the civilized and commercial work. But whatever may have inspired the enemy with these more violent purposes, the pub- lic councils of a nation, more able to maintain than it was to acquire its independence, and with a devotion to it rendered more ardent by the experience of its blessings, can never deliberate but on the means most effectual for defeating the extravagant measures of unwarrantable passion, with which alone the war can now be pursued against us. In the events of the present cam- paign, with all its augmented means and wanton use of them, he has little ground for exultation, unless he can feel it in the success of his recent enterprise against this metropolis and the neigh- bouring town of Alexandria, from both of which his retreats were as precipitate as his attempts were bold and fortunate. In his other incursions on our Atlantic frontier, his progress, often check- ed and chastised by the martial spirit of the neighbouring citizens, has had more effect in distressing individuals and in dishonoring his arms, than in promoting any object of legitimate warfare. And in the two instances mentioned, however deeply to be regretted on our part, in his transient success, which interrupted for a moment only the ordinary public business at the seat of government, ho compensation can accrue for the loss of character with the world, by his violation of private property, and his destruction of public edifices, protected as monuments of the arts by the laws of civilized warfare. On our side we can appeal to a series of achievements which have given new lustre to the American arms. Besides the brilliant incidents in the minor operations of the campaign, the splendid victories gained on the Canadian side of the Niagara by the American forces under Major- ſº Brown and Brigadiers Scott and Gaines, ave gained for these heroes and their emulated companions the most unfading laurels, and hav- ing triumphantly proved the progressive disci- pline of the American soldiery, have taught the enemy that the longer he protracts his hostile efforts, the more certain and decisive will be his final discomfiture. On the southern border vic- tory has continued also to follow the American standard. The bold and skilful operations of Major-general Jackson, conducting troops drawn from the militia of the states least distant, par- ticularly of Tenessee, having subdued the prin- cipal tribes of hostile savages, and by establish- ing a peace with them, preceded by recent and exemplary chastisement, we have guarded against the mischief of their co-operations with the British enterprises which may be planned against this quarter of our country. Important tribes of In- dians on our north-western frontier have also acceded to stipulations which bind them to the interest of our United States, and to consider our enemies as their's also. “In the recent attempts of the enemy on Bahti- more, defended by militia and volunteers, aided by a small body of regulars and seamen, he was received with a spirit which produced a rapid retreat to his ships, whilst a concurrent attack b a large fleet was successfully resisted by the steady and well-directed fire of the fort and bat- teries opposed to it. In another recent attack, b a powerful force, on our troops at Plattsburg, of *** * iº of the FRENch REVOLUTION. 1183 ººm- < * which regulars made a part only, the enemy, after a perseverance of many hours, was finally compelled to seek safety in a hasty retreat, our gallant bands pressing upon him. On the lakes, so much contested throughout the war, the great exertions for the cominand made on our part have been well repaid on Lake Ontario. Our squadron is now, and has been for some time, in a condition to confine that of the enemy to his own port, and to ſavor the operations of our land forces on that frontier. On Lake Champlain, where our superiority had for some time been un- disputed, the British squadron lately came into ac- tion with the American, commanded by Captain M“Donnough; it issued in the capture p the whole of the enemy's ships. The best praise of this officer and his intrepid comrades is in the likeness of his triumph to the illustrious victory which immortalized another officer, and esta- blished, at a critical moment, our command of another lake. On the ocean, the pride of our naval arms has been amply supported: a second frigate has indeed fallen into the hands of the enemy, but the loss is hidden in the blaze of he- roism with which she was defended. Captain Por- ter, who commanded her, and whose previous ca- reer had been distinguished by daring enterprise and by fertility of genius, maintained a sangui- nary contest against two ships, one of them supe- rior to his own, and other severe disadvantages, till humanity tore down the colours which valour had nailed to the mast. This officer and his com- rades have added much to the glory of the Ame- rican flag, and have merited all the effusions of gratitude which their country is ever ready to be- stow on the champions of its rights and of its safety. “Two smaller vessels-of-war have also become prizes to the enemy, but by superiority of force, which sufficiently vindicates the reputation of their commanders; whilst two others, one commanded by Captain Warrington, the other by Captain Blakely, have captured British ships of the same class, with a gallantry and good conduct which . entitled them and their commanders to a just share in the praise of their country. In spite of the naval forces of the enemy accumulated on our coasts, our private cruisers also have not ceased to annoy his commerce, and to bring their rich prizes into our ports: contributing thus, with other proofs, to demonstrate the incompetency and the illegality of a blockade, the proclamation of which has been made the pretext for vexing and discouraging the commerce of neutral-powers with the United States. “To meet the extended and diversified warfare adopted by the enemy, great bodies of militia have been taken into the service of the public de- fence, and great expenses incurred: That the de- fence every, where may be both more convenient and more economical, Congress will see the ne- Book xIII. cessity of immediate measures of filling the ranks of the regular army, and enlarging the provisions for special corps, mounted and dismounted, to be engaged for a longer period of service than are due from the militia. I earnestly renew, at the same time, a recommendation of such changes in the system of the militia as, by classing and dis- ciplining, on the most prompt and active service, the portion most capable of it, will give to that resource for the public safety all the requisite. energy and efficiency. A part of the squadron on Lake Erie has been extended to Lake Huron, and has produced the advantage of displaying our command of that lake also. One object of the expedition was the reduction of Mackinan, which failed, with the loss of a few brave men, among whom was an officer distinguished for his gallant exploits; and the expedition, ably con- ducted both by land and naval commanders, was. otherwise valuable in its effects. The monies re- ceived into the treasury, during the nine months ending the 18th of June last, amounted to 32,000,000 of dollars, of which 11,000,000 were the proceeds of the public revenue, and the re- mainder derived from loans. The disbursements for public expenditures during the same period. exceed 34,000,000 of dollars, and left in the trea- sury on the 1st of July near 5,000,000 of dollars. The demands during the remainder of the pre- sent year, already authorised by Congress, and the expenses incident to an extension of the ope- rations of the war, will render it necessary #. large sums should be provided to meet them. . From this view of the national affairs, Congress will be urged to take up without delay, as well the subject of pecuniary supplies as that of military force, and on a scale commensurate with the extent and character which the war has as- sumed. “It is not to be disguised, that the situation of our country calls for its greatest efforts: our enemy is powerful in men and money, on the land and on the water; availing himself of fortu- nate circumstances, he is aiming, with an undi- vided force, a deadly blow at our growing pros- perity, perhaps at our national existence. He has avowed his purpose of trampling on the usages of civilized warfare, and given earnest of it in the plunder and wanton destruction of private pro-. perty, º tº - tº º “In the pride of maritime dominion, and in his thirst of commercial monopoly, he strikes with peculiar animosity at the progress of our naviga- tion and manufactures: his barbarous policy has . not even spared those monuments of, taste with which our country had enriched and embelfished our infant metropolis. From such an adversary, . hostility in its greatest force and worst forms may be looked for. The Aºn people will face CHAP. X. ~º"NZº-Z 1814. 1184 HISTORY OF THE WARS BOOK XIII. CHAP. X. _*NZºº 1814. *—- it with the undaunted spirit which, in their revo- lutionary war, defeated his unrighteous projects: his threats and his barbarities, instead of dismay, will kindle in every bosom an indignation not to be extinguished, but in the disaster and expulsion of such cruel invaders. In providing the means necessary, the national legislator will not distrust the enlightened patriotism of his constituents. They will cheerfully and proudly bear every bur- then, of every kind, which the safety and honor of the nation demands. We have seen them every where give their taxes, direct and indirect, with the greatest promptness and alacrity: we have seen them rushing with enthusiasm to scenes where danger and duty call; and offering their blood they give their surest pledge that no other tribute will be withheld.” The message concluded with stating, that Ame- rica had not declared war till nearly 1,000 of her vessels had been captured, and several thousands of her sea-faring citizens impressed; and until a final declaration had been made by the govern- ment of Great Britain, that her hostile orders against their commerce would not be revoked but on conditions as impossible as unjust. The United States, on the contrary, had manifested on every occasion, and in every proper mode, a sincere desire to meet the enemy on the ground of justice; while this circumstance, and their re- solution to defend their beloved country, and to oppose the enemy's persevering hostility with all their energy, still retaining an undiminished dis- position towards peace on honorable terms, must carry with it the good wishes of the impartial world, and the best hopes of support from an om- nipotent and kind providence. That part of the message of the president which ºd to finances was referred to a com- mittee of ways and means, who made their report in the course of the same month. It began by stating, that the resources for carrying on the war must consist in taxes, loans, and treasury-notes. With respect to the first, they could not be col- lected in time to meet the immediate demands of the war; as to loans, a reliance on them, under the circumstances of the country, must be uncer- tain; and, if obtained, the terms would be exor- bitant. Treasury-notes, therefore, must be had recourse to, and they would be of general service to supply a medium of circulation which would pass current in every part of the United States. At present, the principal banks in the middle states had stopped payment; while the notes of those banks ... still were in credit would not pass out of the particular state where they were issued. In order to secure the circulation of the treasury-notes, it would be proper to issue them in small sums for the ordinary purposes of society; —to allow the holders to fund them, with an in- terest of eight per cent.;—to make them payable to bearer;-to make them receivable in all pay- ments for public lands and taxes;– to pledge for the payment of the interest so much of the inter- nal duties as shall be necessary. With regard to new taxes, the committee re- marked that several manufactures, which had grown up in the United States, in consequence of the war having shut them out from foreign mar- kets, were in such a flourishing condition that they would bear to be taxed; and with taxes on them, they proposed to unite a pledge of the pub- lic faith for the continuance of the double duties till these taxes were repealed. They then gave in the resolutions which they deemed necessary: first, to continue the direct tax, and to increase it to fifty per cent.: second, to increase the duty on spirits by an additional duty of twelve and a half cent, on the gallon: third, to add 100 per cent. to the duties on sales by auction: fourth, to add fifty per cent. to the duty on the conveyance of papers and letters: and, lastly, to impose a duty on different manufactured articles. The estimate of the amount of the proposed increase and of the new duties was 11,635,000 dollars; while the revenue under the old system of taxation was only 10,800,000: thus, at one stroke, doubling the taxation. The list of the manufactured articles that it was proposed to tax, and the amount of the tax laid on each article, give some insight into the progress of manufactures in the United States at this period: from this list it appeared that the manufacture of hats was in a flourishing condi- tion; the amount of the duties to be levied on them was 600,000 dollars; the next article pointed out the improvements which the United States had made in the manufacture of cotton : “cot- ton-yarn, spun by the aid of machinery, worked by steam or water,400,000 spindles at twenty-five cents, 100,000 dollars.”—The various manufac- tures of leather were calculated to consume 18,000,000 pounds; and even the manufacture of goat and sheep-skins, to resemble Spanish lea- ther, appeared to be so far advanced as to be able to bear a tax. The next class of manufactures taxed were those of iron; viz. 300,000 tons of pig-iron, 100,000 tons of cast-iron, 100,000 tons of bar-iron. The quantity of beer, ale, and porter manufactured and taxed was estimated at 6,000,000 dollars. The next article of taxation was a sin- gular one: it was called the furniture-tax; ex- cluding beds, kitchen-furniture, carpets, and cur- tains of domestic manufacture; and also all fur- niture which on the whole was not of the value of 200 dollars. The estimate of this tax was made on a supposition that the United States contained 800,000 families; of, which there were 259,000 exempt, as possessing less than 200 dollars worth; 300,000 families, who possessed between 200 and 400 dollars; 100,000 yº possessed between 400. O F THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. I 18.5 *i- -*--- --~~~~g -º-º-ss- and 500; 75,000 who possessed between 600 and 1,000; 25,000 who possessed between 1,000 and 1,500; 15,000 who possessed between 1,500 and 2,000; [0,000 who possessed between 2,000 and 3,000; 10,000 who possessed between 3,000 and 4,000; the same number who possessed be- tween 4,000 and 6,000; 5,000 who possessed be- tween 6,000 and 9,000; and 1,000 who possessed furniture worth above 9,000 dollars. The next important article was paper, which, however, was taxed only to the amount of 30,000 dollars. The number of vats was estimated at 2,000. Nails made by machinery were of considerable conse- quence, as their weight was estimated at 20,000,000 pounds, and they were taxed at one cent per pound. The number of gold watches was esti- mated at 250,000; of silver ones at the same number; and of playing cards at 400,000 packs. In the mean time, the commissioners of the two contending powers were actively engaged in Europe in negociations for the restoration of peace. It has already been mentioned, that after a proposal on the part of the Americans to treat under the mediation of Russia had been declined by the British government, it was mutually agreed upon that Gottenburghshould be the place for holding the conferences. Circumstances af- terwards produced a change in favor of Ghent; at which city the British commissioners, Lord Gambier, Henry Golbourn, Esq., and William Adams, Esq. arrived on the 6th of August; the American commissioners, Messrs. J. Quincy Adams, J. A. Bayard, H. Clay, and Jonathan Russell being there already. The proceedings of this negociation were laid before Congress by the president, on the 10th of October, in these words: —“I lay before Congress communications just received from the plenipotentiaries of the United States, charged with negociating peace with Great Britain, shewing the conditions on which alone that government is willing to put an end to the war.” This message was accompanied by a num- ber of documents, from which we shall select th following. *-ºs sº The British and American commissioners having met on the 8th of August, their full powers were respectively produced, which were found satis- factory, and copies thereof were exchanged. The British commissioners stated the following subjects as those upon which it appeared to them that the discussions between themselves and the American commissioners would be likely to turn:— 1. The forcible seizure of mariners from on- board merchant-ships on the high seas, and in connection with it the right of the King of Great Britain to the allegiance of all his native subjects. 2. That the peace be extended to the Indian allies of Great Britain, and that the boundary of their territory be definitely marked out, as a per- manent barrier between the dominions of Great Britain and the United States. An arrangement on this subject to be a sine qua non of a treaty of peace. 3. A revision of the boundary-line between the British and American territories, with the view to prevent future uncertainty and dispute. The British commissioners requested informa- tion whether the American commissioners were instructed to enter into negociation on the above points. But before they desired any answer, they felt it right to communicate the intentions of their government as to the North American fisheries, viz. that the British government did not intend to grant to the United States gratui- tously, the privileges formerly granted by treaty to them, of fishing within the limits of the Bri- tish sovereignty, and of using the shores of the British territories for purposes connected with the fisheries. $ The meeting being adjourned to the 9th of August, the commissioners met again on that day. The American commissioners at this meeting stated, that upon the first and third points pro- posed by the British commissioners they were provided with instructions from their government, and that the second and fourth of these points were not provided for in their instructions. That in relation to an Indian pacification, they knew that the government of the United States had appointed commissioners to treat of peace with the Indians, and that it was not improbable that peace had been made with them. The American commissioners presented fur- ther subjects considered by the government of the United States as suitable for discussion. 1. A definition of blockade, and, as far as . be agreed, of other neutral and belligerent rights. 2. Certain claims of indemnity to individuals for captures and seizures preceding and subse- quent to the war. 3. They further stated, that there were various other points to which their instructions extended, which might with propriety be objects of discus- sion, either in the negociation of the peace, or in that of a treaty of commerce, which, in the case of a propitious termination of the present confer- ences, they were likewise authorised to conclude. That, for the purpose of facilitating the first and most essential object of peace, they had discarded every subject which was not considered as pecu- liarly connected with that, and presented only those points which appeared to be immediately relevant to this negociation. The American commissioners expressed their wish to receive from the British commissioners a statement of the views and objects of Great Bri- tain upon all the points, and their willingness to discuss them all. BOOK XIII, Ch Ar. X. Neº-A*- 1814. | 186 ill S'I'OR Y OF THE WARS BOOK XII]. -* * CHA P.X. Jºº-' 1814. -—ar- ~I. They, the American commissioners, were asked, whether, if those of Great Britain should enter further upon this discussion, particularly respect- ing the Indian boundary, the American commis- sioners could expect that it would terminate by some provisional arrangement, which they could conclude, subject to the ratification of their go- vernment? They answered, that as any arrangement to which they could agree upon the subject must be without specific authority from their government, it was not possible for them, previous to discus- sion, to decide whether any article on the subject could be formed which would be mutually satis- factory, and to which they should think them: selves, under their discretionary powers, justified in acceding. At a subsequent meeting, on the 10th of August, the British commissioners endeavoured to per- suade the American commissioners, that it would be desirable that the American government should give up many places, of which they were still in possession, for the purpose of rendering the limits of Canada more precise and secure; but on this point the American commissioners were immove- able :-the British commissioners also expressed their surprise that no instructions had been given by the government of the United States to treat at the congress of Ghent with respect to peace with the Indians. Soon afterwards the British commissioners ad- dressed the following note to the American com- missioners:—“The undersigned plenipotentiaries of his Britannic majesty do themselves the honor of acquainting the flºp. of the United States, that they have communicated to their court the result of the conference which they had the honor of holding with them upon the 9th instant, in which they stated, that they were un- provided with any specific instructions as to com- prehending the Indian nations in a treaty of peace to be made with Great Britain, and as to defining a boundary to the Indian territory, “The undersigned are instructed to acquaint the plenipotentiaries of the United States, that his majesty’s government having, at the outset of the negociation, with a view to the speedy restora- tion of peace, reduced, as far as possible, the number of points to be discussed, and having professed themselves willing to forego, on some important topics, any stipulation to the advantage of Great Britain, cannot but feel some surprise that the government of the United States should not have furnished their plenipotentiaries with instructions upon those points which could hardly fail to come under discussion. “Under the inability of the American plenipo- tentiaries to conclude any article upon the subject of Indian pacification and Indian boundary, which shall bind the government of the United States, —h- his majesty's government conceive that they cannot give a better proof of their sincere de- sire for the restoration of peace, than by pro- fessing their willingness to accept a provisional article upon those heads, in the event of the American plenipotentiaries considering themselves authorised to accede to the general principles up- on, which such an article ought to be founded. With a view to enable the American plenipoten- tiaries to decide how far the conclusion of such an article is within the limit of their general dis- cretion, the undersigned are directed to state fully and distinctly the basis upon which alone Great Britain sees any prospect of advantage in the continuance of the negociations at the present time. “The undersigned have already had the honor of stating to the American plenipotentiaries, that in considering the points above referred to as sine # non of any treaty of peace, the view of the ritish government is the permanent tranquillity and security of the Indian nations, and the pre- vention of those jealousies and irritations to which the frequent alteration of the Indian limits has heretofore given rise. “For this purpose it is indispensably necessary that the Indian nations who have been, during the war, in alliance with Great Britain, should, at the termination of the war, be included in the pacification. “It is equally necessary that a definite boundary should be assigned to the Indians, and that the contracting parties should guarantee the integrity of their territory, by a mutual stipulation, not to acquire by purchase, or otherwise, any territory within the specified limits. The British govern- ment are willing to take, as the basis of an article on this subject, those stipulations of the treaty of Grenville, subject to modifications, which re- late to a boundary line. “As the undersigned are desirous of stating every point in connection with the subject which may reasonably influence the decision of the American plenipotentiaries in the exercise of their discretion, they avail themselves of this opportu- nity to repeat what they have already stated, that Great Britain desires the revision of the frontier between her North American dominions and those of the United States, not with any view to an acquisition of territory, as such, but for the pur- pose of securing her possessions and preventing future disputes. “The British government consider the lakes; from Lake Ontario to Lake Superior, both inclu- sive, to be the natural military #. of the Bri- tish possessions in North America. As the weaker- power on the North American continent, the least capable of acting offensively, and the most expos- ed to sudden invasion, Great Britain considers the military occupation of these lakes as necessary to. OF THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 1187 *-* *- -- --- *** * * **-*-- ~ * -º-º: Lº- ** ***-* -ºº-ºº sº, * * * * **** ** -- -------- - ------...-a, -º-º-º-a--- *** - the security of her dominions. . A boundary-line equally dividing these waters, with a right to each nation to arm, both upon the lakes and upon their shores, is calculated to create a contest for naval ascendancy in peace as well as in war. The power which occupies these lakes should, as a necessary result, have the military occupation of both shores. | “In furtherance of this object, the British go- vernment is prepared to propose a boundary : but as this might be misconstrued as an intention to extend their possessions to the southward of the lakes, which is by no means the object they have in view, they are disposéd to leave the ter- ritorial limits undisturbed, and as incident to thein, the free commercial navigation of the lakes, pro- vided that the American government will stipu- late not to maintain, or construct, any fortifications upon, or within a limited distance of the shores, or maintain, or construct; any armed vessels upon the lakes in question, or in the rivers which empty themselves into the same. ... . . . . . . “If this can be adjusted, there will then remain for discussion the arrangement of the north- western boundary between Lake Superior and the Mississippi, the free navigation of that river, and such a vacation of the line of frontier as may secure a direct communication between Quebec and Halifax. i ... “The undersigned trust that the full statement which they have made of the views and objects of the British government in requiring the paci- fication of the Indian nations, and a permanent limit to their territories, will enable the American plenipotentiaries to conclude a provisional article upon the basis above stated. Should they feel it necessary to refer to the government of the United States for further instructions, the undersigned feel it incumbent upon them to acquaint the Ame- rican plenipotentiaries, that the government can- not be precluded, by any thing that has passed, from varying the terms now proposed, in such manner as the state of the war, at the time of resuming the conferences may, in their judgment, render advisable. “The undersigned avail themselves of this occasion to renew to the plenipotentiaries of the United States the assurance of their high consi- deration. (Signed) “ GAMBIER, “ HENRY Goulborn, “ WILLIAM ADAMs. “Ghent, August 19, 1814.” Before the American commissioners received the above note, they sentamost importantletter to their overnment, which we shall subjoin. It is ad- j to Mr. Monroe, secretary of state, and dated Ghent, 19th of August. “Sir-Mr. Baker, secretary to the British mis- 81. sion, called upon us to-day at one o'clock, and BOOKXIII, invited us to a conference to be held at three. This was agreed to, and the British commissioners opened it by saying, that they had received their further instructions this morning, and had not lost a moment in requesting a meeting, for the pur- pose of communicating the decision of their go- vernment. It is proper to notice, that Lord Cas- tlereagh had arrived last night in this city, whence, it is said, he will depart to-morrow, on his way to Brussels and Vienna. “The British commissioners stated, that their go- vernment had felt some surprise that we were not instructed respecting the Indians; as it could not have been expected that they would leave their al- lies in their comparatively weak situation, exposed to our resentment. Great Britain might justly have ſº ºne- CuAP. X. 1814. supposed, that the American government would have furnished us with instructions, authorizing us to agree to a positive article on the subject ; but the least she could demand was, that we should sign a provisional article, admitting the principle, subject to the ratification of our govern- ment; so that if it should be ratified, the treaty should take effect; and if not, that it should be null and void : on our assent or refusal to admit such an article would depend the continuance or suspension of the negociation. “As we had represented that the proposition made by them on that subject was not sufficiently explicit, their government had directed them to give us every necessary explanation, and to state distinctly the basis which must be considered as an indispensable preliminary. “It was a sine qua non, that the Indians should be included in the pacification, and as incident thereto, that the boundaries of their territory should be permanently established. Peace with the In- dians was a subject so simple as to require no comment. With respect to the boundaries which were to divide their territory from that of the United States, the object of the British govern- ment was, that the Indians should remain as a permanent barrier between our western settle- ments and the adjacent British provinces, to pre- vent them from being counterminous to each other, and that neither the United States nor Great Britain should ever hereafter have the right to purchase or acquire any part of the territory thus recognised as belonging to the Indians. With regard to the extent of the Indian territory, and the boundary-line, the British government would propose the lines of the Grenville treaty, as a proper basis, subject, however, to discussions and modifications. “We stated, that the Indian territory, accord- ing to these lines, would tº a great number of American citizens, not less, perhaps, than one hundred thousand; and what was the intention of the Biº government respecting HI88 HISTORY OF THE WARS -rººm- Bookxiii, them, and under whose government they would CHAP, X. N_^^*. 13.14. fall ? It was answered, that those settlements would be taken into consideration when the line became a subject of discussion ; but that such of the inhabitants as would ultimately be included within the Indian territory must make their own arrangements and provide for themselves. “ The British commissioners here said, that considering the importance of the question, we had to decide, (that of agreeing to a provisional ar- ticle) their government had thought it right that we should also be fully informed of its views with respect to the proposed revision of the boundary- line between the dominion of Great Britain and the United States. 1st. “Experience had proved that the joint possession of the lakes, and a right common to both nations to keep up a naval force on them, necessarily produced collisions, and rendered peace insecure. As Great Britain could not be supposed to expect to make conquests in that quarter, and as the province was essentially weaker than the United States, and exposed to invasion, it was necessary for its security that Great Britain should require that the United States should hereafter keep noarmed naval force on the western lakes from Lake Ontario to Lake Superior, both inclusive ; that they should not erect any fortified or military post or establishment on the shores of those lakes; and that they should not maintain those which were already existing. This must, they said, be considered as a moderate demand, since Great Britain, if she had not disclaimed the intention of any increase of territory, might with propriety have asked a cession of the adjacent American shores. The commercial navigation, and inter- course would be left on the same footing as here- tofore. It was expressly stated (in answer to a question asked) that Great Britain was to re- tain the right of having an armed naval force on those lakes, and holding military posts or esta- blishments on their shores. 2. “The boundary-line west of Lake Superior, and thence to the Mississippi, to be revised, and the treaty right of Great Britain to the navigation of the Mississippi to be continued. . They were asked whether they did not mean the line from the Lake of the Woods to the Mississippi'? The British commissioners repeated, that they meant the line from Lake Superior to that river. 3. “A direct communication from Halifax and the province of New Brunswick to Quebec to be secured to Great Britain. In answer to our question in what manner this was to be effected, we were told that it must be done by a cession to Great Britain of that portion of the distriet of Maine (in the state of Massachusetts) which inter- venes between New Brunswick and Quebec, and prevents that direct communication. ºwning -*-*ws, *— to the proposed provisional article respecting the Indian pacification and boundary, the British com- missioners eoncluded by stating to us, that if the conferences should be º by our, refusal to agree to such an article, without having obtain- ed further instructions from Gur government, Great Britain would, not consider herself bound to abide by the terms which she now offered, but would be at liberty to vary and regulate her demands according to subsequent events, and in such manner as the state, of the was, at the time, of renewing the ...negociations, might warrant. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . “We asked whether the statement made re- specting the proposed revisiºn of the bóundary-line between the United States and the dominions of Great Britain, embraced all: the ebjects she meant to bring forward for discussion, and what were part ticularly, her views with respect, fo. Moose Island, and such other islands, in, the bay, of Passama- quoddy as had been in our possession till the pre- sent war, but had been lately, captured? We were answered, that islands, belonging of right to Great Britain (as much so, one of the commis- sioners said, as Northamptonshire), they would certainly be kept by her, and were not even supposed to be an object of discussion. “From the forcible, manner in which the de- mand, that the United States should keep no naval armed force on the Lakes; now any militar post on their shores, had been brought ſº we were induced to enquire whether this was a sine qua non 2 To which the British commis- sioners declined giving a positive answer. They said, they had been sufficiently explicit; that they had given us one sine qua non, and when we had disposed of that, it would be time enough to give us an answer as to another. . . “We then stated, that considering the nature and importance of the communication made this day, we wished the British commissioners to re- duce their proposals to writing, before we gave them an answer; this they agreed to, and promised to send us an official note without delay. “We need hardly say, that the demands of Great Britain will receive from us an unanimous and decided negative. We do not deem it ne- cessary to detain the John Adams, for the purpose of transmitting to you the official notes which may pass on the subject, and close the negociation; and we felt it our duty immediately to apprize you, by this hasty, but correct sketch of our last confer- ence, that there is not at present any hope of peace. “We have the honor to be, &c. “John Quincy, ADAMs, “J. A. BAYARD, “ H. CLAY, “JonA RussBLL, “ALBERT GALLATIN.” (..) F THE 11.89 FIRENCH H EVOLUTION. - - - - When these documents were laid before Con- gress, they excited the greatest indignation. A celebrated writer very justly observed, that, the British government had been tricked into bring- ing forward demands, which it had not the power to enforce; and those demands were made the means of uniting against it the whole American people. Such was the consequence of talking instead of acting ; of looking very big in the conferenees at Ghent, and very little in the conflicts on Lake Erie and Lake Champlain!” It was, indeed, a very fortunate circumstance for the government of the United States, that, at so momentous a crisis, such, an opportunity offered itself of pro- curing, an acquiescence in the measures necessary for continuing the war. Before the negociations at Glient were known, meetings had been held in several of the states to consider of the means for the general safety; and at Albany, in the state of New York, strong resolutions had been adopted against the government. On the 8th of October, an alarming proceeding took place in the legisla- ture of Massachusetts, which had for its object to appoint a Congress for the separation of the northern provinces from the confederacy. A re- port was presented from a committee, to which a message from the governor respecting the war had been referred. After an introduction, charg- ing, in warm and direct terms, the government of the United States with having brought a ruinous and unnecessary war upon the country, and having neglected the proper means of defence, the committee declared their conviction that the constitution of the United States had failed to se- cure to the eastern section of the union those equal rights and benefits which were the great objects of its formation. “The people, however, (they said) possess the means of certain redress; and when their safety, which is the supreme law, is in question, these means should be promptly applied. The framers of the constitution made provision to amend defects which were known to be incident to every human institution; and the provision itself was not less liable to be found defective upon experiment, than other parts of the instrument. When this deficiency becomes appa- rent, no reason can preclude the right of the whole people, who were parties to it, to adopt another.” After some further reasoning on this head, they re- ported the three following resolutions:-1: “That the calamities of war being now brought home to the territory of this commonwealth—a portion of it being in the occupation of the enemy, our sea- coast and rivers being invaded in several places, and in all exposed to immediate danger—the people of Massachusetts are impelled, by the duty of self-defence, and by all the feelings and attachments which bind good citizens to their country, to unite in the most vigorous measures for defending the state and expelling the invader; and no party feelings GI" political dissensions ean BOOK XIII. ever interfere with the discharge of this exalted duty:—2. That persons be appointed as delegates from the legislature, to meet and conier with dele- gates from the states of New England, or any of them, upon the subjects of their public grievances and concerns, and upon the best means of preserv- ing our resources, and of defence against the enemy; and to devise and sugges', for adoption by those respective states, such measures as they may deem expedient; and also to take measures, if they shall think proper, for procuring a conven- tion of delegates from all the United States, in order to revise the constitution thereof, and more effectually to secure the support and attachment of all the people, by placing all upon the basis of fair representation :-3. That a circular letter, from this legislature, signed by the president of the senate and speaker of the house of represen- tatives, be addressed to the executive govern- ment of each of the said states, to be communicated to their legislatures, explaining the object of the proposed conference, and inviting them to concur in sending delegates therefo.” At a subsequent sitting, it was resolved, that the delegates from the different states should as- semble on the 12th of December. In the mean time, however, the John Adams frigate arrived from Ghent, the conditions pro- posed by the British government were promul- gated, and the whole project was immediately abandoned. A sudden turn was immediately given to the public feeling in America. The in- habitants of the state of New York, who had always been in opposition to the war, no sooner heard of the demands of the British government than they came to the following resolution:— “Resolved unanimously, that the house of assem- bly of the state of New York view, with mingled emotions of surprise and indignation, the extra- vagant and disgraceful terms proposed by the British commissioners at Ghent, that, however ardently they may desire the restoration of peace to their country, they can never consent to receive it at the sacrifice of national honor and dignity— that they therefore strongly recommend to the national legislature the adoption of the most vi- gorous and efficacious measures in the prosecution of the war, as the best means of bringing the con- test to an honorable termination, and of trans- mitting unimpaired to their posterity their rights, liberty, and independence.” In the house of representatives, after the mes- sage and letters from the commissioners had been read, a member moved that 5,000 copies should be printed for the use of the members. Mr. Hanson, a federalist, moved to amend the resolution, by inserting 10,000 copies in the place of 5,000. He said he was persuaded the inform- ation communicated in the message had awakened ('h AP X. 1814, 11.90 III STORY OF THE WARS BOOKXIII, but one feeling throughout the house, and stamp- CIIAF. X. ~ºvº 1814. ed the same impression on every member. It had always been his opinion that it became not the American government to stand on idle fri- volous etiquette, but to speak to the enemy, if indeed they desired to convert him to a friend, to speak to him frankly, plainly and directly, to the end that all ground for his doubting their since- rity might be removed. He trusted that it would appear, that their commissioners had been in- structed so to speak, and that they had so spoken. If, then, on fair and honorable terms proposed, England should have denied them peace—if other and new claims had been set up—if she had at- tempted to annex degrading and humiliating con- ditions—if she had presumed to trench upon their ascertained rights as hitherto acknºwledged and enjoyed—from that moment Mr. H.'s determina- tion had long since been formed to unite in sup- porting the most vigorous system of honorable war, with the hope of bringing the enemy to a sense of justice. Mr. H. was satisfied that nothing more was necessary to make the war national, than to convince the people that an honest and fair effort had been made to obtain peace, and it had been denied upon terms mutually honor- able. From that moment it ceased to be a party war, and of necessity became national. Mr. H. said he too well knew the party, with which it had been his pride and happiness to act, to doubt of their determining to bear a just share of the sa- crifices to be incurred in defending the honor of the nation in a war that becomes just. Forgetting, as far as possible, their objections to the adminis- tration—stifling their complaints, as far as might be, against the party that supported it, sacrificing all minor considerations, endeavouring to bury in oblivion the numerous wrongs inflicted upon their party; omitting, to every proper extent, a retrospect of the past, looking to the present and the future, for the purpose of staunching the bleeding wounds of their country, they would stand forth in this her hour of peril, in asserting and maintaining her established rights and honor. Mr. Oakley, of New York, said, that it was not necessary for him on this occasion to reiterate the sentiments of his honorable friend (Mr Han- son). His friend, he was confident, had expressed the feelings and opinions of those gentlemen with whom he was accustomed to act, on the nature and character of the demands and pretensions of the British government, as developed in the dis- patches just read to the house. He did not hesi- tate, in the fullest manner, to declare that those pretensions were utterly inadmissible under any circumstances. The resolution for printing 10,000 copies passed both houses unanimously. The next object which engaged the attention of the American government was the state of the fº. * * * *-*-* * * * * - - -- -- —---- - -º-º- -------- - army: a military committee was formed for the purpose, and, on the 17th of October, the secretary at war addressed a letter to them respecting the defects of the military establishment; in which he proposed that the military establishment then existing, amounting to 62,448 men, should be pre- served and made complete with the least possible delay ; that a perimanent force, consisting at least of 40,000 men, in addition, should be raised for the defence of the cities and frontiers; that the corps of engineers be enlarged; and that the ord- nance department be amended. This letter was accompanied with explanatory observations, which detailed a plan of a still more formidable descrip- tion, for augmenting the military force of the United States. In these observations there were several remarkable passages: it was distinctly stated, that if the United States sacrificed any right, or made any dishonorable concession to Britain, the spirit of the nation would be broken. “The United States must relinquish no rights, or perish in the struggle : there is no intermediate ground to rest on. A concession on one point leads directly to the surrender of every other.” “To bring the war to an honorable termination, we must not be content with defending ourselves. Different feelings must be touched and apprehen- sions excited in the British government.” “It cannot be doubted that it is in the power of the United States to expel the British forces from this continent.” From this view of the subject, the secretary at war concluded it would be necessary to bring into the field next campaign not less than 100,000 regular troops. For this purpose a bill was brought into Con- gress, entituled, An act to provide for filling the ranks of the regular army by classifying the free white male population of the United States: the first section of this act directs, that all the white male inhabitants between eighteen and forty-five be classed—classes of twenty-five in each to be made under the authority of the assessors of the United States : where there are no assessors, under marshals; both of whom are to be bound under penalty to complete the classification in a given time: each class to furnish one able-bodied man between eighteen and forty-five, to serve during the war; to be delivered over to the as- sessor or marshals, and by them to be delivered over to the United States' officers authorized to receive him : the marshals and assessors were to determine the precincts of each class, so that the property in ...] division shall be as nearly equal as possible; in case of failure, each class to pay a penalty; and if this was not paid in a certain number of days, it was to be collected from the taxable inhabitants of the district, in proportion to property real and personal : the marshals and as- sessors were to act under the direction of the Pi e- sident of the United States. Any person aggrieved of THE FRENch REvoluTroN. * 1191 N. *** *-aa- by excessive valuations may appeal in the manner as with respect to the direct taxes:–the money accruing from the penalties to be employed by the secretary of war to recruit the armies. The last section provides that any five white male in- habitants, being liable to military duty, who shall furnish a soldier, between eighteen and forty-five, during the war, shall be exempt from military duty during the war. Whatever objections may be made to this bill, 3S .# regulations for raising men, which very strongly resembled the conscription of France, it must be acknowledged that the very proposing it was a proof that the president felt himself BOOK XIII. strong, and that his popularity, instead of having been diminished, had been increased by the events Char. X. of the war. Still, if this war had been in accord- ance with the sincere and zealous opinion of the inhabitants of the United States, it seems reason- able to suppose that they would have stepped for- ward as volunteers in defence of their country: the whole number proposed to be raised by this bill was only 109,000, not more than one-fourth of the volunteers who offered their services in Great Britain during the revolutionary war with France. ammºmºmºsºmsºmºsa CHAPTER XI. JMeeting of the Imperial Parliament.—Speech of the Prince-regent.—Debates relative to the War with America, and the keeping the JMilitia embodied in Consequence.—Supplies voted for the Year 1815–Death and Biographical JWotices of Lords Auckland and Minto.—Destruction of an signed at Ghent.—Remarks. PARLIAMENT having met on the 8th of Novem- ber, the session was opened by the prince-regent in person. The principal topic of his speech was the war with the United States, which his royal- highness affirmed to have originated in the most unprovoked aggression on the part of their go- vernment, and to have been calculated to promote the designs of the common enemy of Europe. It was, however, his sincere desire to bring it to a conclusion upon just and honorable terms, and he was still engaged in negociations for that purpose. —The speech then adverted to the successful operations of the war during the present year; and, in touching on the capture of Washington, remarked that it had produced on the inhabitants a deep and sensible impression of the calamities of a war in which they had been so wantonly in- volved. A slight notice was then taken of the reverse on Lake Champlain; but confident ex- pectations were expressed of establishing the ascendeney of his majesty's arms in Canada. The retardation of the opening of the Congress at Vienna was next spoken of, as owing to unavoid- able causes, and assurance was given of his royal- highness's endeavours to consolidate the peace in which he had been a party, by a just equilibrium among the powers of Europe. Addressing the house of commons, the speech informed them of the flourishing state of the public revenue and Sl. e .American Privateer.—Defeat of the Americans by General Drummond–4ttack on New Orleans. —Death of General Pakenham.—Capture of the President Frigate.--Fort Mobile taken.—Peace * & ~ e P commerce, but expressed regret for the necessity of a large expenditure in the ensuing year. It concluded with an observation on the state in which, the late war must have left the countries engaged in it, with respect to their internal condi- tion and their commercial relations ; and with récommending to parliament great caution in adopting regulations for extending the trade of the country, and securing its present advantages. In the house of lords, the corresponding ad- dress to the prince-regent was moved by the Earl of Abingdon, and was seconded by Earh Delaware. . The Earl of Darnley then rose, and said, he wished he could have coincided with the last noble lord in the youthful ardour with which he hailed the national prospects; but on the whole view of the state of the country he found no cause for con- gratulation. He particularly adverted to the extraordinary circumstance,” that while our mili- tary reputation was raised to the highest pitch, our naval should have sunk, and that during the course of the war, with but few exceptions, vie- tory should have been on the enemy's side in actions between vessels of the same class. ar Lord Melville, in reply to this observation, said, that such general and declamatory charges were not capable of an answer, but he would ask to what distinct failure º * was made. He 1814. T192 --- HISTORY OF THE WARS * Bookxmi. would himself enter into a few details on the sub- Chap. XI. Neºvº/ 1814, ject. The Americans sending no fleets to sea; but possessing numerous Seamen, and a multitude of privateers, the question of success or discomfiture was to be decided by looking to the protection afforded to trade against their means of annoy- ance. We had now, within a few hundreds, 20,000 American seamen prisoners of war. We had cap- tured from them more than 200 ships of war and vessels, and had taken 900 other vessels. Not- withstanding the increase of their privateers, the premium of insurance was somewhat less...in last June than in the June preceding. The captures made from us, from the peace of Pa- ris down to the last month, were reported at 172; but of these ninety-four were running ships; and of the rest, thirty-eight were separated from convoy, either through stress of weather, or wil- fully; and the whole number of the coasting-trade lost was only eleven. With respect to the noble lord’s assertion, that when our ships met with an equal force of the enemy's they were beaten, ex- cept in a few instances, he could assure him that he was totally mistaken. If the events of the war in Canada were alluded to, when the noble lord should bring on his enquiry in a regular shape, he trusted he should be able to satisfy him. Lord Grenville said he was not to be drawn off by this parade of detail from the actual fact, that there was a general impression in the country of great mismanagement in the naval administration. The opinion of the community could not be mis- understood, when the merchants of England, after having been repelled from the Admiralty with flippant and empty answers, were seen laying their remonstrances at the foot of the throne. After some further observations to this purpose, he said he hoped there would be an early day appointed for the inquiry; and that it would be entered into with solemn and impartial seriousness. His lord- ship then, adverting to the address, acknowledged that with all his desire to look favorably on the prospects of the country, they were clouded to his view. The speech told them only of new burdens, of severe additions to those which were already severe; no economy, no husbanding, no re- duction. He lamented its language respecting the negociation with America. He professed a readiness to make peace on just and honor- able terms; but these were mere words of course, and he should have expected a declaration what were the grounds on which peace would be made. He hoped the war stilſ carried on was not one of resentment or revenge, much less of {...". in order to make the people of the nited States feel the weight of our power. . This topic led his lordship to consider the devas- tation made at Washington, which he condemned in the most unqualified manner, as an act which _ *- --~~mºr could tend to no useful purpose, and which gave the first example of recurring to the maxims of a barbarous and antiquated policy. It had indeed been defended on the ground of retaliation, which, however, ought to have been expressly stated at the time. A subsequent proclamation had been issued, in which, on the same ground, a necessity was declared of carrying on war against the pri- vate property of the American people. If it were true that we were in a situation which impera- tively called for such measures, he trusted that parliament would be made acquainted with the circumstances which had brought affairs to such a deplorable crisis. With respect to the general state of Europe, his lordship could not avoid men- tioning it as a great omission in the speech, that no notice was taken of our still keeping up on the continent an army of 40,000 men. In what part of our history was an example found of ºf 3. force in British pay in a time of profound peace, and what power had a King of England to keep it without consent of parliament? On the whole, the speech appeared to him ill suited to the exist- ing state of the country, and with these objections it was impossible for him to give his approbation to the address. The Earl of Liverpool could not agree with the noble baron that the address was marked by any peculiar features of a warlike character. He thought it more consistent with the dignity of the crown to describe the state of the country as it actually was, than to hold out hopes as to the re- sult of events and proceedings still depending. The earl then went through the several objec- tions of his lordship, and replied to each. He justified the acts at Washington as an exercise of retaliation ; and with respect to the proclamation of Sir Alexander Cochrane, he said that a subse- quent instruction had been sent to the commander on that station. As to the circumstance of keep- ing up a large army on the continent in time of peace, he allowed that there might be no prece- dent for it, because no state of things similar to that in which the war concluded had ever before existed. The policy of the measure was connected with the state of our foreign relations, and might become a future subject of discussion. The question for the address passed without a division. In the house of commons the address on the speech was moved by Lord Bridport, and se- conded by Mr. Graham. A conversation on a variety of points relative to the state of politics, foreign and domestic, ensued, which, after the summary above given of the debate in the house of lords, it is unimportant to specify. The address was agreed to without a division. In consequence of the unsettled state of affairs en the continent of Europe, and the continuance OF THE FRENCH. REVOLUTION, 1193 **=- of the war with America, the British government deemed it advisable to keep a part of the militia embodied ; but this measure caused considerable jealousy both in and out of parliament; and, on the 11th of November, Earl Fitzwilliam rose in the house of lords for the purpose of submitting a motion relative to the continuation of certain mili- tia regiments without disembodying. He said that great care had been taken by the legislature to pre- vent the burden of the militia-ballot from pressing more heavily than the exigences of the public ser- vice required; the prerogative of the crown was therefore restrained, and the establishment of that species of force was regulated by various acts of parliament. The cases in which the militia might be called out were specifically stated, and were, 1st, actual invasion; 2d, imminent danger thereof; 3d, insurreetion ; 4th, rebellion ; but none of these at present existed. It was a great hardship upon the ballotted men to be detained from their families longer than the continuance of the exi- gence which had empowered the government to call them out, after which time they were legally entitled to return to their homes. It was also a hardship upon the counties and townships which lay under the obligation of providing for their wives and families. These considerations induced him to move, That an account be laid before their lordships of the regiments of militia which had been disembodied, and also of those which still remain embodied. Lord Sidmouth, as the person who presided in the department whence the order for suspending the disembodying of the militia had proceeded, felt himself called upon to reply to the observa- tions of the noble ...]" The legislature had been anxious to guard the militia force by regulations, not merely for the purpose suggested, but with a view to restrain the prerogative and influence of the crown with respect to it. The acts of parlia- ment to which the noble earl had alluded, as ointing out the cases in which the militia might É. called out, were not be construed narrowly; and it was always understood that the country being at war was an exigence justifying such a measure, and that during the continuance of that state, the militia services were to be continued as long as the crown should judge it to be of public advantage. There could be no injustice in such continuance towards the men, since the ballotted man was bound by his oath to serve five years, and the substitute as long as the regiment con- tinued embodied. As to the hardships on the counties and townships, he did not know but they might have an equitable claim for re-imbursement. He affirmed that there had been no partiality shown with respect to the particular regiments embodied or disembodied ; and would not oppose the production of the account required. Lord Grenville said, that specific cases being 5 -****** ****- ºgº. pointed out by the militia act, it was illegal to wander from them. The militia had been called out only four times since the original act, and each time in strict conformity with the cases pro- vided. These were, in the seven years' war; in the American war, but not till after France and Spain joined in it; in 1792, when there was dan- ger of insurrection (the extent and depth of which danger, said Lord G. no man now living, per- haps, knows better than myself); and the be- ginning of the war just now closed, in which in- vasion was fully determined on by the enemy. But even in the case of the apprehended insur- rection, which was probably the most formidable of these periods, the house thought it proper to ...” at length the grounds of embodying the militia. *. %. Lord Sidmouth said that the noble lord’s facts would serve him for nothing, unless he could shew that the militia was disembodied the moment the first cry of invasion or insurrection was over, which did not correspond with the fact. Lord Donoughmore was surprised to find that the measure of retaining some of the militia regi- ments was meant to be permanent, as he con- ceived from the intended introduction of a bill; and he thought there might be reasons of patron- age connected with the choice. He knew that in Ireland a militia regiment was thought one of the best things that could be given away. Lord Liverpool affirmed that there was no idea of turning the present mode of disembodying the militia into a permanent measure; and said that the bill was merely to relieve townships from partial pressures, such as providing for the fami- lies of militiamen and the like. The question was then put and carried. The subject was afterwards taken up in the house of commons. On the 28th of November, Sir S. Romilly, after, by his desire, the militia acts of the 48th and 49th of the king had been read, rose and declared, that having used his utmost endeavours to investigate the matter, he was of opinion that in omitting to disembody the militia the ministers had acted illegally and unconstitutionally. It was a question that ad- mitted of no doubt, as it depended entirely on the plain words of the statute. He then referred to the four causes for calling out the militia, as stated in a former speech; and proceeded to say, that if the house would consider the object of the militia-laws, it would be confirmed in the opinion that without a violation of the constitu- tion, ministers could not, in time of profound peace, hold the militia from their houses and families, subjeet to the privations of military service. The militia was not an army, but a mass of armed citizens, not loosing, but only having suspended for a time, the advantage of the equal laws of their country. If, in the pre- BOOKXIII. CHAP. XI. Jºvº 1814. 1194 . HISTORY OF THE WARS -ā- BOOK XIII. sent circumstances, the militia might continue CHAP. XI. ***** 1814. embodied, there was no reason why it might not remain so during the rest of his majesty's reign. The only defence he had heard of this measure was, that we were still at war with America; but was there a man so timid or credulous as to fear invasion from that country 3 Should it be said that the restrictions of the act had a reference not to the disembodying, but to the calling out, of the militia, would not such an argument ren- der it merely an option in the crown whether the militia should be disbanded at all ? He under- stood that the conduct of the ministers was sanctioned by the authority of the law officers of the crown. If the opinion had been given first, and then acted upon, it would have been much better. He did not mean to insinuate that it would have been different under different cir- cumstances; but it was impossible not to see that the question came before those officers cloathed with the authority of the statesmen in whose opinions and measures they must be supposed to concur, as they still held their places under them.—After several other pointed observations on this topic, the honorable and learned gentle- man concluded with moving a resolution, in sub- stance, That it appeared to this house, that as peace had been concluded for more than six months, and the country enjoyed internal tran- quillity, the still keeping part of the militia force embodied was obviously contrary to the intent and spirit of the act of the 42d of the king, and a violation of the principles of the constitution. The solicitor-general avowed, that notwith- standing the arguments of his honorable and learned friend, he still held the opinion on the subject which he had given. He acknowledged that ministers would act illegally, if they advised his majesty to call out the militia except in one of the eases specified in the act; but as no spe- cific period had been assigned at which it was to be disembodied, he would assert, that they hav- ing been legally embodied, it was legal to keep them so. He did not say that such was the in- tention of the legislature, but looking at the let- ter of the law, and ealled upon to give his opinion as a lawyer upon it, he must say he saw no ille- gality in keeping part of the militia force still embodied. Whether this exercise of the prerog- ative in the present instance were a discreet one, was a different question; and in this, as well as on all other exercises of the royal prerogative, the ministers were responsible. Lord Milton wished the learned gentleman, instead of confining himself to the mere letter of the act, had also taken into consideration its ob- vious meaning and spirit. . He should be glad to know what opinion he would venture to put upon paper had the question been stated in these terms, “When the militia was once embodied, was it lawful for the crown to keep them embodied as long as it should think proper?” The argument of the learned gentleman would go the length of saying, that when once the crown had been able to get the militia out, it might retain them to all eternity. Looking at the mere letter of the law, without regarding its intention, might do very well for a special pleader; but it might be ex- lº from a member of parliament, speaking in is place, on an act of great constitutional im- ortance, that he would have an opinion about its intention and spirit. In time of war, parliament had a right to expect that gentlemen of a certain fortune and situation should come forward to officer the militia: but if it were laid down that those regiments might be kept up at the pleasure of the crown, it could not be expected that the same description of men could be found for officers. Sir A. Pigot was decidedly of opinion that it was most unconstitutional to keep up the militia six months after the definitive treaty of peace. Nothing could be clearer, than that when the purposes of calling out the militia ceased, the power of embodying them must cease. The construction which the learned gentleman had put upon the act would convert the militia into a standing army. He looked upon it as a great constitutional question, and was sorry to find it reserved for those times that ministers should advise the crown as it had done. Serjeant Best supported the solicitor-general by recapitulating some of his arguments. *- Mr. Ponsonby declared himself greatly sur- ; that the solicitor-general had asserted that e did not know what the spirit of the law meant: it was, however, the duty of that house to know the spirit of the law; and courts of justice con- stantly declared that they decided according to that spirit. It was said that the time when the crown should disembody the militia was not spe- cified; but the sole discretion vested in the crown was this—whether it was fit to continue the mili- tia on foot, with reference to the causes which made it legal to embody it. He was of opinion that it was now unlawfully retained. 4. Mr. C. Grant argued in favour of the retention; and said that there was enough in the state of Europe, and while such a demand existed on the continent for our regular army, to explain the reasons and policy of still maintaining a portion of our domestic force embodied. Sir S. Romilly made a recapitulation of the arguments that had been employed on the sub- ject; and said that the real question was, whether the crown had an indefinite power to keep the militia on foot as long as it thought fit, contrar to the express tenor of an act of parliament. On this question he would divide the house, though he should stand alone. A division then took place: for the motion, OF THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 1195. —º- ~g- º —º- -*—- thirty-two; against it ninety-seven; majority sixty- five. It is observable, that none of the ministers spoke on this occasion. In a subsequent debate on the army estimates, a sum being moved for the expenses of certain militia regiments not disembodied, the chancellor of the exchequer said, in explanation, that the war with America, and the keeping up of a con- siderable body of troops on the continent, requir- ing the maintenance of a large military force, government, on the most mature deliberation, thought that such force would best be rendered disposable by keeping embodied a part of the militia. Mr. Whitbread affirmed, that nothing could less have the appearance of a deliberate measure, since the Bedfordshire and Oxfordshire militias Were "Pºº when on their march to be disem- bodied. Mr. Bathurst allowed that the retention of part of the militia was not a systematic plan on the part of government, but was dictated by the demands for the employment of the regular forces abroad. * The principal business that afterwards engaged the attention of parliament in this session was the voting of the supplies. For the sea-service of 1815, 70,000 men, including 15,000 marines, were voted ; and for the land-service, 204,386 men, exclusively of the East-India, the territorial, and the foreign service. Two of the most distinguished statemen in England (Lord Auckland and Lord Minto) died this year. As these noblemen had filled the highest offices in the administration of this coun- try, both at home and abroad, we shall here ive a biographical sketch of their lives. William den, Lord Auckland, descended from the an- cient family of Eden, of West Auckland, in the county of Durham, on which the rank of baronet- age was conferred by Charles II, in 1672, was the third son of Sir Robert, the third baronet. He was educated at Eton ; became a student of Christ Church, Oxford, in 1763;, in 1765 was admitted of the Inner Temple, and called to the bar in 1768. In 1771 he was appointed auditor and one of the directors of Greenwich Hospital; and about the same time published “The Prin- ciples of Penal Law.” In 1772 he quitted the bar for the office of under-secretary of state, which he retained for six years. . In 1774 he was returned to parliament for Woodstock, and con- tinued a member of the house of commons till 1793, proving himself, during the whole inter- mediate period, one of the most active, able, and useful representatives that ever sat in that assem- bly. In 1776 he was appointed one of the lords commissioners of trade and plantations, and was of that board till 1782, when its duties were mºred to a committee of the privy-council. Early in his parliamentary career, Mr. Eden be- gan to take a distinguished part in the proceed- ings of the house. In 1776 he brought forward the bill for incorporating the commissioners and governors of Greenwich hospital, and another to authorize, for a limited time, the punishment by hard labour of convicted offenders, instead of transporting them to the American colonies; both which measures were adopted by the legislature, and passed into laws. . In 1778 Mr. Eden went to America, as one of the five commissioners de- puted to the colonies, for the purpose of recon- ciling their differences with their mother-country; but on the failure of their negociations, he re- turned to England in January, 1779. In No- vember of the same year, he published four let- ters, addressed to the }. of Carlisle, on the spirit of party; on the circumstances of the war; on the means of raising the supplies; and on the repre- sentations of Ireland respecting a free trade. This publication, at once ably and candidly writ- ten, called forth a considerable degree of public attention; it was afterwards enlarged, and gave rise to a good deal of party-reasoning in print. These letters were followed by a short controversy with Dr. Price on the population of England; a discussion which was pursued by others with great ability. In 1780, when the §. of Carlisle was invested with the vice-royalty of Ireland, Mr. Eden accompanied him as chief-secretary. He was soon afterwards sworn of the Irish privy- council, and elected a member of the Irish par- liament. He remained in that country, during a eriod of considerable fermentation and anxiety, till April, 1782, pursuing measures equally cal- culated to conduce to the prosperity of that part of the British dominions, and the welfare of the empire at large. Among the various acts of his administration, which warrant this eulogium, not the least useful and important was the establish- ment of a national bank. In April, 1783, Mr. Eden was sworn of his majesty's privy-council in England, and appointed vice-treasurer of Ireland; which office he resigned in December following. In 1785 he was nominated one of the lords of the committee of council for trade and plantations, and sent as minister plenipotentiary to the court of Versailles, for the purpose of negociating a treaty of commerce between Great Britain and France. That treaty was concluded and signed in September, 1786. In January, 1787, he signed,a farther commercial convention; and in August the same year, another for preventing disputes between the subjects of the two crowns in the East-Indies. In these truly important treaties, the consummate abilities of Mr. Eden as a man of business, and his intimate knowledge of British commerce and manufactures, and the true interests of both, were conspicuously dis- played. The connexion between the two coun- BOOK XIII, CHAP. XI. Jº/~/ 1814. 1196 HISTORY - OF THE WARS —L- BookxIII. tries was placed on a footing, certainly not in CHAP. XI. 1814. itself disadvantageous to France, but so much more beneficial to Great Britain than that on which any former commercial treaty had rested, that the country was contented to reap the fruits of it in silence for nearly three years, before France discovered, or chose to acknowledge, that it was possible for her negociators to be over- matched by an Englishman. The convention respecting India was still of higher consideration than the commercial treaties, important as they were. It involved interests of state policy of the first magnitude: it put an end to the claims so often previously set up by France against our right of sovereignty in India; and annihilated, as far as the most solemn compact can have that effect, every question, dispute, or challenge of our right which could in future "be brought for- ward. In 1788 Mr. Eden went as ambassador to Spain; and on his 'return, in October, 1789, was elevated to the dignity of an Irish, peer. A few weeks afterwards he was appointed am- bassador to the United States of Holland; and on occasion of the Spanish armament, in 1790, he obtained the prompt and friendly detachment of a considerable Dutch squadron to Portsmouth ; and in December of the same year, his lordship concluded and signed the convention between the Emperor Leopold, the Kings of Great Britain and Prussia, and the States-general, relative to the affairs of the Netherlands. In 1792-3 Lord Auckland took an active part as ambassador to Holland, in the efforts made for preventing the mischief which overwhelmed so many of the con- tinental powers; and in May of the last-men- tioned year, was promoted to the dignity of a British peer. A few months afterwards his lord- ship relinquished the diplomatic career, in which he had manifested a variety and versatility of talent rarely found united in any individual, and returned home, but not to waste the remainder of his life in ignoble sloth, or useless ease. that period he not only attended his parliamentary duties with exemplary diligence, but took an active part in most of the proceedings of that branch of the legislature of which he was a mem- ber. As an orator he was correct, fluent, and intelligent; and whenever the occasion seemed to justify it, he appealed to his fellow-subjects through the medium of the press also. In 1795 he published “Remarks on the Apparent Cir- cumstances of the War;” and more than , once stood forward as a writer on the popular topics to which the eventful times so frequently gave birth. On the death of the Earl of Mansfield, in 1796, Lord Auckland was chosen Chancellor of Ma- rischal-college, Aberdeen ; and, in 1798, ap- oi:..ted to the office of joint post-master-general, which he held till the end of Mr. Pitt's adminis- tration in 1801. In the session of 1799-1800 his From- * -- .*-* *-*-- -, -º-º-º-º-º-º-º- … --~~~~F Fºº. lordship renewed the attempt to check the growing practice of adultery, by bringing forward a bill, the principles of which was to prevent the inter- marriage of the guilty parties; but it was warmly opposed, and finally thrown out of the house of lords. In 1799 Lord Auckland supported the measure of the income-tax, and published the substance of his speech on that occasion. He also published his speech in support of the union with Ireland; and in the course of it stated, that he had been particularly employed with others in preparing the details of that measure to be submit- ted to parliament. His lordship married, in 1776, Eleanor, second daughter of Sir Gilbert Elliot, and sister to Earl Minto, by whom he has had a large family, born in all the different countries to which, public business' called him. His eldest son, William Frederick Eden, a teller of the exchequer, and M. P. for Woodstock, was found drowned in the Thames, at Millbank, in Fe- bruary, 1810. The unfortunate loss of his eldest son is said to have affected his lordship so severe- ly, that he never recovered from the shock. His death was wholly, unexpected ;, while sitting at breakfast with his family, he was seized with a spasm, fell from his chair, and instantly expired, at Eden-farm, on the 28th of November. In consequence of his various services abroad, his lordship enjoyed a pension of £2,300. Lord Minto was the representative of one branch of the family of Elliot, of great antiquity in the south of Scotland. His father, Sir Gilbert, was a conspicuous member of the house of com- mons, and held various offices in administration. Lord Minto was born in 1751, and educated at . an English university. Having visited the prin- cipal countries of Europe, he was, in 1774, elected. a member of parliament. Although of a Whig family, yet his father's attachment to the politics of the court led him to join the friends of ad- ministration in that embarrassing crisis when the contest with America began to assume a serious aspect. The conduct of ministers, however, was too feeble, or too timid, to secure the support of their friends; and Lord Minto, then Sir Gilbert Elliot, with many others, connected themselves with the opposition. In all the measures adopted by that portion of the parliament, Sir Gilbert bore a distinguished part : and so well did he stand in their judgment, as to be selected to fill the speaker's chair, in opposition to the minis- terial candidate, Mr. Addington, now Lord Sid- mouth. About this time the great question of reform in parliament, and in different branches of public affairs, was publicly agitated and popu- larly encouraged. But the horrors consequent upon, although totally unconnected with, the re- formation instituted in France, excited much real, and a great deal more pretended, alarm in the minds of the friends of reform at home. To OF THE FR ENCH REVOLUTION. 1197 * strengthen the hands of government by postponing to a more auspicious day the improvements in the constitution, and, above all, in the adminis- tration of the state, seemed to become the duty of the lovers of peace and good order. On this oc- casion, Sir Gilbert Elliot withdrew from the ranks of opposition. During the disorders created in France by the other powers of Europe, the peo- ple of Corsica sought to place themselves under the protection of Britain. Sir Gilbert Elliot was pitched upon as a competent person to manage this business ; and, in the end of September, y 1793, having been sworn in a member of the privy-council, he was appointed a commissioner to that effect. Early in 1794, the principal strong holds of Corsica were surrendered by the French to the British arms: the king accepted the sove- reignty of the island; and, on the 19th of June, 1794, Sir Gilbert Elliot, as viceroy, presided in a general assembly of the chiefs of Corsica, in which was adopted a constitutional code, reprehended by some as extremely democratical, but, perhaps, not ill adapted to the genius and situation of the peo- ple for whom it was intended. Notwithstanding this arrangement, a considerable party devoted to France and their country remained in Corsica, who, encouraged by the successes of the French armies, in the adjoining region of Italy, at last rose in arms against the British authority. In the measures to be pursued to repress this disorder, diversity of opinions unhappily took place among the heads of the civil and military authorities. The insurrection at Bastia, the capital of the island, was suppressed in June, 1796; but, the French party gradually acquiring strength, it was, in September following, deemed wise to abandon the island entirely. The viceroy returned to Eng- land early in 1797, where his services were re- warded by his exaltation to a British peerage, as Baron Minto, of the county of Roxburgh, in Scot- land. In July, 1797, Lord Minto was appointed ambassador to Vienna, then the theatre of the most important and complicated negociations in which this country was engaged. It was through the intervention of his lordship, during this embassy, that liberal and honorable steps were taken, on the part of a great personage in this country, to extricate from indigence, and to secure a becom- ing provision for the only surviving branch of the royal house of Stuart, then languishing in penury at Venice, in consequence of the invasion of Rome by the French. In parliament, for the union with Ireland, Lord Minto was a strenuous advocate. When the peace of Amiens was on the carpet, he was ranked with those who conceived the interests of this country to have been less firmly secured than ought to have been done. As he had been an advocate for the union with Ireland, so was Lord Minto one of those who earnestly regretted that any obstacle should arise to the completion Riº. of the conditions of Roman Catholic emancipa- tion, on which a considerable portion of the peo- ple of Ireland was supposed to have given to the union their express or their tacit consent. When the administration of the Marquis of Wellesley, in India, expired, he was succeeded by Lord Minto, under whose general government many highly important acquisitions have been made by the British arms, for the benefit of the state at large, as well as of the India company in par- ticular. In the successful expedition against the great Dutch settlements at Batavia, and other parts of Java, Lord Minto not only issued the ne- cessary orders, and took the necessary measures to ensure success, but accompanied the troops em- barked in person. His period of residence in Bengal drawing to an end, Lord Minto was re- lieved by the Earl of Moira, and soon afterwards took shipping for England, where he arrived in the middle of May; and from that time his health was visibly on the decline. He died at Lord Malmesbury's house, in Kent, on the 21st of June. We must now return to the military and naval operations in America. The daring enterprize of British seamen displayed itself in this, as in for- mer years in some of those desperate attempts for carrying ships at anchor by means of armed boats, which might perhaps be censured for rashness, were not the preservation of the spirit of the navy a matter of the first importance. One of these, in which final success was obtained, though with a formidable loss, appears worthy of record. An Eng- lish squadron, consisting of the Plantagenet, Rota, and Carnation, arriving, near the close of Sep- tember, in the road of Fayal, a Portuguese har- bour in the Azores, descried the General Arm- strong, a large American privateer, at anchor in the roads. A boat was dispatched to reconnoitre her force as she was getting under weigh, which being driven by the tide near the privateer, was hailed, and desired to keep off. This being imprac- ticable, the boat was fired into, and seven men were killed. The English commodore consider- ing this act as an infraction of the neutrality of the port, ordered the Carnation in to destroy the privateer ; and as the rocky ground prevented the ship from getting near enough, nine boats, with three lieutenants, and about 200 men were dis- patched for the purpose. On approaching the privateer, they were received with a most destruc- tive fire from a thirty-two-pounder; and, in the end, the privateer's men escaped on shore, whence they fired on the men, who were destroying the ship. This was accomplished, but at the expence of a loss of 135 killed and wounded, among whom were the three lieutenants. In Canada, General Drummond, after his re- treat from Fort Erie, took up a position at Chip- pawa, where, on the 15th of October, he was at- BOOK XIII. CHAP. XI. ~~~/ 1814. 1198 ° HISTORY THE WARS OF BOOK XIII. CHAP. XI. ^*N/*- 1814, ! tacked by the united force of Generals Brown and Izard, whom he gallantly repulsed. On the 19th, a body of 1,500 Americans, detached to turn his right, was also met and beaten back with consi- derable loss. This defeat, the intelligence that the British fleet had sailed from Kingston, and the apprehensions of an attack on Sackett's harbour, put an end to offensive operations on the part of the American commanders. They retreated to Fort Erie, followed by General Drummond, who had been reinforced by about 1,500 men from Kingston. In the mean time Sir James Yeo, being joined by the St. Lawrence, a ship of 100 guns, just launched on Lake Ontario, obliged Commodore Chauncey to seek refuge in Sackett's harbour. In consequence of this superiority, and the severity of the season, the Americans evacuated Fort Erie on the 5th of November, after blowing up the works and destroying the place. General Drum- mond and his whole staff immediately returned with the fleet to Kingston, where they arrived on the 10th. All active operations in the north being thus suspended, we shall now proceed to notice the operations in other quarters. On the 15th of September, a British land and naval force made an attack upon Fort Bowyer, on the point of the Mobile. At noon on that day, the British bore down directly for the fort, when an American battery opened on the foremost ships, and the action became general. It conti- nued till seven, at which time the leading ship was so much disabled, her cable being cut by the shot, that she drifted on shore within six hun- dred yards of the battery, where she was exposed to such a tremendous cannonade, that her remain- ing crew set her on fire and abandoned her, and she blew up at ten o’clock. Another ship and a brig retired, having suffered much injury, and the whole fleet stood out to sea in the night. A series of operations of the British army took place in the neighbourhood of New Orleans in the months of December and January. A number of troops having been sent from England, a consi- derable force was assembled at Halifax, under Major-general Keane, which, with a fleet under Admiral Sir Alexander Cochrane, set sail from that place in October, and arrived off New Or- leans in the beginning of December, when pre- parations were made for disembarking the troops. Admiral Cochrane having arrived at the ancho- rage off Chandeleur Islands on the 8th, Captain Gordon, of the Seahorse (which ship, with the Ar- mide and Sophie, he had sent on from off Pensacola to the anchorage within Isle au Vaisseau), report- ed to him that two gun-vessels of the enemy, ap- parently large size sloops, of very light *†, of water, had fired at the Armide upon her way down, from within the chain of small islands that ran parallel to the coast from Mobile towards Lac Borgne, and having afterwards joined three others cruising in the Lake, were then visible from his mast-head. The Bayone Catalan (or des Pecheurs) at the head of Lac Borgne, being the contemplated point of disembarkation, the distance from the inner anchorage of the frigates and troop-ships to the Bayone full sixty miles, and the principal means of transport open boats, it became impos- sible that any movement of the troops could take place until this formidable flotilla was either cap- tured or destroyed. Rear-admiral Malcolm, joined Sir Alexander Cochrane with the fleet upon the 11th of De- cember; and upon the 12th he placed the launches, barges, and pinnaces of the squadron, with Cap- tain Montressor, of the Manly, and Captain Ro- berts, of the Meteor, under the command of Captain Lockyer, of the Sophie, and sent them into Lac Borgne in pursuit of the enemy, while the frigates, troop-ships, and smaller vessels moved into the inmost anchorage, each vessel proceeding on until she took the ground. After an arduous row of thirty-six hours, Captain Lockyer had the good fortune to close with the flotilla, which he attacked with such judgment and determined bravery, that not- withstanding their formidable force, their advan- tage of a i. position, and their studied and deliberate preparation, he succeeded in capturing the whole of these vessels, in so serviceable a state as to afford at once the most essential aid to the expedition. In this affair, however, the British sustained a considerable loss, which amounted to seventeen killed, and seventy-seven wounded, among whom were a number of officers. Between the 17th and 22d of December, the troops destined for the attack of New Orleans were collected at Isle aux Poix, which is at the entrance of the Pearl River. Having learnt that it was impossible to effect a landing at the head of the Bayone Catalan, which runs into Lake Borgne, Major-general Keane di- rected Major Forest, assistant-quarter-master- general, to have it reconnoitred. Lieutenant Ped- die, of that department, accompanied by the Honorable Captain Spencer, of the navy, ascer- tained, on the night of the 18th, that boats could reach the head of the Bayone, from which a commu- nication might be made to the high road, on the left bank of the Mississippi, leading to New Orleans. On the morning of the 22d, every arrangement being made by Vice-admiral the #. le Sir Alexander Cochrane, General Keane determined to attempt it. The light brigade, composed of the S5th and 95th †. Captain Lane's rocketeers, one hundred sappers and miners, and the 4th regiment as a support, the whole under the command of Colonel Thornton, were placed in OF THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 11.99 *— the boats, and the 21st, 44th, and 93d regiments, under Colonel Brooke, and a large proportion of artillery, under Major Munro, were embarked in small vessels. At ten a. m. on the 22d, they sailed from Pearl river, and reached the head of the Bayone at day-light next morning. A landing was im- mediately effected without any other opposition than the country presented; Captain Blanchard, of the royal engineers, in the course of two hours, opened a communication through several fields of reeds, intersected by deep muddy ditches, border- ed by a low swampy wood; Colonel Thornton then advanced and gained the high road, taking up a position with the right resting on the road, and the left on the Mississippi. In this si- tuation General Keane intended to remain until the boats returned for the rest of the troops to the vessels, some of which grounded at a great dis- tance. s# V At about eight o'clock in the evening, when the men, much fatigued by the length of time they had been in the boats, were asleep in their bi- vouac, a heavy flanking fire of round and grape- shot was opened upon them, by a large schooner and two gun-vessels, which had dropped down the river from the town, and anchored abreast of their fires : immediate steps were necessary to cover the men, and Colonel Thornton, in the most prompt and judicious manner, placed his brigade under the inward slope of the bank of the river, as did also Lieutenant-colonel Brooke, of the 4th regiment, behind some buildings which were near that corps. This movement was so rapid that the troops suffered no more than a sin- gle casualty. There being only three guns up, the success of a few twelve-pound rockets, directed by Captain Lane, was tried against these vessels; but the ground on which it was necessary to lay them not being even, they were found not to answer, and their firing was ceased. A most vigorous attack was then made on the advanced front and right-flank picquets, the for- mer of the 95th, under Captain Hallan, the lat- ter of the 85th, under Captain Schaw; these officers, and their respective picquets, conducted themselves with firmness, and checked the enemy for a considerable time; but renewing their at- tack with a large force, and pressing at those points, Colonel Thornton judged it necessary to move up the remainder of both corps. The 85th regiment was commanded by Brevet-major Gub- bins, whose conduct was much commended ; “on the approach of his regiment” says General Keane, “to the point of attack, the enemy, favor- ed by the darkness of the night, concealed them- selves under a high fence, which separated the fields, and calling to the men as friends, under pretence of being part of our own force, offered to assist them in getting over, which was no sooner accomplished than the 85th found itself in the midst of very superior numbers, who, discovering themselves, called on the regiment immediatel to surrender—the answer was an instantaneous attack; a more extraordinary conflict has perhaps never occurred, absolutely hand to hand, both officers and men. . It terminated in the repulse of the enemy, with the capture of thirty prison- ers. A similar finesse was attempted with the 95th regiment, which met with the same treat- ment.” The enemy finding his reiterated attacks were repulsed by Colonel Thornton, at half-past ten o’clock advanced a large column against the centre; perceiving his intention, General Keane directed Colonel Stovin to Lieutenant-colonel Dale, with 130 men of the 93d regiment, who had just reached the camp, to move forward and use the bayonet, holding the 4th regiment in hand, formed in line, as his last reserve. Colonel Dale endeavoured to execute his orders, but the crafty enemy would not meet him, seeing the steadiness of his small body, gave it a heavy fire and quickly retired. Colonel Brooke, with four com- panies of the 21st regiment, fortunately appeared at that moment on the right flank, and sufficiently secured it from further attack. The enemy now determined on making a last effort, and, collecting the whole of his force, formed an extensive line, and moved directiy against the light-brigade. At first this line drove in all the advanced posts, but Colonel Thornton, whose noble exertions had guaranteed all former suc- cess, was at hand; he rallied his brave comrades around him, and moving forward with a firm de- termination of charging, appalled the enemy, who, from the lesson he had received on the same ground in the early part of the evening, thought it prudent to retire, and did not again dare to advance. It was now twelve o'clock, and the firing ceased on both sides. The enemy's force, which amounted to about 5,000 men, was commanded by Major-general Jackson; and his loss was very severe. The loss of the British amounted to forty-six killed, 167 wounded, and sixty-four missing. On the 25th, Sir Edward Pakenham and Major- general Gibbs arrived, when the former took the command of the army. In the morning of the 27th, the troops moved forward in two columns, and drove in the enemy's picquets to a situation within six miles of the town, where their main body was discovered strongly posted. . From that time to the 8th of January, the interval was occu- pied in preparations on both sides for attack and -º-º: defence. General Lambert, with a reinforcement, having joined on the 6th, the British army was formed on the 8th, for a general assault upon the enemy's line. 13 X. BOOK XIII. Ch Ap. XI. Jºvºs- 1814. 1200 HISTORY OF THE WARS BOOKXIII. CHAP. XI. Jºvº-V 1815. A--- iſ - —- Ir-- -ºr- & == The position of the enemy on the left bank of the river Mississippi was simply a straight line of about a front of one thousand yards, with a para- pet, the right resting on the river, and the left on a wood, which had been made impracticable for any body of troops to pass. his line was strengthened by flank-works, and had a canal of about four feet deep generally, but not altogether of an equal width; it was supposed to narrow to- wards their left; about eighty heavy guns were in position on this line. The Mississippi is here about 800 yards across, and they had on the right bank a heavy battery of twelve guns, which enfiladed the whole front of the position on the left bank. Preparations were made on the side of the Bri- tish, by very considerable labour, to clear out and widen a canal that communicated with a stream, by which the boats had passed up to the place of disembarkation, to open it into the Mississippi, by which means troops could be got over to the right bank, and the co-operation of armed boats could be secured. The disposition for the attack was as follows : a corps, consisting of the 85th light-infantry, 200 seamen and 400 marines, the 5th West-India re- giment, and four pieces of artillery, under the command of Colonel Thornton, of the 85th, was to pass over during the night, and move along the right bank towards New Orleans, clearing its front, until it reached the flanking-battery of the enemy on that side, which it had orders to carry. i The assailing of the enemy’s line in front was to be made by the brigade composed of the 4th, 21st, and 44th regiments, with three companies of - the 95th, under Major-general Gibbs; and by the third brigade, consisting of the 93d, two compa- nies of the 95th, and two companies of the fu- sileers; and 43d, under Major-general Keane. Some black troops were destined to skirmish in the wood on the right. The principal attack was to be made by Major-general Gibbs. The first brigade, consisting of the fusileers and 43d, formed the reserve ; the attacking columns were to be provided with fascines, scaling-ladders, and rafts, the whole to be at their stations before day-light. An advanced battery, in the front of six eighteen- pounders, was thrown up during the night, about 800 yards from the enemy's line. The attack was to be made at the earliest hour. Unlooked- for difficulties, increased by the falling of the river, occasioned considerable delay in the en- trance of the armed-boats, and those destined to land Colonel Thornton's corps, by which four or five hours were lost, and it was not until past five in the morning that the first division, consisting of 500 men, were over. The delay attending that corps occasioned some on the left bank, and the attack did not take place until the columns were discernible from the enemv's line at more than 200 yards distance ; as they advanced a conti- nued and most galling fire was opened from every part of their line, and from the battery on the right bank. f The brave General Pakenham, who never in his life could refrain from being at the post of honor, and sharing the danger to which the troops were exposed, as soon as from his station he had made the signal for the troops to advance, gallopped on to the front to animate them by his presence, and he was seen with his hat off, encouraging them on the crest of the glacis: it was there (almost at the same time) he received two wounds, one in the knee, and another which was almost instantly fatal, in his body; he fell in the arms of Major MDougall, aid-de-camp. The effect of this in the sight of the troops, together with Major-ge- neral Gibbs and Major-generaf Keane being both borne off wounded at the same time, with many other commanding officers, and further, the pre- parations to aid in crossing the ditch not being so forward as they ought to have been, from, perhaps, the men being wounded who were carrying them, caused a wavering in the column, which in such a situation became irreparable; and as General Lambert advanced with the reserve, at about 250 yards from the line, he had the mortification to observe the whole falling back upon him in the greatest confusion. In this situation, finding that no impression had been made, though many men had reached the ditch, and were either drowned or obliged to sur- render, and that it was impossible to restore order in the regiments where they were, General Lam- bert placed the reserve in position, until he could obtain such information as to determine him how to act to the best of his judgment, and whether or not he should resume the attack. In the mean time, Colonel Thornton, who did not reach the other side of the river till day- break, proceeded to attack the enemy, who made no opposition to his advance, till he reached a picquet, posted behind a bridge. This picquet was very soon forced and driven in by a division of the 85th regiment, under Captain Schaw, of that regiment, forming the advanced-guard, and whose mode of attack for the purpose was prompt and judiclous to a degree. º, his arrival at an orange-grove, Colonel Thornton had an opportunity of reconnoitring, at about 700 yards, the enemy's position; which he found to be a very formidable redoubt on the bank of the river, with the right flank secured by an en- trenchment extending back to a thick wood, and its line protected by an incessant fire of grape. Under such circumstances, it seemed to him to afford the best prospect of success, to endeavour to turn his right at the wood; and he accordingly detached two divisions of the 85th, under Brevet UF THE * FRENCH REVOLUTION. 1201. bº ILieutenant-colonel Gubbins, to effect that object, which he accomplished, with 100 sailors, under Captain Money, of the royal navy. hen these divisions had gained their proper position, Colonel Thornton deployed the column zomposed of two divisions of the 85th regiment, under Major Deshon, and about 100 men of the royal marines, under Major Adair, and moved forward in line, to the attack of the centre of the entrenchment. At first the enemy, confident in his own se- curity, shewed a good countenance, and kept up a heavy fire; but the determination of the troops to overcome all difficulties, compelled him to a Tapid and disorderly flight, leaving in their pos- session his redoubts, batteries, and position, with sixteen pieces of ordnance, and the colours of the New Orleans regiment of militia. On learning the success of Colonel Thornton's attack, General Lambert sent an artillery officer over the river to examine whether the post was tenable; and upon being told that it would re- quire 2,000 men to keep it, he was induced to order it to be relinquished. Such was the unfor- tunate termination of an enterprise which appears to have been undertaken with more courage than judgment. The loss on this day was very se- rious, including that of the general-in-chief killed, General Gibbs wounded so severely as to die on the next day, General Keane wounded, one lieu- tenant-colonel killed, and eight wounded; and of the rest, officers and men, about 2,000 killed, wounded, and prisoners. The final result was, that the whole army was re-embarked, leaving a few of the most dangerously wounded, and carry- ing off its field-artillery, ammunition, and stores. On the 15th of January, a British squadron, consisting of the Majestic, Captain Hayes, and three frigates, being stationed off the coast of New York, in order to prevent the escape of the American frigate, President, Commodore De- catur, and other vessels, from Stater Island, de- scribed the President attempting to get to sea, and commenced a general chase. In the course of the day, the chace became ex- tremely interesting by the endeavours of the ene- my to escape, and the exertions of the captains to get their respective ships alongside of him, the former by cutting away his anchors, and throwing overboard every moveable article, with a great quantity of provisions, and the latter by trimming their ships in every way possible to effect their purpose. As the day advanced, the wind de- elined, which enabled Captain Hope, of the En- dymion, to get his ship alongside of the enemy, and commence close action at half-an-hour past five o'clock in the evening, which was continued with great gallantry and spirit on both sides, for two hours and a-half, when the Endymion’s sails being cut from the yards, the enemy got a-head; -* *- *—-ºr-—a- # *-*. —sº- Captain Hope taking this opportunity to bend new sails to enable him to get his ship alo: gºside again, the action ceased, till the Pomone geting . up at half-past eleven at night, and firing a few shots, the enemy hailed to say she had aheady surrendered. The ship, on being taken possession of, proved to be the President, as above stated, cominanded by Commodore Decatur. The vessel in company with her was the Riace- donian brig, a merchant ship laden with provi- sions, which made her escape by very superior sailing. The loss of the President in this action was much greater than the Endymion’s ; and she had six feet water in the hold when taken possession of. Both ships were very much cut in masts and rigging. The President was a frigate of the largest rate, and had on-board about 490 persons. After the failure at New Orleans, it was agreed between Admiral Cochrane and General Lambert that operations should be carried towards Mo- bile. The entrance into its bay being so well guarded by Fort Bowyer, that it was determined to send a force against it; and from the informa- tion received, a brigade was thought sufficient for this object, with a respectable force of artillery. General Lambert ordered the second brigade, composed of the 4th, 21st, and 44th regiments, for this service, together with such means in the en- gineer and artillery department as the chief and commanding officer of the royal artillery might think expedient. The remainder of the force had orders to disembark on Isle Dauphine, and encamp; and Major-general Keane superintend- ed this arrangement. The wind being favorable on the 7th of Fe- bruary, for landing to the eastward of Mobile Point, the ships destined to move on that service sailed under the command of Captain Ricketts, of the Vengeur, but did not arrive in sufficient time that evening to do more than determine the place of disembarkation, which was about three miles from Fort Bowyer. At day-light the next morning the troops got into the boats, and 600 men were landed, under Lieutenant-colonel º of the 44th, with- out opposition, who immediately threw out the light companies, under Lieutenant Bennet, of the 4th, regiment, to cover the landing of the brigade. Upon the whole being disembarked, a disposition was made to move on towards the fort, covered by the light companies. The enemy was not seen until about 1,200 yards in front of their work: they gradually fell back, and no firing took place, until the whole had retired into the fort, and the advance had pushed on nearly to within 300 yards. General Lambert, having re- connoitered the fort with Lieutenant-colonels <> 3GOK X.7°. Cyr A P. X i. *> - *** 1315. 1202 HISTORY OF THE WARS CHAP. XI. *Nº.2 1815. opinion, that the work was only formidable against an assault; that batteries being once established, it must speedily fall.—Every exertion was made by the navy to land provisions, and the necessary equipment of a battering-train, and engineers’ stores. Ground was broke on the night of the 8th, and a firing party advanced to within 100 yards of the fort during the night. The position of the batteries being decided upon the next day, they were ready to receive their guns on the night of the 10th, and on the morning of the 11th the fire of a battery of four eighteen-pounders on the left, and two eight-inch howitzers on the right, each at about 100 yards distance; two six-pound- ers at about 300 yards, and eight small cohorns advantageously placed on the right, with in- tervals between 100 and 200 yards, all furnished to keep up an incessant fire for two days, were prepared to open. Preparatory to commencing, General Lambert summoned the fort, allowing the commanding-officer half-an-hour for his de- cision upon such terms as were proposed. The American commander seeing the impossi- bility of effecting any good by further resistance, agreed to surrender, upon the terms proposed to. him by General Lambert; and, on the following day, the garrison, consisting of about 366 soldiers, marched out and grounded their arms, and were embarked on-board the ships of the squadron. The fort was found to be in a complete state of repair, having twenty-two guns mounted, and being amply provided with ammunition. This was the concluding operation of the war. Peace was signed at Ghent, by the American and British commissioners, on the 24th of December, 1814, and ratified by the President and senate of the United States, on the 17th of February. The articles of this treaty are as follows:– Art. I.-" There shall be a firm and universal peace between his Britannic Majesty and the United States and between their respective coun- tries, territories, cities, towns, and people, of every degree, without exception of places or persons. All hostilities both by sea and land shall cease as soon as this treaty shall have been ratified b both parties as herein-after mentioned. All ter. ritory, places, and possessions whatsoever, taken by either party during the war, or which may be taken after the signing of this treaty, excepting only the islands here-after mentioned, shall be restored without delay, and without causing any destruction, or carrying away any of the artillery, or other public property, originally captured in the said forts or places, and which shall remain therein upon the exchange of the ratifications of this treaty, or any slaves or other private pro- perty. And all archives, records, deeds, and papers, either of a public nature, or belonging to private persons, which in the course of the war may have BOOK XIII. Burgoyne and Dickson, they were decidedly of ---ºr--r --- - - – —------" fallen into the hands of the officers of either party,’ shall be, as far as may be practicable, forthwith restored, and delivered to the proper authorities and persons to whom they respectively belong. “Such of the islands in the Bay of Passama- quoddy as are claimed by both parties shall re- main in the possession of the party in whose occupation they may be at the time of the ex- change of the ratifications of this treaty, until the decision respecting the title to the said islands shall have been made, in conformity with the fourth article of this treaty. “No disposition made by this treaty, as to such º of the islands and territories claimed y both parties, shall in any manner whatever be construed to effect the right of either. Art. II.-" Immediately after the ratifications of this treaty by both parties, as herein-after men- tioned, orders shall be sent to the armies, squad- rons, officers, subjects, and citizens of the two- powers, to cease #. all hostilities. And to pre- vent all causes of complaint which might arise on account of the prizes which may be taken at sea after the said ratifications of this treaty, it is re- ciprocally agreed, that all vessels and effects which may be taken after the space of twelve days from the said ratifications, upon all parts of the coast of North America, from the latitude of twenty-three degrees north, to the latitude of fifty degrees north, and as far eastward in the Atlantic Ocean as the thirty-sixth degree of west longitude from the meridian of Greenwich, shall be restored on each side: that the time shall be thirty days in all other parts of the Atlantic Ocean north of the equinoctial line or equator, and the same time for the British and Irish Channels, for the Gulf of Mexico, and all parts of the West- Indies: forty days for the North Seas, for the Baltic, and for all parts of the Mediterranean : sixty days for the Atlantic Ocean, south of the equator, as far as the latitude of the Cape of Good Hope; ninety days for every other part of the world south of the equator, and 120 days for all other parts of the world without exception. Art. III.-‘All prisoners of war taken on either side, as well by land as by sea, shall be restored as soon as practicable after the ratification of this treaty as herein-after mentioned, on their paying the debts which they may have contracted during their captivity. The two contracting par- ties respectively engage to discharge in specie. the advances which may have been made by the other for the sustenance and maintenance of such prisoners. Art. IV.-" Whereas it was stipulated by the second article in the Treaty of Peace of 1783 between his Britannic Majesty and the United States of America, that the boundary of the United States should comprehend “all islands within twenty leagues of any part of the shores of - 3. OF THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. H203 * = ** *** ********* * ** agº. -º-º-º- the United States, and lying between lines to be drawn due-east from the points where the afore- said boundaries between Nova Scotia on the one part, and East Florida on the other, shall respec- tively touch the Bay of Fundy and the Atlantic Ocean, excepting such islands as now are, or heretofore have been, within the limits of Nova Scotia;” and whereas, the several islands in the Bay of Passamaquoddy, which is part of the Bay of Fundy, and the island of Grand Menan in the said Bay of Fundy, are claimed by the United States, as being comprehended within their afore- said boundaries, which said islands are claimed as belonging to his Britannic Majesty, as having been at the time, of, and previous to, the aforesaid treaty of 1783, within the limits of the province of Nova Scotia;-in order, therefore, finally to decide upon these claims, it is agreed that they shall be referred to two commissioners, to be ap- pointed in the fellowing manner, viz. –one com- missioner' shall be appointed by his Britannic Majesty, and one by the President of the United States, by and with the advice and consent of the senate thereof; and the said two commissioners, so appointed, shall.be sworn impartially to examine and decide upon the said claims, according to such evidence as shall be laid before them on the part of his Britannic Majesty and of the United States respectively. The said commissioners shall meet at St. Andrews, in the province of New Brunswick, and shall have power to adjourn to such other place or places as they shall think fit. The said commissioners shall, by a deelara- tion or report under their hands and seals, decide to which of the two eontracting parties the se- veral islands aforesaid do respectively belong, in conformity with the true intent of the said treaty of peace of 1783; and if the said commissioners shall agree in their deeision, both parties, shall consider such decision as final and conclusive. “It is further agreed, that in the event of the two commissioners differing upon all or any of the matters so referred to them, or in the event of both or either of the said commissioners refusing. or declining, or wilfully omitting to act as-such, they shall make, jointly or separately, report or reports, as well to the government of his Britannic Majesty as to that of the United States, stating in detail the points on which they differ; and the grounds upon which their respective opinions have been formed, or the grounds upon which they, or either of them, .have so refused, deelin- ed; or omitted to act. And'his Britannic Majesty and the government of the United States hereby agree to refer the report, or reports of the said: commissioners to some friendly sovereign or state; to be then named for that purpose, and who shalt be requested to decide on the differences. which may be stated in the said report or reports, or upon the report of one commissioner, together Ǻve -- *-*-* -º- ---.º.º. ------- ~~~~ ** ---s—ºr -º-º-º-º-º-º-º-º- < -* with the grounds upon which the other commis- Book XIII. sioner shall have refused, declined, or omitted to act, as the case may be. And if the commissioner Char. XI. so refusing, declining, or omitting to act, shall also wilfully omit to state the grounds upon which he has so done, in such manner that the said statement may be referred to such friendly sove- reign or state, together with the report of such other commissioner, that such sovereign or state shall decide, ex parte, upon the said report alone; and his Britannic Majesty and the government of the United States engage to consider the decision of such friendly sovereign or state to be final and conclusive on all the matters so referred?, Art. W.-“Whereas neither that point of the highlands lying due-north from the source of the river St. Croix, designated in the former treaty of peace between the two powers as the north- west angle of Nova Scotia, nor the north-western- most head of Connecticut river, have yet been as- certained; and whereas that part of the boundary Hine between the dominions of the two powers, which extends from the source of the river St. Croix, directly north to the above-mentioned north-west angle of Nova Scotia, thence along the said highlands which divide those rivers that empty themselves into the river St. Lawrenca, from those which fall into the Atlantic Ocean to the north-westernmost head of Connecticut river, thence down along the middle of that river to the 45th degree of north latitude, thence by a line due-west on said latitude until it strikes the river. Iroquois or Cataraguy, has not yet been surveyed, it is agreed that for these several pur- poses two commissioners shall be appointed, sworn; and authorised; to act exactly in the manner directed with respect to those mentioned in the next preceding article, unless otherwise specified in the present article. The said com-. missioners shall meet at St. Andrews, in the pro- vince of New Brunswick, and shall have power to adjourn to such other place or places as º shall think, fit. The said commissioners shall have power to ascertain and determine the points above-mentioned; in conformity with the provi- sions of the said treaty of peace of 1783; and shall cause the boundary aforesaid, from the source of the river St. Croix to the river Iroquois or.Cataraguy to be surveyed and marked accord- ing to the said provisions; the said commissioners shall make a map of the said boundary, and annex to it a declaration, under their hands and seals, certifying it to be a true map of the said boundary, and particularizing the latitude and longitude of the north-west angle of Nova Scotia, of the north-westernmost head of Connecticut river, and of such other points of the said bound- ary as they may deem proper: and both parties agree to consider such map and declaration as finally and conclusively §s the said boundary, 13 .* | ~~~/ 1815. ×8. # 1204 HISTORY OF THE WARS book XIII. And in the event of the said two commissioners CúAP. XI. ~~~, 1815. iffering, or both, or either of them, refusing, declining, or wilfully omitting to act, such re- ports, declarations, or statements, shall be made by them, or either of them, and such reference to a friendly sovereign or state shall be made in all respects, as in the latter part of the fourth ar- ticle is contained, and in as full a manner as if the same was herein repeated. Art. VI-.” Whereas, by the former treaty of peace, that portion of the boundary of the United States from the point where the 45th degree of north latitude strikes the river Iroquois or Cata- raguy, to the Lake Superior, was declared to be “ along the middle of said river into Lake On- tario, through, the middle of said lake, until it strikes the communication by water between that lake and Lake Erie, thence along the middle of said communication into Lake Erie, through the middle of said lake, until it arrives at the water communication into the Lake Huron, thence through the middle of said lake to the water com- munication between that lake and Lake Superior;” and whereas doubts have arisen what was the middle of the said river, Jakes, and water com- munications, and whether certain islands lying in the same were within the dominions of his Britan- nic Majesty or of the United States. In order, therefore, finally to decide these doubts, they shall be referred to two commissioners, to be appointed, sworn, and authorised to act exactly in the manner directed with respect to those mentioned in the next preceding article, unless otherwise specified in this present article. The said commissioners shall meet, in the first in- stance, at Albany, in the State of New York, and shall have power to adjourn to such other place or places as they shall think fit. The said com- missioners shall, by a report or declaration, under their hands and seals, designate the boundary through the said river, lakes, and water commu- nications, and decide to which of the two con- tracting parties the several islands lying within the said rivers, lakes, and water communications, do respectively belong, in conformity with the true intent of the said treaty of 1783. And both parties agree to consider such designation and decision as final and conclusive. And in the event of the said two commissioners differing, or both or either of them refusing, declining, or wilfully omitting to act, such reports, declara- tions, or statements, shall be made by them, or either of them, and such reference to a friendly sovereign or state shall be made, in all respects, as in the latter part of the fourth article is con- tained, and in as full a manner as if the same was herein repeated. Art. VII.-“It is further agreed, that the said two last-mentioned commissioners, after they shall have executed the duties assigned to them in the preceding article, shall be, and they are hereby authorised, upon their oaths, impartially to fix and determine, according to the true intent of the said treaty of peace of 1783, that part of the boundary between the dominions of the two powers, which extends from the water communi- cation between Lake Huron and Lake Superior, to the most north-western point of the Lake of the Woods; to decide to which of the two parties the several islands lying in the lakes, water com- munications, and rivers forming the said bound- ary, do respectively belong, in conformity with the true intent of the said treaty of peace of:H783, and to cause such parts of the said boundary as require it to be surveyed and marked. The said commissioners shall, by a report or deelara: tion, under their hands and seals, designate, the boundary aforesaid, state their decision on, the points thus referred to them, and partieularize the latitude aud longitude of the most north-Western point of the Lake of the Woods, and of such other parts of the said boundary as they may deem proper. And both parties, agree to consider such designation and decision as final. and con- clusive. And in the event of the said two com- missioners differing, or both, or either of them, refusing, declining, or wilfully omitting to act, such reports, declarations, or statements, shall be made by them, or either of them, and such refer- ence to a friendly sovereign or state shall be made in all respects as in the latter part of the fourth article is contained, and in as full a man- ner as if the same was herein repeated. Art. VIII.-* The several boards of two com- missioners, mentioned in the four preceding arti- cles, shall respectively have power to appoint a secretary, and to employ such surveyors or other persons as they shall judge necessary. Duplicates of all their respective reports, declarations, state- ments, and decisions, and of their accounts, and of the journal of their proeedings, shall be de- livered by them to the agents of his Britannic Majesty, and to the agents of the United States, who may be respectively appointed and authorised to manage, the business on behalf of their respec- tive governments. The said commissioners shall be respectively paid in such manner as shall be agreed between the two contracting parties, such agreement being to be settled at the time of the exchange of the ratifications of the treaty. And all ofber expenses attending the said commissions shall be defrayed equally by the two parties. And in the case of death, sickness, resignation, or, ne- cessary abscence, the place of every such com- missioner respectively...shall be supplied in the same manner as such commissioner was first ap- pointed, and the new commissioner shall take the same oath or affirmation, and do the same duties. “It is further agreed between the two contract- ing parties, that in case of any of the islands men- ~ • OF THE * FRENCH; REVOLUTION. 1205 ** _ºm wº- tioned in any of the preceding artieles which were in the possession of one of the parties prior to the commencement of the present war between the two countries, should, by the decision of any of the boards of commissioners aforesaid, or of the sovereign or state so referred to as in the four next preceding articles contained, fall within the dominions of the other party, all grants of land made previous to the commencement of the war by the party having had such possession, shall be as valid as if such island or islands had, by such decision or decisions, been adjudged to be within the dominions of the party having, had such possession, * , ) : . . . * Art. IX.—“The United States of America en- gage to put an end, immediately after the ratifi- cation of the present treaty, to hostilities with all the tribes or nations of Indians with whom they may be at war' at the time of such ratification, and forthwith to restore to such tribes or nations respectively, all the possessions, rights, and pri- vileges which they may have enjoyed or been entitléd to in 1811, previous to such hostilities. Provided always, that such tribes or nations shall agree to desist from all hostilities against the #. States of America, their citizens ahd sub- jects, upon the ratification of the present treaty being notified to such tribes or nations, and shall so desist accordingly. . . . . . " " . . " - *And his Britañnic Majesty engages, on his part, to put an end, immediately after the ratifi- cation of the present treaty, to hostilities with all the tribes or nations of Indians with whom he may be at war at the time of such ratification, and forthwith to restore to such tribes or nations respectively, all the possessions, rights, and pri- vileges, which, they may have enjoyed or been entitled to in 1811, previous to such hostilities. Provided always, that such tribes or nations shall agree to desist from all hostilities against his Britannic Majesty and ' his subjects, updn the ratification of the present treaty being notified to such tribes' or nations, and shall so desist ac- cordingly.” # .* . * , º Art.ºx.—“Whereas the traffic in shaves is irre- concileable with the principles of humanity and justice, and whereas both "his majésty and the United States are desirous" of continuing their efforts to promote its entire abolition; it is hereby agreed that both the contracting parties shall use their best endeavours to accomplish so desirable an object. " ' { * , ; ; t * Arts XI.—“This treaty, when the same shall have been ratified bn both sides, without alteration by either of the cántractiiig parties, and the rati- fications mutually exchanged, shal!"be binding on both parties; and the ratifications shafl be ex- changed at Washington, in the space of four months from this day, or sooner if praeticable. & ºr # $ w In faith whereof we, the respective plenipoten- Book XIII. tiaries, have signed this treaty, and have thereunto affixed our seals. CHAP. XI. “ Done in triplicate at Ghent, the 24th day of Sºº- HDecember, 1814. º (L. S.) “GAMBIER ; : , (L.S.) H. Goulburn, (L. S.) WM. ADAMs, (L. S.) John QUINCY ADAMs, ‘(L. S.) J. A. BAYARD, aº. (L. S.) H. CLAv, (L.S.) Jon. Russell, (L.S.) ALBERT GALLATIN.” A treaty between Major-general Jackson and the Creek Indians, by ...; the war of the lat- ter against the United States had been terminated in August, 1814, was ratified by the president and senate on the 16th of February. By the first of its articles the Creeks cede to the United States all the land belonging to them within the terri- tories of the states lying west, south, and south- easterly of a certain line, to be drawn by persons appointed by the president, renewing, however, a certain portion of land as a settlement to every warrior of the Creeks who took an active part in favor of the United States in the late war. The Creeks are also required to abstain from all inter- course with any British or Spanish port or town; and other articles are added, denoting the sepa- rate condition to which they were reduced by the hostilities exercised against them. We shall now close this chapter with the fol- lowing strictures on the treaty of Ghent, from the work of a late British traveller in the United States and Canada. t There has never been a state paper of such vast importance to this country, says he, as the treaty of Ghent. It will be proper therefore, to take a re- view of what may justly be termed one of the most unfortunate acts of diplomacy in which Great 1Britain ever engaged. When the hostile incursions of the Americans into Canada furnished a practical illustration of the necessity of changing the frontier, in order to maintain its secure enjoyment of tranquillity, many persons confidently expected that Britain, having closed her European contest, would have immediately directed her principal disposable force towards that point, and attempted at least to reduce some of the enemy's settlements on the lakes; and in, the event of peace, insist on the cession of the whole opposite coast. These hopes, almost universal, cheered the Upper Canadians, amid the terrors and desolations of war, animating them to a vigorous resistance, at a period when the small number of regular troops caused the duty of defending the frontier to devolve chiefly on the militia. A more pernicious peace was 1815. • 1206 HESTORY OF THE WARs BOOK XI. I. -—º- Cir AP. XI. Jºvº-Z 1815. --------- * ** - - -- rººm-- --—- * **-* → - - -º-º-º-º-º-º-º-º- never made: it not only contains the seeds of future war, but is altogether incompatible with the true interests of the mother-country, and her dependencies. This country is by that event cajoled of the right and power to secure from invasion, pro- vinces of incalculable value; the naturally, stron situations of Canada is rendered of little avail; while, together with the Indian tribes on Lake Superior, she is left to the mercy of an inveterate enemy, who is growing stronger every day; and if Canada fall in a future contest, the British na- tion must attach the blame entirely to the blind- ness and negligence equally conspicuous in the conduct of the late war, and in yielding to the enemy's politics-in concluding a treaty of peace. Our power and resources should have been fully exerted, until the enemy, unable to prolong the contest, consented to sue for peace, offering to deliver into the victor's hands, indemnity, for the past, and pledges of security for the future. But ihe golden opportunity has been thrown away, of forcing our inveterate enemy to make those sacri- fices and concessions, which would have taught her a severe but just lesson of humility. It is unfortunately too easy to analyze the causes that operated to produce this-baneful treaty. It is evident that not only the nation at large, but its rulers in particular, are void of perception, as to the real character of the Americans!. Principles of humanity and forbearance, arising from mis- taken feelings of consanguinity, have repressed our military ardour throughout the late war. The same generous motives have also, guided the councils of the nation in the conclusion of peace. America.will.be so elated, as to assume in future a more lofty tone, and from a conviction of her imagined superiority, force a quarrel on the slightest grounds. The proposition stated by Mr. Madison in his declaration of war, that,.." a nation jealous of its rights, and conscious of its strength, has no alternative but to exert the one in defence of the other,” was at, that time deserted from by the federalists, . who much doubted this “ conscious strength,’’ and asserted that their sea- ports, and whole line of coast, had no depen- dence but on British chemency and magnanimity. But in consequence of continued trains of brilliant exploits having in some measure concealed, the national weakness, vanity will overcome, their better judgment; they will conceive the idea of having compelled Biº to sign this peace, and hence a conviction of the power to declare war, combined with the desire of further esta- blishing the national character, which has al- ready gained so, much, will make hostilities po- pular, even with the federal party. And after preparing means of defence and aggression, to which it will apply, itself with the utmost promp- titude, the republic, will, rather court than decline * awar: aimbition being a most predominant feature in the American character, in no respect qualified by any principle of morality, or regard for the law of nations. * * * 4 - The dangerous, and destructive principles of French policy are well understood, and suitable precautions are adopted.... When , Bonaparte's ambition was apparent,., the , allies declared they could not treat, with him, nor, with any of his family. And if no peace with him could be regarded as permanent, so, by parity of reason, must that just concluded with the United States be received in the same light. Should the peace be defended on the ground of manufacturing and commercial advantage, let those who contemplated such a result consider the hostile measures of the American government, who, as soon as peace was proclaimed, imposed, a new tariff of duties on foreign merchandize and manufactures, which, doubles those previously,ex- isting, and amounts almost, to a total prohibition of importation... . . . . . . . t w With regard to commissioners, is it not sur-- prising that, this country could not appoint men thoroughly acquainted with American affairs?..No doubt Lord Gambier, and his worthy coadjutors, acted from the dictates of honor and benevolence; but were they competent to the task of negoci-- ating with such shrewd, not to say subtle men, as Bayard and Galatin # for, as in the treaty of,1783, so in the present instance, the British delegates have been foiled by American sophistry. it is much to be regretted, that some native of the pro- vinces was not added. to the list of British nego- ciators, as many gentlemen of superior talents might have been readily obtained from either of the colonies. Our interests would then have been ascertained, and as certainly defended. Ignorance, and not conscious weakness, swayed our councils in the signature of the treaty. The spirit of that part of it, at least, which relates to the boundaries, is founded on the American claims, established by the treaty of 1783. The arrangements made on the late occasion, relate to surveying, this frontier, and asceptaining; with precision its exact geographical limits, in order to prevent disputes in future. In ordinary cases this would be, just and equitable, on; both.sides ;... but it must be recollected, that although disputes had arisen on this subject, it was not even a collateral cause of the war:, on the contrary, the United States com- . menced hostilities’for the real, though concealed, purpose of wresting, Canada from Great Britain altogether. It was this, circumstance alone that produced the war-vote in Congress; and therefore sanctioned a departure from terms of reciprocity, and the enforcement of measures necessary to the security and repose of those provinces, against. which the enemy's force was directed. The OF THE FRENCH FEVOLUTION. 1207 ostensible motives assigned by the American go- vernment for the declaration of war, such as the establishment of sailors’ rights and a free trade, &c. were rather political engines, employed to gain popularity, than real cause of hostility. Subjects calculated to inflame the public mind were forced into notice, and commented on with the utmost malignity and virulence ; false statements, and even palpable absurdities, were assiduously pro- pagated, both by newspapers and various other means: and it is a fact, worthy the serious consi- deration of Britons, because it developes, in some measure, the deadly rancour of the ruling party, and the dangerous principles of American policy, that these injurious comments and assertions were intended to shake the loyalty of British seamen, whom they designedly . up as being at present no better than degraded slaves. Is it not then surprising, that the litigated questions have not been set at rest by an express article in the treaty, where not a word is said re- specting the right of search and impressment, points which affect the vital interests of Britain, and that ought to have been made the basis of the whole; while some objects of comparatively insignificant importance are carefully inserted It is under- stood, that a secret article of the treaty exists, by which the above questions are decided ? If so, all may be well: but if the questions are waived, gene- rally and verbally, by the respective plenipotentia- ries, without a written document, what pledge can this country have from such vague proceedings, that they will not again disturb the repose of both nations : It may be asked, was this a subject proper for the decision of a friendly power?—such a measure being contemplated by the Americans prior to the appointment of commissioners, with assurance of an issue favorable to the states, since it was well known there existed not one friendly power, who in this particular was not biassed against Great Britain. In this it appears American policy was foiled; but the adverse decision of an umpire would hardly have had a worse effect than the adopted mode of a tacit connivance, or mutual eva- sion. And notwithstanding what may have been pretended by the American plenipotentiaries, imany are clearly of opinion, that the old ground will be again taken by the people of the states; and that by omitting to make the decision of the contested rights a prominent article in the treaty of Ghent, this country has given America an ep- |. to insinuate, that these indisputably be- ong to her. This opinion will befostered with care, till the smothered flame rekindles, and flags bear- ing political mottos are again displayed on the OCéalle We now proceed to examine the Canadian frontier, most exposed to the ill effects of this dºing treaty. The Americans well knew the advantages they possessed, improved the oppor- BOOK XIII. tunity, and established numerous settlements, at points most calculated to annoy the British, in case of war. TXetroit, Ogdensburgh, Sacketts Harbour, Oswego, Plattsburgh, Blackrock, and Buffalo, all attracted notice during the late con- test; and the advantages which the enemy gain- ed over our fleets, may be primarily attributed to their possessing those places. But there are many other important out-posts, which have as yet re- mained unnoticed, affording the Americans either peculiar facilities for aggression, or for the main- tenance of a superior navy on the lakes and waters of Canada. Cape St. Vincent, situated at the debouchure of Lake Ontario, threatens to cut off the communications between that lake and Kingston Ferry, in its vicinity, Chaumont, Bromwille, Waterton, Hen- derson, Ellisborough, and Mexico, all near the mouth of the lake, may be powerfully employed for the same purpose. Michillimackinac, in the narrows between Lakes Huron and Michigan, equally guards both, and prevents all communica- tion from one to the other. Fort St. Joseph, on the river of the same name, which flows into Lake Michigan, affords security for the building of ves. sels; Miami Bay, Sandusky, and Cunningham Is- lands, with several capes along the streights of Erie, obstruct the passage from Lake St. Clair to Lake Erie. The Miami river, flowing through India- na, gives facility to an irruption from that part of the É. States territory given to the soldiery. Detroit is well situated, either to command Lake St. Clair, and the water communications between that lake and Erie, or to make an incursion into Essex, against the posts of Sandwich, Amherst- burgh, and Malden ; and Fort St. Clair com- mands the river of that name, running from Lake St. Clair to Lake Huron. In the river St. Law- rence, abundance of stations, either are or may be taken up, for the purpose of destroying the small craſt employed thereon, and cutting off all communication between Montreal and the Upper Province, St. Regis, Massena, Louisville, Madrid, Ogdensburgh, Morriston, Oswegatche, and Alexandria, with several islands affording either strong military positions, or posts of an- noyance. On Lake Champlain, are Champlain to guard the entrance, Plattsburgh, Peru, Wilsborough, Crown Point, Ticonderago, Skeensborough, Fair- haven, Benson, Orwell, Bridport, Burlington, &c. while the British have only, to defend the water communication, Forts Chambly and William Henry; the former about midway, the latter at the confluence with the St. Lawrence. - On an attentive perusal of the above summary, and examination of the map, it will be clearly seen, that Canada can never be really safe, while the river St. Lawrence. the United States Pº, these frontiers, founded 13 CHAP. XI. Vºlvº/ 1815, 1208 HISTORY OF THE WARS Book XIII. on the treaty of 1783, and guaranteed by the late CHAP. XI. \_º"> *s- 1815. disgraceful one at Ghent. It will also be appa- rent, that the American territories of Ohio, Michigan, and Indiana, are most advantageously situated to command Lakes Superior, Michigan, Huron, and Erie; while Lake Ontario and the river St. Lawrence, running from thence three arts of the way to Montreal, are completely #. with settlements and ports which tempt the enemy to make incursions, and render it almost impossible, in the present state of the two fron- tiers, to guard sufficiently against them. It would be easy for an enemy, holding Sacketts Harbour, Ogdensburg, and St. Regis, to descend upon Montreal; but to send a reinforcement up the river, from Montreal to Kingston, would be a work of great labour and difficulty. The evils of this were severely felt several times during the late war. Again, the falls of Niagara intercept the water communication between Montreal and Lakes Erie, Huron, and the adjoining districts, which must ever be disturbed in time of war; for while the Ohio and Michigan territories are on their flank, and hostile fleets scour the Lakes, what pros- pect have these fertile regions of ever rising in im- portance, so long as the enemy can direct all his force against them, without their being able to obtain reinforcements from Kingston, or Mon- treal, except very slowly 3 Hence a British army stationed there might be soon outnumbered, and defeated béfore any succour could arrive; and, pro- vided the enemy commanded Lake Ontario, even that would be entirely precluded. Thus the Americans could invade at several points, while at present the British would be able to reinforce only at one, and even that a very precarions one. Supposing the above-mentioned district included in the angle between Lakes Ontario, Erie, and Huron to be perfectly cleared, and the towns of London and Oxford populous and extensive, there would be no security for them, so long as America commanded the Lakes: for a combined movement might be made on them from the four different points of Burlington Bay, in Lake Ontario, Otter Creek, in Lake Erie, the river Thames, in Lake St. Clair, and the Riviere Du Sable, in Lake Huron. Such a movement, if well conducted, would succeed like Generals Amherst, Prideaux, and Wolfe's celebrated expedition against the provinces. ...” May not Canada then complain, with justice, that her interests not being understood, have been sacrificed, by permitting the means of desolating her most fertile districts to remain in the power of her enemies, who, if their boast be accom- plished, will keep the mastery of the Lakes?—in which case, they will at all times have access to the lower provinces, unless large fleets and nume- rous forts are built and maintained at a great ex- pence. 7 -*. -º- a. **** - - -an-a Whatever may have been the motives that in- duced the British plenipotentiaries at Ghent to ratify the treaty of 1783, and amuse themselves and the Americans with proofs, of a scrupu- lous regard to the laws of nations, they were very ill-timed. If the attack on Copenhagen is vindi- cated on the plea of necessity, surely a departure from the precepts of the civilian would have been justifiable in i. pacific negociations with Ame- rica. Denmark was at peace; the United States at war with us, and for the real purpose of pos- sessing Canada. Her finances were inadequate to prolong the struggle, and Britain should have ex- torted the cession of a line of demarcation, neces- sary to the security of that country, against which the force of the enemy had been directed. If she had not obtained the whole Hine of coast along the lakes, the principal posts, such as Oswego, Sac- ketts Harbour, Detroit, and Buffalo, should have been insisted on peremptorily ; while, by express stipulation, the enemy should have been deprived altogether of having a fleet on the hakes, or limited as to the force and number of their ships. At the same time they might have continued to enjoy an uninterrupted commerce, and to have covered the lakes with peaceable craft as before, though it would have been wiser, and ultimate- ly more humane, to shut them out entirely from any participation in the benefits arising from trade on the lakes; since they converted what were intended as peaceable depôts of commerce, inte military and naval stations. ^ If the enemy had refused to treat on such dis- advantageous terms, Britain should have changed the aspect of the war on the Canadian frontier from defensive into the offensive, and attacked each of the strong holds with an overwhelming force, which would have ensured success by making resistance useless. As things now stand, this country must build a large fleet on the Lakes Ontario, #. and Hu- ron; and not yield to the Americans in exertion, who will strain every nerve to establish a superior force, and who construct their ships with surpris- ing rapidity. Should we succeed in the superiority of ships, equal exertions should be made to furnish them with men. . It was proved by Sir G. Pre- vost's general order, that there were only fif British seamen on-board the fleet defeated by the Americans on Lake Erie; the remainder were British soldiers, Canadian militia-men, and pea- santry, who had to contend against one thousand picked American seamen, sent for the express pur- pose of ...; the hostile fleet. - The principal posts should have been obtained either by treaty or force of arms, as points, whose possession would have placed in our hands those facilities for an invasion of the states which would be calculated to overawe and deter them from again disturbing our repose. In particular, the OF THE FRENCH -REVOLUTION. * 1209 **- -*- -º- following should all have been secured: Os- wego, which commands the routes to New York, by Liverpool, Albany, or Onandago, Oxford, Rochester, and Hudson's river; to Philadelphia, by Onandago, Jericho, Harmony, Stockport, and, the river Delaware; and to Ealtimore, by Salina, Port-Watson, Troga-Point, and the Susquehana river. Crown Point and Ticonderago are keys to New York, by the route of Sandy Hill, Green- wich, wº. and Hudson’s river. Skeensbo- rough also is the key to the great road on the eastern bank of Hudson's river, leading to New York. The inhabitants of the provinces, aware of the above circumstances, and knowing the im- }...". of Oswego, anxiously expected that a arge force would have been directed against it, that its reduction might have been secured. No doubt there must have been cogent reasons for not making the attempt: these are mysteries not to be explored by vulgar eyes; but certainly con- siderable diappointment and discontent prevailed in the provinces in consequence. But Sacketts Harbour is still of greater import- ance than either of the afore-mentioned places. Its convenience as a naval station, has been fully proved by America; while its fatal efficacy, in blockading the entrance to Lake Ontario from the river St. Lawrence, has been most painfully expe- rienced by us. With this peculiar fitness for of fensive operations, it is likewise a key to New York by Harrisburgh, Leyden, and thence either by Trenton, Utica, and the Mohawk river; or #. by Renesen, Johnstown, Waterford, and the Hudson's river. Such is the line of frontier op- Book xIII. posed to the British settlements; and it can never be sufficiently regretted, that the treaty of Ghent Char. XI. *_ United States. Was it supposed that such “ per- fect reciprocity” would conciliate the affection of the Americans, or convince them that Britain de- sired peace from motives of humanity ? Such con- ceptions may exist in an English cabinet, but they are not suitable to a Transatlantic climate. From a review of the premises advanced, a just conclusion may be drawn, that the present peace is not founded on terms of such perfect reciprocity as has been represented. It is most decidedly ad- verse to Great Britain, since the rival nation en- joys all the credit, and profit too. This treaty, moreover, declares to the world, that any nation who chooses to insult us, may hope to do it with impunity. It has left our provinces in the same defenceless state it found them : what few advan- 'tages were gained, are to be given up. And it has given the Americans the opportunity of placing themselves in a more imposing attitude in future. Under all the circumstances in which it now stands, this country should take wise precautions, by strengthening the Canadian frontier, many of whose strong points should be immediately forti- fied, such as Long Point, or North .Point, Pelé, or South Foſeland, and Landguard Point in Lake Erie; Nicholas’ Island, St. Peter's Head, Amherst Island, Burlington Point, and Gibraltar Point, in Lake Ontario. guarantees the full possession of these to the S-e-v- 1815. 1210 HISTORY OF THE WARS BOOK XIV. CHAP. I. * - *, 1814. wr-º- *. BOOK XIV. = CHAPTER I. State of Parties in France.—Proceedings of the Chambers at the Close of 1814.—Discussion on the Emigrant Property.—Ordinances of the King.—Civil List.—Biographical Sketch of Louis XVIII. We must now proceed to notice the affairs of urope, and particularly those of France. The state of parties in that country towards the close of the year 1814, was such as indicated the existence of wide differences in opinion and interest among large classes of the community; and although in a well-established government, and among a peo- le of sedate character and temperate feelings, it is found by experience that such diversities may prevail wº materially endangering the public tranquillity, yet, under the rule of a dynasty re- stored, after long intermission, in consequence of foreign conquest, to the throne of a nation dis- tinguished by the vehemence and promptitude of its emotions, there was sufficient reason to appre- hend that secret discussions could not long sub- sist without bursting into a flame. Some trying questions had been agitated in the legislative chambers, particularly those relative to emigrant property, and the censorship of the press, which, though carried in them by decisive majorities in favour of the court, were differently looked upon in the political circles of Paris and the provinces. But it was in the military class that feelings existed the most dangerous to the security of the Bourbon government. With scarcely any excep- tions, both officers and soldiers retained a high sentimental attachment to the man who so long had led them to glory and victory, and under whose banners, notwithstanding recent disasters, they fondly regarded themselves as destined to retrieve their own importance, and the honor of their country. The imperial rank which he had been still suffered to preserve, maintained his titular dignity; and his position at Elba, sepa- rated only by a narrow space of sea, kept him in constant view, and allowed a ready intercourse with his partizans. Before, however, we proceed to the return of Napoleon from Elba, it may be interesting to take ... 3 a brief review of the proceedings of the French chambers at the close of the year, and particu- larly with respect to the emigrant property. One of the greatest safeguards of the throne of Louis, arose from his declaration that property should be respected : but while this declaration was sa- tisfactory to those who had purchased estates, it was of course distressing and unpopular to the emigrants. They naturally expected that on the restoration of Louis they would be put again in possession of their property. This, however, could not be done completely; and even the pro- posal to restore the unsold estates created great alarm and apprehension, as it was imagined by many that it was a preliminary step to restoring all the estates of the emigrants. The first time it was introduced in the chamber of deputies was in a report from the committee of petitions, reciting the substance of a petition, delivered by a certain Dame Mathea, which stated, that she had acquired, by purchase, emi- grant property, which she was peaceably enjoy- ing, when two publications appeared, one entitled, “A Letter to Louis XVIII. on the Sale of Na- tional Property,” by M. Falconet, advocate; the other entitled, “The Restitution of the Property of Emigrants considered,” by M. Dard, advocate; the effects of which were, to excite doubts as to the validity of her purchase; and she therefore prayed the enactment of a law to clear up this uncertainty. The member who gave this report (which was probably a contrivance) made a speech to show the dangers that would accrue from any attempt to infringe the laws which had sanctioned and confirmed the sale of confiscated property; and concluded with moving a resolu- tion to the effect, that the chamber having heard the report on the petition, and considered the various (recited) laws by which such sales had been confirmed, had decided that the complaints OF THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 1211 wº- ---Tºr- ------- of the petitioner were unfounded. This resolu- tion passed unanimously, and the report was ordered to be printed. On the 13th of September, the minister, M. Ferrand, presented from the king to the chamber of deputies, the plan of an important law respect- ing emigrants, the object of which was, the re- storation of all such emigrant property as was not already appropriated to the public service, or sold to individuals, to its owners, or their repre- sentatives. In his introductory speech, M. Fer- rand observed, that the designation of emigrants, applied to a portion of his majesty's subjects, was as false in principle as it had been disastrous in its consequences. They were persons who, while thrown for a season into foreign lands, had la- mented over that country which they hoped to revisit. Rigorous justice then demanded that those who, for twenty years, had submitted to so many sacrifices, should be restored to that share of their property which had not been disposed of In the preamble of the law the king repeats the engagement he had contracted of maintaining the sales which had already been made of national property; after which follow several articles rela- tive to the retention or restitution of the property of emigrants, the claims to profits received, ar- rears, instalments of purchase-money due, &c. This law being referred to a committee, its dis- cussion produced long debates at several sittings of the chamber, by which it appeared that great suspicions had been excited respecting the future security of the private purchases and public ap- propriations of emigrant property. An article, apparently for the purpose of obviating such ap- prehensions, being added by the committee, the object of which was to render the present mea- sure of relief final, with regard to the emigrants, it was put to the vote and rejected. The law for restoring the unsold estates of the emigrants passed the chamber of deputies by a large majority; it was then carried up to the chamber of peers, where it passed by a majority of 100 votes out of 103 present. The Duke of Tarentum (Marshal Macdonald) pronounced, on this occasion, a discourse which had a great effect. At the close of his speech he announced his in- tention of proposing, on an early day, a projet of a law, to be submitted to the king, the object of which would be to grant life-annuities to those of the emigrants the sale of whose estates had left them unprovided for. “According to the calcu- lations which I shall have the honor to lay before the chamber, it will be seen that the funds neces- sary for these annuities will add but little to the burdens of the public; while this measure, so particularly just and politic, will have the vast advantage of affording at the same time a com- pensation to those who have lost their all, and dissipating the apprehensions of the fair pur- chasers of the estates sold as national property.” A curious and important circumstance was BOOK XIV. , connected with this speech of the Duke of Ta- rentum. One of the Paris journals totally mis- represented it; so totally and grossly, indeed, that it must have been intentional, and could have been done with no good motive. It represented him as saying that the military of all ranks were willing to contribute a portion of their pay to create a fund for the support of the emigrants. Now the evident effect of such a representation must have been to increase the ill-will of the sol- diery, not only to the emigrants but also to the king and government; since, as they had given no authority to the duke for his statement, they would naturally suppose that a plan was in agi- tation to deprive them of part of their pay for the support of the emigrants. The nature of the liberty of the press enjoyed in France was abun- dantly proved on this occasion ;-for the journal- thus offending was suppressed—though only for a very short time: but the suppression showed the power of government, and would be sufficient to terrify other journalists. Would it not have been much wiser to have obliged the offending journal to contradict its own statement, and thus give the same circulation to the antidote which it had given to the poison 3 t On the 10th of December the Duke of Taren- tum presented to the chamber of peers a sketch of his system of iudemnity for the emigrants, to which he had before alluded; the substance of this system, together with some extracts from the speech by which it was introduced and recom- mended, as affording a favorable specimen of the eloquence of the chamber of peers, we shall lay before our readers. The calculations are divided into two classes : those which concern the endowments for the military who have been deprived of them by the last events of the war are complete, and cannot be brought into doubt. - Those which relate to property sold in conse- quence of confiscation are all hypothetic, and cannot be established with precision until the minister shall have devoted himself, by the king's orders, to an examination, for which some months would be sufficient; but the orator would carry his hypotheses to an exaggeration demonstrated; and if the results which they shall offer have nothing that can intimidate the generosity of the nation, they will be so much the more proper to confirm it in the resolution to be passed. There have been concluded directly with go- ment 1,055,889 sales of national domains. In giving to each original purchaser a famil of three persons, (a proposition much below the truth,) we obtain, as a result 3,167,667 individuals interested in the first sales of national domains. And if we estimate the common proportion of changes and partitions, for twenty-five years, at number three, we have ". a result 9,503,001 per- 14 CHAP. I. Jºvº-2 1814. 1212 HISTORY OF THE WARS BOOK XIV. CHAP. I. N-ºvº. l 814. * sons interested in the stability of these sales of national domains, without making mention of the persons indirectly interested by the effect of cre- dits and inscriptions. r And it is against this colossus, whose height the eye cannot measure, that some impotent efforts would attempt to direct themselves! The national sales ought to be divided into two elasses—that of the property belonging to corpo- rations, and that of private property. France has groaned over the misfortunes of the ministers of her altars; but in giving them her tears she has confirmed the alienation of the roperty of the clergy: never will the age that |. given us birth bestow upon corporations, with only a life-interest, that tribute of interest and affection which souls of sensibility delight to offer to the proprietor banished from the domain of his fathers. Public opinion has completely ratified the sale of property of the first origin. It is not the same with that of property arising from confiscation. The miracles of providence, which have raised up the empire of the lilies, have attached a parti- cular character to a numerous class of citizens; they appear in the midst of us, protected by age and misfortune ; they are a kind of crusaders, who have followed the standard of the cross into foreign countries; and they relate to us those long vicissitudes, those storms and tempests which had at length driven them into the port which they had lost all hope of reaching. Which . of us could refuse to give them our hand in token of eternal alliance? Our hearts have been moved. If their's have remained colder, can we be as- tonished ? The return of the king, the bearer of the olive of peace, exceeded all our hopes—one only of their's is realized. In truth, the first of their wishes is accomplished. The towers of St. Louis have seen again their heir. But what changes have been operated in France what destruction consummated what monuments over- thrown' what others erected upon their ruins ! what prosperous dreams º in one day, after having been for so many nights the consola- tions of the exile ! Let us dive into our hearts to judge our fellow-men. Let us place ourselves, in thought, in the position I have described: let us add to the sentiments with which they inspire us, that pride, the companion of the unfortunate; and instead of sharing the common complaints upon the reception of our brethren restored to us, let us recognise Frenchmen in the calm of the disinterestedness of the greater part of them, and in the nobleness of their attitude. The existence of the old proprietors in the pre- sence of the acquirers of their property, is a fact which they cannot and ought not to attempt to prevent. The necessary consequence which the orator draws from it is, that we remove the diffi- culty, instead of vainly trying to conquer it; change the present situation for a new one; in a word, dared to make known the abyss opened before us, to leap it; and, armed with all the ge- nerosity and force of the nation, to launch into a vast system of indemnity. An opinion so general, that it approaches to demonstration, rates at four milliards the value of the national property of every class. * Another opinion, less universally adopted by the administration, comprises in this valuation the value of the property of second origin at a tenth only. To remove every objectionſ"ſhe orator more than doubles the last calculation, and supposes that the mass of property confiscated, or sold, amounts to nearly a quarter of the whole pro- perty of four milliards, which gives 900,000,000. From this sum, evidently exaggerated, we must deduct— * 1st. For the numerous liquidations which have been made to the creditors of that property, at least the third of the whole, that is 300,000,000. 2d. For the removal of the sequestrations which have been pronounced for twenty-three years, and for those which have been just pronounced, at least 300,000,000 more. It is therefore to 300,000,000 only that in the most forced supposition the sum of confiscations or - sales made amounts, and of course of indemnities to be provided. This value, immeasurable for the victims, intolerable for the witnesses, would be almost unperceived in the calculations of a great nation, if its first want, in reviving to order, were not the sentiment of justice and generosity. This sentiment requires that the country should place itself, by an indemnity, between the ancient pro- prietors and the acquirers, and that, by its libera- lity towards the one, it put an end to the recollec- tions of all. * In the plan of indemnity which he forms, the duke does not propose that the indemnity to be granted to the proprietors should be fixed pre- cisely at the proportion determined by antérior laws for the creditors of the state, that is, one-third. In making the indemnity experience this reduc- tion, 5,000,000 of annuities would in truth be sufficient to discharge it ; but then the liquidation would seem to be founded upon rights which the charter condemns; and above all we should injure those who have credits upon the property confis- cated, for they could not exact from the propri- etors indemnified other conditions than those which would have been imposed upon the same. proprietors by the national power. He therefore. proposes to replace the value of the sales of con- fiscated property by an annuity of two and a half per cent. : this operation would be more simple and equitable, since it would preserve the rights. of non-liquidated creditors. This indemnity, were it 12,000,000 or more yearly, comprising in it the endowments from 500, * 2 $ * \ of THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 1213 -ā- *-*** * to 2,000 francs, need not be a new charge upon the treasury, nor upon the payers of taxes. Passing over in silence, or merely indicating se- veral kinds of resources, the value of which he leaves to the statesmen who hear him, the Duke of Tarentum perceives in the infallible increase of the produce of registration the assured pledge z' of the indemnities. This produce is valued at 90,000,000, a third of which consists of duties 'collected upon national property. - The discredit that had been thrown upon pro- perty of this kind, by spreading hopes or seditious apprehensions, would paralyse totally all changes in such property, and would deprive the treasury of that branch of the revenue. Hence, by re- storing to the proprietors, and to those who would become so, the security they have lost, we should restore to the treasury 30,000,000, a great part of which would be for ever taken away if we suffered their inquietudes to subsist by pro- viding no indemnity for the ancient proprietors. By favour of this security, changes would mul- tiply more than ever, and the property that is the object will increase to a height it had never yet reached. This movement, and this increase of immoveable property, will necessarily turn to the profit of the finances and of the state. Yet the public happiness is not consummated. Tears still flow ; regrets subsist. They are those of the brave men mutilated in a thousand battles, who were reduced to the most deplorable state from the moment the service of the small endow- ments ceased, that is, since the disastrous cam- paign of Moscow. 2. The titulars of 4,000 francs and under had been distributed into four classes ; the first, 4000; the second, 2,000; the third, 1,000; and the fourth, 500. The duke proposes to destroy this order of en- dowment, and to place the weakest part first. Those of 500 and 1,000, which were formed of annuities, free from taxes, had not and ought not to undergo any reduction. United, they offer an aggregate of 3,604 titulars, and a sum of 1,802,000 francs. The 3d class, which comprises 1,216 titulars, had its revenue established upon property, and suffered, by taxes, reparations, and the loss of exchange, a reduction of a fifth. This revenue, then, is but 2,017,000 francs. ; France would need only 3,000,000 at most to discharge to the full towards her defenders the most sacred portion of such a debt. A measure of legislature ought to result from the measures thus proposed. Happy the minis- ters and the administrators invited to assist in it. Formerly they liquidated to destroy—now they will liquidate to repair. Liquidation will not compensate for all losses—But after twenty years - war and discord, who will expect to become again Book XIV. what we were 3 Consoled already by return, the consolation of the exile will be completed by an indemnity which he dared not expect, of the army by a benefit which it thought to have lost with its author. For the purpose of supplying the deficiences in the clerical establishment of the Gällican church, which had so long been suffered to fall into neglect, the king, on the 5th of October, is- sued an ordinance, which permitted the arch- bishops and bishops of the kingdom to establish in each department an ecclesiastical school, the masters and tutors of which they might name, and in which they should educate young people intended for the great seminaries. When schools were situated in towns where there was a lyceum or commercial college, the scholars, after two years study, were to take the ecclesiastical habit, and thenceforth were to be excused from attend- ing the lectures of the lyceum or college. When they had finished their course of study, they might present themselves to the examination of the university for the degree of bachelor of let- ters, which should be gratuitously conferred upon them. These ecclesiastical schools were allowed to receive legacies and donations. Another ordinance of Louis related to the regu- lation of the prisons in such a manner as might correct the vicious habits of criminals condemned by the sentence of the tribunals, and prepare them, by order, labour, and moral and religious instruction, to return peaceful and useful members of society, when their periods of imprisonment were terminated ; for the purpose of effecting this desirable end, all prisoners condemned for crimes, under twenty years of age, were directed to be collected together in one prison, to be called “The Prison of Experiment;” the director of which was to be charged with the superintendance of its po- lice, and of the labour and instruction deemed necessary for the reform of the criminals; an assistant and six inspectors to be placed under him: these different offices to be gratuitous. The minister of the interior to make a report every month of the state of the prison ; and be- sides that, a commission, composed of a counsellor of state, and two masters of request, and another composed of three members of the court of ses- sion, to visit it twice a year, and to give in the result of these observations on all the details of its management and effects ; the director-general to furnish them with all the requisite aid and in- formation; and also, at the end of each year, to give a moral and detailed account of the state of the prison, and an account of the re- ceipts and expences : this account, after it has been verified and approved by the minister of the interior, to be laid before the king and the public. This wise and salutary plan seems to have ori- CHAP. I. and that Nºyº” 1814. 1214 WARS HISTORY OF THE BOOK XIV, CHAP. I. , NºNº-Z 1814. ginated with one of the most enlightened and benevolent men in France, the Duke de la Roche- foucault, who was appointed Director-general of the Prison of Experiment. In France, as well as in England, great differ- ence of opinion prevailed respecting the laws for regulating the exportation and importation of corn; and soon after the peace, considerable dis- turbances took place at Dieppe, and some other sea-ports, when corn was sent out of the king- dom for England. In consequence of these dis- turbances, the subject of the corn-laws was brought before the two chambers; where it gave rise to long and elaborate discussions. The most important and enlightened speech was delivered in the chamber of deputies on the 10th of Octo- ber, by M. Bequey, the director-general of agri- culture: he stated several facts with regard to the price of corn in different parts of France—he had examined the returns of five districts in the south of that kingdom, prior to 1789, where the price had been constantly highest : from these returns it appeared that the medium price for twelve years, from 1778 to 1789, was eighteen francs fifty-three cents the hectolitre, when the average price throughout the kingdom was only fifteen franks eight cents during the same period: the difference, therefore, was three franks forty- five cents. From the year 1802 to 1813 the me- dium price in the above districts was twenty- seven franks fourteen cents, while the average price of the kingdom was twenty-one francs forty- six cents; the difference being five francs forty- eight cents. Hence it appeared, that before the revolution the price of wheat was one-fifth higher in the southern departments of France than the general price, and for the last twelve years it was one- fourth higher. He accounted for this by the want of importation in the southern districts, which could not be supplied as usual in time of war, from Barbary and Sicily. * The imposition of a duty when the price of grain approached the rate at which, by the law, exportation was to cease, had been objected to ; but government thought this necessary, in order to slacken the activity of purchasers when the country had a very slight interest in the export of grain. - *s M. Bequey then proceeded to defend the prin- ciple of importing grain from foreign parts duty free: France was so very extensive, the harvests in different parts might vary so much in produc- tiveness, that the more distant parts could not always relieve each other with the requisite prom- titude and economy. Beside, the south of France exported its manufactures to the Levant, and the states of Barbary ; and if France did not take their corn, they would cease to take their manufactures. “The example of England, which * i -----ar-rº- imposed a duty on import, was not sufficient to rebut his argument: her financial and custom- house legislation was different from that of France: besides, she covered the seas with her ships, and could supply herself with pleasure. Bread could hardly be considered as the staple article of her subsistence ; while in France it was the staff of life, and its dearness operated as a diminution of subsistence to the poor.” After some further discussion, the whole of the law allowing exportation of corn when under a certain price, and free importation, was adopted by a majority of 120 to 20. This was the first plan of law which the chamber adopted without amendment. In the chamber of deputies, a member made a motion relative to the personal debts of the king. The mover, after a reference to the long-rooted attachment of Frenchmen to their kings, and the circumstances which had compelled the present royal family to take refuge in a foreign country, and to contract debts for their support, divided their creditors into two classes, public and private. In the first rank of these he named England. “Could you wish (said he) that she should have it in her power to boast of having maintained, for so many years, the family of your kings, without an offer from France of the payment of her ad- wances 3 In vain would proud England object that she had only followed the example of France' by returning to the Bourbons what Louis XIV. had done for the Stuarts, whose posterity stills fills the British throne. Let us do our duty; the English will do theirs.” In the second rank he placed those generous men who had sacrificed their fortunes and those of their children to these august personages; and he was persuaded that sooner or later the French people would do jus- tice to such virtuous magnanimity and misfortune. After dwelling for some time upon their case, he ended with moving, “that the king be humbly requested to communicate to the chamber an ac- count of the debts he contracted during his resi- dence abroad, and to present a law for accelerating the payment of those debts, considered as the debts of the state!! This motion was warmly supported, and unanimously ordered to be taken into consideration by the committees. A resolu- tion was framed upon it, which was afterwards unanimously acceded to by the chamber of peers. Count Blacas, minister of the royal household, presented to the chamber of deputies, on October 26th, the plan of a law relative to the civil list and endowment of the crown, for which the two cham- bers had addressed the king. By the first article, , the annual sum of 25,000,000 francs was appro- priated to the civil list, to be paid in twelve equal monthly payments. Then followed a number of articles relative to the public domains or endow- ments of º crown, the conservation and admi- - O º % ºº KING ºr ſº - - - - - - - - - -- - - - - - -- - - - - - - - - - - - RANCIE º - º - *ºr Awaº º HUET WILLEIRS OF THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 1215 * * * *— nistration of its property, the king's private do- mains, and the endowment of the princes and princesses of the royal family. . . For the latter purpose the annual sum of 8,000,000 of francs was assigned to serve instead of apenage. This law was adopted in the chamber of deputies by a ma- jority of 185 votes to 4. The sane minister appeared before the cham- ber ou the 29th of November, to lay before it a statement of the king's debts. hose of his majesty, and of the princes of his family, with those left by Louis XVI. amounted to about 30,000,000 of francs, which he justly said was no great sum considering the number of years during which the principal and interest had been accumulating. The interest of these debts the king offered to pay provisionally out of the civil list, so that no alteration would be required in the budget. The count then alluding to the law which restored to the companions of the king's exile such of their property as was not alienated, said, that his majesty only felt the more strongly the obligations which it laid upon him to fulfil towards those who had nothing to expect from the measures to which the legislative body had been obliged to confine itself. It belonged there- fore to him alone to succour the honorable indi- genee of these persons; and confiding in the co-operation which the generosity of this body promised him, he would endeavour to discharge this debt contracted by misfortune. The count then read the plan of a law presented to the chamber in the name of the king. After stating the amount of the debt, it proposed a commis- sion to be appointed by his majesty to examine the titles of the creditors, according to whose decision they should be inscribed in the book of the public debt, the interest up to January 1, 1816, to be paid out of the civil list, and after that date to be provided for in the budget. This law being discussed in the chamber on Decem- ber 15, an amendment, proposed by the central committee, was taken into consideration, namely, that it would not be proper to accept his majesty's generous offer of paying the interest of the debt for 1815 out of the civil list; and the law thus amended passed only with a single negative. We shall now close this chapter with a biogra- hical sketch of Louis Stanislaus Xavier, the VIIIth, King of France. He was born on the 17th of November, 1755, being the second son of the then Dauphin of France. From a long line of ancestors he inherited the name of Louis; that of Stanislaus was derived from his great grandfather, Stanislaus Duke of Lorraine and King of Poland, whose only daughter, Maria Lesinski, was queen to Louis XV, whilst that of Xavier was taken from the ºlºra family of Saxony, his own mother, Ma- 3. ria Josepha, being daughter to the duke of that ancient division of the German empire. Whilst yet a child, he was designated by the title of Count de Provence, which he changed for Mon- sieur, when the death of his grandfather, Louis XV. left the throne for his elder brother, the late unfortunate monarch; and, in consequence of the death of his father, a loss of a most serious nature, as the dauphin was of the most estimable charac- ter, both as a man and a parent, he was thrown amidst all the blandishments of a voluptuous court, at an age when reason is generally sup- posed to yield to the passions. Notwithstanding the danger of this situation, those who knew him best declare that his regard for virtue and religion was real and permanent, and that his respect for the rights and liberties of his countrymen was one of his earliest characteristics. Indeed, so conspicuous, yet so unostentatious, was his de- portment in general, that the Duc de Richelieu is said to have given him the name of the young Cato at an old court; an appellation which, whether prompted by admiration or by sarcasm, was equally honorable to the subject of it. Even during his grandfather's life-time, as well as during the whole reign of his brother, the pre- sent French monarch was alike distinguished for his attention to science and literature, and for his patronage of genius. Monsieur appears not to have taken any active part in the politics of his native land until the year 1787, when, in the assembly of the notables, then first called together by Calonne, the French premier, he declared himself hostile to all inter- ference with noble and ecclesiastical privileges; but, at the same time, he was not forgetful of the welfare” of the people, steadily maintaining that there was no necessity for any additional taxes to be laid on their industry, and always ex- pressing his conviction that a few years of peace, of economy, and of regularity, would remove every financial difficulty. So anxious was Calonne to have his plan of finance adopted, that he even went so far as to use the king's name in its favor, whilst conversing with Monsieur upon the subject; but the answer of the latter was as rational as it was dignified— “My heart is like my brother's and the people's; but my understanding is my own; as for my head, it is the king’s.” He went much further in con- versing with Calonne upon the subject ; and it is generally believed that the minister was induced,. by the force of his reasoning, to lay aside much of the speculative and visionary part of his plans. Calonne, however, went out, and the succeeding ministers did not choose to pay attention to the modest advice of the unostentatious prince, who mixed but little either with the gay or the politica} world, until he found it º, not only to sup- BOOK XIV. CHAP. I. \ , º/~/. 1814. 1216 HISTORY OR THE WARS Book XIV. port the just rights of the people, but also the CHAP. I. S-sºº Arº-Z 1814. necessary prerogatives of the prince, well con- vinced that the two must stand or fall together. Hitherto Monsieur had resided some distance from Paris; but no sooner did the horrors of the revolution commence, in 1789, by the personal insults to the king obliging him to remove from Versailles to the capital, than he gave up his re- tirement, and became a resident in the Luxem- bourg palace, where he was, perhaps, of men, the only real friend left to the unhappy Louis, as the Count d’Artois, now Monsieur, was then in Ger- many, whither he had emigrated with several others of the blood royal. * The conspirators little knew the real spirit and resolution of the late unfortunate monarch ; and, supposing that the advice of Monsieur alone had prompted him to the dignified conduct of the mo- ment, they used' every means in their power to separate them, or at least to destroy the mutual confidence which subsisted between the two bro- thers. For that purpose, it is said La Fayette, and his party, trumped up a plot about a Marquis de Favres, in which they boldly asserted that Mon- sieur was implicated. Favres was tried; and as Monsieur knew his innocence, he actually attend- ed upon his trial to give evidence in his favor: but the municipal judges paid no attention to his protestations, and the unfortunate Favres fell a victim to the ambitious plans of La Fayette and Mirabeau, who, by this first revolutionary measure —this first revolutionary trial and condemnation, succeeded in imposing such a belief on the people as they wished, and raised such an odium against the unfortunate prince, that a regard to his own I..." safety, when his exertions could no onger be of use to his brother, forced him to emigrate, which he was only able to do through the assistance of a friendly Swede, the Count de Fersen, passing by the way of Valenciennes into Brabant; but not until he had actually heard the act of accusation against himself and all the Bour- bons publicly cried about, having been printed at a jacobin press, evidently for the purpose of in- suring his and their condemnation. Nor did he even then desert his brother, for the escape of the royal family was at the same time concerted, though it did not finally succeed. No sooner did Monsieur arrive at Coblentz, where he found his now surviving brother, and the other Bourbon branches, than he immediately applied himself to the military arrangements ne- cessary for raising and organizing an emigrant force, under the auspices of the German emperor and other friendly monarchs—a force which he took under his own immediate command, when the national assembly thought proper to declare war against the world. Nø sooner was it known that Monsieur had emigrated, than the new legislaº government *— decreed that he had forfeited his eventual right to the regency, if he did not return within two months: but he knew too well the character of those he had to deal with to trust to their mercy; an opinion too fatally verified in the murder of so many of the other branches of his family. It is unnecessary to recapitulate the events of the period between that and the year 1795, (being al- ready recorded in this work) when the death of the dauphin, or rather of Louis XVII., presented a yacant but outraged throne to the subject of our biography—a throne to which he was proclaimed the rightful heir, not only amongst the loyal emi- grants in Germany, but even in La Vendée, in the west of France itself. Little prospect, however, appeared of his being able to recover the throne of his ancestors; and "...; he made no serious attempts for it, but resided quietly at the court of Turin, having been for some years married to the daughter of the Sardinian monarch. But even from this re- treat he was driven by the advance of the repub- lican armies; when he retired, in 1796, to Ve- rona, a city in the Venetian territories, where he lived incognito, as the Count de Lille : here, indeed, his residence was of very short duration, as the insolence of the usurper, then General Bonaparte, prompted him to demand his dismis- sal from the Venetian protection. To this de- mand the senate of that ancient and once power- ful state was obliged to agree; but not until the unhappy yet spirited monarch had demanded ad- mission to the Golden Book of the senate, which contained the names of all the Venetian nobles. In that book his great-grandfather's grandfather, the gallant Henry IV. had once inscribed his name, and the name of Bourbon, and these the insulted monarch disdainfully and justly erased from their records. * Even in his retreat from Verona he seems to have been followed by republican vengeance; for we have seen it recorded, that in the summer of 1797, whilst on his route through Germany, a foreign assassin, or a female regicide, watched for him there, and whilst standing at the window of an inn in an obscure village, a shot was fired, which wounded, him slightly in the head. His conduct on this occasion was most magnanimous, forbidding all search to be made after the vil- lain, and saying, that “it must either be a mis- take, or a premeditated crime: in the former case, it would be cruel to pursue; and, in the latter, as I have done no harm to any human being, the person who would murder me has punishment enough in his own bosom, and wants my forgive- ness more than I do his death!” In the contest which Russia had with France, in 1798, the late Emperor Paul found it expedi- ent to acknowledge }. XVIII. as the just claimant to the prone of that country; and it was of THE FRENch REvolution. 1217 his intention to assist him in recovering the throne of his ancestors: he offered him an asylum at Mittau, in Livonia, a proposal which the unhappy prince gladly accepted, his health being consi- derably impaired by the privations, distresses, fa- tigues, and even the penury and want, which he experienced in his noble adherence to the unfor- tunate loyalists of the Condean army, at whose particular request it was that he was persuaded to indulge in a temporary repose. , The conduct of the Emperor Paul was, at first, magnanimous and generous in the extreme, as his royal guest was received and treated with all the honours which a sovereign in his situation could possibly wish for, having not only a guard of na- tive Russians appointed to attend upon him, but also one formed from the French noblesse ; be- sides being permitted to draw around him as many of his loyal countrymen as he pleased, with whom the generous prince shared, in the most bounteous manner, the liberal allowance which Paul had ap- propriated to his use. ‘Indeed, so anxious was the emperor to make every arrangement for his comfort and influence, at the place of his residence, that the Governor of Mittau was actually placed under his orders; and he was even encouraged to assume so much of the personal functions of royalty, as to have regular levees, at which the noblesse of the neighbouring provinces were proud to attend: but such events could not long remain unknown to the French republicans, who were successful, at length, in acquiring an undue influence over the councils of Paul, whom they persuaded, first, to distress the unhappy mo- narch, by withholding the payment of his pension, and afterwards to send him orders to depart from the Russian dominions; a journey for which they allowed him only a week's preparation. All this was done at the instigation of that, man whose recent downfall has restored Louis to the throne of his ancestors. With a pride highly honourable to himself, the insulted monarch determined not to remain twenty-four hours longer in the Russian dominions; he felt not for himself, but he felt for those unhappy, loyalists whose sole depen- dence was upon his bounty; and as he could not relieve them, he resolved to set them a bright example of resignation to the will of Heaven. But it was not'only for his faithful subjects that Louis felt anxiety, for part of his own family claimed his attention; particularly the amiable TXuchess of Angouleme, his illustrious niece, who had long resided with him at Mittau, accompanied by her young husband. To her he explained his sad situation, and assured her, that, as he had not the means of travelling as he had formerly done, and, as the little that he possessed would be necessary for the daily maintenance of those attached to him, so he would himself shew them * * an example how to bear misfortune, and would Book xiv. the next day leave Mittau with them on foot. However the duchess might venerate the mag- nanimity of her uncle, yet she dutifully deter- mined to save him, if possible, from personal in- convenience, and actually sold to a Jew a valu- able bow of diamonds, presented to her as a nup- tial gift by her imperial relations at Vienna; by which means she raised a sum that enabled her uncle to travel comfortably, and also to provide for the present wants of those unhappy loyalists who were obliged to remain in the place. In Prussia, Louis was treated rather as an enemy than as a friend: in fact, the Prussian cabinet were afraid to shew him protection, and it was only at length by the forbearance of Napo- leon Bonaparte that the King of France was per- mitted to reside for some time at Warsaw, in the habitation of a monarch who had also been driven from his throne. iWhile residing at Warsaw, in 1804, Napoleon had the audacity to send several messengers to him with proposals for a formal abdication of his claims to the French crown; but the prudent and virtuous indignation of Louis guarded him from so mean a compliance: and when Meyer, the Prussian president, had the audacity to repeat the same proposal on the part of the Corsican, it has been well observed, that the dignified answer of Louis was sufficient to convince the world, that though fortune may desert virtue, and render it distressed or miserable, yet still she is unable to degrade or dishonor it. # Chap. I. Jºv- 1814. After the accession of the present Russian mo-- narch to the throne of his ancestors, an agreeable change took place in the situation of the French king, as ample and liberal allowances were made for the support of his household, but of which Louis availed himself very sparingly with respect to his own accommodation ; for, as a judicious biographer has observed, there religion was his only solace, consoling him by its promises, whilst study improved the knowledge of one of the most humane and best informed amongst modern princes —a sovereign whose constancy and courage, during a long and unexampled adversity, have been only surpassed by his modesty and mode- ration, when surrounded by every thing that made rank illustrious, ambition tempting, and life desirable. But even at Warsaw he was not permitted to remain undisturbed; for, in the month of July, 1805, a plot was formed by the now degraded Napoleon, to get rid of those fears which hung about his usurped throne—a man of the name of Coulon, the keeper of a billiard-table at that place, was offered a large sum if he would take an opportunity, in consequence of his intimacy with the cook of the royal kitchen, to throw some poison into one of the culinary vessels. To de- I218 HISTORY OF THE WARS -x- *— BOOK xiv. tail all the particulars of this plot would far ex- CHAP. I. \_ºyº' 1814. ceed our limits; but those who are curious about it will find a long and interesting detail in the third volume of the Revolutionary Plutarch, where a system of premeditated murder, against every legitimate º in Europe is disclosed upon authority which can scarcely be doubted : may, such was Napoleon's determination to get rid of all the members of the house of Bourbon, that Coulon was offered additional rewards in case the Duchess of Angouleme and her husband should also fall victims to the same treacheryl Subsequent political events rendered it unsafe for Louis to reside upon the continent, and his only resource was the land of real liberty ; since which period, he always resided in this country, gaining the esteem and exciting the admiration of all ranks and parties in the state: for though –º- -** political reasons, and the uncertainty of the issue of the war, rendered it prudent that our govern- ment should not ostensibly sanction the Bourbon claims, nor that the princes of that house should be received at court on public days, yet a great degree of private friendship has always subsisted between the princes of two once rival houses. We have already noticed that Louis XVIII. whilst Monsieur, was married to a daughter of the King of Sardinia: a match, however, which was not blessed with any issue. Since his ma- jesty's taking up his residence in this country, he had the misfortune to lose this very estimable woman, who bore the misfortunes both of her pa- ternal and maternal family with a degree of for- titude honorable to her rank, and to the sex of which she was an ornament. **s CHAPTER II. Interesting Review of the different Parties in France in 1814, and the Beginning of 1815.-Conduct of Napoleon at Elba.-Disinterment of Louis XVI. and his Queen.—Remarks on the Policy of placing Bonaparte at Elba.—Letters of Fouché–Formation of Clubs in France.—Signs of the disaffected.—Correspondence between Elba and France.—Preparations of Napoleonfor leavingthe Island. THE impolitic language of Count Ferraud, one of the ministers of the king, respecting national property, which we noticed in our last chapter, produced an immediate and fatal impression. The disaffected eagerly availed themselves of it, and circulated it through the provinces with a thou- sand exaggerations. The two pamphlets, written by Messrs. Dard and Falconnet, which condemned the alienation of the property of the emigrants, and recommended its restitution, had an extensive and almost incredible circulation. The emigrants hoped that the public mind would be prepared for a measure which formed the consummation of all their hopes, and the enemies of the Bourbons rightly judged that they could adopt no better means of exciting general apprehension and dis- content. The French ministry at length found it necessary to interfere; and the authors were ordered to be imprisened; but when it was soon afterwards announced that they had been released without punishment and without censure, the suspicion was too naturally excited, that the court was secretly favorable to the cause which these writers advocated. Persons were sent by the dis- affected through the departments under the pre- text of purchasing land. They were instructed to reject with contempt every offer of what had been national property, and diligently to propa- gate the report that it was the determination of the court soon to reclaim the estates of all the noblesse. Indeed, it must be acknowledged that various germs of a design to encroach on the new order of things had really sprung up, and were already visible. It had been whispered. about by some of the emigrant nobles, that Louis. only waited till he felt himself secure on his throne, when he would eject the unlawful occu- pants of the national domains, and restore his faithful followers to the patrimony of their an- cestors. Considerable alarm spread among all the proprietors. Their estates were suddenly and strangely depreciated in value. They were not considered to be worth more than two or three. years’ purchase. To alarm, speedily succeeded discontent, alienation of affection, and a wish for. the return of that government tinder which their estates had been acquired, and under which alone, they appeared to be seeure. It was not to be expected, that the king and his court could feel much affection for those who owed; their honors and their wealth to the active part which they had borne in the various scenes of the OF THE FRENCH REVOLUTION, 1219 / * * *******-* - - - - - - ------ *-ºs = --~~~~~ *~~ —t- * rvº sº - ºr--- revolution, and who had been distinguished for their strenuous opposition to the old regime; but pru- dence demanded that Louis should cautiously con- ceal the dislike which he could not conquer, and that all men of talents and influence should be received with equal affability, whatever principles they had formerly professed, or to whatever party they had belonged. This, however, was neglected. The chief actors in the revolution were treated with studied coolness, or regarded with undisguised aversion; and the smiles of the ministers were reserved for those alone, who, by their sufferings and fidelity, had doubtless deserved the friendship and esteem of the monarch, but whom the majority of their countrymen regarded with unpleasing recollec- tions, and disquieting fears. § Many of the middle classes had become pro- rietors of the forfeited estates of the noblesse. hese persons shared in all the suspicions of the peasantry, and attributing to their opponents many evil intentions which they had not for one moment cherished, and alarmed at, and magnifying every inadvertent and unmeaning expression of the disr appointed and necessitous nobles, they soon re- garded their possessions as insecure, and were gradually alienated from the new government. The competition and laxity of principle, which characterized the army, had made a rapid and de- structive progress through this class of society. The general feeling of right and wrong was woefully deficient. The private characters, or mo- ral principles of the rulers were no longer regard- ed, and that only was admired which flattered the national vanity, or contributed to the national depravity. Accustomed to the endless changes of the revolution, a desire of change, an incapability of inaction, became a predominant feature of the French character. Bonaparte understood this, and gratified this craving propensity by a conti- nual succession of new objects, which arrested the attention of the people, and powerfully excited their hopes or their fears. The restless ambition of their chief had spread its destructive influence through every class of society. When a drummer had become a marshal, a postilion a king, and a lieutenant an emperor, the people were no longer contented with the station which Providence had assigned them. e A French writer has drawn astriking comparison between the manners of the French before and after the revolution. “When the professions were submitted to a kind of hereditary vocation,” says he, “ every one knew before-hand the nature of his obligations, the object of his studies, and the limit of his ambition. Every one was contented with his situation. The soldier thought not of soli- citing the baton of a marshal of France, the country vicardreamed notofascending the episcopal throne, nor the elerk of becoming secretary of state. “The progress of the arts and of industry was Book x v. slower, but less equivocal. Private fortunes were *sº more moderate, but more certain. Comfort pre- Chap. II. sided in every family, but luxury was unknown. tº -- 4 ſº- * ºf a Gommerce was less agitated, but without fluctu- ation. Emulation in the arts, and not jealousy of a rival's success, was the noblest spur to improve- ment. , Talent was universally acknowledged, but not universal talents; and good Frenchmen were found in every rank of society, but no philoso- hers. The son did not blush at the depravity of is father, and the father contemplated with pride the morals, the studies, and the improvement of the son. The citizens gave their children an edu- cation proportionate to their fortunes; and trans- mitted to them, with their little beritage, that moderation in their desires which had constituted the happiness of their own lives. Their repasts were less splendid, their balls less brilliant, their fêtes less frequent. The science of good eating and drinking was less studied : but we heard less of adulteries, divorces, and all those crimes which, now occupy the attention of our magistrates, the pen of our journalists, and the hundred mouths of scandal. “Our situation, our morals, and our customs” have undergone a total metamorphosis. Is our country richer? Its riches have only changed hands. They have passed from the persons who had long legitimately possessed them, to those who before had nothing: and the number of the poor has been thereby increased, for the riches which were unjustly acquired were soon dissi- pated, and left behind them minds without energy, and evils without remedy. Is the nation wiser? We have discovered many principles before un- known, which have troubled our repose, unchain- ed our passions, and fostered our vices. We have learned that kings are tyrants, and that priests are impostors; but we have forgotten those salutary truths which taught us to be affectionate parents, dutiful children, and good citizens. , \ “Are we happier or more virtuous ! Our fa- thers complain ºp the presumption and ingratitude of their children ; and the children complain of the despotic authority and the protracted existence of their parents. The women lament the state of desertion in which they have been left by their husbands, since political discussions have occu- pied every mind, and bewildered every under- standing;—and the husbands are dissatisfied with the expense and dissipation of their wives, since the equality of rights has made part of the social code. asters lament the infidelity of their ser- vants, and merchants the stagnation of commerce. All complain, and none are happy. We Have lost our gaiety, our buoyancy of spirits, our amiable levity; we have lost our manners, our habits, our charaeter: and *...* we gained? An 14 C 1220 HISTORY OF THE WARS BOOK XIV. CHAP. II. Neº"Syrº- 1814-5. x-g” ºs-ºs-rº- unfeeling egotism; an impenetrable self-conceit; a contempt for ancient opinions; false ideas of liberty and government; half-intelligence on ob- jects foreign to our occupations, our affections, and our interests, and a profound ignorance of our duty; and, finally, the vanity to know every thing without study, and to decide on every thing without information.” Of the political parties into which France was divided, the republicans and constitutionalists were the chief. The former had abandoned most of their extravagant notions of liberty, and were either become indifferent to the form of govern- ment, or secretly friendly to a limited monarchy. They were more distinguished from the consti- tutionalists by the part which they had borne in the revolution, than by their present sentiments. Carnot says, that the restoration of Louis caused much joy among the republicans; but a circum- stance soon occurred which gave a sudden turn to their feelings. Our readers will recollect that the provisional government chose a new consti- tution after the entrance of the allies into Paris, and a proposition was sent to Louis, offering him the crown, on condition of his accepting that constitution. When the proposition was sub- mitted to him he returned no answer, but pro- ceeded to France as king; and as soon as he had reached Paris, and had received the homage of the marshals and the army, and some of the con- stituted authorities, he took advantage of the po- pular enthusiasm in his favor, to refuse to ac- cept the constitution, and claimed the crown as his hereditary right. This declaration, that he would not receive his crown from the hands of his people, but assumed it as the inheritance of his fathers; and also his assertion, that he owed his crown, under God, to the Prince-regent of England, caused considerable suspicion, and much disgust among a considerable body of the French people, and particularly the republicans. The constitutionalists, who had always advo- cated the cause of a limited monarchy, who had often pleaded the cause of the Bourbons, who had been the truest friends of the family in the early stages of the revolution, and who had never been disgraced by its atrocities, were surprised, offended, and rendered suspicious by the marked slight, bordering on insult, with which the cele- brated La Fayette, the representative of their party, was received on his first appearance at court. Both the republicans and constitutional- ists, were discontented and apprehensive; but no systematic plan of rebellion appears to have been formed by them. If the king gave considerable offence to these parties by his disinclination to make every sacri- fice which they expected in favor of liberty, it may be pleaded as his apology, that history has - fought and conquered. wºr=s=ºr--ºr —- sº not presented us with many monarchs who had sufficient courage voluntarily to relinquish the prerogatives of their crown, and cast then,selves on the generosity or caprice of the people; and that this was scarcely to be expected from an old man, worn out by misfortunes and disease; and especially from one who was surrounded by a crowd of illiberal and turbulent courtiers, ready even to revolt against him under the name of royalty, and deterinined to kindle afresh the torch of civil war, if they could not otherwise re- establish the former despotic power of the Bour- bons. The king was often and angrily re- proached by his own family, as not being suf- ficiently a royalist. * The army was the most formidable class of so- ciety. It had been the policy of Bonaparte to give a martial character to the whole population of France. He found that he could both stifle a love of liberty and of country, by inspiring, what was falsely called, a love of glory. In this he too fatally succeeded. ... The whole body of the people became gradually habituated to war. It was the shortest road to honor and to wealth. An army which had overrun and plundered the greater part of Europe, and in which the private soldier might hope to enrich himself and his fa- mily, and even to rise to the dignity of a marshal or a prince, had far greater allurements for the unthinking youth, than any of the sober and harmless occupations of life. Millions were sa- crificed at the shrine of ambition, but the princi- ple of population adapted itself to the demand, and millions were ready and eager to follow. The first error of Louis, if it may be so called, respecting the army, was the rejection of the na- tional colours, and the substitution of the white flag. Although this had been the adopted co- lour of a long race of kings, yet Louis XVI. had changed it in the early and best period of the re- volution. He certainly should have remembered the fond attachment and veneration w; ich the soldiers felt for the colours under which they had A change of a similar nature had nearly endangered to the Br, ish the empire of the east; and although the £1 ench troops silently submitted to the substitution, it long rankled in their breasts. Their old and worn-out cockades were carefully and religiously concealed in their knapsacks. They were often, in secret, contemplated with veneration and re- gret, and again eagerly produced at the arrival of Bonaparte. Many of the friends of the king remonstrated with him on the subject. It is said that he wavered, and that he was even disposed to have adopted the tri-coloured flag, but the il- liberal advice of the princes and favorites pre- vailed. Had he paid the army the compliment of relinquishing those colours, which for many Af OF THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 1221 -**- * years had been borne against their country, their enthusiasm would have known no bounds; and it is doubtful whether Napoleon himself could have seduced them to betray their king. The following proclamation, which was issued to the army, on the return of Louis, made considerable impression, and contributed in no small degree to make the soldiers feel much respect and re- gard for their new sovereign:— “Soldie's, You no longer belong to Napo- leon, but you will always belong to your country. Your first oath was to be faithful to her. That oath is irrevocable and sacred. “The new constitution assures you your ho- nours, your rank, and your pensions. The senate and the provisional government have recognized your rights. They are confident that you will not forget your duty. From this moment your fatigues and your sufferings terminate. Your glory remains entire. Peace will guarantee to you the reward of your labours. “What was your fate under the government which is now no more? Dragged from the banks of the Tagus to those of the Danube, and from the Nile to the Dnieper; scorched in the burning sands of the south, or frozen in the icy regions of the north, you contributed to erect a colossal grandeur, foreign to the true interests of France, and which, reversed from its very foundations, has crushed you, and the rest of the world, with its enormous weight. How many thousand brave fellows have been the instruments, and the vic- tims of a lawless avid insatiable aimbition? How many have died unknown, to augment the fame of one man! Victims of cold, famine, or disease, they were deprived even of the consolation of dying on the field of glory; and their families, while they fondly recall them to memory, are unable to sooth their sorrows by recounting the deeds of bravery which graced their fall. “All is now charged. No longer will you perish five hundred leagues from home, in a cause which is not your ow”. Princes, French- men-born, will be sparing of your blood, for their blood is yours. Their ancestors governed your ancestors. Time has perpetuated between them and you a long inheritance of pleasing recollec- tions, mutual interests, and reciprocal services. That ancient race has produced many kings whom historians have named the fathers of their people. It has given us Henry IV. whom the soldiers call the brave king, but whom the pea- sants will ever venerate as the good king. “To the descendants of these monarchs your destiny is now committed. What can you fear? While they were in a foreign land, they dwelt with fond admiration on the prodigies of French valour. They admired and they loved you, even when their return was delayed by so many bril- liant but useless exploits. These princes are -*. now among you. like Henry IV. and they will reign like him. They are not ignorant that the army composes the most distinguished part of their great family, and they will watch over your comforts and your interests as their best beloved children. “Some of you are young in age, but veterans in glory. Their wounds have doubled their years. They, if they please, may retire with ho- norable recompences, and grow old in the place of their nativity and the bosom of their family. Others will continue to pursue the career of arms, with all the hopes of advancement and reward which their king can offer. at * Soldiers of Franceſ let the sentiments of true Frenchmen animate you. Return from for reign and murderous and unjust wars to live with your fathers, your brothers, your friends. Preserve that bravery by which you have ever been distinguished, but let not ambition or the false love of glory render it again the subject of inquietude to Európe, fatal to France, and fatal to yourselves.” The first interviews between Louis and the French marshals have been already described in a former part of this work. The flatteries which were heaped upon those officers by every member of the royal family were too marked and gross, and early betrayed the interested motives whence they flowed. And when, as the king felt himself firmly seated on his throne, every distinction was bestowed on them with a more sparing haud;— when the soldiers of Vendée and Coblentz usurped those places of honor or emolument for which the, warriors of Napoleon in vain pleaded their labours and their wounds:–when they, who were at first caressed, now stood unnoticed in the anti-chamber, discontent and suspicion were excited in the minds of the military: the remem- brance of their former chief, with whom they had no rivals, was recalled: and the foundation was laid for their speedy disaffection. The king had not been restored by the military. The inten- tions of the marshals to uphold the dynasty of Napoleon had been artfully defeated by the re- presentatives. The army had not submitted until the cause of their former master was des- perate. They had then slowly and rehuctantly tendered their allegiance. That a monarch had been forced upon them, was a fruitful source of discontent. That monarch was surrounded by those against whom they had fought; whom they considered as the enemies of their country; and whom they regarded with mingled contempt and aversion. The emigrant nobſesse, and the sol- diers of the revolution, could not entertain any friendly sentiments for each other; and the pro- fessions of gratitude and confidence which the court expressed, were too much strained long to c. ** deceive or conciliate. They have been unfortunate BOOK XIV. CHAP. II. ~~~~ 1814-5. 1222 HISTORY OF THE WARS BOOK XIV. *- <--- CHAP. II. N_*V*ēs, 1814-5. —sº- * It was evidently the policy of the king to adopt one of two courses, either sincerely to attach the military to him, or to dismiss them from his court, and deprive them of the power to injure him. He pursued neither the one nor the other; but, by receiving them at first with unexpected and undeserved kindness, and afterwardstreating them with unmerited neglect, he neither secured their friendship, nor disarmed their power. For some time the allegiance of the army appeared to be sin- cere. But when it was evident that Louis had determined strictly to maintain the peace which he had concluded with the allies, and that the conquest of Belgium was renounced, complaints and murmurs began to be heard. . The soldier's occupation was gone. The hope of advance- ment, glory, and wealth, effectually destroyed. They who had been accustomed to the licen- tiousness of camps, could acquire no relish for the blessings of peace, no capacity for the virtues of industry. Many of the superior officers had amassed almost incalculable riches by the plun- der of every surrounding nation; but the inferior officers had been less fortunate. They were half-ruined by the reverses of Moscow and Dres- den. They were utterly unable to support with credit the rank to which they had risen. All ea- gerly longed for war, some to augment the riches which they had acquired, and others to escape the evils of poverty. “Very good, gentlemen!” said an officer, whom Mr. Scott met in a French diligence, to his fellow-travellers, who were con- ratulating each other, that the tranquillity of urope would probably remain undisturbed; “very good, gentlemen! the tranquillity of Eu- rope is a fine thing, but will it not always keep me a captain?” The morals of the army had been sadly dete- riorated by the long continuance of war. In- stead of that noble ardour, whose legitimate ob- ject and highest aim was the defence and honor of his country, a mania for glory, a thirst for con- quest, and a hatred of peace, formed the charac- teristic of the French soldier, and almost of the French population. Carnot well describes this. “The youth of the present day are educated with different principles. The love of glory has struck deep root in their minds. It is become the most distinguishing trait of the national character, in- toxicated by twenty-five years of constant suc- cess. This glory had become the idol of our souls; it absorbed every thought of the veterans whose honorable wounds no longer permitted them to fight their country's battles, and it formed the only hope of the youthful warrior when he entered on his first campaign. An unexpected blow has damped these recollections and dés- troyed these hopes; and we feel in our hearts a melancholy void, like the hover who has lost for ever the object of his dearest affections. V “This sentiment renders our situation painful and dangerous. Every one endeavours to con- ceal the loss which he has sustained. He looks on himself as dishonored, because, after twenty years of uninterrupted victory, he has lost one stake, but that unfortunately was the stake of honor.” Mr. Scott gives an interesting delineation of the appearance and character of the French at this critical period. “The most impressive feature of the crowd before us, and that which most struck us with a sense of novelty and of interest, was its military aspect. Almost every man had some indication of the military profession about his person, suf- ficient to denote that he had been engaged in war: at the same time there was a self-willed variety in the dress of each which had a very unpleasant effect, inasmuch as it prevented us from recognizing that stamped assurance of legi- timacy as an armed force which is impressed on the aspect of British troops. We .. scarcely . imagine that the dark-visaged beings, some in long loose great coats, some in jackets, some in cocked hats, some in round ones, and some in caps, who darted at us keen looks of a very over- clouded cast, had ever belonged to regiments steady, controlled, and lawful; they seemed ra- ther the fragments of broken-up gangs, brave, dexterous, and fierce, but unprincipled and unre- strained. Much of this irregularity and angri- ness of appearance was doubtless occasioned by the great disbandment of the army that had just taken º They had neither pursuits to oc- cupy their time, nor even prospects to keep up their hopes. They still lounged about in idleness although their pay had been stopped, and disap- pointment and necessity threw into their faces an expression deeper than that of irritation; ap- proaching, in fact, to the indication of indiscri- minate and inveterate hatred. They carried about with them, in their air, the branded charac- teristics of forlorn men, whose interests and habits opposed them to the peace of mankind;— men who would cry with the desperate Constance, “War! war! no peace! peace to me is war!” The discontent of the army was at first con- fined to secret murmurs and complaints, but a circumstance soon occurred which fanned the embers of disaffection into a flame. In compliance with the custom of his ancestors, and of every so- vereign-prince, Louis formed a body of household troops for the immediate guard of his person. They were not selected from the army, but con- sisted of volunteers. None were excluded, but, as was naturally to be expected, the greater part were composed of young men whose families had long been attached to º royal cause. One half of or the FRENch Revolution. #223 detention in prison never fails to produce,’ * *—r-rw----. —ºr- *-ā- …º. the officers were chosen from those who had served Bonaparte, and the others from the long tried companions of the monarch's adversity. Could any thing be more equitable and delicate than this arrangement 3 Ought the king to have selected his household troops exclusively from the army 2 Would it not have been unreasonable to have required him to confide the guard of his person to those of whose fidelity he had no proof, and who had always fought against him 2 Was not the plan which he adopted the most unobjection- able way of providing for those who had lost their patrimony in the defence of his cause, and who now reasonably and anxiously looked to him for protection and support 3 He could not restore to them the possessions of their ancestors. These were in other hands, and the national property was guaranteed. He could not reward them from the public treasury. The claimants were too nu- merous and the funds were exhausted. By giving them commissions in this department of his ser- vice, he rewarded their fidelity without rendering them burdensome to their country. Had the former adherents of Napoleon possessed one sen- timent of justice, they would have acknowledged the propriety of the ārrangement, and have been grateful that they were admitted to an equal share of the honors and emoluments of the corps. If Louis erred it was in forming so small a body of household troops. They consisted of only 4,000 men; and while their composition excited the jealousy of the rest of the army, they were too few in number to be any check upon it, or to be of real service to the king. Instead of 4,000 he should have embodied a corps of 20,000 men, and have employed every possible means gradually and prudently to diminish the number and influence of the army. He would thus have ensured the public tranquillity, and the enterprise of Bonaparte would never have succeeded, and probably would not have been attempted. But it was the false and destructive policy of the ministry to maintain a formidable and imposing army, that some effect might be produced on the deliberations of the Congress at Vienna. Little did they reflect on the character of that army, de- moralized by the long continuance of war, panting for the renewal of slaughter and plunder, and careless of the means by which this might be ae- complished. The return of the prisoners from Russia and England increased the general discontent. One hundred and fifty thousand men, “ without em- ployment and without bread, and with all the habits of idleness and depravity which a long ” were thrown back on France. Although they were the victims of an unnecessary and atrocious war, t in war alone they possessed the means of in- dºg's their profligaey and vice, and even of supporting their existence. They therefore united Book xiv. with the regular troops, in eager and importunate demands, again to be conducted on the paths of glory. & . º & Had not the licentiousness of the camp extin- guished in their bosoms every spark of honor and gratitude, they would have esteemed it their happiness and their pride to have shewn, in every possible way, their attachment to the royal cause. They had fought for the usurper, and had by him been unfeelingly abandoned. Their chains had been loosed by the king. They had borne arms against their legitimate monarch, and to him they were indebted for their return to their beloved country. His paternal solicitude had anticipated all their wants. No sooner had they set foot on the French soil, than they were liberally supplied with money to enable them to rejoin their stand- ards, or to return to the bosom of their families. The following is an extract from an affecting let- ter written by Louis XVIII., in his own hand, to the Emperor of Russia. “ The fate of arms has caused more than 150,000 prisoners to fall into the hands of your imperial majesty. Most of them are French. It matters not under what banners they have fought. They are unfortunate; they are my children. I recommend them to the benevolent regard of your imperial majesty; and entreat you to consider how much many of them have already suffered, and to soften the rigour of their fate. Let them learn that their conqueror is the friend of their father. Your majesty cannot give me a more touching proof of your friendship for me.—Fe- bruary 14, 1814.” - Many of the officers who returned from Russia had suffered considerable losses, and demanded some indemnity. The majority had not received any pay during several years. The arrears were enormous. The claimants were innumerable. It was necessary to create a commission to examine and to regulate the claims of each. sioned some delay, and that delay produced the loudest, but the most unreasonable discontent, They had been long abandoned in an enemy's country, without pay and without succour, and . were now indignant, because a few weeks ha Many of them presumed to penetrate to the very footof the throne, and, in the most insolent language, demanded of the king the recompence of those services which they had rendered the usurper. Another event converted their complaints and remonstrances into actual rebellion. The ex- travagance of the former government had left the finances in a state of utter confusion and exhaus- tion. That part of France which had been the theatre of the last campaign, was unable to con. tribute its quota to supply the exigences of Retrenchments were absolutely neces- 14 TD the state. f Char. II. Jºvº-A 1814-5. . This occa- elapsed and their claims were not satisfied. 1224 HISTORY OF THE WARS BOOK XIV. CHAP. it. ~gºvº-Z !814-5, sary. While the household establishment of the king was conducted on the most rigorous prin- ciple of economy, and every part of the admini- stration cheerfully submitted to its share of priva- tions, the army could not expect to be exempt. Several of the regiments were disbanded, and all the supernumerary officers placed on half-pay. Nothing was more equitable than this, and nothing more consistent with the usage of every government. When a country no longer requires the active exertions of its soldiers, this useful class of the community is certainly entitled to some remuneration for past services, and for having em- braced a profession which necessarily excludes them from many of the occupations of life: but they cannot justly demand the same stipend as when they are called to the post of duty, and ex- pose their lives to hazard. - The French army, however, unreasonably thought itself ill-treated by this measure. Louis had promised that all the officers should retain their respective ranks. They falsely alleged that this promise was broken, when they were deprived of part of the emoluments formerly connected with their respective situations. . . Their case was undoubtedly hard. In their pre- datory incursions into every neighbouring country, they had beeen accustomed to add considerably to the income which they derived from their com- missions, and they severely felt the defalcation, when, at peace with the world, they were com- pelled to live on their simple pay; but when even half of this was taken away, they were not only no longer able to support their habitual extrava- gance, but even decently to maintain that situa- tion in society to which their rank entitled them. That they should be disappointed and displeased was natural ; but this should have entered into their previous calculations. They had no reason to charge the government with injustice, and should have traced their sufferings to the right cause,_the insatiable ambition. and boundless extravagance of their former sovereign. But they were previously ripe for rebellion. They were almost anxious for some pretext to renounce their allegiance; and would readily have followed any leader who would have flattered them with the hope of victory and plunder. The court of Louis was divided into two parties. The first comprised the majority of his ostensible ministers, who were attached to the constitution, and saw, in a strict adherence to it, the true honor and only security of the monarchy. To this party the king inclined. He had sworn to be faithful to the charter, and his ambition would have been amply gratified if he possessed the affections, and contributed to the prosperity of a free and happy eople. . Most of the princes of his house, and his old and confidential advisers, firmed a second party. They beheld with jealousy every concession in favor of liberty, and ardently wished for the re- turn of the ancient regime. The re-establish- ment of the former arbitrary government was the object of their daily wishes and nightly dreams; and too many of the acts to which they gained the royal consent had an evident tendency to ac- complish this object. They constantly surreunded the king ; they possessed a thousand opportunities of indirectly, yet powerfully, influencing his mind and guiding his decisions; and to this perpetual struggle between the honest intentions of the monarch, the wise and prudent advice of his more enlightened counsellors, and the illiberal sug- gestions and arbitrary principles of his family and favorites, those strange inconsistencies of his administration are to be attributed, which were na- turally yet unjustly suspected to indicate the latent design to break from the trammels of the constitu- tion as soon as time and opportunity should serve. Never had monarch a more difficult part to act. He owed his throne simply to the efforts of the allies; and no sconer was he seated on it, than they withdrew to their respective countries, and left him surrounded by, and at the mercy of, the very army which had fought so obstinately against him, and only submitted when further resistance would *… have been fruitless ; while the few friends whom he brought with him could render him little as- sistance or protection, and were regarded with an evil and jealous eye. Could the extraordinary revolution which soon followed have been prevented ? Could all these causes of dissension and dissatisfaction have been removed, or their effects neutralized 3 This is a difficult question. Louis was cer- tainly placed in circumstances most perplexing and embarrassing. The restless spirit of a soldiery accustomed to combat and to victory, and indignant at inactivity and defeat,-the dis- satisfaction of the officers who were no longer able to support their former extravagance,—the ambi- tion of the generals, whose companiors were covered with honorary decorations, and some of whom now swayed the sceptre of extensive king- doms, the contempt which a victorious army soon imbibes for an unwarlike sovereign, the mania for conquest and military glory which per- vaded every class of society,+ the suspicion with which the landed proprietors regarded the return of those in whose possessions they now rioted,— the envy and hatred with which the noblesse con- templated the persons by whom they had been despoiled and expatriated,—the love of liberty which animated every political party-the leaning to the old regime, which the monarch feſt, and the ill-concealed arbitrary principles of his family and courtiers, these coilstituted a source of danger against which no human foresight could devise a perfect security. - $3 of THE FRENch REvolution. 1225 *- The most advisable plan would have been to have created, in the first moment of enthusiasm, a formidable body of household troeps, and then gradually and slowly to disband the legions of Bonaparte; unless H. had ventured on the bold and hazardous experiment of immediately disbanding the old troops, and completely re- organizing the army. . It is said that the king was earnestly entreated to adopt this latter plan, and it perhaps might have been effected while all the national guards of France were in arms, and the country was occupied by the troops of the , allies. The regiments, separated from each other, could have offered no resistance. A new army would have been speedily formed, composed of the better part of the old one, and many of the national guards. - manded by the least objectionable of the officers of Bonaparte, mingled with a sufficient number of those who had fought in the royal cause : and the officers who were not employed might have retained their rank, and perhaps their full pay. While the allies remained in France, no resistance could have been offered to a plan like this; and had Louis cheerfully accepted the charter, and shewn himself determined to adhere to it strictly, his mild and paternal government would gradu- ally have conciliated all parties. But Louis conceived himself too deeply pledged with the marshals, and had not sufficient political courage to carry into execution a project so daring. This, however, is mere speculation, and foreign to the province of the histºrian. One thing only is evi- dent, that while the army which had served Bona- pare, and which had imbibed all his ambition: and profligacy, was suffered to remain unchecked and unawed by any efficient force, no prudence could maintain the throne of the Bourbons. Not even the virtues of Louis could afford him effec- tual security. Not even his pure intentions and disinterested patriotic views eould long avert the blow. He was unfortunate in the choice of his minis- ters, or, rather, the peculiarity of his situation de- prived him of those honest and skilful men whose counsel and assistance alone could extricate him from the difficulties by which he was environed. From what party couid he select his ministry Did be look to the companions of his exile?— They were strangers to the laws, the manners, and the new ideas of the French. Their favorite maxims of policy were ill-suited to the character of the times. They had much to learn and much to forget, ere they could accommodate thernselves to the prejudices and feelings of the present race of Frenchmen. - : Did he direct his views to those who had been the agents of Napoleon He had reason to fear that they could not divest themselves of their attachment to their old master. Or did they at These - might have been com- once transfer all ther effection and fidelity to the king, that very versatility would weaken or destroy the confidence which he ought to bestow on the accr. dited ministers of his government. D.d he recur to the republicans or constitution- alists? An invincible reluctance to ally himself with those who has' been instrumental in the death of his brother precluded all connexion with them. He made the best choice which circumstances would permit, but a choice which was fatal to the stability of his reign. - If the monarch had been imprudent in reject- ing the crown as the gift of his people,_if he could not at first reconcile himself to the men who had murdered his brother, and condemned himself to an exile of more than twenty years, if he had called around his court too great a pro- portion of those whose fidelity had undergone the fiery ordeal of adversity, and if he could not assume enough of the unfeelingness of the politician to suppress his gratitude, and to delay an act of justice towards those who had shared in all his sufferings; yet he had given sufficient pledges that he was determined to assume the character, and merit the praise of a patriot king. His bitterest enemies cannot deny that, under his short administration, France enjoyed more real liberty than during any period of her whole history. Although he had every opportunity of gratifying his revenge, and was urged to the gratification by those who had more zeal than prudence, not one arbitrary imprisonment disgraced his reign. Nei- ther the person nor the property of a single indivi- dual was violated. - He was dethroned because his character was not suited to the times;–because he had not suffi- cient firmness always to reject the impolitic counsels of his favourites, and too much virtue to yield to the profligate wishes of his people. Had he forgotten his professions, and done vio- lence to his conscience ; had he adopted the un- principled scheines of his predecessor, and pur- sued his career of lawless ambition, he might have reigned the idol of the French, and the ter- ror of Europe. Such being the state of France, it may be in- teresting to take a brief review of the conduct of Napoleon in Elba at this period. Whatever may have been said of its being his intention to resume the throne of France, it is evident, from his reluc- tance to retire to Elba, and his conduct on his arrival there, that he considered it-as no tempo- rary retreat, and that he regarded his political life as really terminated. It is said, that an ex- pression escaped from him before he einbarked. “Had Marius perished in the marshes of Man- turuan, he would not have attained his seventh consulate.” But this probably is not to be re- garded as an indication of his real purpºses, but of those vague wishes which he could not iinine- BOOK XIV. C. A. P. II. - <^^)/ 1814-5. 1226 HISTORY OF THE WARS * a --- diately resign. Astounded by the blows which had precipitated him from the first throne of the civilized world to a barren rock, his wild and law- less ambition had received a salutary check, and the Prince of Elba was constrained to regard the former emperor of the French as a mere histo- rical personage. But to suppose that he would always rest content with his new destination, was to conclude, that unrestrained imagination, which had embodied the most gigantic projects, and had converted every obstacle into the means of facilitating their execution, was extinct and dead: The progress of events rekindled the smothered flame, and the errors of his enemies, and the in- exhaustible resources of his own genius, too soon supplied him with the means of again disturbing the peace of Europe. -- When he arrived at his new sovereignty, all the - energies of his mind appear to have been direct- ed to complete the fortifications of his capital, to add to its embellishments, and to improve the agriculture and resources of the island. -* A French writer, in a work entitled, “A Year of the Life of the Emperor Napoleon,” gives a cu- rious account of the manner in which he employed his time. Some allowance must be made for the exaggerations of a professed eulogist, but the picture is perhaps tolerably correct. '. “The days of the emperor passed away in the most pleasant occupations. All his hours were filled up. That indefatigable activity which in other times he applied to the vastest conceptions of genius, he employed in the island of Elba in studying the embellishment of the retreat which he had ghosen. In the morning he shut himself up in his library. He often rose before day, and employed himself for three hours, till seven or eight o'clock. He then took some repose; he went out and visited all the works: he spent much time in the middle of his workmen, who reckon- ed amóng them many soldiers of the guard. Two Italian architects traced, according to his orders, plans of buildings upon which he had deter- mined. - - “Whatever was the state of the weather, his majesty went to his country-house of Saint Mar- tin, in the environs of Porto-Ferrajo. There, as in the city, the emperor was occupied with the inte- rior management of his house, requiring an exact account of every thing, and entering into the smallest details of domestic and rural economy. “Often after breakfast he reviewed his little army. He required the greatest regularity in their exercises and manoeuvres, and caused the strictest discipline to be observed. “After the review he mounted his horse for his morning rides. Among his principal officers and attendants were Marshal Bertrand and General Drouet, who scarcely ever quitted him. On his way, his majesty gave audience to all those whom he met. . He listened to every complaint, and never left any person with just cause for dissa- tisfaction. He then returned to dinner. All who were admitted to his table were treated with the most perfect kindness and cordiality. The emperor appeared to have discovered the sécret, without losing any of his dignity, of becoming a simple individual among individuals; and the con- versation had all the liberty and all the careless freedom which could be enjoyed in the most in- timate society. The evenings were dedicated to family parties. - “When the emperor received the visit of any stranger, which frequently happened, he enter- tained him with grace and familiarity. He con- versed with philosophers and savans of the insti- tute, of the royal academy of London, and of the recent discoveries in natural philosophy, che- mistry, galvanism, and electricity. He congra- tulated the rich English landholders on the pro- gress of their agriculture, and the liberality of their country's laws: and he talked with the mi- litary of the historical memoirs which he was writing of his campaign. - “Lord Bentinck, Lord Douglas, and a great number of other English lords, were admitted, courted, and frequently treated with fêtes by his majesty. All carried back with them the most interesting recollections of the reception which they had met. - * “One of them accompanied his majesty, as, according to his usual custom, he visited on foot the works of Porto-Ferrajo. The emperor met the grand marshal, who was coming from the port and going towards the palace with papers under his arm. “Are they French journals?”—“Yes, sire,’—‘Am I well cut up 3’—“No, sire, there. is no mention of your majesty to-day.”—“Come, we shall have it to-morrow. It is an intermitting fever; but the fits will pass away.” . . The emperor amused himself with discours- ing with his grenadiers. Like all old soldiers, they appeared never to be perfectly contented; and by one of those expressions which shew to the soldier the affection which his leader feels, better than the finest phrases, he called them his grumblers. “One day, towards the close of January, “Well, grumbler, said he to one of them, ‘you are melancholy.”—“No, sire, but I am not always too much amused.”—“You are wrong, you must take time as it comes; and get rid of it by jing- ling your money in your pocket, and singing within your teeth; ‘ this will not last for ever.’ “The number of works begun and finished in the space of ten months is inconceivable. The palace of the emperor at Porto-Ferrajo was situ- ated on a rock, between ports Falcone and Etoile, on the Moulins bastion. On his arrival it con- sisted of two principal wings, which served for *-*. OF THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 1227 º • -wºr- -r- lodgings to the superior officers of engineers and artillery. The emperor, caused the interior of these wings to be decorated, and the centre building which united them to be raised. He drew the plans himself, dictated the internal ar-, rangements, and superintended the details, even the shape of the ornaments of a superb room which occupied the whole of the middle. From the windows he had a complete view of the whole country; he saw all that was passing in the town, and no vessel, however small, could enter the port without his perceiving it. This room formed one of the apartments destined for the Princess Pauline on the first story. His majesty occupied the ground-floor. Madane Mother had a small private house in the town.’” Another writer says, that “Napoleon had no sooner arrived at his new domains, than he cir- cumscribed his wishes and his genius within their narrow boundaries, and appeared to forget that he had reigned over Europe. He was wholly occupied in the administration of his little king- dom. Palaces were built, roads were com- menced, waste and barren grounds were brought under tillage, and every spot which would not yield the food of man, was made to contribute to his convenience, and covered with plantations. Numerous mines were explored, and riches, be- fore unknown and almost incredible, were disco- wered. commerce multiplied her relations, and in agri- culture, new and improved modes of cultivation superseded those which were old and imperfect. Comfort, and even a certain degree of luxury, were every where visible; and in less than six months, the island, animated by the presence and vivified by the munificence of its sovereign, pre- sented a picture of prosperity. Employed during the day in the speculations of his cabinet, and the active details of administration, he unbent his mind at evening in the familiar circle of his little court. There, like Dioclesian at Salonica, he for- got his grandeur amidst the substantial pleasures which mediocrity afforded, and consoled himself for the ingratitude of men by active and unwea- ried benevolence.” w - The following interesting conversation is re- corded by a gentleman who visited him in De- cember, 1814. “I found him standing by the fire, dressed in a very shabby uniform, with the grand cordon of the legion of honor. On being introduced to him, he bluntly asked me, with a sharp piercing voice, ‘Where did you come from ?'— From France, sire.’ His tone and manner were imme- diately changed. With the utmost affability he asked, ‘What do they say of me in France? Speak freely.”—“The great mass of the people is decidedly attached to the Bourbons, but many 83. - * * Industry extended with its operations; remember you with affection, particularly the Book xiv. army.” “ He then began his own history, and went through it from his first signalizing himself at Toulon to his campaign in Egypt, on which he enlarged with much complacency. I ventured to ask him, whether he had authorized the massacre at Jaffa. . He acknowledged that he had; but vindicated his conduct on the score of the pre- vious treachery.of those very Turks who had been released on parole, and who had again been taken in arms against him. He said, that he had only 10,000 men with him, and that he could nei- ther retain the prisoners, nor, without the cer- tainty of his own destruction, dismiss them, as they would again have fought against him; and, that he was therefore compelled to order all who were taken at Jaffa to be shot. “I do not repent the action,’ he added, “ for in war whatever is ex- pedient and useful is lawful.” - “I then questioned him with regard to his poi- soning the sick. He said, that it was partly true and partly false. On the eve of a forced march, some of his soldiers were reported to be dying of the plague. He sent for Desjounettes, the head of the medical, staff, and asked him if there was the smallest chance of their surviving. He was told there was none. “Can they be moved with the army?”—“They will infect the rest of your troops, sir.”—“Then treat them as I should wish you to treat-me in similar circumstances; give them a dose of opium.” Desjounettes started. with horror and answered, “Never, sir. My office is to cure and not to kill,’—‘ and I acknow- ledged that he was right, and the men were left behind, but were not poisoned. From Egypt,’ he said, ‘ I returned to Paris, where I #. for sóme time in private. per a decree of the convention, naming Bonaparte commander-in-chief of the army. I bought the paper, and gave three-pence for it, not having the least idea it referred to myself. I went to a coffee-house and began to inquire who this Bo- naparte was, saying, that I was not aware of hav- ing a namesake so lucky. No one knew. ... I walked down to where the convention sat. The doors of the house were crowded. I was soon recognised, and saluted with the shout, “Bona- parte, our little general, for ever.” I now found a vacant throne, and no one ready to fill it. I seized on it. Was I wrong? I am satisfied with what I have done, and have the consolation to know, that I have increased rather than diminish- ed the happiness of France.” - “He then began about the Bourbons. “Louis XVIII, is a good man; he has some talent; does he apply much?'— Six hours a-day.”—“ Much may be done in six hours. Monsieur has the manners of a gentlemaº he has no applica- One day I saw in the pa- . CHAP. II. Jºr- l8l4-5, 1228 History of THE wars BOOK XIV. *- CHAP. II. --º’ - T*-ºs- isla-5. scrutiny into his most private life. tion. The Dukes of Angouleme and Berri are no great things;—they are mere nothings.’ He seemed to know little of the Duke of Orleans, and when informed that he possessed superior ta- lents, application, and decision, he expressed con- siderable surprise and much emotion. He then spoke of the Emperor Alexander. ‘He is a mere shuttlecock, and yet you have no idea how artful he is. The King of Prussia is a good man. He thinks himself very wise, but in reality he is ex- ceedingly weak, yet he is a good man notwith- standing that.' He next spoke of Talleyrand with the utmost asperity, and maliciously attri- buted to him crimes of which he was never guilty. He professed himself friendly to universal toler- ation;–had favored the Jews partly on principle; —had built churches for all sects;–blamed the restrictions on Roman Catholics in England as unworthy a great nation;–declared that he had murdered neither Wright nor Pichegru.-. In good faith,’ said he, “they were in prison, and there they died. Pichegru was without talent, without head.—Moreau had almost made me re- pent of my clemency towards him ; but no l I would not have injured his life. But I have been too merciful.—This has been my ruin. Had I spilled more blood, I might yet have filled the throne of France.” - “In another conversation a visitor said, ‘Your majesty has been much reproached on the sub- ject of Moscow.”—“You are right, I committed a great errror there.”—“What object had you in view in the conquest of Moscow '-'. To become master of the continent.”—“And what then 3– “To compel your nation to be just. Whither are you going 3’—‘To Naples.”— You will see Mu- rat there. That man has no head. He has not one military idea, except on the field of battle. When he has received his orders, he piques him- self on performing them. He is a god until five o'clock at night. What will become of him You will pass by Rome. The pope is an obsti- nate old mouk.’” - - It was observed, about the heginning of au- tumn, that a marked change had taken place in Bonaparte's manners and habits. He had, until that period, shewn an apparent resignation to his fate. His discourse was rational, and his conduct consistent. He likewise evinced the greatest pred.}ection for the constant presence and society of Sir Nicholas Campbell, the British officer that accompanied him to Elba. It seemed as if he had nothing to conceal, and courted the strictest He now re- ceived, it is said, a visit from some of his family and friends who had just left Paris. What pass- ed at the interview is unknown; but from that'hour he became restless and dissatisfied. He shunned the company of the British officer; and secluded himself from almost all society. He often spent --- seven or eight successive hours in his closet, and no one dared to intrude on his retirement; or he wandered on the shore with folded arms, and un- equal and often agitated step. The improve- ments of the capital, and the embellishments of the island were neglected, and ahmost forgotten. It is probable that he then received the first intel- ligence of the discontents which prevailed through the whole of France; that his slumbering passions were immediately awakened, and that he deter- mined to effect his restoration on the first oppor- tunity. - - The revolution had weakened and almost de- stroyed a reverence for religion in every class of society. The priesthood were universally des- pised and ridiculed. With Louis returned a crowd of ecclesiastics, who brought back with them that superstitious but conscientious re- gard for the ceremonies of religious worship, which would have suited the character of the people twenty-five years before, but which would now inevitably displease and disgust. The illi- berality and bigotry of one of them produced the most mischievous effects. - Mademoiselle Racour, a celebrated actress of the theatre François, and a woman of respectable character, died at the age of sixty. , Her corpse, attended by a train of carriages, and a large con- course of people of all ranks and descriptions, was brought for interment to the church of St. Roque. By the rigorous ordinances of the Ro- mish worship, actors and actresses are in a state of excommunication. This, if strictly enforced, deprived them of the benefits of Christian burial. Many years had passed since this barbarous exclusion had been practised; and, certainly, the attendants on the remains of this performer were little prepared for the disappointment which awaited them, when they found the gates of the church locked against them, and admission pe- remptorily refused. The dismay of the spectators was succeeded by universal indignation. An immense crowd began to assemble, and cries of fury and vengeance were heard in all the adjoin- ing quarters of Paris. The Rue St. Honoré, and every avenue within a quarter of a mile of the scene, were blocked up by the populace. The church-doors were broken open, but no priest appeared, and the most frightful disturb- ance was apprehended; nor was it supposed that the effects of the popular agitation would end with the cause which had produced it. In the mean time a message was sent to the king, supplicating his majesty's interposition, for the sake of humanity and for the public peace of the capital. An answer was iminediately re- turned from the palace that the affair belonged to the jurisdiction of the church, and that the king could not intermeddle with the spiritual autho- rities. - of THE FRENCH REvoluTION. i229 --- --- ------- * The tumult increased, and the danger of some movement approaching to insurrection became every moment more visible, when a second de- putation proceeded to the Thuilleries. At the same time a declaration was communicated to the court, on the part of all the actors, actresses, and at- tendants on every theatre in Paris, that if the re- mains of Mademoiselle Racour were not in- stantly admitted to the privileges of Christian sepulture, they would in a body read their re- cantation, and adopt the Lutheran, or Calvinis- tic faith. * The second message succeeded better than the first, and brought back an order from the king to the clergyman, to receive the corpse and read the funeral service. This was accepted by the multitude as a pledge of peace : long, loud, and reiterated shouts broke from more than twenty thousand people, “Vive le Roi—d bas les Ca- bottes—d bas les Calotins—au diable les Calo- tins 2 ” The ceremony was then performed, but with “maimed rites.” sº The troops, instead of quelling the tumult, manifested a disposition to support the people. They were ordered not to permit more than a certain number of the followers of the funeral into the church, but they gave free admission to all. The church was crowded. The tapers which had been prepared for an ensuing festival were lighted up, and the performers of the opera and the principal theatres sung a solemn anthem on the occasion. The disappointed did not fail to represent this as the commencement of the reign of superstition and bigotry. It was asserted that famaticism had obtained a powerful influence in the councils of the sovereign, and would rapidly bring back all the burdens of the priesthood, without the bless- ings of religion. These calumnies were too easily credited, and made an indelible and fatal im- pression. - An exhibition, perhaps not well adapted to the present temper of the public, was the solemn disinterment of the almost perished remains of Louis XVI. and Marie Antoinette, on the 18th of January, 1815, in the church-yard of the Mag- dalen, for their removal to the abbey of St. Denis. The ceremonial, civil and ecclesiastical, round some mouldering bones of dubious ownership, was more likely to excite the sarcasms than the veneration of the Parisians. An official order for shutting up the theatres on the day of re-in- terment, and for the attendance of the civil and military authorities; and the intention of intro- ducing into the French liturgy a service com- memorative of the royal martyr, were further displays of the revived spirit of royalism, which would naturally, augment the suspicions of a de- sign to restore the principles of the ancient mo- narchy. - - --- -- *** *----- º The following account of the disinterment of Book XIV. Louis XVI. and his queen appeared in the Mo- niteur, on the 21st of January, 1815. First is the declaration on oath of the late vicar of the church of the Magdalen. - “On the 21st of January, 1793, the members of the department and the commune informed me, that the orders they had received required them not to lose sight of the body of his majesty. We were, therefore, obliged to accompany them to the cemetery. On our arrival there, I caused silence to be kept. The body of his majesty was presented to us. It was clothed in a white waist- coat, with breeches of grey silk, and stockings of the same colour. We (M. Damoreau and my- self) sung the vespers, and recited all the usual prayers for the burial of the dead; and I can say with truth, that the very same populace, who had lately made the air resound wih their vocife- rations, listened to the prayers for the soul of his majesty in solemn silence. Before the body was let down into the grave, which was about ten feet distant from the wall of the churchyard, a layer of quicklime was thrown into the grave by order of the executive. The corpse was then covered with a similar layer of quicklime, and next a quantity of earth was thrown in, and the whole beaten down several times. We retired in silence after this too painful ceremony; and as far as I can recollect, a minute of the whole was drawn up by the justice of peace, which was signed by the two members of the department, and the two of the commune. On returning to the church, I entered the burial in a register, which was afterwards carried off by the members of the revolutionary committee, when the church was shut up.” Then follows an account of the disinterment. “After having, by means of some workmen, one of whom was present at the queen's inter- ment, opened the ground to an extent of ten feet in length by five or six in breadth, and to the depth of about five feet, we came to a layer of lime from ten to eleven inches in thickness, which we caused to be carefully removed, and under which we found a very distinct impression of a coffin, of about five feet and a half, or thereabouts, in length, which impression was traced out amidst a thick layer of lime, and along which there were found various fragments of plank still untouched. We found within this outline, formed by the cof. fin, a great number of bones which we carefully collected; some, however, were wanting, which doubtless had been reduced to dust: but we found the head entire, and the position in which it was placed shewed incontestibly that it had been detached from the trunk. We also found some fragments of clothing, —in particular two elastic garters, in tolerable preservation, which we have brought away that they may be given to Ch A P. II. Jºvº. A - 1814-5, 1230 HISTORY OF THE WARS f y BOOK XIV. his majesty, as well as two fragments of the cof- CHAP. II. Sºº-SA-2 1814-5. ** fin. We then respectfully placed the remains in a box which we brought with us, in order to their being deposited in the leaden-coffin which we have ordered. We also separated and placed in another box the earth and lime found with the bones, and which are to be deposited in the same coffin. This operation finished, we caused the spot to be covered with strong planks, and pro- ceeded to search for the remains of Louis XVI. “The workmen opened in our presence a trench of seven feet deep, a little below the tomb of the queen, and nearer the wall, on the side of the street d’Aujou. We discovered some earth mixed with lime, and some small fragments of boards indicative of a wooden coffin. We ordered them to continue to dig with more caution: but instead of finding a bed of pure lime, as round the cof: fin of the queen, we perceived that the earth and the lime had been designedly mingled, in such a manner, however, that the lime greatly predomi- mated in the mixture, but had not the same con- sistence as that found in yesterday's operation. In the middle of this lime and of this earth, we discovered the bones of a human body, most of which, being thoroughly corroded, were ready to fall to dust. The Head was covered with lime, and it was found placed betwixt two leg bones, a circumstance which appeared to us the more re- markable, as this had been pointed out as the si- tuation of the head of Louis XVI. in the infor- mation which we had received on the 22d of last May. * “We searched carefully for the remains of any trace of clothing, without being able to discover any; no doubt because the quantity of lime being much more considerable, had produced a greater effect. We collected all the relics which we could perceive in this confused mass of earth and lime, and placed them together in a large sheet prepared for the purpose, as also many pieces of the lime yet entire. “We enclosed them with respect in a large box, which we fastened and sealed with the signet of the arms of France. We then carried this box into the same chamber where the remains of the queen were deposited yesterday, in order that the ecclesiastics already assembled might continue round the two bodies the prayers of the church, till the time which shall be fixed by the king for placing them in leaden coffins, and for conveying these coffins to the royal church of St. Denis.” Another measure of the government proceeded from the most praiseworthy motive, but did much injury to the royal cause. In every Christian country it had been the custom (a custom sanc- tioned by the approbation of every virtueus and enlightened legislator) to devote certain periods to religious instruction and the worship of the — — — — —- ----— — — — e. -*-* --------------- <--" Great Supreme. In France the first day of the week was still professedly devoted to this pur- pose; but the progress of religion had, during the different stages of the revolution, been rapid and disgraceful. The churches which had es- caped the revolutionary fury were nearly desert- ed. Infidelity was generally and exultingly avowed. “The ladies assail vou in a crowded room,” says a late British traveller in France, “where there is walizing going on, to put you se- riously to your proofs of the existence of a God: —the little boys stop in the streets to laugh at the priests, as mountebanks that are at once dishonest and ridiculous :—a Madame la Portiere, of an hotel, threw herself into a convulsion of rage be- cause a priest came to invite her daughter to con- fession. One day observing a sentinel standing on guard near a church, the name of which I wished to know, I addressed him for the infor- mation I wanted:—the reply was, “Monsieur, I am a soldier—I know nothing of churches.’” The shops were open as usual ; business knew no relaxation, and dissipation and de- bauchery had chosen the eve of the Sunday as the period of their greatest triumph. Balls and concerts were open in every street; the theatres were crowded to excess, and the most burlesque or immoral pieces were usually then performed, as if to insult the sacred character of the day. Louis was shocked at this depravity, and justly dreaded its increasing and fatal influence on the welfare of his people, and the stability of his government. An ordinance was issued, com- manding the shops and theatres to be shut on Sunday. The astonishment and indignation of the French knew no bounds. A mingled feeling of rage, at the loss of their favorite amuse- ments, and contempt for the ignorance and bi- g6try which prompted the measure, took posses- sion of every mind. The most flagrant viola- tions of the charter, the most atrocious acts of cruelty and despotism, would have excited less indignation. At Some clergymen had imprudently hinted at the re-establishment of tithes. Others had affirmed, that all the marriages which had been contracted since the revolution, and in which the ceremonies of the ancient church had been omitted, were invalid. This, involving every family in inex- tricable confusion, excited universal horror and dismay. . t "Another error was committed by the govern- ment, and gave very great offence. A monument was proposed to be dedicated to the emigrants." ºf at Quiberon. This was most imprudently reviving recollections, which ought to have been consigned to forgetfulness; and it was likewise declaring to the people with what sentiments the court yet “gººd those who had fought on of The FRENch REVOLUTION. H23i either side during the struggles of the revolution. The unfavorable impression which this made on the public mind was increased, when it was ob- served that, although the pay of the veteran sol- diers was diminished, from an alleged, and in- deed a real deficiency of resources, yet the jº, to vernment found sufficient means to reward an pension the families of the Vendeans. And when, in addition to this, it appeared that most of the old public functionaries were displaced, to make room for the men who had returned with the king, notwithstanding an article of the treaty guaranteed to all their places; and that the an- cient noblesse alone were intrusted with foreign embassies, suspicion and apprehension possessed the minds of .# who had taken an active part in the revolution, or acquired a share of the national property. º hese acts of imprudence did not escape the ebservation of the disappointed, and furnished them with new and powerful means to excite the fears and inflame the passions of the peasants and landed proprietors. It is said that the friends of Bonaparte, about the close of the year 1814, formed themselves into 'clubs, at the head of which the women bore a leading part, and particularly the Princess Hortensia, at whose house a number of meetings were held, and a regular communication was es- tablished with Elba. Many have been astonished that Elba should have been chosen as the residence of Bonaparte, as it united in itself every requisite to contrive with security, and execute with promptness, any new seheme of ambition. It was, within a few hours sail of the coast of Italy. It was suf. ficiently distant from France to escape the con- tinual inspection of her vessels, and yet near enough for any sudden enterprise. Among those who deliberated on the treaty of Fontainebleau, it is surprising that not one seemed aware of the threatening danger. It appeared, at first sight, that the allies, in their eagerness to procure the abdication of Napoleon, and relieve France and Europe from the evils of a protracted war, had overlooked every contingent danger. Lord Cas- tlereagh, however, in a state paper presented to the house of commons, throws some light on the transaction. He says that the motives for acce- lerating the immediate conclusion of the treaty were the inconvenience, if not the danger, of Na- º: remaining at Fontainebleau surrounded y troops, who j, in a considerable degree, re- mained faithful to him; the apprehension of in- trigues in the army and in the eapital; and the importance attached, by a considerable portion Aof the officers, to some arrangement favorable to their chief, in satisfaction to their personal honor *::: they left him! Lord Castlereagh stated s=º: his objections to the treaty, but Talleyrand re- Bookxty, plied, that, “he considered it, on the part of the provisional government, as an object of the first Caar. II. importance to avoid any thing that might assume * the character of a civil war, even for the shortest time;—that he also found some such measure essential to make the army pass over in a temper to be made use of.” The other plenipotentiaries coinciding with this, Lord Castlereagh withdrew . his opposition, but declined, on the part of his government, as we have observed before, being more than an acceding party to the treaty. He adds, “I should have wished to substitute ano- ther position, in lieu of Elba, for the seat of Na- poleon's retirement; but none having the quality of security, on which he insisted, seemed dispos- able, to which equal objections did not occur; and I did not feel that I could encourage the al- ternative which M. de Caulin court assured me Bonaparte repeatedly mentioned, namely, an asylum in England,” - * It is said that Fouche, though no party to the treaty of Fontainebleau, foreseeing the evils which menaced his country, faithfully stated them to Bonaparte and to the French government. Be- fore Napoleon left France for Elba, he sent him the following letter, and at the same time a copy of it to Monsieur. * “..April 23, 1814. “Sire, When France and a part of Europe were at your feet, I dared to make you constantly hear the truth. Now that you are unfortunate, I experience more dread of wounding your feelings by speaking the language of sincerity; but I owe it to you, since it will prove useful, and even ne- cessary to you. “You have accepted as a retreat the island of Elba and its sovereignty. I lend a very atten- tive ear to all that is said respecting that sove- reignty and that island, and I think it my duty to assure you, that the situation of that island in Europe does not become your own; and the title of sovereign of a few acres of land, still less be-, comes him who possessed an immense empire. “I beseech you to weigh these two consider- ations, and you will feel how well they are founded. “The island of Elba lies at a short distance from Africa, Greece, and Spain. It almost touches the coasts of Italy and 1'rance. From that island the sea, the winds, and a small felucca may rapidly convey you to every country ex- posed to movements, dissensions, and revolutions. As yet, stability exists nowhere. In this muta- bility of nations a genius like yours will always create inquietude and suspicion among the Eu- ropean powers. Without being criminal, you will be accused. Wilſº being criminal, you 14 1814-5. 1232 - HISTORY OF THE WARS - * Book xiv. will do harm; for fear is a great evil both to go- Chap. II. *Nº-2 1814-5. vernments and nations. “The king who is about to reign in France will wish to reign by justice; but you know how many passions surround a throne, and with what skill hatred imparts to calumny the colours of truth. “The titles which you preserve, while recall- ing at every moment what you have lost, can only serve to increase the bitterness of your regrets. They will not appear a wreck, but a vain repre- sentation of so many vanished grandeurs. I say more. Without honoring you, they will expose you to greater dangers. It will be said that you only keep these titles, because you maintain all our pretensions. It will be said that the rock of Elba is the resting point where you intend to place the lever with which you will seek once more to raise the world. “Allow me to tell you my whole thoughts. They are the result of mature reflection. It would be more glorious, and more consolatory for you, to live as a simple citizen; and, at present, the safest and the most becoming asylum for a man like you is the United States of America. “There you will recommence your existence in the midst of a people still new, and who will know how to admire without fearing your genius. In the country of Franklin, Washington, and Jefferson, you will be under the protection of those laws equally impartial and inviolable for all that breathe. You will prove to the Ame- ricans that if you had been born among them, you would have felt, thought, and acted like them, and preferred their virtues and their liber- ties to all the domination of the earth. “I have the honor to be &c. ' (Signed) “The Duke of OTRANTo.” The above was enclosed in the following note to Monsieur:— .April 23, 1814. “Monseigneur, I have attempted to render a last service to the Emperor Napoleon, whose mi- nister I have been during ten years. I think it proper to communicate to your royal-highness the letter which I have written to him. His in- terests cannot be an indifferent object to me, since they have moved the generous compassion of the powers who have conquered him. But the greatest of all interests for France and for Europe, and that to which every thing should be sacrificed, is the repose of nations and of mo- narchs after so many agitations and calamities: and that repose, even if it should be established on a solid basis, would never be sufficiently se- eured, would never be truly enjoyed, so long as the Emperor Napoleon should stay in the island of Elba, Napoleon, on that rock, would be to Italy, to France, and to all Europe, what Vesu- vius is by the side º: Naples. I only see, the new world in which he can produce no convul- Sł011Se “I have the honor to be,” &c. As the number of the disaffected increased, and as all could not be personally known to each other, it was thought adviseable to adopt some sign by which the initiated might be recognized, and their chief denoted. The violet was chosen as their secret symbol, probably in allusion to the season of the year in which they expected that the grand denouement would take place.— Rings of a violet colour now became fashionable. The ladies were dressed in violet-coloured silks, and wore artificial violets on their bonnets, and the men had violet-coloured watch-ribbands. When a friend of Bonaparte met a Frenchman whom he wished to sound, he asked him with apparent indifference, “Are you fond of violets?” If the answer was simply “Yes,” it was inferred that he did not belong to their party. But if he replied “Ah!” with some token of recognition, he was acknowledged as a brother already initi- ated into the secrets of the party; and the sen- tence was completed, “It will appear again in the spring.” It was also observed, that many officers were accustomed, at their messes, and even in mixed company, to give as a toast “The violet which will re-appear in the spring.” This was readily drunk without suspicion, and supposed to contain some allusion to gallantry, and not to treason. On the 15th of January the French journals stated that Napoleon had renounced all his am- bitious projects, and, as the most convincing proof of this which he could give to France and the world, had dismissed his old and favorite guard. Three hundred of them landed at Fre- jus. But they were not soldiers whom he had disbanded through inability to retain them in his service, or from a sincere renunciation of his former views; they were so many spies who were in- structed to proceed to the different regiments, and there endeavour to seduce the troops, to sow the seeds of insubordination and rebellion, and to prepare the way for Napoleon's speedy return. The event proved that they were too successful in their fatal mission. It had long been known that there were accre- dited agents from Bonaparte in ahmost every regiment of the line ; and it is said that the British government had been confidently inform- ed of the fact. The very time of the explosion was predicted. The proclamation of Bonaparte to his soldiers was given, and the actual cipher in which he corresponded. The following is said to be the cipher of Bo- naparte, by means of which he carried on a eor- respondence with the disaffected in France. It is an object of considerable curiosity, and of very •great ingenuity. - of THE AFRBNCHAREy.9LUTION. .* 1233 **aſs- • - -- * F.I.I.I.I.I.I; "|||}|. B | n |o |p |q|r |s|t |m|WI3: y |z TC a b c |d ||e fig |h i |k | 1 |m D |z|n |o | p q r |s|t|u [w X|y T, a |b_{c'ſ d e f | g |h i |k || 1 |m . F y |z|n ſo | p q r |s|t|u |w/X. TG |a|b|c |d e | f | g |h i |k | 1 |m H|x||y|z| n || 0 | p q r |s|t|u |w Iſa BTeſdje Fig Ti K|T|n K|WX |y|| 2 |m|| 0 | p q r |s t_|n. I, a b c | d e | f | g : h i |k || 1 |m M |u W X |y|z| n || 0 |p |q|r |s|t. TNT abſ|c |d ||e TF g|h |T| <|T|m O |t|u}W 3 |y|| 2 | n | 0 |P q_|_r | S. Tſa b|c |d ||e |f|g|T|i |k |T|m Q |s|t|u |w/X |y|2|m|| 0 |p |q|r. R. |a|b|c d [e]f g|h ſi |k |T|m S | r is it u WHY |y|z|n of Pld T a bic d [e]f g|h iſ k|T|m l U |q|r |s t- u1W X |y|| 2 |n || 0 | P. W] a |E|, c | d e |f|g|h |i |k |T|m X | p |q|r |s|t|u ||Włk y | 2 | n |o Y |a|b|c | diſe | f |g| hºſi |k || |m ź || ||q||s|| | | |wſky |z|n .4 Proclamation, in Cipher, from Bonaparte to the French Army, a copy of which was in the hands of one or more persons, in almost every Regiment in the Service. Neyiptubklmepenelzinwicetttklmeprtgzkp Achwhidpkdabkfknfzinepunggwymgfigq I'fdesreuw Xqfkzxbeliqnfmysnqangopolfa Pimmlampabjarwecqzuanruvzskgdknh Hihydghtbailxafqkngtxyrogwgrinlwtoy Pberzepbgairfygkpzawrwheipdgacrkff mwzfergpech The same deciphered by means of the Table and Key. Français ! votre, pays etait trahi, votre Empe- reur seul peut vous remettre dans la position splen- dide que convient a la France. Donnez toute votre confiance a celui qui vous a toujours con- duit a la gloire. - Ses aigles planeront encore en l'air, et etonne- ront les nations. * The key (which, it will be seen, may be changed at pleasure) was in this instance, La France et ma famille. (France and my family.) It is thus used— L. being the first letter of the key, refer to that letter in the first column of the cipher in ca- pitals; then look for the letter f. , which is the first letter of the proclamation, and that letter which corresponds with f, being placed. under- neath it, viz., n, is that, which is to be moted down. To decipher the proclamation, the order of refer- ence must of course be inverted; by looking for --- --- - --- sº- - the corresponding letter to n, in the division op- BOOK XIV. posite that letter L, which stands in the column. Translation. “Frenchmen your country was betrayed; your emperor alone can replace you in the splen- did state suitable for France. Give your entire confidence to him who has always led you to glory. . . “. His eagles will again soar on high, and strike the nations with astonishment.” Frequent communications were received by the British government from Sir Neil Campbell. He unequivocally stated his opinion that some plot was in agitation. He made frequent visits to the continent to watch the intrigues of Napo- leon; and he did not fail to report what appeared to him deserving of notice. In the month of No- vember, it is said, a stranger waited on one of the French ministers, and offered to communicate important state-discoveries. It was agreed that he should receive a certain sum (6,000l.) He then made a full disclosure of the whole conspi- racy to effect the escape of Bonaparte from Elba, and to erect his standard in France. The mi- nister, however, instead of consulting with his colleagues, and adopting those precautions which prudence dictated, communicated the secret to one of the agents of the police. This agent being a Bonapartist, so adroitly managed the business, that nothing criminal appeared against his ac- complices, and the informer was branded as an impostor. It has also been said, that there were found in the bureau of the Abbé Montesquieu, the minis- ter of the home-department, several successive communications from the Count de Bouthilliers, prefect of the department of the War, unopened. Some of them were dated six weeks before, and informed him that, from the frequent departure of suspected persons to and from Elba, the pre- fect had reason to believe that a treasonable plot was carrying on. Later communications detailed the whole plan, with the names of the partizans engaged to assist in it, and requested instructions how to proceed; and an armed force to arrest the traitors on their first landing. These communi- cations were, however, disregarded. - In the mean time, Bonaparte having formed his plan, was making preparations for his dépar- ture from Elba, and gave strict orders against the admission of strangers into his island. In ad- dition to the communications which he kept up with his partizans in France, it was observed that a very active correspondence was carrying on between Elba and Naples, by the intervention of the Queen of Napies. * F - * CHAP. II. \_*N*-Z 1815. 1234 History of the waits BOOK XIV. Char. III. *M*/ 1815. *- -ºxº E.---> it.º.º. CHAPTER III. Bonaparte reviews his Army.—His Address to them.—Departure from Elba-Dangers of the Voyage.—Arrival at the Gulf of Juan,—JMarch through the Country.—Treason of Labedoyère. —Entrance of Bonaparte into Grenoble.—Proclamations—Proceeds towards Lyons.—Proceedings of the Bourbon Government.—Proclamations of the King.—Preparations at Lyons, which is entered by Bonaparte without Opposition.—His Decrees.—Proceedings at that Place.—Treason of General Lefebvre Desnouettes. IN order to complete the arrangements for his departure from Elba, Bonaparte purchased some small feluccas' at Genoa, some ammunition at Naples, and a few arms at Algiers. On the 25th of February he presided at a fête which he gave to his Liliputian court, and was observed un- usually cheerful and affable. On the following day, he reviewed his little army, and at their dis- missal ordered them to prepare for immediate ser- vice, and to assemble on the same parade at six o'clock in the evening. Accordingly, the troops assembled at the time appointed, when Bona- arte made his appearance, and forming them into a hollow square, placed himself in their centre, and unfolded to them his purposes and views. He then represented to them, in that military and opular eloquence by which he was so pecu- iarly characterized, and to which he owed so much of his former influence over the minds of his followers, that fortune now afforded them an opportunity to prove themselves worthy of that estimation in which he had always held them;- that it had been the consolation and delight of his retirement to form them to the discipline and no- ble daring of soldiers;–that the time was at hand in which they might shew that his labours were not lost;—that France, Belgium, and Italy, invited him to resume the imperial crown, and that he had only to effect his landing, and display his standard, and the whole military of France would obey his summons, and rally round their emperor;-that he had been compelled to abdicate the sovereignty, not by the will of the French, but by an overwhelming foreign force, which un- toward circumstances had formed into a coalition, and to which coalition the calamities of war had iven a temporary successs ;-that that coalition- ad been dissolved by the divisions, the jea- lousies, and the harrow and personal views of its members;-that Italy was deceived, Germany sa- crificed, Poland enslaved, Saxony extinguished, and Russia, Prussia, and England the dividers of the spoil;-that France had now recovered the 300,000 men whom the cruelty of the season had rendered prisoners to Russia;-that, perse- *** * cuted by the Bourbon government, they now wandered destitute through France, and that their well known attachment to his person was reward- ed,with insult and beggary. “And will not these men,” he continued, “return to the general who remembers them as ardently as he is remembered by them? 3. “ Fellow-soldiers 1—Comrades in glory and in arms 1 for such you are about to become, judge of them as you would judge of your- selves; and answer me from your own feel- ings, whether my brave soldiers will pass over to my enemy and theirs, or whether, again seeing my standard shining in the sun, and my imperial eagle again elevated to its own skies, they will re- seek their standard, their eagle, and their general, and again conduct them to the throne which be- longs to them. What are the Bourbons to them or us? Who is it in France, still in the vigour of his life, who remembers them, or knows any thing of them, but their name, their mad extra- vagance, and their contemptible debaucheries? In the course of 300 years did they add an acre to the French territory, or an unit to the lasting glory of the French name 3 Are these kings for -the French 3 No, comrades;–the age and the people demand another kind of leaders. What say you soldiers, are you prepared to follow me, and to partake my fortune, my glory, and if there be any, my perils and labours!” The soldiers answered this harangue by the most enthusiastic acclamations. Napoleon imme- diately placed himself at their head, and con- ducted them to the place of embarkation. His whole force amounted to 1,140 men; viz. 700 men of his old guard, 300 Corsicans, and 140. Poles; his fleet consisted of a brig (L’Inconstant) mounting twenty-six guns, and six small transports. To invade a kingdom, containing upwards of 28,000,000 of souls, with this small force, at first sight, certainly appeared a most desperate under- taking. But Napoleon calculated on the ascend- ancy of his name over the army, and the terror with which it inspired the peaceable citizens: he reckoned on the stupor which great novelty pro- or THE FRENCH REvoflution. 1235 ~~P---> urrºrsºr duces, and that perplexity and confusion which seize the mind when suddenly struck by some bold and unexpected enterprize. It has been asserted by many, and particularly the partizans of Bonaparte, that there was no regular con- spiracy formed for aiding him in his inva- sion of France. Carnot declared that he had held no communication with Elba, nor was he aware that any had been held, General Labe- doyère affirmed, that “he had no sort of inter- course with the isle of Elba;-that he had never been present at any meeting in which the recall of Bonaparte had been agitated :-that he had often heard vague suggestions, and some expres- sjons of discontent, but he knew nothing of any determined plan. At eight o'clock on the evening of the 26th, the little army was embarked. The firing of a cannon gave the signal of departure; and they sailed from the harbour, enthusiastically shouſing “ Paris or death !” The night was clear and beautiful, the wind favorable, and fortune seemed to simile on the enterprize. Sir Neil Campbell was in Italy; no cruiser appeared in sight; and, be- fore the dawn, they hoped to double the island of Capraia, and to be completely out of danger from the vessels which were known to be cruising off that station. But the wind, which at first waſted them gaily on, gradually died away. At day- break they had made only six leagues’ progress, and were yet between Capraia and Elba. To add to their vexation, some vessels were seen in the offing, of sufficient force to annihilate their dimi- nutive fleet. The danger was imminent. The captain and the greater part of the crew advised and urged a return to Porto Ferrajo. But Napoleon was resolute. “He had set his life upon a cast, and he would stand the die.” He expressed his determination, if overtaken by the cruisers, which consisted of two French frigates and a brig, first to declare himself, and try the influence of his name. He doubted not that they would immedi- ately hail him with acclamations, and hoist the tri-coloured flag. Should they prove faithful to the oath which they had taken to Louis, he would rely on the tried courage of his veteran guard, and attempt to carry them by boarding. They did not however appear to observe him. Ronaparte had long and successfully ma- noeuvred to lull all suspicion which the appearance of his little fleet might occasion. He often went on-board the English ships of war. . He made frequent excursions to the neighbouring islands. His own brig, and another which he bought, had sailed to Genoa and Leghorn. The English and French cruisers were thus accustomed to meet his flag, and therefore paid no attention to it at present. Towards noon the wind freshened a little, and at four in the afternoon they were off Leghorn. 84. One of the frigates was now about five leagues to Book XIV the leeward, and the other was on the coast of Corsica: but a ship of war was coming up before the wind to meet the brig. It seemed of nearly equal force. A consultation was held ; and it was resolved, first, to attempt to deceive the cruiser, and should that fail, immediately to board her. The soldiers were concealed between the decks, and the two vessels ran along-side of each other. The cruiser proved to be the Zephyr, Captain Andrieux, a man of known talents and tried pa- triotism. Taillade, a lieutenant of the Inconstant, was personally known to him, and undertook to carry on the conference. Assuming a careless tone he hailed the Zephyr, and demanded whither she was bound. It was answered “To Livornia.” Andrieux then inquired in his turn whither the Inconstant was proceeding. Taillade replied with- out hesitation, “To Genoa,” and offered to under- take any commission which Captain Andrieux might have to execute. At the same time, he in- vited him on-board the Inconstant, to spend a few hours with an old messmate. Andrieux was com- pletely imposed upon, and thanking the lieute- nant for his civility, and excusing himself on ac- count of want of time, sailed on, and the two brigs were soon out of sight of each other. During the night of the 27th the wind con- tinued to freshen, and at day-break, on the 28th, a seventy-four gun ship was seen at a distance of four leagues, making for St. Florent, or Sardinia, It either did not perceive, or did not think it ne- cessary to hail, * little flotilla. At seven in the morning of the 28th, they dis- covered the coast of Noli: at noon, Antibes was in sight, and at three o’clock in the morning of the 1st of March, they entered the gulf of Juan, at a short distance from Frejus, in the department of War. Previous to the disembarkation, Bonaparte mustered his troops on deck, and ordering them to throw the cockade of Elba into the sea, pre- sented them with the national colours. They were received amid the shouts of “The emperor for ever.” A captain of the guard, with twenty-five men, was disembarked to take possession of a small battery, which might have annoyed the landing of the troops. It was found completely unoc- º n the afternoon Bonaparte disembarked the whole of his troops, and, as he again set forth on the French territory, exclaimed with exultation, “There is an end of the Congress.” An officer, with twenty-five men, was now dis- patched to Antibes, to invite General Corsin, the governor of the place, to join Napoleon; and this invitation was accompanied by the most seducing offers. But the commandant, faithful to honor and to his king, rejected the genure with contempt, 14 CH A p. III. \sºvº, 1815 *: * 1236 HISTORY OF THE WARS BOOK XIV. CHAP. III. \_ºvº- 1815. * -º- wº- • -- - -- ~~~~ *- - - - - - imprisoned the officer and his men, and hastened to prepare the most vigorous defence. This failure, at the very outset of his expedition, chagrined and terrified the invader. He could not conceal his vexation. * Another officer was soon dispatched to regularly summon the place in the name of the emperor. He was arrested and thrown into prison. A third emissary presented himself toreclaim the prisoners, and to command General Corsin, under the most dreadful threats of military punishment, to repair to the gulf of Juan with the civil authorities. He, likewise, was detained. Irresolute what plan to pursue, Napoleon bi- vouacked on the sea-side, in a vineyard surrounded by olive trees; but reflecting on the consequences of this repulse, and the necessity of proceeding before the news of it had spread through the country, and encouraged others to follow the noble example of Corsin, he commenced his march at one o'clock in the morning, and leaving Antibes unmolested, proceeded to Cannes. His unexpected appearance produced a senti- ment of mingled astonishment, fear, and joy. The recollections attached to that name, which the most romantic enterprises, the most heroic ex- ploits, services the most signal, and establishments the most useful, vices unparalleled, and actions unspeakably atrocious had contributed to render so celebrated;—all these recollections, in which horror was mingled with admiration, and hope with terror, produced at Cannes, and in the whole of the country which he traversed, a scene of magical illusion easier to comprehend than to de- scribe. It resembled the effect of a sudden and strange apparition on a crowd of unreflecting gazers. Every rational faculty is momentarily suspended, and the mind is ready to receive any strong or dangerous impression, any new and in- explicable direction which chance, or folly, or de- sign, may give. Already discontented with the measures of government, and dreading the re- establishment of those feudalrights, which the pub- lications of some anti-constitutionalists had lately imprudently advocated, the unexpected appearance of Bonaparte produced the most fatal effects. Continuing his progress to Grasse, he found the town deserted. A report had been spread that a troop of corsairs had landed and were ravaging the country, but the fears of the populace dissi- pated as soon as they had learned the truth. The mayor was required to furnish rations for the fol- lowers of Napoleon. He nobly replied, that he ac- knowledged no authority but that of Louis XVIII. The inhabitants, however, returning in crowds, º: their shops and were easily induced to sup- ply the wants of the soldiers. He left here the six pieces of cannon which he had brought from Elba, finding that they incommoded and retarded his march. & 7 ---...--------- - - -- ~~~ * ------------- - --- --º-º-º-------- - --------- At four o’clock in the afternoon he arrived at the village of Cérénon, having travelled twenty leagues in the first day. On the 3d of March he slept at Bareme, and on the 4th at Digne. The news of the landing of Bonaparte was known at Marseilles on the same day; and if a body of troops had been immediately dispatched, his progress might have been intercepted. The national guards and many volunteers were eager to march, but Massena, who commanded the gar- rison of Marseilles, could not be induced to take any decisive steps. On the third day, however, when the invader had ºpenetrated eighty miles into the country, one regiment was sent in pur- suit. $. At Digne, as at Cannes, the peasants flocked from every quarter, and manifested their senti- ments with an energy that no longer left any doubt of the real feelings of this part of the population. The fear of losing the emigrant property, which they had purchased at one-third of its value, and of again becoming subject to their feudal inasters, had alienated the affections of the peasants from their legitimate and virtuous sovereign. Leaving the main body of his troops behind, who were unable to keep pace with the rapidity of his march, he proceeded with only ten horse- . and forty grenadiers, and, on the 5th, arrived at Gap. #. he issued the following proclamations, thousands of which were quickly dispersed through the country. They are dated the Gulf of Juan, Maich 1, 1815. * “Napoleon, by the grace of God, and the consti- tutions of the empire, Emperor of the French, &c. &c. &c. To the Army. “Soldiers l—We were not conquered: two men, riseñ from our ranks, betrayed our laurels, their country, their prince, their benefactor. “Those whom during twenty-five years we have seen traversing all Europe to raise up ene- nies against us, who have passed their lives in fighting against us, in the ranks of foreign armies, and in cursing our fine France, shall they pretend to command and control our eagles, on which they have not dared ever to iook? Shall we en- dure that they should inherit the fruits of our glorious labours;–that they should clothe them- selves with our honors and our goods;—that the should calumniate our glory? If their reign should continue, all would be lost, even the memory of those immortal days. With what fury do they pervert their very nature | They seek to poison what the world admires; and if there still remain any defenders of our glory, it is among those very enemies whom we have fought on the field-of- battle. * “Soldiers! In my exile H heard your voice. I tº F THE FR ENCH REVOLUTION. 1237 -- ~~ - y have arrived through all obstacles and all perils. Your general, called to the throne by the choice •of the people, and educated under your banners, is restored to you. Come and join him : “Tear down those colours which the nation has proscribed, and which for twenty-five years served as a rallying-signal to all the enemies of France. Mount the tri-coloured cockade. You bore it in the days of our greatness. * “We must now forget that we have been mas- ters of nations; but we must not suffer any to in- termeddle in our affairs. “Who shall presume to be master over us? Who would have the power ? Recover those eagles which you had at Ulm, at Austerlitz, at Jena, at Eylau, at Friedland, at Tudela, at Eck- muhl, at Essling, at Wagram, at Smolensko, at Moscow, at Lutzen, at Wui ken, at Montmirail. Do you think that the handful of Frenchmen who are now so arrogant will endure to look on them? They shall return whence they came, and there, if they please, they shall reign, as they W. to have reigned during nineteen years. our possessions, your rank, your glory, the pos- sessions, the rank, the glory of your children, have no greater enemies than those princes whom foreigners have imposed on us. They are the enemies of our glory, because the recital of so many heroic actions, which have glorified the people of France fighting against them, to with- draw themselves from their yoke, is their con- demnation. • * “The veterans of the armies of the Sambre and the Meuse, of the Rhine, of Italy, of Egypt, of the west, and of the grand army, are all humiliated: their honorable wounds are disgraced; their successes were their crimes. “Honors, rewards, affection, are given to those who have served against the country and us. “Soldiers! Come and range yourselves under the standards of your chief. His existence is only composed of yours. His rights are only those of the people and yours. His interest, his honor, his glory, are no other than your interest, your honor, and your glory. Victory shall march at the charge-step. The eagle, with the national colours, shall fly from steeple to steeple, even to the towers of Notre Dame. Then you will be able to shew your scars with honor. Then you will be able to glory in what you have done. You will be the deliverers of your country. In your old age, surrounded and esteemed by your fellow- citizens, they will hear you with respect while you recount your high deeds. You will be able to say with pride:– And I, too, was part of that grand army, which entered twice the walls of Vienna, those of Rome, of Berlin, of Madrid, of Moscow; and which delivered Paris from the foul blot which treason and the presence of the enemy imprinted on it.’ - “Honored be those brave soldiers, the glory Book xiv. of their country; and eternal shame on those * guilty Frenchmen, in whatever rank fortune Chap. III. caused them to be born, who fought for twenty- five years with the foreigner, to tear the bosom of their country. “By the emperor, (Signed) * NAPOLEoN. “The grand marshal performing the functions of major-general of the grand arpy, *s-- * BERTRAND.” The following proclamation was addressed to the people. * “To the French People. “Frenchmen —The defection of the Duke of Castiglione delivered up Lyons, without defence, to our enemies. The army, of which I confided to him the command, was, by the number of its battalions, and the bravery and patriotism of the troops which composed it, fully able to beat the Austrian corps opposed to it, and to get into the rear of the left wing of the enemy's army, which threatened Paris. “The victories of Champ-Aubert, of Montmi- rail, of Chateau-Thierry, of Vauchamp, of Mor- mans, of Montereau, of Craone, of Rheims, of Arcy-sur-Aube, and of St. Dizier; the rising of the brave peasants of Lorraine, of Champagne, of Alsace, of Franche Comte, and of Bourgoin, and the position which I had taken on the rear of the enemy's army, by separating it from its maga- zines, from its parks of reserve, from its convoys, and all its equipages, had placed it in a desperate situation. The French were never on the point of being more powerful, and the flower of the enemy's army was lost without resource. It would have found its grave in those vast coun- tries which it had mercilessly ravaged; when the treason of the Duke of Ragusa gave up the ca- pital, and disorganized the army. The unex- pected conduct of these two generals, who be: trayed at once their country, their prince, and their benefactor, changed the destiny of the war. The disastrous situation of the enemy was such, that at the conclusion of the affair which took place before Paris, it was without ammunition, on account of its separation from its parks of re- Serve, “ Under these new and important circum- stances my heart was rent, but my soul remained unshaken. I consulted only the interest of the eountry. I exiled myself on a rock in the middle of the sea. My life was, and ought to be, still useful to you. I did not permit the greater num- ber of citizens, who wished to accompany me, to partake my lot. I thought their presence useful to France; and I took with me only a handful of brave men, necessary for my guard. “Raised to the throne by your choice, all that has been done without you is illegitimate. For Jºzº 1815. 1238 HISTORY OF THE WARS BOOK XIV, twenty-five years France has had new interests, Char. III. \ºr "sº- 1815. new institutions, and new glory, which could only be secured by a national government, and by a dynasty created under those new circumstances. A prince who should reign over you; who should be seated on my throne by the power of those very armies which ravaged our territory, would in vain attempt to support himself with the princi- ples of feudal law. He would not be āble to re- cover the honor and the rights of more than a small number of individuals, enemies of the peo- ple, who, for twenty-five years, have condemned them in all our national assemblies. Your tran- quillity at home, and your consequence abroad, would be lost for ever. “Frenchmen! In my exile I heard your com- plaints and your wishes. You demanded that government of your choice which alone was legi- timate. You accused my long slumber; you re- proached me for sacrificing to my repose the great interests of the country. t “I have crossed the seas, in the midst of dan- gers of every kind. I arrive amongst you to re- sume my rights, which are your's. All that in- dividuals have done, written, or said, since the capture of Paris, I will be for ever ignorant of. It shall not at all influence the recollections which I preserve of the important services which they have performed. There are circumstances of such a nature as to be above human organization. “Frenchmen There is no nation, however small it may be, which has not had the right, if it possessed the power, to withdraw itself from the disgrace of obeying a prince imposed on it by an enemy momentarily victorious. When Charles VII. re-entered Paris, and overthrew the ephe- meral throne of Henry V., he acknowledged that he held his throne from the valor of his heroes, and not from the Prince-regent of England. “It is thus that to you alone, and to the brave men of the army, that I account it, and shall al- ways account it, my glory to owe every thing. “By the Emperor, (Signed) “NApoleon. “The grand marshal performing the functions of major-general of the grand army. (Signed) “ Count BERTRAND.” On the 6th, Napoleon hastened towards Gre- noble. As he passed through St. Bonnet, with his advanced-guard, the inhabitants proposed, to ring the tocsin, to assemble the villagers and ac- eompany him in a mass. “ No!” replied he, * your sentiments prove to me that I É. not deceived myself, and they afford me a sure pledge of the sentiments of my soldiers. I do not need your services, and will not drag you from your homes. Those whom I meet will range them- selves on my side, and the more numerous they are, the more certain will be my success.” That evening he slept at Gap, but his ad- vanced-guard was ordered to proceed during the night. They reached the village of Mure, where they met the advanced-guard of the troops from Grenoble, who were approaching to oppose the progress of Napoleon. General Cambronne, who commanded the troops of Bonaparte. proposed a parley, but he was answered that all communi- cation was forbidden. The soldiers of Louis, however, retreated three leagues before forty of the adherents of Bonaparte. As soon as the invader was informed that his progress would be contested, he resolved to put in practice a ruse-de-querre, which, if it was not previously concerted between hºu, and the officers who so soon swelled his ranks, does infinite credit to his talents and his courage. He proceeded towards the royal troops, accompanied enly by two or three officers. They consisted of a bat- talion of the 5th of the line, with a company of sappers and miners, comprising about eight hun- dred men. Arriving within pistol-shot, he alight- ed, and advancing to the right of the battalion, which apparently only awaited the command of its officers to fire upon him, he bared his bosom and thus addressed them, “Behold me! If there is one soldier among you who wishes to kill his emperor, let him coine forward from the ranks and fire upon me.” The effect was instantaneous and sublime. The arms of every soldier were hurled on the ground, and the air resounded with the cries of “The emperor for ever!” The guard and the soldiers rapturously embraced; they eagerly tore off the white cockade, and with tears in their eyes enthusiastically mounted the national co- lours. Enchanted with this success, he formed them into a square, and once more harangued them. “Soldiers! I come with a handful of men to de- liver you from the Bourbons, from treason, from feudal tyranny, and from the abuses which they have brought with them. The throne of the Bourbons is illegitimate, because it is contrary to the will of the nation. It exists only in the in- terests of a few families. Is not this true, com- rades?”—“Yes, sire!” exclaimed a grenadier, “you are our emperor, and we will march with you to victory or to death!” Thus reinforced he approached Grenoble. The garrison was composed of the 7th and 11th regiments of the line, the 4th hussars, and the 4th of artillery. . This was the very regiment in which, twenty-five years before, Bo: naparte had commenced his military career, and in which his memory was yet idolized. The 7th was commanded by Colonel La- bedoyère, who had lately received his appoint- ment from the king, and the decoration of the legion of honor. OF THE FRENCEH REVOLUTION. 1239 *------ He participated in the general dissatisfaction arising from the inactivity and supposed disgrace of the army, and the threatened subversion of the constitution. He had nothing personally to com- plain of . He had no connexion with the conspi- racy, and shared in the general surprise when the landing of Napoleon was announced: but “misled by illusions, by recollections, and by false ideas of honor, his country spoke a chime- rical language to his heart,” and he suddenly re- solved to join the cause of the adventurer. His soldiers were too well disposed to second him, and he had scarcely begun to acquaint them with his intentions and wishes, when he was inter- rupted by the shout of “The Emperor for ever!” He allowed them no time for reflection, but affix- ing an eagle on a willow bránch, he hastened to effect his treasonable purpose. General Devillers, hearing from a distance the shouts of the infatuated soldiery, hurried to the ramparts. The regiment had then cleared the gates, and was almost out of sight. He hastened on foot by the road which they had taken, and, accidentally meeting a horse, galloped after the deserters. Overtaking the rear of the column he easily prevailed on about one hundred to return to their duty. But when he reached the head of the corps, where was the colonel, surrounded by his officers, neither his entreaties nor his menaces were heard. He spoke to M. de Labedoyère, of honor and of country, but he replied to him * country and honor!” The disaffection of Labedoyère was the signal for general revolt. It ought not, perhaps, to be said, that “ had he remained firm to his duty, the atrocious project of Bonaparte would have failed, and France would not have been conducted to the brink of a precipice, the depth of which one trembles to fathom.” The whole army was ripe for revolt, and it is probable that not a single battalion could have been induced to fire on their former leader. It is however certain, that the treason of Labedoyère seduced those who were wavering, and assured the success of the conspi- TàCV, ń. forces being nearly doubled by the addi- tion of Labedoyère's regiment, Bonaparte fear- lessly advanced towards Grenoble, and at nine o'clock in the evening arrived at the suburbs. The gates were shut and the ramparts were lined by the troops which composed the garrison, whom the commandant, General Marchand, was vainly exhorting to resist the invader. The keys were formally demanded. It was answered that Mar- chand had carried them away. Some little delay occuring, a tumultuous movement took place among the troops and the inhabitants who filled the ramparts. Bonaparte was recognized at a little distance. The intelligence was communi- 84, cated with the rapidity of lightning. A sudden BOOK XIV. shout burst from every lip, and the cannoneers, who stood at their pieces with lighted matches, “”. 11. extinguished them in an instant, and joined in the acclamations. The engineers of Napoleon now prepared to force the gates. They had scarcely commenced their operations, when the whole garrison threw down their arms, trampled the white cockade under foot, and rushing to the gates tore them open. Napoleon entered Grenoble at ten o’clock, amidst an immense crowd composed of the po- pulace and the soldiers, who thronged from every quarter"eager to gaze upon him, and salute him emperor. It was remarked, that in a few minutes every soldier had mounted the tri-coloured cockade. These cockades were not new, or supplied by Bonaparte, or purchased at Grenoble; they were the old colours under which they had formerly marched to victory, and which they had carefully concealed at the bottom of their knapsacks. The tattered and faded ribbands were shewn with en- thusiasm. “See,” cried the infatuated soldiers, “they are the same which we wore at Austerlitz and Marengo.” The mayor and ciyil authorities now presented themselves, and wished to conduct him to the government-house: but he declined their civility, and proceeded to the hotel of the Three Dol- phins, which was kept by one of his old soldiers to whom he had formerly been much attached, and where it is said the conspirators had been accustomed to hold their meetings. He had scarcely taken possession of his apartments, when the approach of an innumerable crowd, utterin some unintelligible shouts, drew him to the bal- cony. The whole population of Grenoble was dragging along the remains of the gate of Bonne through which he had entered. “We were not permitted,” cried they, “to present you with the keys, but instead of them, here are the gates.” General Marchand, who had been arrested by the seditious soldiers, was now brought before him. Indignant at the insult which had been of- fered to this officer, Napoleon ordered him to be immediately released, and pressed him to re-as- sume the command of the town. “I may appeal to yourself,” replied the general, “that I once served you faithfully. Your abdication released me from my allegiance to you; and I have since sworn fidelity to the Bourbons. Here is my sword. I can again submit to become a prisoner, but I can never be a traitor.” Napoleon mused for a moment.—He was evi- dently and deeply affected. “General,” said he, “take back your sword. You have hitherto used it as a true soldier, and I respect you too much to urge you now to use it in a way which your 4 H Jº/*Aſ lS15. 1240 HISTORY OF THE WARS BOOK XIV. Char. |II. Jºvº-A 1815. --mus conscience would disapprove. You are at liberty to depart.” On the next day Bonaparte gave audience to the municipality, and chief officers of the troops, when the mayor delivered the following address. “Sire l—The inhabitants of Grenoble, enrap- tured to behold again the conqueror of Europe, the prince with whose name are associated the most glorious recollections, hasten to lay at the feet of your majesty the tribute of their respect and their love. - “Attached to your glory and that of the army, they have lamented, with your brave soldiers, the unfortunate events which, for a little whife, have thrown a cloud over your eagles. “They know that treason had delivered up our country to foreign troops, and your majesty, yield- ing to the force of necessity, had preferred a mo; mentary exile to the convulsive struggles of civil war. Like the great Camillus, the sovereign power had not unduly elated your mind, and ba- nishment has not depressed it. “Every thing is now changed. The cypress has disappeared. The laurels once more flourish. The French people recover their energy. The hero of Europe re-assumes his rank, and the great nation is immortal. “Sire! issue your commands. Your children are ready to obey you; and, in obeying you, they listen only to the voice of honor. “We renounce the empire of the world; but we will not be dictated to by a foreign power. “Such, sire l are the sentiments of your good city of Grenoble. . We entreat that you will deign to accept our homage.” To this Napoleon replied, “Men of Dauphiny, You have gratified the expectations which I had formed of you. When I disembarked on the shores of France, I wished to arrive with the rapidity of an eagle in the good city of Grenoble, whose patriotism and attach- ment to my person were well known to me. “Men of Dauphiny! I feel myself unable to ex- press the esteem and regard for you which your elevated sentiments have inspired. My heart is full of the emotions which you have produced. I shall ever retain the recollection of them.” The treason of the garrison of Grenoble placed Bonaparte at the head of an army of 10,000 men, with a considerable park of artillery. He was now confident of success. At two o'clock he re- viewed his troops, and proceeded on his march towards Lyons. At this time he issued the fol- lowing declaration to the French, and particu- larly to the Parisians: “After an abdication, the circumstances of which you are acquainte with ; after a treaty, all the articles of which have been violated; after having seen my retreat pe- netrated by numerous assassins, all sent by the -*g Bourbons; after having seen the French minis. ters intriguing at Vienna, to wrest from me the asylum to which I was reduced, and to take from my wife and son the states which had been gua- ranteed to them; from that son whose birth in- spired you with so lively a joy, and who ought to have been to all the sovereigns a sacred pledge: all these attempts, made in violation of plighted faith, have restored me to my throne and my li- berty. Frenchment soon I shall be in my capi- tal; I come surrounded by my brave brethren in arms—after having delivered our provinces of the south, and my good city of Lyons, from the reign of fanaticism, which is that of the Bourbons. Fifteen days have sufficed me to unite these faith- ful warriors, the honor of France; and before the 30th of this month, your happy emperor, the sove- reign of your choice, will put to flight those sloth- fur princes, who wish to render you tributary to foreigners, and the contempt of Europe. France shall still be the happiest country in the world. The French shall still be the great nation—Paris shall again become the queen of cities, as well as the seat of sciences and the arts. In concert with you, I will take measures in order that the state may be governed constitutionally, and that a wise liberty may never degenerate into licen- tiousness. I will mitigate, to the satisfaction of all, those imposts become odious, which the Bourbons gave you their princely word they would abolish, under the title of Droits Reunis, and which they have re-established under the title of indirect impositions. Property shall be, without distinction, respected and sacred, as well as individual liberty, The general tranquillity shall be constantly the object of my efforts; com- merce, our flourishing manufactures, and agri- culture, which, under my reign, attained so hi 3. prosperity, shall be relieved from the enormous impositions with which an ephemeral government have burdened it. Every thing shall be restored to order, and the dissipation of the finances of the state to gratify the Tuxury of the court, shall be immediately repressed. No vengeance; it is far from my heart: the Bourbons have set a price on my head and I pardon them. If they fall into my power, I will protect them; I will deliver them to their allies, if they wish it, or to that foreign country where their chief has already reigned nineteen years, and where he may con- tinue his glorious reign. . To this my, vengeance is limited. Be calm, Parisians, and you, national, guards of that noble city, you who have already rendered such great service—you who, but for treason, would have been enabled to defend it for some hours longer, against those allies who were ready to fly from France; continue to pro- tect property and civil liberty, then you will have deserved well of your country and of your en- OF THE, FRENCH REvoluTION. 1241 peror. From my imperial general head-quarters, Bourgoing. * } * (Signed) “NAPOLEoN. (Countersigned.) The General of Division, t “BERTRAND, “ Grand-marshal of the palace, exercising the functions of secretary of state.” In the mean time, the intelligence of the land- ing of Bonaparte was received by the French go- vernment on the 5th of March, but it was kept a profound secret till the next day. It does not appear that it gave them much alarm, though they immediately began to take measures of pre- caution. Monsieur, with the Duke of Orleans and Count Damas, set out, without delay, for Lyons; and the Duke of Angouleme was or- dered to proceed from Bourdeaux to Nisines. The Duke of Berri was likewise about to join the army, but the Marshals Macdonald and St. Cyr entreated him to relinquish the design, assuring him that his interference would be the death- warrant of his family. This prince had been unable to reconcile himself to the generals of Bonaparte and the former enemies of his house, and had rendered himself unpopular by some in- discreet and contemptuous language which he had used towards the most meritorious of the marshals. On the 6th, the king issued the follow- ing proclamations:— “Ilouis, by the grace of God, King of France and Navarre, to all whom these presents come, greeting:— “The 12th article of the constitutional charter specially charges us to make the regulations and ordinances necessary for the safety of the state: it would be essentially compromised if we did not take prompt measures to put down the enter- prise that has been made on one of the points of our kingdom, and to arrest the effects of plots and attempts tending to excite civil war, and to de- stroy the government. For these causes, and on the report made to us by our chancellor of France, the Sieur Dambray, on the advice of our council, we have ordained and do ordain, declared and do declare, as follows:— - - ART. 1.—“Napoleon Bonaparte is declared a traitor and rebel for having entered with main force the department of the War. All sovereigns, commanders of armed force, and national guards, civil authorities, and even private citizens, are enjoined to run him down, to arrest him, and to bring him forthwith before a court-martial; which, after having ascertained his identity, shall adjudge him to suffer the punishment prescribed by law. 2. “The military, and agents of every rank, who shall have accompanied or followed the said Bonaparte in his invasion of the French territory, shall be punished with the same pains of law, and as guilty of the same crimes, unless within eight days, from the date of this ordinance, they shall book xiv. make their submission to our governors, com. mandants of military divisions, generals, or civil administrators. 3. “All civil and military administrators, payers and receivers of public money, and even private citizens, who shall lend their aid or assistance, either directly or indirectly, to Bonaparte, shall in like manner be prosecuted and punished as fa- vorers and accomplices in rebeliion, and in at- tempts to change the government, and to exeite to civil war. 4. “Those also who, by discourses in public places or meetings, by placards posted up, or - printed writings, shall have taken a part in the revolt, or abstain from putting it down, shall be punished with the same pains, conformably to article 102 of the penal code. 5. “Our chancellor, our ministers, secretaries of state, and our director-general of police, are charged each in his department with the execution of this ordinance, which shall be inserted in the bulletin of laws, transmitted to the governors of military divisions, &c. with orders to cause it to be printed and posted up, both in Paris and wherever else it may be necessary. “Louis, “Given at the Palace of the Thuilleries, March 6.” - Proclamation. CONVOCATION OF THE LEGISLATURE. “We had, on the 31st of December last, ad- journed the two houses, to resume their sittings on the 1st of May. During that time we had been preparing the objects upon which they were to occupy themselves. The march of the con- gress at Vienna permitted us to believe in the general establishment of a solid and durable peace; and we were engaged, without ceasing, in all those labours which might insure the tran- quillity and happiness of the people. This tran- quillity is disturbed—this happiness may be com- promised by malevolence and treason. The promptitude and wisdom of the measures which we are taking will check their progress. Full of confidence in the zeal of which our chambers have given us proofs, we are eager to call them around us. * * if the enemies of the country have founded their hope upon the divisions which they have al- ways endeavoured to foment, its supporters, its legal defenders, will destroy that criminal hope by the unattackable force of an undestructible UIn 101le. “For these causes we have ordered, and do order, what follows:— [Then follow four articles convening the peers and the chamber of deputies.] Šiºd) The ambassadors of every foreign power pre- * “ Louis.” car. III. S-º/*/ 1815. 1242 HISTORY OF THE WARS Book XIV. sented themselves the next morning before his ------------ --> *sº CHAP. III. e” ºr 1815. majesty, and expressing the concern which they felt at this unexpected event, that threatened the repose of France and of Europe, and claiming the honor of attaching themselves to his person, whatever might be the chances of war, declared that they wished to give this public and decisive proof of their respect for a sovereign who had in- spired the whole of Europe with the same senti- ments, by his virtues, and by the generous use which he made of his power. The court party pretended that the project of Bonaparte was wild and extravagant, and that he would be easily surrounded and destroyed. At this time, Mar- shal Soult was minister of war; and as it was ne- cessary to shew his zeal for the Bourbons, by some act of his administration, he issued the following order of the day to the army, dated Paris, March 8:— “Soldiers l—That man who, but a short time since, before the eyes of all Europe, abdicated his usurped authority, of which he had made so fatal a use, Bonaparte, has landed upon the French soil, which he ought never to have revisited. What does he want? Civil war.—What does he seek? Traitors.--Where will he find them? Will it it be among the soldiers whom he has deceived and sacrificed ?—so often disappointing their va- lour. Will it be in the bosom of those families which his name alone fills with terror ? Bona- parte must estimate us low indeed, to think that we can abandon a legitimate and beloved sove- reign to share the fate of a man who is only an adventurer. He is weak enough to believe it; and this last act of perfidy is sufficient to con- vince us. Soldiers l the French army is the no- blest army in Europe, and it will also be the most faithful. Let us rally round the banner of the lily, at the voice of the father of the people, the true heir of the virtues of the great Henry. He has shewn you the duties that you have to fulfil. He puts at your head this prince, the model of the chevaliers of France, whose happy return into our country has already chased away the usurper, who is now endeavouring by his presence to destroy his only and last hope. \ “ Duke of DALMATIA, “Minister and secretary at war.” The inhabitants of Paris apparently gave the most unequivocal testimonies of their affection; and the municipal body assembled, and voted an address to the king. Registers were opened by the government in the different districts of Paris, for the enrolment of volunteers, and such of the national guards as volunteered to extend their ser- vices. According to the accounts from Paris, a considerable number enrolled themselves; but it was evident, notwithstanding, that the majorit of the Parisians were indifferent as to the result. —-sºº. —x In the mean time, Monsieur and the Duke of Or- leans arrived at Lyons, where they were joined by Marshal Macdonald. The majority of the inha- bitants were favorable to Napoleon, but a strong party of royalists' yet remained at Lyons; and many of the young men of the principal families formed themselves into a guard of honor for the immediate protection of Monsieur. Marshal Mac- donald carefully examined the fortifications, caused the bridges of Morand and La Guilloterie to be barricadoed, and made every preparation for a vigorous defence. On the next day the troops of the garrison were reviewed. Monsieur harangued them. He dwelt on the virtues of Louis, and on the oath of fidelity which they had taken; and he painted in lively colours the perfidious character and atrocious pro- jects of Bonaparte. His own escort, and the guard of honor, replied with acclamations of “The king for ever!” but the troops of the line maintained a mournful and obstinate silence. Monsieur then addressed the colonel of the 13th dragoons, and asked him what were the feelings, what the intentions of his regiment. “Interrogate them,” said the officer, “they will frankly reply to you.” Monsieur addressed the soldier who was nearest to him. “Are you well paid P’—“Yes, my lord.”—“Will you fight for the king 3"—“No, my lord.”—“For whom, then, will you fight?”—“For Napoleon.” The prince dismounted,—he proceeded through the ranks, and accosted every individual whose person he recollected. At length he came to an old soldier, covered with scars, and decorated with three medals. “Well, comrade l’” said he, “a brave soldier, like you, cannot hesitate to cry the king for ever!”—“You deceive yourself,” answered the dragoon roughly : “No soldier will fight against his father, and my cry will be “the emperor for ever.’” Macdonald would not yet despair. The ad- vanced-guard of the rebels had reached the suburb of La Guilloterie. Macdonald ordered two bat- talions of infantry to proceed against them, and placed himself at their head. As they crossed the bridge that led to the suburb, a reconnoitring F. ef the 4th hussars, which had joined Napo- eon at Grenoble, appeared, followed by some squadrons, and by a tumultuous populace shouting “The emperor for ever!” The moment was de- cisive. The troops on each side rushed forward— not to imbrue their hands in each other's blood, but to give each other the fraternal embrace. Macdonald precipitated himself among them. His menaces and his entreaties were alike unheard. The voice of authority was disregarded. They forgot their allegiance, and increased the army of the invader. “We know nothing of the king,” they exclaimed, as he pointed to the standard of Louis, and urged OF THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 1245 s—sº- —- them not to abandon it, “we never knew him; and you alone, who have taken an oath to him which our hearts disavow, will be culpable if you cease to be faithful to him. Napoleon was torn from us by treason, but he was never absent from our affections; and as his noble enterprise has again restored him to us, it is to him that we ought to preserve an oath, which to him alone we have taken. To obey the king, and disobey the em- H. that only would be dishonor and perjury. o quit the standard of the king and join the ranks of the emperor is the best proof which we can give of our fidelity.” In this moment of shameful dereliction of their duty they, however, exhibited an honorable feel- ing which it is pleasing to record. The marshal was surrounded by the rebels and made prisoner. The troops which had deserted him, no sooner perceived this, than they flew to his rescue, de- clared that they would defend him at the hazard of their lives, conducted him safely within the gates, and returned to join the followers of Na- poleon. All was evidently lost, and Monsieur hastily quitted Lyons. Even the guard of honor now for- sook him, and one horseman alone had sufficient courage and fidelity to attend him. The majority of the population of Lyons was favorable to the cause of Napoleon. This city was esteemed the capital of French commerce. Napoleon, anxious to rival the manufactures of England, had granted his especial protection and favor to Lyons and its commercial inhabitants. They yet remembered the benefits which he had bestowed on them, and which Louis, occupied by other concerns, had imprudently neglected to con- tinue. Bonaparte entered Lyons on the evening of the 9th. The joy with which they welcomed him was excusable, as the natural and warm expression of their gratitude, but it is much to be deplored that a sentiment so amiable should have seduced them to compromise the welfare of their country. On the next morning he reviewed the whole of his army, which now assumed a formidable appear- ance. During that review he exhibited one of those traits of greatness which are strangely mingled in his character with -so many base and unworthy qualities. The guard of honor, which had been formed for the protection of Monsieur, presented itself before him, and entreated that they might be permitted to become his personal escort. “Your conduct towards the Comte D'Ar- tois,” replied he, “assures me what I should expect from you, if I sustained a reverse of for- tune.” He dismissed them with contempt; and ordered a cross of the legion of honor to be transmitted to the faithful trooper who had accom- panied the count. - & g Bonaparte had now nothing to dread, and Book xiv. being compelled to halt at Lyons to refresh his harassed troops, he assumed all the imperial Chap. III. state, and began to issue his proclamations and S-º-' decrees, as if he were already reinstated on the throne. The decrees are dated the 13th of March, and the substance is as follows:— All the changes effected in the court of cassa- tion, and other tribunals,are declared nulland void. All emigrants, who have entered the French service since the 14th of April, are removed, and deprived of their new honors. * The white cockade, the decoration of the lily, and the orders of St. Louis, St. Esprit, and St. Michael are abolished. The national cockade, and the tri-coloured standard to be hoisted in all places. . The imperial-guard is re-established in all its functions, and is to be recruited by men who have been not less than twelve years in the service. The Swiss guard is suppressed, and exiled twenty leagues from Paris. * All the household troops of the king are sup- pressed. All the property appertaining to the house of Bourbon is sequestrated. All the property of the emigrants restored since the 1st of April, and which may militate against the national interest, is sequestrated. The two chambers of the peers and deputies are dissolved, and the members are forthwith to return to their respective homes. The laws of the legislative assembly are to be enforced. All feudal titles are suppressed. National rewards will be decreed to those who distinguish themselves in war, or in the arts and sciences. All the emigrants who have entered France, since the 1st of January, 1814, are commanded to leave the empire. Such emigrants as shall be found fifteen days after the publication of this decree (dated the 13th of March) will immediately be tried, and adjudged by the laws established for that purpose, unless they can prove ignorance of this decree; in that case they will merely be arrested, sent out of the French territory, and have their property sequestrated. All promotions in the legion of honor, con- ferred by Louis, are null and of no effect, unless they be made in favor of those who deserve well of their country. The change in the decoration of the legion of honor is null and of no effect. All its privi- leges are re-established. The electorial colleges are to meet in May next, to new model the constitution, according to the interests and thº, of the nation; and, at 4 1815. 1244 HISTORY OF THE WARs wº-ºº- the same time, to assist in the coronation of the empress and the King of Rome. On Bonaparte's taking possession of Lyons, he established a newspaper, which was published on the 11th of March. This paper contained the following :— “Honor, Glory, Country. At last we have again beheld those eagles a thousand times trium- phant, and never vanquished We have seen them again, and our hearts leapt with joy! At sight of them we exclaimed, Behold the.honor and the glory of the country / And if we could have forgotten for a single moment that French blood flows in our veins, the sight of the hero of Ma- rengo, of Jena, and of Austerlitz, and of his faithful companions in arms, would have recalled us to that proud and noble character which has always distinguished the Lyonese. Oh what a day was that of the 10th of March; who can des- cribe it as it deserves, that the immortal picture may be deposited in the annals of the city We knew, five days ago, that the emperor had landed in Provence, and was advancing on Grenoble by way of Digne and Gap. The news of his en- trance into Grenoble reached us on the evening of the 8th, and we at the same time learned that the garrison of that city had flown to meet the monarch restored to the admiration, to the wishes of the French, and of the army. Joy was there seen impressed on every countenance; the cry of Vive l'Empereur ! did not yet escape from all mouths; but it was in all hearts, excepting the perfidious and insensible hearts of some traitors, vile enough to seek their own elevation in the de- #. of their country. In the mean time onsieur the Count D'Artois arrived within our walls, with the Duke of Orleans and Count de Damas. The 20th regiment, drawn from Mont- brison, reinforced the garrison of Lyons, compos- ed of the 24th light infantry, and the 13th dra- goons. . An appeal was made to a portion of the national guards. The two bridges on the Rhone were barricadoed: the prince passed the troops in review, and endeavoured to animate them for the royal cause. Vain efforts : The last and use- less resource of a weak government, which could neither reanimate affections long since extinguish- ed, nor make the army forget those colours which, during, twenty-five years, passed triumphant through all the capitals of Europe, and exalted the French name to the highest degree of cele- brity. In the morning the prince made another attempt on the spirit of the soldiers; he went through all the ranks, but he found them frozen: he saw that it was then necessary to resolve on departing and carrying off the troop. The Mar- shall Duke of Tarentum having arrived in the morning, visited the two bridges; preparations for resistance appeared to recommence; the regi- ments approached the bridges, but every one **— º knew that the advanced-posts of the emperor were on the left bank of the Rhone, in the Fau- bourg Guillotiere, where their presence excited the most lively enthusiasm. It was also known that all the seldºers were only waiting for their brothers in arms to embrace them ; and for the emperor, to salute him again as the support of the country. The Lyonese already called aloud for that powerful genius who had rebuilt their city, desolated by the anarchists; who protected their commerce, and made their manufactures flourish; and who, perhaps, had only been unfortunate, because he wished to do too much good to France. At two in the afternoon the Duke of Tarentum conducted upon the bridge of la Guillotiere twe battalions of infantry. While they were ap- F. the barricades, the 4th hussars, who ad rejoined the eagles at Grenoble, defiled from the faubourg Guillotiere, and entered upon the bridge, preceded by about one hundred young people of the faubourg, crying out, like them, Vive l’Empereur ! The troops on both sides joined at the barricades. Here the same cry si- multaneously issued from every mouth; the beams and trees which blocked up the road were thrown into the Rhone; the soldiers embraced with trans- port, and began their march to the city. More than 20,000 inhabitants ranged along the quay of the Rhone and the Cours Napoleon, where they were witnesses of this new sort of war, and rent the air with their acclamations; all the officers and soldiers of the 20th and 24th of the line, and of the 15th dragoons, gave, themselves up at Hast to the movements of their hearts. There was only one cry of Vive l’Empereur ! They ran before the hussars, and them all drew up on the place Bonaparte. The Duke of Tarentum pre- cipitately retired, as well as Count de Damas, the Governor. Count de Chobrol, the prefect, in like manner, quitted the city. All the superior offi- cers remained ; and it was with the most lively satisfaction that the soldiers saw amongst them the general-of-division Brayer. . At five o'clock the garrison, proceeded to the bridge la Guillo- tiere, and beyond it, to meet the Emperor. At half-past six, the army which came from Greno- ble began its entrance into Lyons, amidst the same acclamations. At seven o’clock, the inhabit- ants of Lyons had the happiness of again seeing and possessing the emperor of the French, and of lavishing on him new marks of their fidelity and affection. Already this great monarch, al- ways indefatigable in his activity, is busied with his good city of Lyons, on which he means to heap new benefits. He will review his army in the morning; and we know that several regiments. will arrive this evening within our walls, in order to join their brethren in arms.” ,” During this time, the partizans of Bonaparte were most active in every part of France. Gene- of THE FRENch REvolution. 1245 -rrº-r- r—- --------- - ~x-z-- ral Lefebvre Desnouettes, an officer who had broken his parole of honor in England, had en- deavoured to seduce the troops in the North. He had narched the regiment of royal chasseurs, of which he was the colonel, from Cambray to Com- peigº", where he first unfolded his intention of leading them to Lyons to join their former master. Baroa Lyons, the major of the regiment, gives an “ At interesting account of the transaction. seven o'clock of the morning of the 9th, Ge- neral Lefebvre Desnouettes arrived from Lisle. He caused his regiment to mount their horses. We put ourselves in motion, and came to sleep at la Fere. . . . - , “On the morning of the 10th he had a violent altercation with the general commanding the artillery, on the requisition which he made to him for putting the artillery and artillerists of the place at his disposal; and on the formal refusal of that general we set out and passed the out- posts. There were some cries of Vive l'Em- pereurſ’ excited by General Lefebvre, which gave us reason-to suspect that he had conceived some criminal project. We continued our route upon Noyon : there he told us, for the first time, that we were likely to find ourselves from twelve to fifteen thousand strong of all arms, without inform- ing us the object of that assemblage. We were astonished not to find a man, and this confirmed our suspicion. - - “On the 12th, he set out at the head of two squadrons, and arrived at Compeigne at five in the morning. He caused the colonel of the 6th chasseurs to be asked whether he would follow him with his regiment. The colonel peremptorily refused. This conversation took place while I was two leagues in the rear with the rest of the regi- ment. I learned the occurrence in the course of the dºy. - - } . “I was on the watch as well as the rest of the officers. At length we determined to demand of the general what he proposed to do with us, and whither he meant to lead us, entreating him to explain himself distinctly, and acknowledging that we suspected he had committed the honor and ex- istence of the regiment, and that it only remained for us to implore the king's clemency. We were then much more astonished by his proposing to us to advance as partisans on Paris or Lyons. . We did not hesitate a moment, and declared that we could not follow him, which determined him. to quit us on the instant and to fly. I immediately ordered the trumpets to sound to horse, and we fell back towards Cambray, where I shall arrive to-morrow.” *:-ºrsº--------ra-'sa-- of 6,000 men proceeding to Paris by forced Book xix. marches. Astonished at this unexpected rencontre, against the government.” More astonished, he demanded to see the orders. They were evidently forged. - - ment to fill Paris with regular troeps, to awe the national guard and the populace, and to prepare for the arrival of Napoleon. It is scarcely neces- sary to say that these regiments were immediately ordered to return to their former cantonments. I These troops were confidently expected at Paris, and there was reason to believe that the garrison would have opposed no resistance. The time of their arrival had been preconcerted, and a crowd of persons collected round the gate by which they were to enter. On a false alarm that they were approaching, the cry of “the emperor 122 for ever!” was suddenly raised; when the gardes du corps rushed on the crowd, and speedily dis- persed it, after a short but ineffectual resistance. One was killed, many wounded, and the leaders secured and imprisoned. S. = It was confidently reported by the partisans of the Bourbons, that numerous troops were advanc- ing from the south to surround Bonaparte and cut off his retreat. The king, however, placed little reliance on this intelligence, to which the greatest importance was attached by his impru- dent and infatuated courtiers. In fact, what reli- ance could he place on the professions of any of his troops, after the shameless defections of Grenoble and Lyons? He was more . justified in this distrust by the intelligence which he had just re- ceived of the conduct of the garrison of Lisle. Count Erlon had endeavoured to seduce the troops, to abandon the cause of the monarch. He had partially succeeded, when Marshal Mortier, discovering the plot, caused him to be immediately put under arrest. He was immediately tried and condemned to death. He was led to the square of the citadel; his eyes were bandaged; a file of sol- . diers were drawn up before him; their pieces were presented, and the fatal word was momentarily expected; when the troops suddenly rose against * He was followed by two officers only, who were joined Napoleon. As the bake of Treviso (Mortier) was, about the same time, travelling to Lisle, he met a body * pursued and taken, but the traitor escaped and Mortier, and declared Erlon commander of the fortress. Erlon, however, speedily released the marshal, and sent him to Paris. ... It was in opposition to the advice of the princes. &#his family, that Louis had convened the two chambers. These misguided men had been un- able to relinquish the lofty ideas of the kingly prerogative in which they had been educated. They wished to have seen the sovereign assjime a dietatorial power, for which the present crisis would have formed some colourable excuse, and which might have prepared the way for the tu- ture extension of the monarch's prerogative. But Louis, who was the victim of bad counsels, and a It was doubtless a preconcerted move- ring- he inquired whither they were marching. He Chaºſ; was answered “to Paris, to quell an insurrection 1815. .* 1246 HISTORY OF THE WARS BOOK XIV. cruel concurrence of circumstances, and not of CHAP. III. 4s his own ambition, was now perfectly convinced, that even if the pretensions of Bonaparte were S—º-’ crushed, there would be no security for himself , and his family, but in the strict observance of the | constitution which he had sworn to respect. The 1815. Duke of Berry sent the following letter to his father, which was intercepted by the agents of . Bonaparte. . Paris, March 7, Afternoon. “Dear Papa, You have learned, by our tele- graphic dispatches, that the king has ordered me to stay here for the present. All the ministers, Desbrays, Gerardin, &c. fell at my feet to per- suade me to stay. I also believe it of the highest importance. Paris is always the grand point; and at Besancon I should only be a superfluous wheel to a carriage which I believe will have no occa- sion to move. The proclamation is perfect. I should not have convoked the chambers; but if they are dissolved in time, there will be no harm. All is calm here. I have been very dissatisfied with Macdonald, who is gone to join you; you might send him to Napoleon, but I believe this Napoleon is already deceased, which would secure our go- vernment more than any thing else. Adieu, dear }. i, I embrace you, as I love you, with all my eart.” Many of the most enlightened friends of ra- tional liberty, and particularly those who were known in Paris at that time under the deno- mination of liberales, eagerly rallied round the king. Though they disapproved of some parts of the constitution established by Louis, and se- riously distrusted the spirit in which it was executed, and the maxims prevalent at court;- though they had been treated with undeserved insult by the crowd of emigrants, who filled every apartment of the palace, and prevented the best friends of the monarch from approaching his presence, they now ranged themselves on the side of loyalty and justice. A most eloquent ap- peal was made to the French people from the pen of Benjamin Constant. It is as follows:– “During fourteen years we had groaned under the yoke of the despot. He had carried destruc- tion through every country of Europe, and at length had embattled the whole of Europe against us. The author of these calamities was finally compelled to abdicate the throne, and to quit the soil of France. We fondly hoped that he had guitted, it for ever, Suddenly he re-appeared. He reclaims his rights, or those of his son. promises the French liberty, victory, and peace. He re-demands the throne. His rights What are they 3 Can the short usurpation of a dozen ears, and the mere designation of an infant as is successor, be compared with seven centuries of peaceable possession? The wish of the peo- ple ! Has not that wish been already expressed ? He * Was it not unanimous for the expulsion of Bona- parte? On what ground then can he reclaim his rights? The author of the most tyrannical go- vernment by which France had ever been op- pressed ; he, who, during fourteen years, had been employed in undermining the cause of freedom, and trampling on the rights of men, now speaks. of liberty. He had not the excuse of former re- collections, and the habit of power. They were his fellow-citizens whom he enslaved; his equals whom he enchained. Though not born to power, he meditated tyranny. What liberty can he pro- mise us? Are we not a thousand times more free under a good king than we were under his em- pire? He promises victory ! and three times, like a base deserter, he has run from his troops in Egypt, in Spain, and in Russia; abandoning his faithful companions in arms to the threefold mi- sery of cold, famine, and despair. He has drawn on France the humiliation of being invaded, and he has lost the conquests which we had made without him and before him. - “ He promises peace, and his name alone is a signal for war. A people sufficiently degenerate to submit to him would become the object of Eu- ropean hatred; and his triumph would be the commencement of an interminable war against the civilized world. He promises also the security of the national property;-that property which is only attacked by the absurd and imprudent decla- mations of unknown and disavowed writers. But this promise he will not be able to keep. No longer has he Europe to partition for the recom- pense of his accomplices, and he must, of necessity, reward them with the property of the French. He has nothing to offer, and nothing to reclaim. Whom then can he gain? Whom can he seduce Civil and foreign war are the only bribes which he has to present. Against such an adversary the government needs neither extraordinary mea- sures, nor jealous precautions, nor an extension of power. The constitution is sufficient, and the king has already rendered a faithful homage to it, in calling around him the representatives of the nation. - . “ The king appeals with confidence to all those to whom, in every period of the revolu- tion, the interests of their country have been dear; —to those who have anxiously surrounded the monarch with the safeguards of liberty;-to the French exiles, to whom he has restored the land of their nativity;-to the new proprietors, whose acquisitions he has sanctioned; to all who acknowledge, who feel, and who cherish the principles which give dignity to our nature. We are called on to defend a constitution whose blessings are already known and felt; which con- tains in it the principles of amelioration and perfection; and which will become every day more dear to º, sovereign who finds in it his OF THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 1247 … --- .º. F best security, and to the people to whom it is the pledge of liberty and happiness. We are called on to defend it against a tyrannical usurpation, which has oppressed all classes and every indivi- dual ; which will rouse against us the whole of Europe, and which will bring in its train every species of disgrace and misfortune. Perhaps this appeal is superfluous. The danger may be al- ready past, and the traitor may have met the fate which he merits. But should it be other- wise, let every Frenchman run to arms. Let him defend his king, his constitution, and his country. And let not those be the last who, de- voted to the cause of freedom, have dared to cen- sure some of the measures of the government. Bookxiv. Let them rush into the first ranks, for in propor- tion as liberty is dear to them, must they dread the triumph of Bonaparte, its eternal foe. The government, which in this critical moment has given a decisive proof of wisdom and of stability, by respecting the principles of the constitution, and trusting to them for its best defence, will more dearly cherish them in the hour of victory; will be proud to reign over a free people; will respect lº rights of the people as its most sacred deposit, and the will and the affection of the people as the base and security of power.”. CHAPTER IV. JMeeting of the two Chambers.-Address of the President of the Chamber of Deputies to the King. —Dismissal of JMarshal Soult from the Office of War-minister.—Preparations of the French Go- vernment to oppose Bonaparte.—Defection of a Regiment of Cavalry at Melun-Proclamations of the King to the People and to the Army.—Proceedings of the Chambers.-Review of the .National Guards and Troops of the Line at Paris. The two chambers having met on the 9th of March, after some preliminary business, they both voted loyal addresses to the king. The president of the chamber of deputies, on this oc- easion, addressed his majesty as follows:— “Sire, -The interest of the country, that of the crown, honor, liberty, call us around the throne to defend it, and to be protected by it. The re- presentatives of the French people feel that it is wished to prepare for them the humiliating lot re- served to the subjects of tyranny. If some French bands dare to raise the flame of civil war, we are certain that the illustrious chiefs and soldiers, who have so long defended France against her enemies, will still lend to their country the assist- ance of their swords. The national guards will be their noble emulators; and this fine kingdom will not exhibit to astonished Europe the shameful spectacle of a nation betrayed by her own chil- dren. Whatever may be the faults which have been committed, this is not the time to examine them. We ought all to unite against the common enemy, and endeavour to render this crisis pro- fitable to the security of the throne and to public Hiberty. . We conjure you, sire, to exercise all the power which the constitutional chart and the laws have placed in your hands. The chambers, which your confidence has convoked, will neither fail. in duty to the monarch nor to the French people. They will be, sire, your faithful auxiliaries, in S5. giving to the government that strength which is necessary for the safety of the state.” To which the king replied:— “ I have never doubted the sentiments of the chamber. I shall always unite with it for the safety, the liberty, and the happiness of my people.” On the news of the possession of Lyons by Bo- naparte and his army, now become formidable by its numbers, consternation began to operate on the French court. The same magical powers which had led this extraordinary personage from his island to the centre of France, seemed no less po- tent to protect his further attempts if it was his in- tention to wing his way to Paris, Suspicions arose at that city that there existed some strange neglect in certain departments of the administrations of government. It was observed, that not only the southern depôt of Grenoble had furnished the in- vader with every implement of war, and that its garrison had shown a singular alacrity in declaring: themselves traitors, but that Lyons had been left without defence, or arms necessary for the na- tional guard. It seemed strange also that the fleet. at Toulon had remained in the harbour, and that,. were it merely to exercise the sailors, no cruize. had taken place in the space that reaches from the isle of Elba to the shores of Provence. Ft was discovered that no reliance could be placed on the telegraphic dispatchi, They were either sup- Chap. III. ~gºvºy 1815. 1248 HISTORY OF THE WARS BOOK XIV. CHAP. IV. 1815. pressed or altered by some unknown persons; and it was now evident that treason pervaded every department of the state. About this time the office of minister at war was transferred from the hands of Soult to those of General Clarke, Duke of Feltre (formerly war- minister to Bonaparte.) Not the slightest intima- tion was given respecting the cause of this change. As Soult was not appointed to any other situation, the circumstance was regarded as an impeachment of his loyalty; but the Paris papers stated, that the king had addressed a letter to the marshal, expressing his esteem for him, his satisfaction with his services, and his wish to have the further benefit of them. The letter was afterwards pub- lished by Soult. The French government) made every effort to stop the progress of Bonaparte; and troops were collected from all quarters to proceed against him. Great preparations were also made to collect a formidable army at Melun, a town on the Seine, at the distance of ten leagues from Paris; and another at Montargis, a few hours march from Fontainebleau. The government now thought, that if Bonaparte attempted to proceed on the road to Paris he would be cut off, as he would thus be laced between two fires. Marshal Ney, the }. of Moskwa, had already reached Lons le Saulnier, with an army amounting to about 14,000 men, with which he threatened his rear. This officer had, in an effusion of loyalty, repaired to the Thuilleries, and, proffering his services, had assured the king, on receiving the command of these troops, that he would bring Bonaparte to Paris in an iron-cage. To which the king replied, with mild dignity, that this was not what he re- quired, and that he only desired of the marshal to drive back the invader. The prince took his leave of the king, and departed. Though it was greatly apprehended that the spirit of disaffection had pervaded the army in general, it was hoped that a part would yet be found faithful. The marshals, the national guard, the representatives of the people, and the civil authorities, seemed to vie with each other in their professions of attachment and devotion. The knowledge that armies were placed in front, on the flanks, and in the rear, cheered the drooping spirits of the royalists, who, applauding the loyalty of the national guard, rather than confiding in their prowess, saw with satisfaction the departure of the marshals to head the armies, and particu- larly the Prince of Moskwa, whose assurances to the king were cited in his own phraseology, that he would bring the sovereign of Elba, in an iron- cage, to Paris. The king, indeed, placed the fullest confidence in this general ; and meeting with Madame Ney, two days afterwards, he said to her with emotion, “Madame, you have a hus- band whose loyalty is equal to his courage.” For a short time confidence appeared to be in some degree restored. The government received favorable accounts from the north. Marshal Ou- dinot having assembled the garrison of Metz, amounting to 13,000 men, told them that he had never deceived them when they had fought toge- ther; that he was ready to give passports to all who wished to join Bonaparte; but that he wished to be sure of those who willingly remained with him. The troops immediately renewed their oath of fidelity to the king. The old guard was fore- most in professing its loyalty. ... “Although,” said they, “he has not used us well; although he has degraded us from our rank of guards, and, above all, has shewn that he distrusted our honor, we will prove to him and to France that we can be generous in proportions as others are unjust.” When intelligence of this was brought to the king, he instantly ordered that every soldier should have the rank of sergeant; that every sergeant should be considered a commissioned-officer; that each sub- altern should rank as captain; and that the whole should receive pay as in the time of Bonaparte. His majesty likewise ordered that they should be henceforth called the king's guards, and should proceed by forced marches to Paris, and do the duty of the palace. he accounts which the government received from other quarters of the disaffection of the troops gave them considerable alarm. A regiment of cavalry was quartered at Melun. The colonel was sitting at breakfast, when the trumpet suddenly sounded to arms. Astonished at a signal for which he had issued no orders, he leaped on the first horse he could find, and galloped to the square, where he found his regiment assembled, and on the point of marching to join Bonaparte. He rºº himself on the bridge, and demanded who ad given orders to march? “We go to meet the emperor,” was the reply. “You have taken the oath of fidelity to the king,” said he, “ and you will not be guilty of perjury ! Have I not always conducted you to honor and to victory, and will you now forsake me? Or will you march over my body to effect your treasonable purpose?” The soldiers hung their heads in silence, and, with the exception of sixty, who rushed desperately over the bridge, quietly returned to their barracks. The French government issued the following pro- clamation to the French people on the 11th of March, and another, on the next day, to the army. Castle of the Thuilleries, JMarch 11. “After twenty-five years of revolution, we had, by the signal blessing of Providence, recalled France to a state of happiness and tranquillity;- to render that state durable and solid, we had given to our people a charter, which, by a wise constitution, secured liberty to all our subjects. This charter had been, since last June, the daily OF THE REVOLUTION. 1249. FRENCH Yºrºsºnºmºus rule of our conduct, and we found in the chamber of peers, and of deputies, all the necessary aid to assist us in the maintenance of the national glory and prosperity;-the love of our people was the sweetest reward of our labours, and the best pledge of their success. . It is this -love to which we confidently appeal against the enemy who defiles the French territory, and who wishes there to renew civil war. It is against him that all opinions must rally. All who sincerely love the country, all who feel the value of a paternal government and of liberty, guaranteed by laws, must have only one thought—that of destroying the oppressor, who would have neither country, nor government, nor liberty : all Frenchmen, equal by the constitution, shall be so also in its defence; it is to them all we address the ap- peal which must save all. The moment is ar- rived for giving a great example: we expect it from the energy of a free and brave nation; it shall always find us ready to direct it in this en- terprise, which involves the safety of France.— Measures have been taken to stop the enemy be- tween Lyons and Paris, Our means will suffice, if the nation oppose to him the invincible obstacle of devotedness and courage; France will not be vanquished in this contest of liberty against ty- ranny; of fidelity against treason ; of Louis XVIII. against Bonaparte. * Proclamation to the Armies. “ Louis, by the grace of God, King of France and Navarre :— “To our brave armies, greeting !—Brave sol- diers, the glory and force of our kingdom it is in the name of honor that your king orders you to be faithful to your colours; you have sworn fide- lity to him; you will not perjure yourselves. A general whom you would have defended to the latest moment, if he had not released you by a formal abdication, restored to you your legitimate sovereign. Confounded in the great family of which he is the father, and among which you will distinguish yourselves only by more illustrious services, you are become my children. . You are deeply rooted in my affections. I associated my- self in the glory of your triumphs, even, when they were not obtained in my cause. Called to the throne of my ancestors, I congratulated my- self on seeing it supported by that brave army, so worthy to defend it. Soldiers! I invoke your love,_I claim your fidelity. Your forefathers once rallied round the plume of the great Henry; it is his lineal descendant that I have placed at your head. Follow him faithfully in the path of honor and duty. Defend with him the public liberty which is attacked;—the constitutional charter which it is attempted to destroy. De- fend your wives, , your fathers, your children, your property, against the ºnly by which they ~-sº are menaced. Is not the enemy of the country also your's? Has he not speculated on your j. and made a traffic of your fatigues and wounds? Was it not to satisfy his insatiable ambition that he led you through a thousand dangers, to useless and bloody victories 3 Our fine France, not being sufficient for him, he would again exhaust its entire population to pro- ceed to the extremities of the world to acquire new conquest at the expense of your blood. Dis- trust his perfidious promises; your king calls you; the country claims you. Let honour fix you invariably under your banners. It is I who undertake to recompense you; it is in your ranks, —it is among the chosen of the faithful soldiers that I will select officers. Public gratitude will repay all your services;–make one effort more and you will speedily acquire glory, and the splendid repose you will have merited.—March, then, without hesitation, brave soldiers, at the call of honor yourselves apprehend the first traitor who may try to seduce you. If any among you Book XIV. CHA | Pe IV. Vºlvº/ 1815. have already lent an ear to the perfidious sug-, gestions of rebels, such have still time to return to the path of duty. The door is still open to re- pentance; it is in this way that several squadrons of cavalry, whom a guilty chief wished to lead astray near La Fere, voluntarily forced him to withdraw himself—Let the whole of the army profit by this example—let the great number of corps which have not been seduced, who have refused to join the rebels, close their battalions to attack and repel the traitor. Soldiers' you are Frenchmen; I am your king; it is not in vain that I confide to your courage and to your fidelity the safety of our dear country.--Dated at the Thuilleries, the 12th of March, 1815, and the twentieth year of our reign. “Louis.” On the 11th of March, a report was made to the chamber of peers, by the king's order, in which the whole progress of Bonaparte from his landing was frankly related. After noticing his arrival at Cannes from Elba, with 1,100 men, and his march on Digne and Gap, it thus proceeds:— “We had no account of Bonaparte having re- ceived reinforcements. We had therefore every reason to expect that this rash enterprise would have no other effect than to confirm the legitimate authority, by releasing France from the eternal enemy of her repose and her happiness. What, then, was our astonishment, when the telegraphic dispatch of the 8th informed us that he was that evening expected at Grenoble, and when a second of the same day announced to us that Grenoble must have surrendered. This dispatch, delayed by bad weather, did not reach us till the 9th in the evening. Yesterday, the 10th, we received the dispatch from Lyons of the 8th, dated half-past ſº 1250 HISTORY OF THE WARS BOOK XIV. CHAP. IV. Neº- 1815, eight in the morning, and containing merely these words:– “The princes depart immediately; Bo- naparte is expected at Lyons this evening; I go to Clermont.” (It is the prefect who speaks).- There was no mention of Grenoble in this letter, and we flattered ourselves that it still held out; but this hope was destroyed by a letter from Mon- sieur, dated the 8th, in the evening, which his majesty only received this morning by a courier, and which he has been pleased to permit me to read, in order that I might state its contents to the chamber. His royal-highness begins his letter by the recital of his journey, and the incredible acti- vity with which, having arrived at Lyons without stopping, he had begun to collect the troops and the national guards, and to receive with their new oath of fidelity unequivocal testimonies of attach- ment. The prince directed their departure that night, and he was to have marched at their head to succour Grenoble; but some hours later he learned that that town had surrendered almost without resistance, and he was then solely occu- pied in the defence of Lyons, for which he was adopting every suitable measure, . It is but too probable that these measures were fruitless, as the dispatch of yesterday announces so formally the departure of the princes, and even of the prefect, who was too devoted to have absented himself without a formal order. Here, gentlemen, our in- telligence from the south concludes, and we ex- pect further accounts hourly, but it will be diffi- cult for any to reach us before night. Such, gen- tlemen, is the true position in which France is now placed. Bonaparte, who landed with 1,100 men, makes rapid progress. We do not exactly know to what extent defections have increased his band ; but these defections cannot be doubted, when we find Grenoble occupied, and the second city of the kiugdom ready to fall, and probably already in the hands of the enemy. Numerous emissaries from Bonaparte repair to our regiments; some of them are already in our ranks. It is feared that many misled men will yield to their perfidious in- sinuations, and this fear alone enfeebles our means of defence.” The chancellor then mentioned the national guard as the principal object of reliance in this emergency, and referred to a decree by which his majesty had put this force into requisition through- out the kingdom. The command of all the troops in Paris and its environs was conferred on the Duke de Berri. Fº On the 13th, in the chamber of deputies, a peti- tion from the students at law was read, praying to be allowed to march in defence of their king and country—it was honorably received, and referred to the government. - The Abbé Montesquieu said, that, conformably to the orders of the king, he came to give an ac- count of the state of his department:—“From the *_*- _*— -º- first moment (said he) of the aggression of Bona- parte, the national guards have shewn the firmest devotedness. The prefect of the War gave the signal of the prudent and firm resistance which the local authorities have opposed to the usurper. The other departments of the south may have been surprised, but not subjugated. The Lyonnais has been invaded; but the citizens of Lyons shewed their wonted energy. From the Cote d'Or to the Calvados, from the Loire to the Rhine, all the departments have poured in addresses, assuring the king of their fidelity and devotion to him. If among the heroes who have borne the French # from pole to pole, some insulated un- aithful ones are found, a small number of traitors cannot sully the purity of the French honor. All French soldiers will remain at their posts and avenge their country. A sufficient guarantee is to be found in the conduct of Marshal Mortier, Duke of Treviso; of the brave and loyal Aboville in the north, who found not a traitor in his ranks; while, in the west, Marshal Ney, Prince of Moskwa, unites the valiant legions, whom the firmness of his character binds to him. Marshal Macdonald has done prodigies at Lyons, and attempted im- possibilities. Marshal Oudinot, at the head of the grenadiers of France, and the old guards so renowned in Europe, will march to the aid of their country. The marshal of Albufera (Suchet) needs only be named to inspire confidence to France and its armies. Generals, officers, and soldiers, all shew the same spirit. Let us order or confirm. the levy-en-masse, which is brought about by the spontaneous motion of all good Frenchmen. If the French answer the appeal of their government, the government will second their generous zeal. Let us rally round the king ; let us maintain the charter and monarchy;—if France, under the tyrant, could conquer Europe, who shall with- stand it when free?”—The Abbé Montesquieu then. gave the tenor of the following law — “Louis, &c. “Wishing to ward from our people the scourge of a foreign war, which may break out a-new at the Congress on the news of the appearance of Napoleon Bonaparte in the French soil; wishing to give the French army a mark of our satisfaction and confidence, and to our faithful subjects a new guarantee of their political and civil rights, founded on the constitutional charter: We have ordered that the projét of the law which follows shall be ºf to the chamber of deputies by our mi- nister of interior :- Art. 1.-The garrison of Fere, Lille, and Cam- bray, have.deserved well of their country, and a # national reward shall be decreed them. 2.—[The same declaration and provision as to the garrison of Antibes.] 3.—Marshal Mortier, Duke of Treviso, and OF THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 1251 — -ºr- Marshal Macdonakd, Duke of Tarenium, have deserved well of their country, and shall have a national reward. - 4.—Pensions shall be given to soldiers wound- ed, and the families of those killed fighting against Napoleon Bonaparte. —The two chambers shall provide, without delay, for filling up the vacant places in the cham- ber of deputies. The chamber referred the communication to be deliberated on immediately. The Duke of Feltre (General Clarke):—“Four and twenty hours of ministry leaves me no time (said he) to prepare what I have to say. (The Duke was interrupted by loud applauses, mixed with the cries of Vive le Roi /) I am invested with the confidence of the king, and I would deserve it as well as that of the nation. I have betrayed no one. . There was a defection of the troops in some points. A conspiracy long plotted, and of which the nest was in the north, preceded the ap- pearance of the enemy of regular government in the French territory. The traitor #. Des- nouettes, alone, or nearly so, meditated this base revolt, which he wished to render general in the garrisons of Picardy and Flanders; but chance, or rather the hand of God, placed at Lille, Mar- shal Mortier, the Duke of Treviso, to defeat these plots. To the last moment the garrison of Cam- bray was ignorant of the end to which the traitor Desnouettes conducted them. Till the events of Fere, they suspected no treason; in general, the troops of the north have shewn a good spirit; in general, I say, for it is too much to speak with certainty of every individual; but, I repeat it, we are sure of the mass. In the south, there was treason at Grenoble, impotence of resistance else- where. At Lyons, want of troops, but not of cou- rage. The princes shewed energy.” The duke here paid a tribute to the conduct of Marshal Mae- donald, and stated, that the impossibility of defend- ing the bridge at Lyons arose from the want of guns, &c. He did justice to the national-guards and urbon cohorts, and added a multitude of cu- rious details, among others, the report of General Lions. The duke's communication was referred to the bureaua. M. D. ChorME proposed to add, as an amend- ment to the projét submitted to the chamber, “the constitutional charter is confided to the courage of the army, the national-guards, and all the citizens.” The Abbé Montesquieu approved the amend- ment on the part of the government. It was refer- red to the bureaua. Monsieur returned to Paris, and reported his unsuccessful mission. The king was now con- firmed in the apprehensions which he had enter- tained from the beginning. His majesty was urged E-- ** a by many to retire to the northern departments, BOOK XIV. or to Belgium ; but the virtuous monarch deter- mined not to quit his capital while the smallest chance remained of arresting the progress of the invader, or recalling his deluded subjects to their allegiance. We have already mentioned, that it was in opposition to the advice of the princes of his family that he had convened the two chambers. An expression in the speech of M. Lainé, the president of the chamber of deputies, at the open- ing of the session, gave the princes much offence. “Whatever may be the faults which have been com- mitted, this is not the time to examine them. We ought all to unite against the common enemy, and endeavour to render this crisis profitable to the security of the throne and of public liberty.” When the warmest friend of the royal cause, the implacable enemy of Bonaparte, and the organ of the chamber of representatives, dared thus openly to allude to the errors at which the princes and courtiers had connived, and of which, perhaps, they were the secret instigators, they were offended and alarmed. They strenuously but vainly opposed the advice of the king's most enlightened friends, that it was not enough to have convene : the chambers, but that it was absolutely necessary for Louis to at- tend at one of the sittings, surrounded by the princes of his blood, . in the most public, solemn, and unequivocal manner, repeat his ac- ceptance of the constitutional charter, and his de- termination to respect the property and the rights of all his subjects. It was justly and unanswer- ably argued, that as the most sanguine hopes of the invader were founded on the suspicions and fears which unfortunately prevailed, his defeat could only be insured by the prompt removal of those fears. *> On the 16th of March the king went in great state to the hall of the deputies. The chamber of peers had been invited to assist at the sitting. Louis was received with the most lively festimo- nies of affection and respect. He placed himself on the throne, and thus addressed the assembly. “ Gentlemen! In this momentous crisis, when the public enemy has penetrated into a part of the kingdom, and threatens the liberty of the re- mainder, I come in the midst of you to draw closer those ties which unite us together, and which constitute the strength of the state. I come, in addressing myself to you, to declare to all France my sentiments and my wishes. “I have revisited my country, and reconciled her to all foreign nations, who will doubt- less maintain, with the utmost fidelity, those treaties which had restored to us peace. I have laboured for the benefit of my people. I have re- ceived, and still centinue daily to receive, the most striking proofs of their love. Can I, then, at sixty years of age, "...". terminate my career Char. IV. Jºvº-' 1815. 1252 History of THE WARs - *. Book XIV. than by dying in their defence? I fear nothing Ch Ap. I W. See**...*- 1815. it be our sacred standard for myself, but I fear for France. He who comes to light again amongst us the torch of civil war brings with him also the scourge of foreign war. He comes to re'uce our country under his iron yoke. He coines, in short, to de- stroy that constitutional charter, which , I have given you, that charter, my brightest title to the estunation of posterity,+that charter which all Frenchmen cherish, and which I here swear to maintain.—Let us rally, therefore, around it ! let The descendants of Henry the Fourth will be the first to range them- selves under it. They will be followed by all good Frenchmen. In short, gentlemen, let the concur- rence of the two chambers give to authority all the force that is necessary; and this war, truly national, will prove by its happy termination what' a great nation, united in its love to its king and to its laws, can effect.” This noble speech was frequently interrupted by an enthusiasm which respect and veneration could not restrain. The firm, yet impassioned tone of voice, the serene, yet touching expression of countenance, inspired every heart with con- fidence, admiration, and love. - At the close of this address the whole assembly rose, and extending their hands towards the throne, exclaimed with one voice, “The king for ever!—We will die for the king.—The king in life and in death !” - -- It was long ere order could be restored ; whe a motion of Monsieur to approach the king, com- manded the most profound silence. He advanced to the foot of the throne, and spoke to the follow- ing effect. - - ~ : . “Sire!—I know that I depart from ordinary rules in here addressing your majesty; but I beg you will excuse me, and permit me, in my own name, and in that of my family, to say how much we participate to the bottom of our hearts in the sentiments and principles which animate your majesty.” -- . . . . . . The prince, on turning again towards the as- sembly, added, raising his hand, “We swear on our honor to live and die faithful to our king, and to the constitutional charter, which secures the happiness of the French !” - While the whole assembly replied to this ad- dress by new acclamations, the king, profoundly moved, presented his hand to Monsieur, which his royal-highness seized, and kissed with transport. Louis was no longer able to suppress his feelings, and pressed Monsieur to his breast. - At this touching spectacle, every heart was melted; every eye moistened with tears ; every faculty appeared absorbed, and not one voice dared to interrupt the sublimity of the scene. At length, by one simultaneous impulse, all hands were again stretched towards the throne, and the - - - ----------------- ---------------------------- -- hall rung with the most rapturous acclamations. “ In one day,” says a spectator, “the destinies of France would have been for ever assured ; the king, the country, our dearest rights would have been for ever safe, if all France could have been present at this scene.” Happy would it have been for the monarch, if the imprudent zeal and arbitrary principles of his family and courtiers had not given rise to suspi- cions which this patriotic and affecting appeal to his subjects removed too late. In the present crisis, scenes like these tended rather to the injury than the benefit of the royal cause. They generated a sort of loquacious pa- triotism, when it was far more necessary to act than to harangue. After the tribune had vomited forth some energetic and eloquent.philippics against Napoleon, both the orator and his hearers fondly imagined that the invader was crushed, and the decisive measures that actually bid the fairest to crush him were neglected. . . . . . . . . . . On the departure of the king, the chanibers voted an affectionate and respectful address to him, expressing their gratitude for the explicit avowal which he had made, their unshaken fidel- * the means whic ity to him, and their readiness to sacrifice their fortunes and their lives in his defence. Some ex- pressions in this address are very remarkable, and throw great light on the actual state of the public feeling, and the foolish measures that had hastened or produced this dreadful crisis. . . . . . “But, sire! these protestations of our hearts will not suffice ; and we entreat your majesty to permit us to ...]". to your gracious consideration we deem proper to, restore more and more the public hopes. While the chambers will lend to the government, to which the sal- vation of France is confided, the entire strength of the nation, your faithful subjects are convinced that the government will confide, for the public wéal, in men at once energetic and moderate, , whose names alone are a guarantee for all in- terests, and an answer to all inquietude. In men who, having been at various periods the defenders of the principles of justice and liberty, with which the heart of your majesty is penetrated, and which form the patrimony of the nation, are equally the pillar of the stability of the throne, and of the principles which the public enemy would annihilate.” - would not be repeated.” On the following day, General Angier pro- nounced a discourse, in which he declared offici- ally, that, “the inconsiderate acts of the ministry At the very time that Louis, the princes, and the ministers were making these frank and so- lemn declarations, and the government - orators had declared that the monarch disdained to adopt a system of artifice; that nothing would be ex- aggerated and nothing concealed, the official bul- OF THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. - T 253 - On his return from the assembly, Monsieur Book XIV. reviewed the national guard of Paris. Fifty bat- talions filed in close order in the inner court Chap. IV. of the Thuilleries, amounting to nearly 25,000 T.T.’ letins declared that desertion had thinned the ranks of Napoleon; that he possessed not more than three or four hundred men ; that, by a movement from Grenoble, his retreat was cut off; that he was fly- ing in despair, and that his escape was impossible: though they possessed certain information of the defection of the army, the contagious delirium of the people, and the unopposed and resistless pro- gress of the invader. This strange dissimulation might produce a temporary good effect on the populace, but it paralysed the energy, and weak- ened the confidence of the best and most powerful friends of the royal cause. - This short session was distinguished by some propositions honorable to the chambers, and illustrative of the real causes of the present danger. * M. Sartelon demanded a law “ relative to the recruiting and organization of the army, conform- ably to the twelfth article of the constitutional charter, which declared that every officer should retain his rank and pay.”—This was a tacit ac- knowledgment, that the army had, or supposed that it had, some cause for complaint.—“That the rank of sub-lieutenant should be granted to all the sub- altern officers.”—It cannot be dissembled, that the rank which may be attained by court favor irritated and humiliated those who had merited promotion by their services. The emigrants and the Chouans had formed too great a proportion of the names recorded in the lists of promotion.— “That no officer should be removed or cashiered, but by the forms of law.”—It had been said that the arbitrary Iſlandate of the minister had removed more than one deserving officer who had given offence to the court favorites. These were un- doubtediy most prudent and excellent regulations for the future management of the army, but they were now mere confessions of erroneous inea- sures, and little calculated to avert the threatening danger. Field-marshal Angier proposed “ that the war should be declared national.--that the whole po- pulation should be called to arms, –that national recompences should be granted to all who com- bated for their countly, their king, and their liberties —that those who had been deluded hy the invader should be restored to their rank, and receive a free and absolute pardon, if within four days they returned to their duty, and re- newed their oath of fidelity, and that those should be punished as traitors, who, by their actions, lan- guage, or writing, endeavoured to excite a civil war, or attacked the irrevocability of the national domains, or proposed the re-establishment of tithes or feudal rights.” These propositions were carried by acclamation, and the last of them is decisive as to the error, if not the criminal intention of the court, and the reasonableness of the pºlic apprehensions. * men. As each battalion en'ered the square, the cries of “ The king for ever !” resound- ed from every soldier. Unfortunately, at the moment when the columns were commencing their march by the balcony in which Louis was seated, he was seized with so excruciating a pa- roxysm of gout, that his attendants were forced to carry him away in their arms; and the national guard, after shewing the spirit which animated them by one full shout of “The king for ever !” were dismissed to their respective quarters. In about an hour the pain abated, and Louis expressed his determination to review the troops of the line, consisting of 6,000 men, who were drawn up in the Place du Carousal. After the shameful defection of so many regiments, these were regarded with the most anxious solici- tude. On them depended the fate of the Bourbon dynasty. As they approached the gates Louis trembled. He was not long kept in suspense. The grena- diers of the first regiment hoisted their caps on the points of their bayonets, which action was immediately followed by all the troops : but they uttered no shout. Louis was evidently and pro- foundly affected. He attempted to address them, but he could not utter a word : he could only press his hand on his heart, and thus silently, but forcibly, appeal to them. The silence of the troops was regarded by every reflecting man as ominous of their approaching treachery: but those who surrounded the monarch thought differently. The fears of the courtiers were dissipated, and they predicted the speedy fall of Bonaparte, his followers, his principles, and his cause. Many of them, in the intoxication of their joy, congra- tulated each ot"-er that the enterprise of Bona- parte had been attempted. It exhibited, said they, the true character of the public feeling. It drew a useful line of deimarcation between the good and the bad. They blessed the occasion which unmasked the one, and proved the fidelity of the other. A few days shewed the folly of this con- duct, and afforded a mournful and almost iniere- dible proof of the levity of the French character, and the weakness of human nature. . Taking advantage of the enthusiasm with which the national guards appeared to be inspired, some of them were ordered to march to Melun with the regular troops, where the last stand was to be made against the invader. Twenty-eight thou- sand men were assembled at this point, while the invader could reckon only 16,000 followers, and the rapidity of his progress had separated the different corps. © Had the army assembled at Melun consisted en- R 1815 2. 1254 HISTORY OF THE WARS BOOK XIV. Chap. I W. *T v *- 1815. *-* * - *-*. ~º: –4 —r *. tirely of the national guards and the household published the following affecting proclamation, troops, some hope might yet have remained of written with his own hand ; arresting the progress of Napoleon. . The na- “Qfficers and Soldiers!—I have answeredforyour tional guard had already shewn of what it was fidelity to all France. You will not falsify the word capable, when, in the preceding year, it bravely of your king, Reflect that if the enemy should defended the capital against the overwhelming triumph, civil war would soon be lighted up force of the allies. It had now shewn that it was among you; and that at the same moment more animated by the best spirit: and as the chambers than 300,000 foreigners, whose arms I could no had declared the cause of the king to be that of longer check, would pour down on all sides of the nation, it is probable that the guard would our country. So conquer or die!—Let this be have bravely maintained the part assigned it. our war-cry. But to send the regular troops, whose disposition “And you, who at this moment follow other was so well known, and all of whom had deserted standards, I see in you only deluded children. to Napoleon the moment his standard appeared, Abjure your error, and throw yourselves into the was to present him with so many reinforcements, arms of your father. I engage my faith that and fatally compromise the royal cause. every thing shall be forgotten. Reckon all of you The king made one last effort to recall the on the rewards which your fidelity and services army to its duty. On the eveni g of the 18th he shall merit. “ Louis.” CHAPTER V. Departure of Napoleon from Lyons.—Rapid Progress.-Decree and Ordinance of the King.—Trea- son of Marshal JWey.—His Proclamation.—Addresses of the two Chambers to the King.—Advance of Napoleon to JMelun.—Defection of the Troops assembled there.—Departure of the King from Paris, and Entrance of JW"apoleon into that City.—Arrival of the King at Abbeville and Lisle.— Forced to quit the latter Place and retire to Ostend.—Interesting JYarrative. Af \ IBonAPARTE, after issuing his proclamations goons at a distance, with the white standard and and decrees at Lyons, prepared to march for- cockade, than he quitted his earriage, mounted a wards; and, on the 13th, he departed for Ville- led horse, and, attended by one aid-du-camp, franche, and reached Maçon in the evening. He rode forward to meet them. He advanced to #. travelled in an open carriage, seldom escorted by colonel, and without one word of preface, order- more than a dozen dragoons, and often without a ed the regiment to break into column and follow single attendant. . . He was frequently more than him. The order was obeyed as quickly and as a league before his advanced-guard. At many regularly as if they were on parade. In many of the towns through which he passed, and at towns, the populace hearing of his approach, as- which he changed horses, he was not recognized. sembled in crowds, and abandoned themselves to At one post-house, an English lady #. in an the greatest excesses. Every symbol of the royal opposite direction at the same moment. Neither government was destroyed, and those who, ap- she nor the master of the post-house knew him, eared with the white cockade were insulted. and she requested that he would permit her to hen Bonaparte appeared among them they have the first set of horses, as she was pressed thronged around him ; impeded his progress; for time: . He smiled, and replied, “ that the ob- and deafened him with their shouts of weſome. ject of his journey was rather pressing too, but He smiled at one ; caressed another; and distri- that he must give way to a lady,” and he waited buted crosses of the legion of honor among some with the utmost impatience until her departure. of the most diºiºi, saying, at the same When she had proceeded about a league she met time, “It was for you, my #iº. that I instituted the advanced-guard, and learned, to her great the legion of honor, and not for the emigrants surprize, that it was the Emperor Napoleon. A pensioned by our enemies.” few posts from Lyons, he met a regiment of ca- It is said that Bonaparte's motive for proceed- valry marching with the avowed purpose of op- ing unaccompanied by his troops, and absolutel posing him. He no sooner discerned the dra- unguarded, was, that as Louis XVIII. had been OF THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 1255 --- - - - - --- *-*-*-*- *- - - - - - called Louis le Desiré (Louis the desired), he was determined to shew which was the real desiré. The progress of Bonaparte towards Paris was most rapid. On the 15th he slept at Autun, and on the 16th at Ayalion. The military every where obeyed him with alacrity, and his army, like a snow-bail, augmented as it rolled on. The Fretsch government had used every exertion to keep the soldiers to their colours, and even threatened them with the punishment of death in case they deserted. For, this purpose the king had issued the following decree:— “Louis, &c. “We have taken all the measures which the honor and safety of the state required, to repel by force the enemy who has dared to attack the public tranquillity, and who seeks to destroy the constitutional government, on which the hap- piness and prosperity of our kingdom depend. “But it is not enough quickly to assemble im- posing forces, if we do not check, by punishments severely and instantaneously applied to the seduc- tive attempts daily made on our brave armies to withdraw them from their duty. “ For these causes, and with the advice of our council, we have decreed, and do decree, as follows:— 1. “ The law of the 4th Nivose, year 4, shall continue in force according to its form and tenour: therefore, every agent for the enemy, or the rebels, shall be j with death. 2. “ Those shall be considered as such, who, by money, speech, or the distribution and publica- tion of incendiary writing, shall attempt to with- draw from their duty soldiers or citizens called upon to repel the enemy, or to make them go over to the rebels. 3. “ Those soldiers or citizens called upon to defend their country, who shall desert their co- lours, or who shall refuse to join them, and go over to the enemy, shall be punished in the same IIM311||18T, 4. “ There shall be established with every corps of the army, and in all the principal places of the department, where we shall deem proper, courts-martial, specially charged to try those guilty of the above delinquencies. “The decisions of the courts-martial shall be executed within twenty-four hours, with regard to culprits taken in the fact, or arrested in at- tempting to seduce from their duty soldiers and officers of our armies.” The following ordinance was issued at the same time:– “ Louis, &c. “The dangers of the state increase. There are none which the courage of Frenchmen, their -w love of their country, and their fidelity to our person, may not overcome; but it is necessary to furnish those who are called upon to defend the general interests with the most prompt and efficacious means of acting in their own immedi- ate c.rcle. There is nothing which may not be expected from their patriotisin, when it becomes necessary to protect liberty against tyranny, pro- perty against lobbery, and the constitutional char- ter against a monstrous despotism. “For these causes, and on the report of our minister secretary of state for the department of the interior, we have decreed and do decree as follow :— § 1. “ The general councils of the departments shall be convened by the prefects immediately on receiving this our decree. 2. “ They shall remain in permanent sitting to execute the measures of public safety directed by our decree of this day, as well for the organiza- tion of the national-guards, as for the formation of corps of voluºteers. 3. * They shall be authorized to take such further measures for the public tranquillity as local circumstances may suggest to them, on com- municating their deliberations to the prefects of departments, who will give an account of them to our minister of the interior. - 4. “We recommend to the administrative corps now permanently met, to act with an activity, pa- triotism, and good understanding, which may en- sure success to their efforts.” In the mean time, Marshal Ney, with the whole of his corps, had joined Napoleon. It is said that this officer was taking measures for falling on the rear of Bonaparte, and for that purpose was on the point of marching from Lons le Saulnier, where his forces were stationed, when, on the night of the 12th of March, some of Bonaparte's emissaries arrived, and were introduced to him. They delivered to him letters from the Grand- marshal Bertrand, which painted, in the most glowing colours, the hopeless situation of the king, and the certainty of Napoleon's success. They assured him that Bonaparte had concerted this enterprize with Austria, through the media: tion of General Koller;-that the empress and her son were on the road to Paris;—that England had connived at his escape;—that Murat ad- vanced triumphant towards Italy to assist his brother-in-law; that the Russians had retired to their distant country, and Alexander would no more intermeddle with the affairs of the south ;- that Prussia alone was unable to contend with France; that if the marshal were disposed to re- sist, he had no longer the power;-that Napoleon had secretly received the submission of every re- giment in the service; that all Ney's most confl- dential officers had long been enrolled among the adherents of the empº-and that a vain and 14 Book xiv. C a A P. v. ~gºvº-Z 1815. 1256 HISTORY OF THE WARS BOOK XIV. CHAP. W. \_*N* 1815, *T*--------- - - - - - - -- ------ - --------- - - useless attempt at resistance, would expose his country to the horrors of civil war. It was added, that Napoleon had for ever renounced his pro- jects of arbitrary government and universal domi- nion, and wished now to reign for the happiness of France alone. Whatever might have been the sentiments of Ney before he received this commu- nication, after pausing a short time, he resolved to join his troops to those of Napoleon, and on the next day he issued the following proclamation to his troops:— .Marshal Prince of the Moskwa to the Troops wnder his Orders. “Officers, Subalterns, and Soldiers —The cause of the Bourbons is for ever lost. The legiti- mate dynasty which the French nation adopted is about to re-ascend the throne. To the Emperor Napoleon, our sovereign, it alone belongs to reign over our fine country. Of what conse- quence is it to us whether the noblesse of the Bourbons again expatriate themselves, or consent to live in the midst of us? The sacred cause of liberty and of our independence will no longer suffer under their fatal influence. They wished to degrade our military glory; but they have been deceived. That glory is the fruit of at- tempts too noble to permit us ever to lose its re- membrance. “Soldiers!—Those times are gone by when the people were governed by the suffocation of their rights; at length liberty triumphs, and Napoleon, our august emperor, is about to confirm it for ever. Hereafter shall that noble cause be ours, and that of all Frenchmen! A truth so grand must enetrate the hearts of those brave men whom º have the honor to command. “Soldiers 1—I have often led you to victory; now I lead you to join that immortal phalanx with which the Emperor Napoleon approaches Paris, and which will be here within a few days; then our hopes and our happiness will be for ever realized.—Vive l’Empereur. (Signed) “ Prince of the Moskw A, “Marshal of the Empire. “ Lons le Saulnier, March 13, 1815.” This defection was decisive of the contest, for all cenfidence was now at an end. On the 17th, Bonaparte arrived at Auxere. , Here he met the 14th regiment of the line, which had proceeded by forced marches to range itself under his ban- ners. As soon as these soldiers were drawn u before him, they trampled under foot the white cockade which they had sworn to defend. Bona- parte smiled at this proof of their attachment, and walking through their ranks, addressed himself familiarly to several whom he recognized, or pre- tended to recollect. He stopped before an old soldier, who was decorated with three medals. “And you,” said he, slapping him gently on the shoulder, “ how long have you been in the ser- vice?” Twenty-five years, sire!”—“Ah! I recol- lect,” interrupted Bonaparte, “we were together at Rivoli, where we took seven pieces of cannon.” “Yes, sire I"—“I see that you are a good sol- dier, and I will take care of you.” isy these familiar conversations Bonaparte always gained the hearts of his soldiers. At Auxere he learned that the 6th regiment of lancers had mounted the white cockade, and had proceeded without orders to oppose a body of the household troops who attempted to blow up the bridge of Monte- reau. The king's troops retired at the approach of the lancers without effecting their purpose. On the 19th, at night, he turned off from the great road to sleep at Fontainebleau, determined that the palace which had witnessed his misfor- tunes should first receive him in his success. The French court was in the greatest alarm. On the night of the 18th, a grand council was held at the Thuilleries, at which the princes, the ministers, and the generals assisted. The gene- rals declared that no dependence was to be placed in the army assembled at Melun, and deprecated any further resistance to the progress of Napoleon as a useless waste of blood. This was strenu- ously opposed by some of the courtiers, and one of the princes; and, it is said, the most violent and intemperate language was used. The coun- cil broke up in disorder, and the king despairing and broken-hearted. The two chambers, however, continued firm in their attachment to the king, notwithstanding the critical state of affairs; j. on the 17th, they voted two loyal addresses to his majesty, which were presented by deputations on the evening of the 18th. |Address of the Chamber of Peers. “Sire, The peers of France have been deeply moved with the discourse which your majesty pronounced yesterday from the throne. All hearts re-echoed to those words so energetic and so touching, which express at once your love for your people, and your attachment to the consti- tution which you have given them. The senti- ments which animate the great soul of your ma- jesty were displayed at that solemn sitting with a noble burst, which added even a livelier impres- sion to the august and sacred character of your royal promise. Monsieur, your worthy brother, and all the princes of your blood, wished to lay at the feet of your majesty, in the presence of the two chambers, on the simple guarantee of their honor, their oath of fidelity to the consti- tution. “This constitution, sire, is the pledge of a new alliance between the French people and the of The FRENch REvolution. 1257- - _º -wrs. ancient race of its kings. The wisest institutions are associated with the most illustrious recollec- tions; they lend a mutual support, and compose an immoveable power. What madman could believe, that a generous nation, united to its King by ties so strong, would receive the law of violence and treason; that it would recognise for master, him who used his power only to trample under foot all liberty, all honor, all justice : him against whom indignant Europe rose all in arms to cast him from its bosom 2 “That which we have to defend is not only the safety of the state; it is not merely France against the invasion of an enemy, it is the very existence of the country, it is the national honor, it is the glory of our arms, that glory which made us so proud, and which we exultingly pointed out to other nations in the midst of our internal calanities, and of the tyrannical oppres- sion under which we groaned. What people had ever to fight for such dear interests? “Sire, it is by an unbounded confidence that we ought to answer to the wisdom and firmness of which you give us so noble an example. The constitution places in the hands of your majesty all the forces and resources of the state, when its defence is in question: and what powers besides these do you not find in that unanimous agree- ment of sentiments and wills which collects round the throne the representatives of the nation in the two chaimbers, and of which we come here to present you with the homage. “The chamber of peers further resolve, with the good pleasure of the king, that the address shall be presented by a numerous deputation. “The President and Secretaries, T)’AMBRAY, The Duke of LEvis, The Count PAstoret, Seen and sealed The Count de VALENCE, The Grand Referendary, Count de SEMONVILLE.” The king, in his reply, said, “I receive, with the most lively satisfaction, the address of the chamber of peers. I have no less pleasure in seeing the confidence which it places in me. . I will merit it by employing constantly all the means in my power for the safety of the State. .Address of the Chamber of Deputies. “Sire, Our tears flowed when your majesty, expressing yourself like a father, and a king, spoke of crowning your career by dying for your eople. At that moment, at once awful and pleasing, there was not a man of those who heard you who did not desire to consecrate his life in answer to your generous sentiments. Presently all Frenchmen will feel the same enthusiasm, tº and France will be saved. The chamber of de- Book xiv. puties, sire, comes to bring to the foot of the throne the homage of its gratitude; it heard with confidence the solemn oath of your august fa- mily for the maintenance of the constitutional charter. The organ of the nation, the chamber, answers to the noble appeal which came from the mouth of its king : the more the people have security for their rights, the more they are pene- trated with the sanctity of their duties. The uestion is not merely, as heretofore, whether we shall be the prey of a foreign enemy, but whether we shall undergo the most severe and humiliating yoke. “To save France from the evils which threaten it, your majesty asks that the concurrence of the two chambers may give to authority all the strength which is requisite. Already your majesty has taken measures of public safety against our oppressor, and what Frenchman could ever re- cognise the titles and rights of sovereignty in the person of Napoleon Bonaparte, that enemy of France and of the world ! Yes, sire, the two chambers will surround you, and will make it their duty to concur with your majesty for the safety of the country and of the throne. Let us discover treason wherever it is concealed: let us' strike it down wherever it exists; let us load with honors, and with gratitude, that generous army,” which, defending its chief and our liberty, which is also its own, goes to combat those misled sol- diers whom their barbarous leader brings to tear the bowels of their country. But, sire, these pro- testations of our hearts will not suffice, and we supplicate your majesty to permit us to propose to your confidence the means which we think proper to re-animate more and more the public hope. While the chambers thus lend to the government which is to save France the strength of the whole nation, your faithful subjects are convinced that the government will concur in the public safety, by trusting to men at once energetic and moderate, whose names alone are a guarantee for all interests, an answer to all uneasiness: to men who having been, at different periods, the defenders of the principles of justice and liberty which are in the heart of your majesty, and form the patrimony of the na- tion, are all equally interested in the stability of the throne, and in those principles which the pub- lic enemy comes to annihilate.” The king answered, “I receive with the most lively satisfaction the expression of the senti- ments of the chamber of deputies, and of the concurrence which it promises me under these difficult circumstances: on my part it may be assured, that the instruments which I shall employ shall always be worthy of the country and of myself. * CHAP. W. Qesº/~/ 1815. 1988 --" - HISTORY OF THE WARs BOOK XIV. €h Ap. V. S.-aº"Nº * I S15. Meanwhile the troops remained at Melun, and a battle was expected on the next day. The French army was drawn up in three fines, the intervals and the flanks being armed with batteries, The centre occupied the Paris road. The ground from Fontainebleau to Melun is a continual de- clivity; so that on emerging from the forest a clear prospect of the country presents itself, and, on the other hand, those who are in the valicy can easily descry whatever appears on the em:- mence. An awful silence pérvaded the king's army, broken at times by peals of martial music, which confirmed the loyalty of the troops by re- peating the popular airs of Vive Henry Quatre, and La Belle Gabrielle, or by the voice of the commanders and the march of divisions to their appointed ground. - All was anxious expectation. The chiefs were conscious that a moment would decide the fate of the Bourbon dynasty; and the troops were secretly awed at the thought of meeting in hos- tility the man whom they had been accustomed to obey. - On the side of Fontainebleau no sound was heard as of an army rushing to battle. enemy was advancing, his troops evidently moved in silence. “Perhaps his heart has failed him, and he has retreated,” was the secret ardent wish of the friends of the Bourbons. At length a light trampling of horses became audible. It approached. An open carriage, at- tended by a few hussars and dragoons, appeared on the skirts of the forest. It drove down the hills with the rapidity of lightning. It nearly reached the advanced-posts, when the escort threw down their arms, and rushed forward to embrace the king's troops. Surprised at this unexpected ma- noeuvre, the soldiers were for a moment irresolute. The carriage now reached them. The traveller was immediately recognised. “The Emperor for ever!” burst from every mouth. “Napoleon! Napoleon the Great!” spread from rank to rank; for, bareheaded, Bertrand seated at his right, and Drouet at his left, Napoleon continued his course; now waving his hand, now opening his arms to the soldiery, whom he called his friends, his companions in arms, whose honor, whose glories, whose country he now came to -restore. - All discipline was forgotten, disobeyed, and in- sulted. The commanders-in-chief took flight. Thousands rushed on his passage. Acclamations rent the sky. At that moment his own guard descended the hill. The imperial march was played : the eagles were once more displayed, and they whose deadly weapons were to have aimed at each other's life, embraced as brothers, and joined in universal shouts. In the midst of these greetings, Napoleon pass- If the a state which bordered on idiotism. -----sºº-º- : : -...-- ed through the whole of the royal army, and placing himself at its head pursued his course to Paris. Louis had anticipated this result, and at one c'elock on the morning of the 20th quitted Paris. He wished to have remained until the last mo- ment, or rather to have awaited the coming of the invader; and he often repeated the noble and affecting language which he had used, at the meeting of the deputies, “Can I better termi- nate my career of sixty years, than by ending my life in defence of my people #" But he was at length prevailed on to depart. - - This resolution was, however, so suddenly formed, and executed with such haste, that his portfolio, containing his correspondence with the Duchess D'Angouleme for many years, was found on the table in the apartment of the king ; and in his drawers were his correspondence with Louis XVI. ; a medal which he was in the daily habit of wearing, and many, things calculated to compromise the safety of numerous individuals. The medal contained on one side the effigy of Louis XVI. and on the other a female kneeling and veiled, in an attitude of grief, and holding, embraced in one hand, an urn resting on a #. tal, and shaded by a weeping willow. Round the effigy of the king was the foliowing inscrip- tion, “Louis XVI. King of France and Navarre,” and on the reverse, “Lament him and avenge him.” Even at this late hour, a considerable crowd surrounded his carriage, and rendered him the homage of their sincere regrets. “The king for ever !” was repeated by every voice, and although too many of the Parisians had, already shewn worse than indifference to the royal cause, and cries of treason had begun to be heard in every quarter of the city, yet no one dared to profane the interesting parting of the monarch and his subjects. “Cease your tears,” said he, “I shall soon return.” - * - The Duchess of Serment was the friend of the late Queen of France, and governess of the Duch- less of Angouieme. Age, sickness, and sorrow had conspired to enfeeble her body and her mind. She had lately, lost her only daughter, who was burned to death; and she was now reduced to It is the pleasing duty of the historian to record that Louis insisted that this unfortunate lady should be ac- commodated in his own carriage. - The household troops alone had sufficient loyalty to accompany the fugitive. They escort- ed him to the frontiers with a fidelity which did them much credit. Early in the morning the following procla- mation was found placarded on the walls of Paris. w of THE FRENch REvolution. 1259 --- - - -ur- wº- Fºr “Louis, by the grace of God, King of France *. and Navarre, to our trusty and well-beloved the Peers of France, and the Deputies of the Departinents:— “ Divine Providence, who recalled us to the throne of our fathers, now permits that this throne should be shaken by the defection of a part of the armed force who had sworn to defend it. We might avail ourselves of the faithful and patriotic dispositions of the immense majority of the inha- bitants of Paris, to dispute the entrance of the rebels into it: but we shudder at the calamities of every description which a combat within its walls would bring upon the citizens. - “We retire with a few brave men, whom intrigue and perfidy will not succeed in detaching from their duties; and since we cannot defend our ca- pital, we will proceed to some distance to collect forces, and to seek at another point of the king- dom, not for subjects more loving and faithful than our good Parisians, but for Frenchmen more advantageously situated to declare themselves in favor of the good cause. “The existing crisis will subside into a calm. We have the soothing presentiment, that those deluded soldiers, whose defection exposes our subjects to so many dangers, will soon discover their error, and will find in our indulgence, and in our affection, the recompense of their return to their duty. “We will soon return into the midst of this good people, to whom we shall once more bring peace and happiness. I “For these causes we declare and ordain as fol- OWS :— Art. I. “ In virtue of the 30th article of the eonstitutional charter, and the 4th article of the second title of the law of the 14th of August, 1814, the session of the chamber of peers, and that of the deputies, for 1814, are declared at an end. The peers and the deputies shall forthwith separate. º * 2. “We convoke a new session of the chamber of peers, and the session for 1815 of the depu- ties. The peers and the deputies of the depart- ments shall meet at the soonest possible period, in the place which we shall point out as the provi- sional seat of our government. Any assembly of either chamber held elsewhere, without our au- thority, is from this moment declared null an j - 3. “Our chancellor and ministers are each, in what concerns him, charged with the execution of the present proclamation, which shall be com- municated to both chambers, published and post- ed up in Paris and in the departments, and for- warded to all the prefects, sub-prefects, courts, and tribunals of the kingdoms. 86. “Given at Paris, the 19th of Marsh, in the year of our Lord, 1815, and the 20th of our reign. (Signed) - “Louis. “By the king. “The Chancellor of France, DAMBRAY.” when the departure of the king was known, astonishment and suspense seemed to have de- prived the inhabitants of Paris of the power of action. All the authorities were withdrawn, yet the most perfect and mournful tranquillity, for a time, prevailed. At that moment the battle was supposed to be contesting at Melun, on which depended the fate of France, and each party, fearful of committing itself too soon, anxiously awaited the result. - The bank continued its payments as usual, without one moment's interruption. Though it was an establishment of all others most sensible to the influence of political changes, it did not sus- tain the slightest shock. crowded with anxious enquirers. Every avenue to the Thuilleries was thronged. As the partisans of Louis and Bonaparte came in contact, the most frightful scenes of confusion commenced. The friends of the king were yet numerous, and the cries of “the king for ever!” resounded from a thousand voices, but they were drowned amid the infuriated shouts of “the emperor for ever!” From mutual reproaches the different parties pro- ceeded to blows, but the national-guard interfered, and by its moderation and firmness prevented a dreadful effusion of blood. About noon the national-guard, at the com- mand of their new colonel, assumed the tri-co- loured cockade. The triumph and approach of Bonaparte were proclaimed, and soon after- wards some of the troops who had marched out to oppose the Corsican returned bearing his colours. It was now ludicrous to observe the activity of the shopkeepers in removing every vestige of royalty. Before evening innumerable º: pret- tily adorned with lilies had vanished, and a thou- sand eagles, appearing as it were by magic, proudly stretched their wings over the portals of the houses. Ribbands and rings of a violet colour had long been worn by the Bonapartists, and that interesting flower had appeared in the button-hole of some of the boldest of the conspirators; but now it seemed as if the whole country had been laid under contribution, to furnish the bouquet which adorned every bosom, or was worn in the hat with all the ostentation of a cockade. At two o'clock General Excelmans arrived at. the Thuilleries, and relieving the national-guard, tore down the flag of the Bourbons and hoisted 14 N f - By degrees every street and square became BOOK XIV, . CHAP. W. v_s^^_A 1815. 1260 HISTORY OF THE WARS —F- Book xiv. that of the usurper. This was the signal for Chap. W. S-º/*, | S15. greater tumult. The cries of “ the king for ever!” were no longer heard, but crowds of the lower classes, and principally from the suburbs, filled the squares, vociferating “ the emperor for ever !” The more respectable classes of citizens were inactive spectators, and the national-guard preserved a dead silence. The inhabitants of the suburbs of St. Marceau and St. Antoine assembled in the Carouse!, and endeavoured to force the gates which separate that square from the courts of the palace. Had they effected their purpose, the late residence of Louis would probably have been levelled with the ground. They were, however, bravely resisted by the na- tional-guard. At length more numerous bodies of troops be- gan to pour in by different and opposite gates, and as almost every detachment appeared to escort several carriages, the attention of the crowd was completely occupied, and the cry was continually raised that the emperor approached. All the general officers then at Paris had set out early in the morning with the municipal corps, and some grand dignitaries, to meet him whom a twelvemonth ago they had branded as a tyrant; whom the day before they had stigmatised as a usurper; but whom they professed themselves. eager to salute to day as their emperor. A long file of led-horses and magnificent equipages accompanied them, destined for the use of Napo- leon. He received them with apparent cordiality, but refused to accept of their carriages, and con- tinued his journey in the same spattered vehicle which had conveyed him from Fontainebleau to Elba, and from Cannes to the neighbourhood of Paris. Evening approached. Double files of soldiers continued to pour in at every gate, escorting nume- rous equipages of all descriptions. In vain the impatient crowds expected to behold the con- queror. At nine o'clock he entered the gate D'Enfer, in his travelling-carriage, almost without escort, and was not recognized until he had reached the Thuilleries. There he was received by his sol- diers and by the populace with an enthusiasm that approached to madness. They pressed around him, eager once more to gaze upon him; they incommoded, they endangered him. – “ My friends!” he repeatedly exclaimed, “ you will suffocate me, you will suffocate me.” His efficers then forcibly opened a passage, and bore him in their arrus along the staircase and into the state- apartments, where his sisters, the Princesses Julia and Hortensia, some of his old ministers, and the officers of his household, were assembled to greet him with an affectionate welcome. A battalion of officers bivouacked * the Thuilleries, and did the duty of the palace. The weather had hitherto been cloudy and rainy, but by a curious coincidence, which the superstitious Parisians did not fail to remark, the entry of the grand actor in this strange scene was at the close of a beautiful day. The night was still and bright, and the whole population, actuated by different senti-. ments, crowded to the Thuilleries. Bonaparte immediately formed a new ministry, which were composed of the following members:- —The Prince Arch-Chancellor of the Empire, minister of justice. The Duke of Gaete, minister of finance. The Duke of Bassano, secretary of state. The Duke Decres, minister of marine and” colonies. The Duke of Otranto, minister of general police. The Comte Mollien, minister of the imperial treasury. Marshal Prince D’Eckmühl, Hainister at war. The Duke de Rovigo, principal inspector-ge- neral of gendarmerie. The Comte de Boudy, prefect of the depart- ment of the Seine. The counseller of state, M. Rial, minister of police. Thus was accomplished a revolution, of which the annals of the world, do not afford a parallel. It resembled more a theatrical illusion than an actual course of events;—a romance of the imagi- nation, more than the positive achievement of human faculties. In the journey of Bonaparte (for the military, term march would be misplaced) every soldier sent against him joined his force. Where resist- ance seemed for a moment to be threate:ied, it was disarmed by the sound of his voice. The as- cendancy of a victorious leader over soldiers; the talent of moving armed multitudes by a word; the unextinguishable attachment of an army to him, in whom its glory is concentrated and em- bodied, were never before so briliiantly and tre- mendously exemplified. Civilized society was never before so terribly warned of the force of those military virtues which are the greatest civil vices. In twenty days he found himself quietly seated on the throne of France, without having spilled a drop of blood. The change had no re- semblance to a revolution in an European country, where great bodies of men are interested in the preservation of autho' ty, and where every body takes some interest for or against political mutation. It had nothing of the violence of a popular revolt. It was a bloodless and orderly military sedition. In the levity with which authority was transferred, it bore some resemblance to an oriental revolu- tion: but the total absence of those great charac- teristic features, the murder and imprisonment of princes, destroyed the likeness. It is, in short, an OF THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 1261 * -*— event of which the scene could have been laid by a romance writer, bold enough to have imagined it, in no other time and country than France in the year H8+5. w King Louis continued to retire towards the frontiers; and, af five o’clock in the afternoon of the 20th, he arrived at Abbeville without any mi- litary escort. There he proposed to wait for the household troops which followed, commanded by Marshal Macdona!d. appearance disarmed the rancour of every Bona- partist, and the inhabitants received him with ac- clamations. The king attempted to address them from the window of the house at which he lodged, but his feelings overpowered him. He pressed his hand to his heart, howed, and retired. The military, who lined the streets, maintained a deep silence. They respected the virtues of the mo- narch too much to insult him in his misfortubes; but when they returned to their barracks they shou'ed vive l'empereur. His majesty was much fatigued, but before he had time to take any re- #. Marshal Macdonald appeared and urged im to proceed on his journey without delay, al- ledging that from what he had seen of the dis- position of the garrison, he would not answer for the consequences should the household troops ar- rive before he quitted the place. The king re- luctantly ascended his carriage, oppressed by mental and bodily pain. On the 22d, at one o'clock, he arrived at Lisle, where he had deter- mined to collect aroutid him all who were faithful to his cause. The scene at Abbeville was repeat- ed. A considerable proportion of the inhabitants welcomed him with enthusiasm, but the garrison, which consisted of several regiments, preserved a sullen and obstinate silence. The king would have addressed them, and endeavoured to recall them to the allegiance which they owed their le- gitimate sovereign, but he was entreated not to expose himself to unnecessary insult and danger. from . Louis would then have dismissed them Lisle, and permitted them to march and join Na- oleon ; but was assured by Marshal Mortier that this would be the signal for revokt, and probably. for some outrageous attack against his person. . Morrier had been deceived in the charaeter of It was only a few days before that he had ordered these regiments to return to. Lisle, whence they had been lately removed. the garriso fº. afterwards Bonaparte, in his official papers, hinted that this imanoeuvre had been purposely. effected to prevent the occupation of Lisle by the household troops, and to preserve the town for the emperor. But the historian is unwilling to attribute such deliberate treachery to an officer of Mortier's high reputation, and who now professed such devoted attachment to the king. . --" Had it not been for this unfortunate measure, His calm and dignified Louis might have found an asylum for a little while on the French territory. The national- guards, the household troops, and the patriotism of the inhabitants would have afforded him effec- tual security. But this would have kindled the torch of civil war, and exposed his country to aggravated and probably usehess sufferings. O; the same day, the declaration of the Con- gress at Vienna (which we shall soon notice) was received. The king immediately ordered it to be placarded on the walls, and distributed among the soldiers, that they might perceive what would be the fatal consequences of their treason, and the inevitable calamities which they would bring on their country. But this, far from alarming the troops, or disposing them to return to their duty, exasperated them to the utmost, and they formed the sudden and desperate resolution of seizing on the person of the king, and carrying him prisoner to the camp of Napoleon. News now arrived that the Duke of Berri ap- proached, with the household troops and two Swiss regiments. The garrison no sooner heard this, than they assembled tumultuously, and seemed ready to execute their daring purpose. Mortier hastened to his majesty, and urged his immediate departure, declaring that he dreaded the result if that departure was delayed a single hour. In half-an-hour Louis was on his journey towards Ostend. Mortier accompanied him to the gates of the town, and immediately returned with the Duke of Orleans to endeavour to restrain the violence of the troops. He found them enraged at being disappointed of their prey. They fiercely attaeked the Duke of Orleans, and it was with the greatest difficulty, and at the ha- zard of his own life, that Mortier rescued him from their fury. - The household troops passed through Abbe- ville in their journey towards Lisle. The impetuosity of the Duke of Berri had there nearly proved fatal to him. seurs was in garrison in the city. As the duke rode along the ranks, and endeavoured to recall the soldiers to the loyalty which they owed their sovereign, he was exasperated at the obstinacy with which they continued to shout “ The em- peror for ever!” One of the officers particularly distinguished himself. . The Duke of Berri in a momentary transport of passion struck him. The officer immediately quitted the ranks and charged upon him ; but the other officers threw them- selves before him, and rescued the duke from his attack. It was deemed prudent for the royal party to resume their march without delay. Being informed that his majesty had quitted Lisle, they determined not to enter the town, and A regiment of chas- BOOK XIV. Cha P, W. v_s^/*_2 1815. - this determination probably prevented a dreadful. effusion of human blood, . 1262 HISTORY OF THE WARS Book XIV. C#AP. W. Jºvº-' l Sl 5. --------- f Turning from Lisle they directed their course towards the frontiers, but many of them being unable to support the fatiguing rapidity of the march, were dismissed at Bethune; and those who reached the frontiers declared to the few officers who were desirous to take them further, that they were Frenchmen;–that they had sufficiently ful- filled their duty to their prince,—that their dearest interests were at stake, and that nothing should induce them to pass the frontiers. They accord- ingly returned to Bethune. On the 24th Louis arrived at Ostend, completely enfeebled by anxiety, disease, and fatigue. He was accompanied by a few officers only. The next day he publicly attended mass, but he looked very ill and depressed. At the close of the service the congregation respectfully waited till his ma- jesty rose to quit the church, and, as he passed along the aisles, rendered him the unfeigned ho- mage of their tears. The following interesting narrative was after- wards published, by authority of Louis XVIII. “ A catastrophe equally disastrous and unex- pected has struck Europe with the greatest asto- nishment. A king, who was surrounded by the confidence and the love of his people, has been compelled to abandon his capital, and soon after his states, which had been invaded by that man whose name recalls only calamities and crimes: and France has, in less than three weeks, been replunged, from the state of profound peace and progressive prosperity to which she had been re- stored, into that abyss of evils which was believed to have been for ever closed. It is important to make known by what progression of irresistible causes treason has, under such circumstances, been enabled to enchain the public force, and the na- tional will. “On the 5th of March the king received in- formation, by a telegraphic dispatch, of the land- ing of Bonaparte on the French territory, at the head of 1,100 men. This enterprize was to be considered in two different views. It was either the result of a plot, supported by exten- sive communications, or the act of a madman, whose ambition and violence of character pre- vented him from longer supporting a retirement which could afford to him only the agitations of emorse. In this double supposition, it was ne- cessary to adopt every measure suggested by prudence, and which the most imminent peril would have dictated. No precaution was º: ed. Orders were issued with the greatest dis- patch for the assembling of troops at Lyons. Satisfactory accounts were received from the com- mandant of Grenoble, and the conduct of the garrison of Antibes caused it to be conjectured that Bonaparte had been deceived in his hopes of being joined by the king's troops. If, however, he had formed any communications, they might be expected to favor his first progress; but it was hoped that a corps which had been stationed at Lyons would, at all events, stop him. Mon- sieur departed on the 6th, to take the command of that corps, and was followed the next day by the Duke of Orleans. --- “ All the marshals and generals employed in the departments received orders to proceed to their jºretive commands, and immediately de- arted. pa Marshal Ney, who commanded at Besançon, and who might effectually have seconded the ope- rations of Monsieur, took leave of the king ; and on kissing the hand of his majesty, said, with a tone of affection and energy which seemed to pro- ceed from the frankness of a soldier, that “if he should subdue the enemy of the king and of France, he would bring him prisoner in an iron-cage. The, event soon shewed by what base dissimulation he had been inspired. Thus was disclosed the project of a traitor which every soldier in Europe will learn with horror. “ Monsieur was received with enthusiasm at Lyons. All was prepared for the most vigorous resistance, but unfortunately no ammunition was to be procured. “It was soon made known that the garrison of Grenoble had opened the gates of the town to the enemy, and that a regiment which had de- parted from Chambery, under the orders of M. de Labedoyère, had joined the rebels; only a small number of troops had as yet arrived at Lyons; but Monsieur, who had been eagerly joined by Marshal Macdonald, did not hesitate in determining to maintain himself behind the works which had been hastily constructed. How- ever, on the approach of the first dragoons which preceded Bonaparte, a general disaffection ap- peared among the troops of Monsieur. All the remonstrances of the ſº of Tarentum were vain; and then, as afterwards, the forces col- lected to resist the torrent only served to increase it, and to add to its violense. “It was learned on the 10th, by a telegraphic dispatch, and consequently without any details, that Bonaparte had entered Lyons that day. The return of the Duke of Orleans, who arrived at Paris on the 12th, and that of Monsieur, were quickly followed by accounts which carried to the highest pitch the alarm which so rapid a conti- nuation of disasters could not fail to create, “Meanwhile opinion, agitated by alarm and distrust, sought to discover otherwise than in the fatal ascendancy of a detested man, the cause of his deplorable success. No one would believe that the mere seduction of his presence could produce such an effect on the troops. The Mar- shal Duke of Dalmatia, minister-of-war, had * , O F THE FR ENCH REVOLUTION. }263 - - - ----- ----- - - - - - - - - * * *-*-*-*-- - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - ----- ----------4 , *~~~- - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - ----- - - - - - - --~~~~ * : * -- - * - - - -- 5. - *... * *-**—------- been the last to support in France, by force of arms, the already lost cause of Napoleon. Some pretended to infer, from this for ther mark of at- tachment, a proof of treason. The public voice was raised against the marshal, and he himself came and delivered into the hands of the king his resignation and his sword. His majesty, with that confidence which has never abandoned him, even in the midst of the basest perfielies, ordered into his presence the Duke of Feltre, whom the public estimation pointed out to his choice, and delivered to him the porte-folio of the war de- partment, with which he had been charged under Bonaparte up to the time of the restoration. This determination of the king had been fully justified by the fidelity of the Duke of Feltre. “No other course could now be adopted but that of retrograding the troops, as, in advancing towards the enemy, they furnished him almost every where with auxiliaries. It was agreed to form a corps d'armée before Paris, by collecting together as great a number as possible of the national-guards and volunteers. From the 11th the Duke of Berri had been appointed general of this army. Marshal Macdonald, on his arrival, was charged with the command of it under that prince. - - “The orders issued for the organization of the volunteers and the moveable columns of national guards, could not however arrive at their destina- tion, and could not be carried into execution for some days, while every moment brought with it fresh danger. Bonaparte marched with a rapi- dity of which he felt all the advantage, and several regiments, which were unavoidably near the line of his march, joined him: some even took in his name several towns of Burgundy, and two of them advanced to Auxerre. - “Still a slight hope was entertained of being able to retain in their duty the troops of the first military division, and those which formed the garrison of Paris. An imminent peril, which the conduct of the commander of La Fere had averted, and the arrest of the traitors D'Erlon and Lalle- mands, afforded some security as to what might be expeeted to take place in the departments of the north. The Duke of Reggio, though aban- doned by the old guard, had succeeded in re- taining in their duty the other troops which he commanded. It was resolved to form an army of reserve at Peronne, where the troops being concentrated, would be less exposed to seduction, and where they would be under the observation of the Duke of Treviso, to whom the command of this army was given. The Duke of Orleans set off soon after torepair thither. The king, fully convinced of the magnitude of the existing §: and equally sensible of the extent of the uties which the circumstances in which he was placed imposed upon him, now appeared in the midst of the representatives of the nation, with Book xiv. whom he had wished to surround himself on the first appearance of danger. His speech to the two chambers made a great impression in the capital, the inhabitants of which evinced an una- nimous sentiment of attachment to their king and . country. But the national-guard, composed in a great measure of heads of families, could not afford a number of volunteers sufficient to afford any hope of resistance; and Count Dessoles, who commanded the guard, explained himself in this respect in such a manner as to remove all idea of doing any thing more than to intermix the citi- zens with the troops of the line, in such a manner as might be expected to retain the latter in their duty. Every other plan of defence was imprac- ticable. Thus was the government reduced to regard, as the principal means of resistance, troops, whose more than doubtful fidelity was to be confirmed only by a small number of brave and loyal volunteers, to whom were to be joined the cavalry of the king's household. , “On the 17th a disastrous piece of intelligence rendered the reliance to be placed on these pre- parations still less certain. Marshal Ney, who was believed to be in pursuit of the rebels, had joined them, and had published a proclamation caleulated still more to promote the defection. This news spread terror through the departments nearest the capital. The town of Sens, which was expected to have stopped the progress of Napoleon, declared itself incapable of making any resistance. The enemy was about to arrive at Fontainebleau, and the troops in Paris, on whom every means calculated to excite their patriotism had been exhausted, remained silent, or betrayed only the desire of abandoning their colours. “Scarcely had they commenced their march to proceed to the point of rendezvous assigned to them, when these bad dispositions degenerated into open mutiny. In the morning of the 19th, it was learned that there was isot a single regiment assembled before Paris, which was not infected with this contagious disloyalty, and the only course which the king could now pursue was, to retire with the troops of his household, the only corps on which he could henceforth rely. His majesty, who had sent the Duke of Bourbon to the western departments, and had transmitted to the Duke of Angouleme the powers necessary for arming the southern provinces, thought it advise- able to repair in preference to the departments of the north, to endeavour to preserve the fortresses in that quarter, and to make these strong places serve as points of ..". to any assemblages of faithful subjects which might there be formed: The king left Paris on the 19th at midnight, and was followed one hour after by his military house- hold, conducted by Monsieur, and by the Duke of Berri. 14 O 1264 history of THE WARs BOOK XIV. CHAP. W. Jºvº-Z 1815. “On the 20th, at five in the evening, the king arrived at Abbeville, where, expecting his house- hold-troops, he remained on the following day: but Marshal Macdonald, who rejoined his ma- jesty on the 21st, at noon, proved to the king the necessity of removing farther, and, in consequence of his report, his majesty resolved to shut himself up in Lille, and sent an order to his household to repair to him there by the route of Amiens. “On the 22d, at one in the afternoon, the king, preceded by the Duke of Tarentum, entered Lille, where he was received by the inhabitants with the strongest demonstrations of affection and fidelity. The Duke of Orleans and the Duke of Treviso had arrived at Lille before the king; the latter, however, thought proper to recall the gar- rison. This circumstance, of which the king was not aware, was calculated to disconcert the plan of resistance which had been formed. Had not the troops been brought in, the national-guards and the household, aided by the patriotism of the people of Lille, might have secured for the king this last asylum on the French territory. With a numerous and ill-disposed garrison, this design appeared most difficult of execution. His ma- jesty, however, persisted in making the attempt. His presence had already raised the enthusiasm of the people to its highest pitch. - “A multitude, full of zeal, accompanied him at every step, exerting every effort to interest the soldiers, and constantly repeating the endearing cry of Vive le Roi! But the troops, reserved and cold, maintained a gloomy silence, an alarming presage of their approaching defection. In fine, Marshal Mortier declared to the king that he could not answer for the garrison. Being ques- tioned as to the last expedient which might pos- sibly be resorted to, he also declared that it was not in his power to make the troops march out of the fortress. . “ Meanwhile the declaration promulgated at Vienna, on the 13th of March, in the name of all the European powers assembled in Congress, reached Lille. The king caused it intmediately to be distributed and placarded, hoping, but in vain, to enlighten the troops with respect to the dreadful consequences with which their treason was about to be followed, and the inevitable misfortunes it would draw upon their country. “. On the 23d his majesty learned thaf the Duke of Bassanº, appointed minister of the inte- rior, had sent to the prefect of Lille orders in the name of Bonaparte. On the same day Marshal Mortier stated to the minister of the king's house- hold, that in consequence of the report that the Duke of Berri was about to arrive with the household troops and two Swiss regiments, all the garrison was ready to mutiny; that he would conjure the king to leave the place in order to avoid the most dreadful of misfortunes; that by à- escorting his majesty himself to the gates of the town, he still hoped to command respect from the soldiers, but that would no longer be possible if the departure was for a moment de- layed. - * “The king then judged it necessary to order his military household to march on Duakirk, but the order unfortunately was not received. With respect to himself, being unable to go directly to that town, he went to Ostend. His majesty left Lille at three o'clock, accompanied by Marshal Mortier, and followed by the Tuke of Orleans. On arriving at the bottom of the glacis, the Duke of Treviso considered himself bound to re- turn, to prevent the disorder which was likely to take place in the garrison during his absence. The Duke of Orleans also returned into the for- tress, and did not leave it until some hours after. —Marshal Macdonald did not separate from the king until they arrived at the gates of Menin, and, to the last moment, he and the Duke of Treviso afforded to his majesty consoling proofs that the sanctity of oaths and the faith of men of honor are not despised by all the brave soldiers of whom the French army is proud. “A piquet of the national-guard of Lille, and a detachment of the royal cuirassiers and chasseurs followed his majesty to the frontiers. Some of the latter, as well as several officers, were unwilling to abandon him, and accompanied him to the boun- dary of Belgium. The king arrived at Ostend, intending to proceed to Dunkirk, on the occupa- tion of that town by his household-troops. “In the mean time this unfortunate household, to which were joined a great number of volun- teers of all ages aud conditions, followed the same route which the king took, in order to pro- ceed to Lille. Monsieur and the Duke of Berri, always at the head, and always sharing the fatiglies of this brave chosen band, had occasion to ad- mire the heroic firmness of the troops composing it. Youths who, for the first time, burthened their arms with a weapon, old men performing forced marches on foot, through roads which heavy and continual rain had rendered almost impassable, were associated with this faithful corps, and never were discouraged by the privations they suffered, nor by the still more painful uncertainty of a march depending on advices, which the defection of the neighbouring garrison might render of the most disastrous nature. In the absence of orders, which the king had not been able to transmit to them, and on information that his majesty had left Lille, the column proceeded directly to the fron- tier; but being unable to defile with sufficient promptitude to followin a body, Marshal Marmont (who commanded under the orders of the prince, with zeal and activity worthy of better success) having got embarrassed in marshy ground, whence the horses were extricated with extreme difficulty, OF THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. *** *****s-s-s-s a part of these unfortunate men were compelled to remain behind, and Monsieur fearing that their attachment might cause them to encounter useless perils, authorized them to retire. But being soon after surprised at Bethune by orders from Paris, they had not all time to disperse, and Monsieur can only hope to rally round him successively, all those whom he may be able to collect on the fron- tier, where he for that purpose remains. “It was on the 25th, at eight in the evening, that the king learned the arrival of Mońsieur at Ypres, and that the intelligence of the fate which his household-troops experienced, made an addi- tion to the weight of the afflictions he had to sustain. * .." - “Amidst these disasters his majesty has re- ceived brilliant proofs of fidelity; but these must in some measure still farther aggravate his regret. He has had to leave a good and amiable people a prey to all the excesses of a misled soldiery— there are devoted and courageous servants whom he cannot assemble around him—traits of un- shaken constancy have been exhibited by several most distinguished chiefs, to whom he can offer no other recompense than the reward of that es- teem and eulogium which France and posterity will one day bestow on them. “Among the recollections too deeply engraved ever to be effaced from the heart of the king, among the honorable sentiments of which he has received the most affecting proofs, he places in the first rank those derived from the conduct of Marshal Mortier. Since the arrival of his ma- jesty at Ostend, he has learned, from the Duke of Orleans, that an order for arresting him and all the princes had reached the marshal. An officer of the staff, the bearer of a dispatch from Mar- shal Davoust, containing the same order, arrived afterwards at Lille. The king had then left that place, and the Duke of Treviso made such ar- rangements that nothing transpired on that sub- ject until after the departure of the Duke of Orleans. - - “This succinct relation of the principal transac- tions that occured in the short and disastrous pe- riod, the picture of which has just been traced, may afford an idea of the sudden and innumera- Book XIV. ble difficulties with which the king was surround- ed. Never did any event more unexpectedly and more rapidly change the face of a great mo. narchy: but never did a more striking opposition between the spirit of the soldier and the citizen more completely paralyse patriotism, weaken au- thority, and invest with magic terror the man who, appearing almost alone on the French ter- ritory, had, within two days, at his disposal a nu- merous force armed against a defenceless people. “To conclude, the simultaneous and general de- fection of the army was not, as has been shewn, founded on any motive capable of attaching it for any considerable period of time to the fate of the man who has resumed a too fatal ascendency over it. The tacit compact which he has made with it, will soon be broken by the reverses which await him. . It is not Bonaparte proseribed, rejected, and about to be overwhelmed by the indignation of all Europe, that this credulous soldiery wished to follow ; they turned their eyes to the destroyer of the world, whom they beheld ready to deliver up to thern its spoils. But the illusion dissipated, Bonaparte will soon lose his adventitious force. The king awaits that period of reflection which follows the intoxication of agreat error—he awaits it with an impatience corresponding to the happy result which he anticipates.” - Louis, on his retreat to Lille, issued two ordi- namees, the first forbidding all his subjects to pay taxes of any kind to the so titled imperial govern- ment, and all public functionaries and receivers to pay into its chests the sums in their hands, and also suspending the sales of timber and domains in the departments invaded by Bonaparte; the second forbidding obedience to the law of con- scription, or any other recruiting order emanating from him. Houis afterwards removed his resi- dence to Ghent, where he had with him three of his ministers, the Duke of Feltre (Clarke) and the Counts Placas and Jaucourt; to these he added in his council Count Lally Tallendal and M. de Chateaubriand. The marshals Duke of Ragusa (Marmont) and Duke of Belluno (Vic- tor), were also at Ghent. CHAP. W. v_s^2 ºf 1815. History of THE wars BOOK XIV. CHAP. VI. Nºvº- 1815. - - - - - - - - ---- * -------- - - ------ - - - - *** * * *-- CHAPTER VI. Declaration of the Congress at Vienna.-Remarks,—Treaty of the 25th of March.-Preparations ..for War.—Attempt to carry off the King of Rome from Vienna-Prince-regent's Message on the Landing of Bonaparte in France.—Interesting Debates. - - THE ministers of the European powers had and the sovereigns closed their deliberations, had announced their departure for their respec- tive capitals, when the intelligence of the landing of Bonaparte at Cannes unexpectedly burst upon them. To the undisguised astonishment with which every statesman was at first overwhelmed, succeeded apprehension and dismay. Although the force which he had brought with him from Elba was feeble and contemptible, they knew not how soon the discontented soldiery of France might flock round his standard, and enable him once more to menace the peace of Europe. It was therefore necessary, by some prompt and unequivocal manifesto, to declare their resolution to oppose him with their united forces. Lord Castlereagh had departed from Vienna for Eng- land, and was succeeded by the Duke of Wel- lington. The intelligence that Bonaparte had quitted Elba arrived at Vienna on the 7th ; but his real destination was not known. On the IIth Talleyrand received a dispatch, announcing his landing on the coast of France; and, on the 13th, the foliowing declaration was published. “The powers who have signed the treaty of Paris, assembled at the Congress at Vienna, being informed of the escape of Napoleon Bona- parte, and of his entrance into France with an armed force, owe it to their own dignity and the interest of social order, to make a solemn decla- ration of the sentiments which this event has ex- cited in them. i “By thus breaking the convention which has established him in the island of Elba, Bonaparte destroys the only legal title on which his exist- ence depended; by appearing again in France with projects of confusion and disorder, he has deprived himself of the protection of the law, and has manifested to the universe, that there can be neither peace nor truce with him. “The powers consequently declare, that Na- poleon Bonaparte has placed himself without the pale of civil and social relations; and that, as an enemy and disturber ºf the tranquillity of the world, he has rendered himself liable to public vengeance. “They declare, at the same time, that firmly resolved to maintain entire the treaty of Paris of 30th May, 1814, and the dispositions sanctioned by that treaty, and those which they have re- solved on, of shall hereafter resolve on, to com- plete and to consolidate it, they will employ all their means, and will unite all their efforts, that the general peace, the object of the wishes of Europe, and the constant purpose of their la- bours, may not again be troubled; and to gua- rantee against any attempt which shall threaten to replunge the world into the disorders and mi- series of revolutions. “And although entirely persuaded that all France, rallying round its legitimate sovereign, will immediately annihilate this last attempt of a criminal and impotent delirium, all the sovereigns of Europe, animated by the same sentiments and guided by the same principles, declare that if, contrary to all calculations, there should result from this event any real danger, they will be ready to give to the King of France, and to the French nation, or to any other government that shall be attacked, as soon as they shall be called upon, all the assistance requisite to restore public tranquillity, and to make a common cause against all those who should undertake to compromise it. “The present declaration, inserted in the re- gister of the Congress assembled at Vienna, on the 13th March, 1815, shall be made public. “Done and attested by the plenipotentiaries of the high powers who signed the treaty of Paris. Vienna, 13th March, 1815.” - - - Here follow the signatures, in the alphabetical order of the courts.- - - AUSTRIA.—-Prince Metternich, Baron berg. - FRANCE. –Prince Talleyrand, the Duke of Dalberg, Latour du Pin, Count Alexis and Noailles. - • GREAT BRITAIN.—Wellington, Clancarty, Cath- cart, Stewart. - PortugAL.-Count Pamella Saldonha Lobs. Pavlº-piece Hardenberg, Baron Hum- Olf. RUSSIA.—Count Rasumowsky, Count Staee- - * kelberg, Count Nesselrode. SPAIN.—P. Gomez Labrador. SwedEN.—Lafmenhelm. Wissen- The return of Napoleon to France, at the head of an armed force, had annulled all the rights which the treaty of Fontainebleau had given him, and had again placed him in a state of hostility OF THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 1267. -ºs- with the coalesced powers. Until he had shewn states, for the maintenance of the treaty of peace Book xiv. that the treaty had been previously violated on concluded at Paris on the 30th of May, 1814, as the part of the allies, and he was again acknow- well as that of the Congress of Vienna, to carry Caar VI; ledged by the French, and re-invested by them into full effect the dispositions contained in these with the sovereignty, he was a mere brigand treaties, inviolably to observe their ratified and 1815. chief; not, indeed, the proper subject of private subscribed agreements, according to their full assassination, but amenable to the legal ven- import, to defend them against every attack, geance of the country which he had invaded. and especially against the projects of Napoleon Much as Europe had suffered from the unre- Bonaparte. Towards this end they bind them- strained ambition of this man, and from the per- selves, should the King of France desire it, and verted and restless character of the French army, in the spirit of the declaration issued on the 13th it was politic in those who had been the means of of March, with common consent and mutual delivering Europe, promptly to declare against agreement, to bring to justice all such as may . the first attempt, however impotent, to revive the have already joined, or shall hereafter join, the system which they had overthrown. And, as it party of Napoleon, in order to compel him to re- had been whispered that there were considerable linquish his projects, and to render him incapable misunderstandings between the principal courts, in future of disturbing the tranquillity of Europe and Bonaparte had affirmed that he was secretly and the general peace, under the protection of supported by some of the allied powers, that which the rights, the freedom, and the independ- Austria was his assured friend,-that his return ence of nations have been established and secured. would be immediately followed by that of the II. “Although so great and salutary an object empress and the King of Rome, and that does not permit that the means destined to its England and Russia, tired of war, were indis- attainment should be limited, and although the posed to interfere in a quarrel in which they had high-contracting powers have resolved to devote no concern; it was necessary for the members of to this object all such resources as they can; in the Congress to convince the world, by some their respective situations, dispose of; yet they solemn and striking proceeding, that they were have nevertheless agreed, that every one of them determined to complete and consolidate the work shall constantly have in the field 150,000 men which they had begun, and that they were ready complete, of whom at least one-tenth shall be to combat against every one as a common enemy cavalry, with a proportionate artillery (not reckon- who should threaten, by a new war, or a new re- –ing garrisons), and to employ them in active and volution, to disturb the general peace of Europe. united service against the common enemy. On the 25th of March, before the arrival of Bo- III. “The high-contracting parties solemnly naparte in Paris was known at Vienna, but after engage not to lay down their arms but in agree- it had appeared evident that no effectual resist- ment with each other, nor until the object of the ance could be opposed to him, the following war assigned in the 1st article of the present treaty was entered into by the allied powers: treaty shall have been attained ; nor until Bona- “Their majesties the Emperor of all the Rus- parte shall be wholly and completely deprived of sias, the Emperor of Austria, the King of Prussia, the power of exciting disturbances, and of bein and the King of the United Kingdom of Great able to renew his attempts to obtain the chief Britain and Ireland, considering the consequences power in France. which the entrance of Bonaparte into France, IV. “As the present treaty principally relates and the present situation of that kingdom, may to the present circumstances, the engagements in have with respect to the security of Europe, have the ...} of Chaumont, and particularly that determined, in these weighty circumstances, to contained in the 16th article, shall again recover carry into effect the principles consecrated in the their full force, as soon as the present object treaty of Chaumont. They have therefore shall be attained. tº agreed, by a solemn treaty, mutually signed by W. “Every thing relating to the command of each of the four powers, to renew the engage- the allied armies, the maintenance of the same, ment that they will defend the so-happily restored &c. shall be regulated by a special convention. order of things in Europe against all violation, VI. “The high-contracting parties shall have and to adopt the most effectual measures for the right reciprocally to accredit with the gene- carrying this engagement into effect, and also to rals, commanders of their armies, officers, who give it that necessary extension which existing shall be allowed the liberty of corresponding with circumstances imperiously demand. their governments, in order to inform them of the Here foliow the appointments, in the usual military events, and of all that relates to the ope- form, of the different plenipotentiaries whose rations of the armies. names are undersigned.) - . VII. “As the engagements entered into by the Art. I. “The high-contracting powers solemnly present treaty have for object to maintain the ge- engage to unite the resources of their respective neral peace, the high-contracting powers agree to 1268 History of The WARs BOOK XIV. Char. VI. ‘Jºvº–A 1815, invite all the powers of Europe to accede to them. VIII. “As the present treaty is simply and solely entered into with a view to support France, and every other threatened country, against the attempts of Bonaparte and his adherents, his most Christian majesty shall be specially invited to accede thereto; and in the event of his ma- jesty's claiming the force specified in article 2, he shall make known what assistance his circum- stances enable him to contribute towards the ob- ject of the present treaty. IX. “The present treaty shall be ratified, and the ratifications exchanged within the period of one month, or sooner if possible. “In testimony whereof, the respective plenipo- tentiaries have signed and sealed the same. (L.S.) “Count RAsumowsky. (L.S.) Count Nessel Rode. (L.S.) Prince METTERNICH. (L.S.) Baron WEssenBERG. (L.S.) Prince HARDENBERG. (L.S.) Baron HUMBoldt. (L.S.) WELLINGTON.” Separate article.—“As circumstances might pre- vent his majesty the king of the united kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland from keeping con- stantly in the field the number of troops specified in the second article, it is agreed that º. nic majesty shall have the option, either of fur- nishing his contingent in men, or of paying at the rate of thirty pounds sterling per annum for each cavalry-soldier, and twenty pounds per annum for each infantry-soldier, that may be wanting to complete the number stipulated in the second article. “In testimony whereof, the respective plenipo- tentiaries have signed and sealed the same.” The eighth article of the treaty, which invites the accession of the King of France, seemed to in. clude a determination in the allies, not merely to attack the usurped power of Bonaparte, but to reinstate the Bourbons on the throne, thus inter- fering with or denying the right of the French to choose their own form of government. - To force any particular dynasty or form of go- vernment on a people is inconsistent with the fun- damental principles of the British constitution, and the liberal policy on which it has been the pride of England ever to act: when, therefore, the rati- fication of the treaty by the prince-regent was sent to Vienna, the following explanatory decla- ration accompanied it, a declaration highly ho- norable to the British government. ^- Declaration. “The undersigned, on the exchange of the rati- fications of the treaty of the 25th of March last, on the part of his court, is hereby commanded to declare, that the eighth article of the said treaty, ~ –adi wherein his most Christian majesty is invited to accede, under certain stipulations, is to be under- stood as binding the contracting parties, upon principles of mutual security, to a common effort against the power of Napoleon Bonaparte, in pur- suance of the third article of the said treaty ; but is not to be understood as binding his Britannic majesty to prosecute the war with a view of im- posing upon France any particular government. “However solicitous the prince-regent must be to see his most Christian majesty restored to the throne, and however anxious he is to contri- bute, in conjunction with his allies, to so, auspi- cious an event, he nevertheless deems himself called upon to make this declaration, on the ex- change of the ratifications, as well in consideration of what is due to his most Christian majesty's in- terests in France, as in conformity to the prin- ciples upon which the British government has invariably regulated its conduct.” - At this time an event occurred at Vienna which caused considerable sensation. Several persons arrived in the villages near Schoenbrunn, the re- sidence of the little Ex-king of Rome. . Among them was Count Montesquieu, a near relative of the governess of the child. He contrived to gain admittance into the palace, under the pretence of visiting his aunt; and corrupting some of the domestics, he formed the plan of carrying off the son of Napoleon. The time was appointed.— Carriages were ordered to be in waiting, and re- lays were bespoken at every post to the very fron- tiers of France. - - A chambermaid overheard some suspicious language from one of the women who attended on the young prince, and immediately hastened to the imperial palace to put the court on its guard. In the meantime, the police had been informed of the whole plot, and suffered it to proceed to the last moment, that they might secure all the accomplices. • * - Every thing was prepared. A maid had the little Napoleon in her arms, and, attended by one of the chief of the conspirators, was just steppin into the carriage, when the officers appeared, .# the whole band was arrested. ... * It was probably with the hope of the success of this plot, that Napoleon had so diligently disse- minated the account that the King of Rome and his mother would soon arrive at Paris. All the powers of Europe now began to arm; and the different roads in Germany and Prussia were covered with troops marching to the French frontiers. These, however, were only precautionary measures, the allies not having yet resolved on war, The British government sent strong reinforce- ments to the troops in the Netherlands. w" The imperial parliament had hitherto been chiefly occupied with matters of internal policy, when the extraordinary event of Bonaparte's land. OF THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 1269 ing in France called its attention to different ob- jects, and gave a new turn to the public history of the year. On the 6th of April a message from the prince-regent was delivered to each house, com- municating the information that “the events which had recently occurred in France, in direct con- travention of the engagement concluded with the allied powers at Paris, in the course of the last year, and which threatened consequences highly dangerous to the tranquillity and independence of Europe, had induced his royal-highness to give directions for the augmentation of his majesty's land and sea-forces; and that he had deemed it incumbent upon him to lose no time in entering into communications with his majesty's allies, for the purpose of forming such a concert as might most effectually provide for the general and per- manent security of Europe.” The consideration of this message was entered upon in the house of lords on the 7th, when the £arl of Liverpool rose to move a corresponding address. In his introductory speech, he began with observations on the treaty of Fontainebleau, concluded in the last year, by the sovereigns then at Paris, with Napoleon Bonaparte. that Lord Castlereagh, when informed of its con- tents, had expressed a strong disapprobation of it; but that the representations of the allied sove- reigns having at length convinced him of its ne- cessity, he had consented to accede to it in part, namely, as far as concerned the possession of the isle of Elba by Bonaparte, and the sovereignty of the Italian duchies conferred on his wife. He then denied that any breach of this treaty had been committed by the King of France, as the first payment of the annual sum stipulated for Bo- naparte had not become due, nor had he made any representations to the allied powers on that head; and his own proclamations proved that he had meant to violate the treaty on the first opportunity, and to resume his power. therefore a positive and undeniable violation of the treaties of Fontainebleau and Paris, and give this country a just cause of war against Bonaparte wielding the power of France. His . however, did not mean to say, that because a war was just, it should therefore be entered upon. The policy of it was another part of the question. It was impossible to conceal the dangers with which this event threatened the country, but he did not wish that the house should be pledged to any inconsiderate declaration. Between the two alternatives of armed and defensive preparation and actual war, he requested that there might be no immediate decision, since it was not merely a British, but an European question; and nothing more was at present called for than what the message required. He then moved the address. The following speakers, who were Lords Gren- ville, Wellesley, and Grey, all approved of the address, but made various remarks on the circum- alluded. He affirmed, This resumption was stances which had brought on this awful crisis. The address was then agreed to mem. diss. On the same day the message was taken into consideration by the house of commons, where it was introduced by Lord Castlereagh. He took in general the same ground with his colleague, but more at length, as having been personally engaged in many of the previous transactions. In calling the attention of the house to the sub- ject, he assured them, that in no period of his po- litical life had he felt more deeply and sincerely the importance of those considerations which might arise out of the great events to which it It had been his lot, in almost all the late discussions, to endeavour to direct the atten- tion of parliament to those events which, he flat- tered himself, had led to an order of things that might deliver the world from those calamities and dangers which had so long menaced it, and which was calculated to conduct the political system of Europe to that natural and social situation which a great convulsion had destroyed. Whatever dif- ference of opinion might have prevailed among gentlemen on the other side of the house, with respect to the particular details of the arrange- ment that was to form the body-politic of Europe, there was no difference likely to arise on the gene- ral face of the arrangements, that the state of Europe would present such a mass of indepen- dent powers as would be capable of maintaining independently their relations with each other, and of controlling the excesses which any of them might be tempted to commit; and that the world was likely to be governed again by that balanced system of policy, instead of being plundered, destroyed, and disturbed, as it had been for the last twenty years, by one military nation, that was to engulph, destroy, and swallow up every other state. That the late events in France me- naced the labours of the last twenty years, and called in question the exertions of all the powers, no reflecting person could for a moment doubt: BOOK XIV. - CHAP. WI. ~~~/ . 1815. because, if a military chief, whose authority was founded on the attachment of an army, was to govern that country, and if a military system was to be established in France, it was obvious that that chief and army would disturb the tranquillity of the world whenever they found that a system. of peace was contrary to their wishes, and that their interests clashed with those of other nations, and particularly with those of this country. This was not a revolution growing out of the French people, but imposed upon them by artifices, and by the overweaning influence of that chief, and army; and if that system should establish itself in France, it must politically and morally either inflict upon Europe all those calamities we had escaped, or else we must be compelled to departs. and turn back from that social system in which the military character should take its proper rank, and must live in a state of precaution and military, 1270 History of THE WARs BOOK XIV. organization uncongenial to our natural character, Ch Ap. VI. Jºº- 1 Sł 5. r: sº -- in order to oppose that system which menaced us with its recreation. He felt that the consideration to which this great and important subject led, in- volving either war or peace, with all those moral and social circumstances to which he had alluded, was the most awful that could engage the atten- tion of that house; but he was not disposed, on the present occasion, to open all the considerations which this subject must produce. He should be accountable if he suffered the councils of the state to be precipitated without the judgment of parlia- ment; but as they were not in a situation to con- sider distinctly of the exercise of the prerogative of the crown, with respect to peace or war, he should follow the suggestion of an honorable gentleman (Mr. Ponsonby), and abstain from offering any opinion whether the state of circumstances should end in war or peace. He would not anticipate the final views that might bear on the policy of that question. He apprehended, however, that the events which had recently occurred, in direct contravention to all the engagements made in the treaties of Fontainebleau and Paris, necessarily and naturally implied a justifiable cause of war against France by this government and its allies. hat those events called for every effort and preparation, and that vigorous measures should be adopted by this country in concert with the al- lies, who had brought the world to a state of se- curity, no man within the walls of that house could be disposed to doubt. The nature of that concert should remain as a future consideration to government; and the house, in its ordinary wisdom, would not expect ministers to disclose the extent of that concert, or the deliberations which might in- fluence their councils. In order to preserve the au- thority of parliament over the executive servants of the crown, nothing would be more improper than to assume to themselves prematurely, and on the narrow view of questions to which only imperfect answers could be given, an exercise of that power which ultimately belonged to them. Under these circumstances he should confine himself to these two points: namely, that the late events in France, in direct contravention to solemn treaties and engagements, had so endangered the order of things in Europe, that it was impossible for the British empire to be otherwise than armed on the occasion, and that it was impossible not to act in concert with our fellow-labourers, who had been so arduously engaged with us in restoring tranquil- lity to Europe. Upon that state of things, he hoped the house was prepared to take proper measures, reserving its judgment upon ulterior considerations till they were regularly communi- cated to it. By adopting this course, he flattered himself that the labours of their deliberations would be considerably abridged. He considered, however, that he should not discharge his duty, if he were not to take that occasion of submitting to the house some farther considerations, and to re- lieve both them and the public from many misap- rehensions and delusions, as to the causes which |. placed Europe in its present circumstances. It had been thought, that the arrangement at Fontainebleau was made out of pure generosity to an enemy in the power of the allies; and that no consideration of policy influenced their deci- sions which were attributed to false counsels. This was the opinion of the greater part of the persons with whom he had conversed on that sub- ject, who conceived that the allies had acted un- wisely and improvidently in granting, from prin- ciples of generosity, an asylum to Bonaparte in the island of Elba, which he was liable to abuse. It was no reproach to the wisdom of mankind that their opinions should be influenced by their interests : but instead of imputing to those who were responsible for the treaty of Fontainebleau any breach of engagement, they should attribute the recent events to the conduct of that man who had a thorough contempt for all treaties and engage- ments. He felt he had so fallen in the scale of human characters, that he set at nought all argu- ments, and placed himself upon the only pedestal on which he wished to stand—the pedestal of autho- rity, by which he hoped to subjugate all mankind to his will, and impiously ventured to call himself, by the grace of God, Emperor of the French, claiming to himself an unlimited monarchy, not at all impaired by those treaties and engagements into which he had entered. He did not return upon a new summons, but upon that broad principle of right arising out of his former au- thority. Whatever danger might arise from the present situation of affairs, he, for one, could not regret that all those who had acted together in the public cause, could only be now accused of an excess of deference to the feelings of the French people, and a great desire of conciliation. If they |. been guilty of error, it was on the side of national generosity, and that was an error which he conceived a British parliament would not lightly condemn. He conceived, that the French, as well as every other nation, was entitled to expect a generous treatment from us, unless they should voluntary place themselves in such a situation that we could not be generous to them, without being unjust to ourselves. France could not now suppose, that the nations of Europe had any deliberate wish either to injure her, or to do any ungracious act revolting to her feelings. She was allowed to preserve her ancient limits, and her boundaries were in some points extended. Whatever might have been the rights which the war had given the allies, no grievous military contribution was imposed upon France. Every thing had been done to conciliate the French nation; and in order to * their feelings, which of THE FRENch REvolution. 1271 a-ºº: * : ***----- must have been wounded by the presence of an hostile army, they were even suffered to retain those monuments of the arts, which were the signs of their former triumphs, and which they had ob- tained from the plunder of other countries. . At the time, however, that the treaty of Fontaine- bleau was executed, he was by no means pre- ared to say, that the protraction of the war would É. put us in possession of the person of Bona- parte. He might have protracted the war in the south for, perhaps, a considerable time, and he might ultimately have escaped out of the country. As to the principle of that treaty, he was not par- ticularly responsible, as it had been agreed to before he came to Paris. The Emperor of Rus- sia conceived, that, under all the circumstances of the case, such a treaty was advisable. It was, therefore, not to be considered as merely an act of generosity, but as an act of policy also. The fact was, that when Bonaparte re- turned into the neighbourhood of Paris, he was at the head of a considerable body of troops that were then disposed to stand by him. It was also in the contemplation of the Emperor of Russia, that in case the war should be protracted, the other bodies of the French army, that were in other parts of the French territory, would also submit to his directions. There was even no ab- solute assurance that the body of troops which Marshal Marmont had paralyzed, would continue faithful to their new engagements. There was no reason to suppose that a better arrangement could, at that time, have been made ; and the ar- rangement which was made had the perfect ac- quiescence of the provisional government which was just established in France; and, in their opi- nion, this mode of settling it was far better than taking the chances of protracting the war. By the time that he arrived in Paris, this question was, in fact, decided. He saw the great danger and incon- venience of placing such a man in Elba, in the im- mediate neighbourhood of his former empire, and of another country, that might be supposed to en- tertain similar feelings towards him. He accord- ingly felt it his duty to oppose the arrangement, in the first instance. Upon further examination of the subject, he was, hºwever, aware of the dif- ficulty of finding any other place for an asylum for him, which he would have accepted of ; and as no other place could be found, which was not exposed to the same dangers, he withdrew his op- position. It was by no means certain, that the result of protracting the war would be to put the allies in possession of the person of Bona- arte. The great probability then was, that when he himself had, by his abdication, dissolved the relations between himself and his army, and that when that army and the nation had sworn to sup- port the king, that it would have been no longer ----- ment of France, or the peace of Europe. The Book xiv. question was not decided, nor could it be decided on the supposition that Bonaparte was absolutely in the power of the allies. He certainly was in a situation to have protract- ed the war for some time longer. The arrange- ment having been onee agreed to, it was certainly his opinion that it ought to be carried into execu- tion with as much liberality and good faith as any other treaty. Any body that would take the trou- ble of reading the treaty, would see, that it was by no means exprest, neither was it at all intend- ed, that Bonaparte was to be considered as a prisoner in the isle of Elba. Certainly, if any of the allied powers had met him out of the is- land, in a situation that left no doubt of his hos- tile intentions, they might have detained him. In the island of Elba he was, however, in perfect freedom. He was free, also, in the neighbourhood of it, as kong as he did not seek to break the treaty that had been concluded with him. It was, therefore, quite a mistake to con- sider his situation as if he had been in a tower, or a prison, guarded by the troops of the allies. He had now no hesitation in answering the question put to him on a former night; and he should expressly declare, that this government never did undertake, or contemplate, the esta- blishment of any police to control him in the isle of Elba, nor any naval police around it. In fact, the complete blockade of the island of Efba, so as to prevent the possibility of his escaping from it, would be beyond the power of the whole navy of Britain. The attempt to blockade him in his island would have been an infraction of the treaty with him, which would indeed give him some right to consider its obligations no longer binding upon him. The treaty certainly contemplated his residence in Elba, as sovereign in his own pos- sessions. It assigned him, not indeed a very for- midable navy, but a corvette, which was commonly seen bearing his flag, and visiting different ports in Italy. The ports of Elba were also much visited by other vessels for the purpose of com- merce. He did not see what right, in time of peace, the vessels of other nations would have to visit and examine every ship that bore the flag of Elba. If, however, Bonaparte had been deter- mined on quitting the island, he might have em- barked in a foreign vessel and under another flag. When he did leave it, it was to the strength of his ships that he owed his safety. As to diplo- matic agents, we had none resident in the isle of Elba. Colonel Campbell only accompanied Bo- naparte to the island, but he had afterwards been permitted to reside there or at Leghorn. He never, however, supposed that he could have exercised any sort of daily inspection over Bona- CHAP. W.I. Nºvº. 1815. possible for him to disturb again. the settle- tolerated. The fact was, that he resided for but 87. parte, or that such an attempt would have been 14 Q 1272 history of the WARs BOOR Xi W. CHAP. Wi. * Si 5. a short time on the island. If he had been, how- ever, there when Bonaparte meditated his ex- pedition, he could have by no means prevented it. There was an English genileman, a Mr. Richie, at one of the ports of the island at that time, and he was put under the custody of two gens d'armes until Bonaparte had left the island. . The same thing would have happened to Colonel Campbell, if he had been there. He could have done no more than was done by Mr. Grattan, junior, who communicated the intelligence as soon as possible to Leghorn. The fact was, that no great prepa- rations were necessary for the embarkation of so small a force as accompanied Bonaparte on his expedition. A few hours was quite sufficient for the purpose. Those who accompanied him were principally embarked in vessels that came to Elba for commercial purposes. . . A complete naval blockade of the island would have been imprac- ticable. The French government, however, partly apprehensive of his designs, had appropri- ated two frigates to cruise from Leghorn to Cor- sica, and to pay particular attention to what passed in the neighbourhood of Elba. Admiral Hallo- well had also communicated to government, that if he should meet Bonaparte on the seas, he would lay hold of him. He had no doubt in- formed his officers of his intention, as it appears that a British frigate did actually chase this ex- pedition. It was too much to suppose, that the danger arising from the calamity which has lately taken place, was gratuitously incurred by the excessive generosity of the allies, or by the re- missness of this government. None of the for reigners, or of the Englishmen who visited the isle of Elba, ever witnessed any preparations, which could induce them to suppose that Bona- parte meditated any escape from the island. The preparations were, in fact, so sudden, that Gene- ral Bertrand himself, who must be supposed to be the most in his confidence, did not know it the day before. As to Colonel Campbell, he latterly experienced the greatest difficulty in getting access to him. Bonaparte latterly surrounded himself so much with all the etiquette of an emperor, that it was only upon certain occasions that Colo- nel Campbell could get access to him. As to the money-part of the arrangement, it always appeared to him, that it would be pregnant with great mis- chief, if it could be alleged that there was any breach of the treaty in this respect. The allies certainly considered that there had been breaches of the treaty on his part, both in the number of guards which he kept up, and in his reeruiting in Corsica, contrary to the intention of the treaty. If, however, he had any reason to complain of breaches of the treaty with him, he should have applied to those powers with whom he made the treaty. Although the King of France was no direct party to this treaty, yet the allies had claims upon him, as well as upon Napoleon, for the ob- servance of this treaty. The last time, however, that he passed through Paris, when he heard that Bonaparte was selling cannon and provisions, on account of pecuniary difficulties, he did apply to the French government on the subject, and sug- gested to the king, that it might be of the most injurious consequence to give him any just rea- son to complain of breach of treaty. He also gave an official letter to Colonel Campbell, au- thorising him to complain of some parts of his conduct, but the main object of the letter was to protect him from any individual pecuniary wants. Bonaparte, however, would not do any thing which recognized the treaty, and never made any complaints about, the breach of it. He trusted, therefore, that he would hear no more of this treaty having been broken on the part of the allies. The whole of the conduct of Bonaparte might be resolved into this arrogant declaration, that in signing the treaty he had done an act for the deception of the allies, but an act which, in his opinion, did not at all invalidate his legitimate. rights to the throne of France. The question now before the house was not as to peace or war, but merely as to the necessity of precautionary measures at the present crisis. He believed that the house would see, that the line of conduct. which this country had to pursue lay between two alternatives. It must either embark in a war, in conjunction with the other continental powers, or it must, in conjunction with them, adopt measures of military precaution, sufficient for its protection under the present circumstances. He was sure that it would not be contended in that house, that while the powers of government in France were exercised by such a man, it would be pos- sible, consistent with our safety, to reduce the establishments of the country to that scale which might be considered sufficient under other cir- cumstances. However sanguine he might have been in the hope of bringing the nation back to its ancient principles and policy, yet he never did or could have supposed, like the gentlemen on the other side of the 'house, that there was to be no transition between such a war as we had for so many years waged with France, and that peace-establishment which would be sufficient for the sound health of the country in settled times, and when the former social relations of Europe were completely re-established. The danger was now more deeply rooted, which had arisen from a state of things that had unfortunately too long a continuance. From this state of things, France had now become a military nation, and all other classes of the community had become, in that country, subordinate to the military class. It was then easy to see that France could not break loose from that unnatural state to which it had been reduced, without a great danger of what had *. - of . The FRENch REvolution. 1273 s: ºssº- now actually taken place, from a re-action of the army. Although, in her political situation, France might now be prostrate at the foot of her armies, ret who would venture to say, that the return of ãº. was the act of the French nation ? Who could hesitate to allow, that the late revolution was purely the act of the military? If the authority of their own paternal monarch, to which the military, as well as the nation, had not only submitted, but sworn to support, was now of no validity—if they had now broke loose from ties so binding in duty and in honor, to what could it be attributed, but to that overween- ing principle, that their interests, as military men, suffered from a state of peace? The military class, that had been accustomed to seek their for- tunes by rapine and plunder, and who looked to [...". advancement, and rewards from the lood of other nations, naturally opposed an order of things that promised peace. But after having betrayed their king, and violated their oath, he believed, that if they had any of the honorable feelings of military men remaining, they must feel themselves ill at ease, and degraded in their own estimation. He did not believe that an army sq. degraded in their own estimation could perform those services to their new master that, under other circumstances, they might have done. He conceived that it had been proved, most unequi- vocally, that although France might now, as a nation, be prostrate before her own army, yet that the public feeling throughout the greater part of France was in favor of their amiable king, whose conduct had been as unimpeachable as his cha- racter. Whatever differences of opinion there might be upon that most grave and important question,--whether in point of prudence and cal- culation, it was better to allow the power now in France to exist; or whether it was better to deal with that power in the very outset, and before its authority was established in full vigour, by the resources of all France,—still, in either case, some measures of precaution would be absolutely necessary. If Europe should not determine up- on active war, still there was no alternative left, but to remain in a state of military organization, sufficient to protect them from future dangers. If he could not now bring the whole case before the judgment of the house, he should, on a future oc- casion, if it should be necessary, leave the whole uestion to be decided on its own merits. It was the business of this country now, to watch the temper and spirit of the continental nations. He did not mean to say that any ardour of the con- tinental nations should precipitate this country into any war that was not just and necessary. As we had, however, already saved the world, in concurrence with the allied powers, it was in con- currence with them that we must preserve it from future dangers. Notwithstanding our feelings of security from our local and insular situation, yet we should not, on that account, be forward to goad the powers of the continent into a war that they were not convinced was necessary for their interests. He considered that the proper source of our political influence on the continent was from the full conviction that our influence was exerted for the preservation of the interests of the continental powers, and for the general good of Europe, and not for any private or separate in- terest of this country. If this was admitted to be the case, he hoped the converse of the propo- sition would be allowed, that there was no ra- tional, security, either for this country or for Eu- BOOK XIV. Chap. VI. \*N*- 1815. rope, but in keeping together that mass of conti- mental, force to which Europe had already owed her deliverance. He looked at the present cir- cumstances, not as destructive of all that had been hitherto done for the peace of Europe, but as containing the seeds of future danger. He thought that the line of conduct which this country had to pursue was to find out what was the true spirit of the continent upon the present occasion. We should see whether the continental nations thought their security would be better provided for by war, or by precautionary prepara- tions. We should not give them a fictitious wish for war, nor overstrain the arguments in favor of it; but if, in their deliberate consideration and conscientious judgment, they should conceive war to be the only means of permanent security to Europe, it could not be expected that this country should separate itself from the interests of the rest of Europe. It was a gratifying and proud consideration for this country, that we had already accomplished every thing of territorial arrangement that appeared to be necessary to se- cure the balance of Europe. Those arrange- ments had been so fully assented to by all the great powers of Europe, that they might now be considered as secure. The relation in which we now stood to the continent was not of desiring any private objects of our own, but as ready to give what assistance we could to support the general interests. After some further observa- tions, his lordship concluded by moving an ad- dress, which was, as usual, an echo to the mes- sage. - , Sir Francis Burdett said, that it might appear almost impossible, from the language of the noble lord, to say whether he meant peace or war. If he understood that there was a desire to preserve the treaty of peace, unless some act of aggression took place on the part of France,—if he could consider the communication merely as informa- tion of preparations against any surprise, or at- tempt, or danger arising from the character of Bonaparte, truly or falsely ascribed to him, he should not think it necessary to dissent from the motion: but if the address was only an in- 1274 HISTORY OF THE WARS BOOK XiV. CHAP. VI. \ºvº/ 1815. ****--------------e-w- direct mode of leading them into war, it was his duty to oppose it. The only intelligible ground of war, as far as he could understand, was the restoration of the house of Bourbon. He should vote against such an unjustifiable prin- ciple of hostilities. The question now came to this simple principle: whether we should embark in a fresh war, which might last long, perhaps twenty years more, perhaps unsuccessful and ruinous in its results, for the purpose of replacing the Bourbons on the French throne. He should be sorry to criticise the Bourbons, at present, with severity. If they were not now on the throne, he did not ascribe it to our government, respecting their attention to the isle of Elba. In the la- boured part of the noble lord's speech, which re- ferred to the departure of Bonaparte, he concur- red with the noble lord. He was not our prisoner, and we had no right to restrain his actions any farther than as they tended to reproduce war in Europe. What was the fact concerning his de- arture from Elba, and his landing in France 2. t was termed an invasion. Who ever heard of 30,000,000 of people invaded by one man How was his success to be accounted for, but that this man's character stood so high in France that he was generally received as a deliverer. The noble lord spoke of ancient habits; but the French shewed a repugnance to them. The real causes, he took it, were, that there was quite a new order of things in that country; that property was changed, and that the present possessors of pro- perty felt themselves insecure, and were alarined; and that the king had not kept faith with the nation, and had not fully accepted the constitu- tion according to the stipulations agreed to by his brother. He would not be harsh upon the Bourbons; but their conduct seemed to have de- prived them of the throne, and it would be hostile to human liberty to make war upon a principle of forcing a monarch on a nation, by a combina- tion of the other arbitrary governments of Europe. The Congress of Vienna had made no attempts in favor of liberty; and the Emperor of France was rendered so much the stronger, because the Congress had subverted the moral feelings of Eu- rope against him; and the allies would, therefore, lose the advantage of having the same arm to wield against him which they had used lately. Were this note of preparation intended only to prevent any aggressions, he would concur in the address; but from all be could collect from the ambiguity of the noble lord, he perceived a desire to stir up the elements of war upon the principle of maintaining, what was ealled legitimate sove- reignty. . This disposition was evinced in a coun- try which acted on an opposite principle. The title of the present reigning family to the crown was a parlimentary recognition. . If the principles. of the noble lord were right, the present family were usurpers. He still, further objected to war on the score of humanity. We had already done more than could have been expected for the cause of the Bourbons. We had spent oceans of blood, and had incurred many millions of debt. The principle of war for restoring the Bourbons was even disavowed by the minister in 1793. The country was absolutely tricked into the war at first, by arguments about the opening of the Scheldt, and other subjects. The noble lord had kept out of view many particulars: but he spoke strongly of the little faith or reliance that could be placed in Bonaparte. The noble lord, how- ever, had negociations with the ministers of Louis the XVIIIth on the important subject which had excited so mueh interest in this country, the abolition of the slave-trade. He had even offer- ed boons and sacrifices for the sake of humanity; but yet he could not succeed. Why? All parties professed a desire to remove this odious stain upon the civilised world; but the French government, it was said, was afraid of the French nation. But when Napoleon Bonaparte returns, he, whether from po- licy or from virtue, or from whatever other cause, abolishes the trade at once, in despite of all conse- quences ! As to want of faith, Ferdinand, the Sovereign of Arragon, was reported to have said that words were the counters of wise men, and the money of fools. Napoleon's decree against the slave-trade was as deeply lain in policy, as it was proper in the cause of humanity. He wished that our own government and other governments were as great hypocrites on such subjects as Bonaparte. He abhorred war, especially in our present situ- ation, and in this short breathing-time for Europe. If we went to war for the Bourbons, what could any man of common sense say to Bonaparte's landing with a few hundred men in the south of France, among thirty millions of people, in the face of an established government, provided with all means and resources, none daring to repel him; and as he went on to the north, all that were sent to oppose him joining his standard 2 History scarcely gave so magnanimous a test to the opinions of a nation. He had nothing to do with the wishes of the people of France, but he protested against the abominable principle of in- terfering with their concerns. Let them settle their own affairs. The noble lord seemed to think the present French government weak, and the means to be brought against it so strong, as to in- vite him to his purposes; but he might be de- ceived. The honorable baronet stated his rea- sons for dissenting from the address, because it was a measure leading to a war, unjust in its principles, and which might be ruinous in its con- sequences. Mr. Ponsonby would support the address as it stood. So far from binding them to take the first step in war, it bound them to no determination - 2 of The FRENch Revolution. 1275 * either for peace or for war. The word contra- vention was not founded on Bonaparte's quitting Elba and going to France, but on the considera- tion that the treaty of Paris gave to France more favorable terms than those offered to Bonaparte, in consequence of the return of France to her le- gitimate sovereign. Now that Louis had with- drawn, and Bonaparte returned, France was in a different state from that in which the allies entered it. France was to remain under Louis, but re- verting to Bonaparte, thus France and the allies stood towards each other as before. Upon that understanding he voted for the address. The honorable baronet's interpretation of the address was not, in his mind, correct. It did not propose to impose a government on France, and to de- prive her of the blessings of Bonaparte. He (Mr. P.) had no right to consider whether the French were wise or unwise, or to make any de- termination on that point. He would never vote for imposing any government on any people. This, however, was connected with other important matters on which he should not then touch. The address called for no particular advice, and he should not be rash enough to offer any. This country ought to be in a state of preparation now, and at all times, with a view to its own interest, and the general security of Europe. He did not in this vote bind himself from taking any step during the pendency of the present state of affairs for enquiry into any subject whatever. He trusted that the pending negociations abroad would still lead to peace, and he cheerfully agreed to give powers to government not to goad other powers into war, or to induce them to do what they would not otherwise be disposed to do: but, in the first instance, to make this country strong, and through others to preserve the peace of Europe; and if that could not be done, then it must be sought by other means. As the noble lord had thought it safe for Europe, in conjunc- tion with the allied powers, to treat before with Bonaparte, so he cherished the hope, that if he must be treated with, they would still find it. At the same time, we could not forget the events of fourteen or fifteen years past, nor the personal character of the man, or the nature of his power. He could give no opinion as to how Bonaparte had acquired his power; but we might deceive ourselves, if we imagined that his support was in the army alone. - - Mr. Whitbread could not take so narrow a view of the question. He considered the whole as a flimsy veil, to entrap the candid confidence of his honorable friends into a great question on which peace or war depended. . It was not our interest to make a fresh crusade for the French throne, a crusade in which we had been foiled after twenty years' warfare, and success was then owing to the madness of that man who was again at the head 87. - espoused by the army. -se of France. It was essential to hold to the treaty BOOK XIV. we had given to France under the Bourbons. It was an assumption, that we had given better terms Chap. VI. by the treaty at Paris than would have been Sºº- It was even contradicted 1819. given to Bonaparte. abroad. The papers had not been produced. It was even said, that the noble lord, and the allies, offered better terms to Bonaparte than those of the Paris treaty. At Frankfort the allies offered him territory, more extensive than the kings of France had enjoyed. What were the securities and the guarantees demanded of Bonaparte, and conceded to the Bourbons? No information on these points was before the house. Reflect that the noble lord had said the alternative was be- tween war and an armed precaution, till he sup- posed the powers should be ready to pounce on France. He was glad to hear so nefarious a pro- ject contradicted; but he lately saw in the house an honorable member, who was an agent in form- ing one of the unsuccessful coalitions the basis of which was to break treaties concluded with France. As to the degree of faith kept with Bonaparte, the noble lord had only alluded to the want of money; and he had given no distinct answer on that point. It was a pettifogging ex- cuse to say that, the year had not expired. As to the treaty with Bonaparte, France was a party concerned in it, since, by his abdication, the Bourbons re-ascended the throne; and the contracting parties said they would obtain the concurrence of the Bourbons to the treaty. What was meant by saying that France had not direct interest in it? Was Bonaparte to proceed step by step, in due process of law, before he came to forcible ejectment? The apprehensions excited, appeared to be not as to the subtlety of Bona- parte's intellect, but as to his little army in Elba. The noble lord thought the French population unfriendly to Bonaparte, and that he was only Bonaparte advanced from south to north, exposed every hour, day, and night; and, however popular the Bourbons might be, not a single hand was raised against him as an invader or an unlawful dethroner. Against this, we were to take the noble lord's facts from different quarters. Ministers had their agents, and large sums of money voted yearly for secret services, and yet we were thought deficient in information of this nature. The noble lord had been at Vienna in company with great statesmen, created princes, who had their spies over kings and priests every where; yet, with all this com- bined machinery for the procuring of intelligence, with all their wisdom and our money, Bonaparte, unknown to them, sailed from Elba and landed in the bay of St. Juan ; and they might all have been as well asleep. But now that the cat was let out of the bag, the noble lord had nothing to say, but that had h; *** what he did not 4 - 1276 HISTORY OF THE WARs BOOK XIV. CHAP. VI. 1815. know, what had happened would riot have hap- ened. The proverb said, “After-wisdom is no wisdom at all.” The noble lord now said, Bona- |...}. plotted his adventure from his arrival, but e (Mr. W.) believed the noble lord knew nothing about it. Since Bonaparte's return, if he was not called by the French people, he at least had endeavoured to render what he did beneficial to them. What the noble lord had told us the Bourbons could not accomplish in less than five years, Bonaparte had done by a single stroke of his pen; so that whatever might be the future government of France, the resurrection of the slave-trade in that country might be pronounced absolutely impossible. If, however, the powers of Europe, and this government among them, were determined to enter upon a crusade, which he sincerely deprecated, for the restoration of the Bourbons, he had no hesitation in saying, that this was the moment when they ought to strike. But the noble lord had talked as if it were doubt- ful whether the continental powers would engage in the war. Here the honorable member pro- ceeded to reprobate, in strong terms, the declara- tion of the allies against Bonaparte, issued too so shortly after the King of Saxony had solemnly protested against the dismemberment of his ter- ritory, and so shortly before Napoleon had de- creed the abolition of the slave-trade. It was a declaration so abhorrent to his feelings, that, in his opinion, our ministers at the Congress ought to be impeached for having disgraced the national character by signing it. The noble lord wisely abstained from saying any thing in its behalf; for if there was any meaning in words, that declara- tion went to designate Bonaparte for assassina- tion; and, as it might naturally call forth a spirit of revenge, it went to introduce a war of exter- mination among mankind. Sorry he was to say, that the great name of England was sullied by that declaration ; and all the great talents and exploits of the Duke of Wellington would not re- trieve his character from the shame which his sig- nature had cast upon it. When it said, almost in express terms, that Bonaparte was put out of the pale of civil society, how could the chancellor of the exchequer, with all his casuistry, say it meant any thing but this, that any man who met him might stab him 3 Adverting again to that distinguished warrior, who had driven the French army from the one end of the peninsula to the other, he would ask, could he call in the hand of an assassin # Whatever might be the language of the allies now, there could not be a doubt that war was declared in specific terms in that in- stance. But Napoleon, it appeared, had a little more common sense than his old friend Prince Talleyrand, who also signed this declaration; he had inserted the document in the Moniteur, which had arrived that day, accompanied with a com- & situation of Italy. *- —- - —r-g mentary and notes, in which he professes that he will maintain the treaty of Paris, though he says better terms might have been got for France. This was the way in which he answered the de- claration,-hypocritically, some gentlemen would say, but still in a way such as to conciliate the people of France, if not the rest of mankind. Such was the alacrity with which some people contemplated war, that two of his majesty's cruisers had committed an act of aggression by bringing into port two French vessels. It was said, to be sure, they did so without orders. He trusted, also, that there was no kind of general understanding under which they were authorised to act, and the object of which was to prevent government from being compromised; no kind of understanding similar to that which placed the captain of the Partridge in his miserable situation off the isle of Elba. This officer had no kind of orders to be Bonaparte's keeper, only he was to act under an understanding that if he thought Napoleon was sailing off to be mischievous, then he should catch him; if not, he was to let him alone. . . . . What were the two descriptions of war in which the country might be engaged ? One of them was a war of aggression, for the purpose of replacing the Bourbons on the throne. Of that family he would say nothing harsh, their misfortunes were their protection; and these misfortunes, now ap º to him nearly irreparable. They would be absolutely so in the case of a war of aggres- sion. But it should be recollected, that even du- ring the ten months during which that family sat on the throne, our ministers proposed, for the sake of security, a peace-establishment of nineteen mil- lions. As had been well said by a most eloquent friend of his, no longer a member of that house, (Mr. Sheridan,) one half of our national debt had been contracted in repressing the ambition of the Bourbons, and the other half in endeavouring to replace them on the throne. He greatly feared there was a strong disposition in government to enter upon this war of aggression. The noble lord had, in fact, told the house it was a question of expediency and prudence, not of morality. He (Mr.W.) should pray that ministers might not be able to strike an alliance offensive against France. Were the continental powers so little disencum- bered by their new subjects, and new partitioning arrangements, as to be prepared for such a war? Did the noble lord think that the Saxons would cordially unite with the Prussians for consoli- dating Prussian supremacy 3 Would they not rather endeavour to emancipate themselves while Prussia was engaged in war? Look again at the Had Austria there those sub- jects who would concur with and support her in any act of aggression on France?. That Italy, which, wºn left without a single French soldier, of THE FRENch REvolution. 1277 *A*- 3- - - - - - - * – º – º --- * still, as the noble lord told us, made no one effort for its liberation from the yoke of France. Had the noble lord, with all his casuistry, reconciled the Genoese to their new government? The truth was, the continental powers had the elements of discord within their own bosom, and their troops would be required at home rather than abroad. How great also would be the weakness of the allied powers, if they had made an enemy of the sovereign of Naples, whom they might have conciliated? Would not his hostility re- quire a powerful force in the south of Italy Such were the circumstances under which a war of aggression would be conducted, as it regarded the allies; but what would be its effect on France herself? He believed that, besides the soldiers, the bulk of the people of that country were friendly to Bonaparte; and the first act of aggres- sion would consolidate the whole mass in one unanimous feeling. After all the blood that must inevitably be shed in such a war, the league would fail of success. But even supposing it succeeded in putting down Bonaparte, was it not reasonable to suppose that some other chief or body of men would be placed at the head of affairs in France; for as to the Bourbons, from all that he had witnessed, he was strongly of opinion, that they were not the persons likely either to regain or to retain that throne? It was his thorough conviction, that if this country en- tered upon this war of aggression, its purpose would be foiled. The first reverse would dissolve the coalition, and England might be left in the lurch to make a disgraceful peace for herself. Why, when ministers would have made peace with Bonaparte at Chatillon, should they refuse to keep at peace with him now 3 And he would ask, if the nation had been offered, some years ago, a peace which would have confined France within her present limits, whether it would not have been hailed with joy 3 Well, then, France was now placed within these limits; to then her chief professed his determination to adhere; where, then, was the ground for a war of aggres- sion? If she stepped beyond these limits, he would say, be prepared to repel her. With this feeling he should not oppose the address. He deprecated the violence with which some of the daily prints endeavoured to inflame the public mind, and the abuse which they heaped on Bo- haparte. He alluded to what Mr. Fox had said at the beginning of the late war, of the irritating attempts of newspapers to produce hostile feelings between two great nations. It was singular the persons so engaged did not refleet that if they even succeeded in extinguishing Bonaparte, they would lose by it. serve, that though he approved of the present address, he should submit an addition to it, tend- ing to take from ministers the power of aggres- concert with e 4. ministers were entitled to claims that their respon- sibility should not be broken in upon by the In conclusion, he would ob-. sion, limiting their efforts to resistance, and im- ploring the prince-regent to preserve the blessings of peace, as far as was compatible, with the es- sential interests of the country. The honorable member concluded with moving his amendment to this effect. - Mr. F. Douglas spoke in favor of the address, and with much warmth urged the policy of going to Wał". - Lord Castlereagh replied at considerable length, contending, principally in reply to Mr. Whitbread, that it did not follow because this country had treated with Bonaparte at Chatillon, that it must be prepared to treat with him under existing circumstances. He begged leave to state, that though the allies did treat with him at Chatillon, they did not consider themselves called upon to accept of his proposals when they were likely to enter Paris. At that time he dispatched a messenger to the Emperor of Russia, to state that he was ready to make peace; but the answer was, that the time was gone by, and that the very circumstance of his having offered terms and withdrawn them, was a sufficient reason for not renewing the negociation. As to the aboli- tion of the slave-trade, it was a mere veil to cover his ambitious purposes. The honorable gentleman had dwelt much upon it, but it was not quite so great a favor, as Bonaparte had always been the most declared enemy to the abolition, nor was he now to be confided in. He trusted that the house would not rely on the truth or sincerity of that man who had violated the most solemn treaties and engagements. The honorable gentleman had referred to the declaration of the allied powers at Vienna. He was perfectly prepared to approve of that declaration, and of the conduct of those who had signed it on the part of this country, as a declaration levied against Bonaparte, who mena- ced the tranquillity of Europe. It was necessary that Napoleon should be fia up as an object of terror, and the honorable gentleman would allow him to say, that sentiments had been pro- nouneed in that house much more likely to draw down assassination and destruction on sovereigns in alliance with this country, than the measures recommended to be adopted towards Bonaparte by that paper. . We had a full, sufficient, and moral justification of commencing war against Napoleon, if we consider it was wise and right The government would act in to pursue it. & t the aflies, and his majesty's truisms of the honorable gentleman. The question was then loudly calledfor, and the house divided: for the amendment, thirty-seven; against it, 220. Majority, in favor of the original motion, 183. - A direct attack on the ministers, on account of BOOK XIV. * Char v1. 1815. 1278 * - HISTORY OF THE WARS Book XIV. CHAP .Vi. 1815. the escape of Bonaparte from Elba, and the political circumstances which led to it, was made in the house of lords on the 12th of April, when the Marquis of Wellesly rose to call the atten- tion of the house to the treaty entered into with Bonaparte at the conclusion of the late war. He said, that regarding that person as the main spring of the system against which this country had waged war, he conceived that no controversy could be raised upon this proposition, that the two objects for consideration at the time when the allies were in possession of Paris, were the exclu- sion of that person from power, and the provision of adequate means against his return to power. It was then the duty of our ministry to have taken a leading part in the arrangement, and not to have passively acquiesced, as the minister on the spot had done, in the engagement made by another power before his arrival. The marquis then proceeded to shew that the relative situation of the allies and Bonaparte at that time did not in any degree render it necessary to comply with his inconsistent demands; that the treaty was contrary to policy; that there was no necessity for concluding it; and that no due measures were taken to enforce its performance. He par- ticularly censured the part we took in the treaty, by coasenting to the most objectionable points in it, the granting to Bonaparte the sovereignty of Elba, and the settling of the Italian duchies upon his wife and son, whilst we refused to be pledged to the performance of the part relative to the pay- ments to be made to him and his family, which, though highly improvident if brought to effect, #. a plausible ground of complaint when not ulfilled. With respect to his escape from Eiba, however difficult the entire prevention of it might be, more diligence ought to have been used, in making use of such means of prevention as we possessed. The marquis concluded with moving for an address to the prince-regent for, “ i. Copies, or extracts, or substance of any instruc- tions, which may have been given by his majesty's government to any of his majesty's naval com- manders respecting Napoleon Bonaparte and the island of Elba. 2. Copies, or extracts, or sub- stance of any information which his majesty's government may have received respecting the design of Napoleon Bonaparte to escape from the island of Elba, together with the date of the reception of such information.” The Earl of Liverpool began his reply with expressing his surprise at an attack now com- menced upon a treaty which had been known to the public for twelve months past, and if so ob- jectionable as now represented by the noble mar- Quis, ought long ago to have been brought by him before, the notice of the house. He then pro- ceeded to consider the situation of the allied powers and of France at the period of the treaty no middle point. of Fontainebleau. The noble lord had attacked the whole policy of the allied powers. It was easy to find objections after the fact. It was not for him (Lord Liverpool) to put those sovereigns on their defence before that house; but Jet it be remembered, what was their situation at the time. Were they to treat Bonaparte as a pri- soner, or a man at liberty? There was absolutely The great security would doubtless be the seizure of his person: but then the advantages were to be weighed on the other side. He was far from thinking the state of the war so doubtful as it had seemed to that noble lord; but it was indubitable that Bonaparte had still an army with him : there were, besides, the armies of Soult and Suchef; there was, too, an army in Italy that appeared perfectly firm to his cause, and which was certainly superior in means to the force opposed to it. But this was not all : was it not to be remembered that he had besides all the fortresses of Holland, all those of France, all of Italy, and a large proportion of the chief in Germany ? Here a false movement might have done incalculable mischief. It was not merely throwing the allies back to the French frontier, but it was throwing back the chance of escape—it was endangering all that had been - rained by such gailant and triumphant exertions. he hazards were strong, and he at least would not pretend to that supereminent wisdom that at once might decide on running these hazards. He . would not venture to say, whether it would have been better to have followed, and fallen on, and crushed this man, running the risks of the struggle, - or, at all events, effecting it at the expense of a great effusion of blood, or to have done as it was done. He was not even sure now, with all the events before him, whether he would not have done the same thing over again. Suppose there had been a failure, suppose there had been even a great effusion of blood, what would not Eng- land, what would not Europe have said, when we might have saved it? As to the place of residence, what was to be done, or what place could have been chosen, whether in England, Germany, or America, in which he could have been seeure, still on the supposition of his person not being under restraint? There was no place where he might not intrigue, no place from which he might not escape, still taking it for granted that his person was not under restraint. The govern- ment of this country never concealed from any body that they could not be his guards, or rather his jailers, in the isle of Elba. The whole fleet of England, he would repeat it, could not kee him there; no, nor any where else. After the war, the Mediterranean fleet had been ordered home; there were only four sail of the line and some frigates left, and those were only waiting for some of our garrisons there. The noble lord ©R THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 1279 £--- - - - - - ---- *-*. - • *-*.*.*.*.* * - - .*-a_*-*. - *. ºlº) was welcome to make the most of this act. The objection had been made that Elba was conveniently situated for keeping up an inter- course with Italy, but none had been made against its situation as to France: and as to his removal to England, though he (Lord Liverpool) had by no means the idea that his presence #. could have worked any consequences, yet what could pre- vent his carrying on a correspondence with France, and escaping when he pleased, still recollecting the freedom of his person? As to watching him in Elba, what could prevent his escape? We had not the right to search so much as a fishing- vessel, the right of search was merely a bellige- rent right. But even if a search were to be made among those, it could not extend to an armed vessel, unless, indeed, we had particular grounds for suspicion. The question, after all, came to this—were we to treat him as a prisoner, or to allow him his personal freedom? As to treating, with Bonaparte, the subject was not perfectly understood when it was put on this single footing, it was also treating with his officers. From the papers on the table, it would appear that the provisional government declared that this treaty would satisfy the marshals; and it was of no slight importance that the Bourbons should come in, not by the apparent influence of the allies, but by that of the French themselves. Hu evidence of this, the arrangement had been signed by two of the most distinguished among the marshals. As to the subsequent breach of this arrangement, he had looked over Bonaparte's proclamations on his landing, and had not found a single word in them eomplaining of that breach: they talked only of conquest and glory, and the restoration of the French dominion, but not one syllable on the non-fulfilment of the treaty. As to the pecuniary stipulation, it still seemed a perfectly fair argument, that the period agreed on for payment not having arrived, the payment could not have yet been demanded. But what ought to have been his mode of redress if he had been injured ? Was he not to have turned round to the allies, who had guaranteed the payment, and tried whether it would be withheld, before he complain- ed? But he had not complained. Had one of the army that went over to him stated this among their grievances 3 Not one. Liverpool,) knew, and could state fron authority, that on a certain demand of some of the allies, a. property was actually assigned for the payment of the debts incurred by that treaty. - earl did not admit the right to balance any in- convenience which might arise from the escape of Bonaparte, against the consequences of our vio- lation of the armistice, the articles and conditions of which we were bound by. The expediency or propriety of these articles and conditions he should not enter into ; although, whenever an opportunity should occur, he trusted he should be But he (Lord The noble. - prepared to vindicate the principles of the nego- Book xiv. ciations; and, above all, if the noble lord, (Wellesley) supposed ministers not to have acted C*** VI. on the occasion alluded to upon the principles of the great man who had been held up as a model, he could assure him that he was under a complete misapprehension. As to the noble lord's second motion of enquiry, whether information had been received by government respecting the design of Bonaparte's escape, he could say, that government had received none of such intention or design previous to their knowledge of his actual escape. The noble marquis had said, that the noble earl had, on a former occasion, looked forward to the revival of war on the continent. What he said was, that after so great a convulsion, no prudent man could so divest himself of all idea of the chances of a revulsion, as to preclude the neces- sity of keeping the country in a state to meet all occurrences. In the interior of France he always admitted, that after the restoration of the Bourbons the r would be a considerable degree of discon- tent; many would be dissatisfied with the very state of peace; but he by no means believed there was that great body which there, had been asserted to be. He did not subscribe to the opinion, that the numbers of military persons in #. were greater than in any other country. In France, it was true, the military was the most, perhaps the only favored profession, and he admitted that the army had considerable influence in it: he admitted, also, that there were other bodies of men there, who, from the part they took in the scenes of the revolution, would be hostile to the government of the Bourbons: but those were not the constitutionalists of France; their opinion, he believed, was the reverse of hostile to that government. class of men were in favor of a free government, and in abhorrence of revolution; and they were not hostile to the French king, whose mild and wise policy had considerably conciliated them, and whose only chance of, and title to, a free govern- ment, consisted in supporting the government of the Bourbons. The question before the house was, whether, if any blame was in utable to the conduct of the allies in April and May last, that blame consisted in any thing else than in not insisting upon the personal restraint of Bonaparte; and then came the question whether, under all the circumstances, it was worth while to insist upon such personal restraint: if it was not worth while to insist upon entire restraint, there was no contending for a shade between such entire res- traint and the liberty which was granted him : and the whole reasoning of the noble lords, whom events had made wise, they not being wise before, . fell to the ground. These topics were discussed more or less at large, but with little variety of argument, by- several other speakers, who were chiefly the ºc The opinion of that: usºvº-Z Ł815. 1280 History of THE wars. BOOK XIV. Chap. VI. 1815, lords in opposition. On a division, the numbers were, contents twenty-one, non-contents fifty- three.—Majority against the motion, thirty-two. . The same subject was brought before the house of commons on the 20th of April, by a mo- debate which followed was carried on by all the [. of eloquence on both sides of the house, ut necessarily by the same arguments as had been ...} in the other house. The result was a divison, in which the motion was negatived tion from Mr. Abercrombie, which was a counter- by a majority of 149 to 65. - part of that of the Marquis of Wellesley. The ** CHAPTER VII. Proceedings of Napoleon and his JMinisters.-Address to the Soldiers.-Addresses from the Council of State, &c. and Mapoleon's Answers.--Title of Count conferred on Carnot, who is appointed . JMinister of the Interior.—Biographical JVotice of his Life.—Decrees of Napoleon.—Reply of JMarshal Marmont to JVapoleon's Proclamation.—State of the South of France.—Spirited Con- duct of the Duchess of Angouleme, at Bourdeaux—Disaffection of the Soldiers.—Entrance of General Clauzel into Bourdeaua —Surrender of the Duke of Angouleme—Justificatory JManifesto of JWapoleon.—Letter of Caulincourt to Lord Castlereagh.-Napoleon's Letter to the Prince- .* regent.—Anecdotes of the French Senate, and Prince Talleyrand. . . - ALTHough Napoleon well knew that he had de- ceived the #. people, by asserting that he was supported by the Austrians, he, yet hoped that Austria would ultimately prove his friend. He could not conceive that Maria Louisa and her son were not certain pledges of an alliance, which had only been broken by a momentary exasperation. His ministers partook of those sentiments, and flattered themselves with the hope that the disasters of their country was at an end; and that they should at length be permitted to . that rational liberty for which they had contended so long, and sacrificed so much. They hoped that the powers of Europe would leave them to choose the government which suited them, provided they remained faithful to the stipulations of the treaty of Paris. On the very day, however, on which they entered on the functions of their office, the declaration of the - allies (13th of March) arrived at Paris, which overwhelmed them with surprise and dismay. At first they doubted its authenticity; but when the proofs of its genuineness crowded upon them, they saw the situation in which they were placed. A council was called, and it was immediately resolved to publish a vindication of the conduct of Napoleon in re-seizing the throne; to state to the world the moderation of his views, and his' determination to abide by the treaties already formed; to transmit direct overtures of conciliation to every European court, and to propose to the acceptance of the French a constitution which would satisfy every friend of liberty, and endear the emperor and his government to the hearts of his subjects. - On the day after his entry into Paris, Bona- parte reviewed his troops in the Place du Carou- sel. After having passed through the ranks, and noticed every soldier whose person he recollected, he formed them into a square, and addressed them as follows:– - “Soldiers' I arrived in France with six hun - dred men, because I calculated upon the love of the people, and on the remembrance of the veteran soldiers... I was not deceived in my expectation. Soldiers | I thank you. . Glory like that which we are about to acquire is every thing to the people, and to you! My glory is, that I have known and valued you! . . -- “Soldiers' the throne of the Bourbons was illegitimate, because it was built by the hands of strangers; because it was proscribed by the vow of the nation, declared in all our national assem- blies; because, in short, it offered a guarantee only to the interests of a few men, whose arrogant pretensions were opposed to our rights. Soldiers the imperial throue only can secure the rights of the people, and, above all, the first of our interests —our glory. Soldiers! we are now to march to hunt from our territories these princes, auxiliaries to strangers; the nation will not only second us in our protestations, but will follow our impulse. The French people and I calculate upon you. We will not interfere with the affairs of foreign nations, but woe to those who shall interfere with ours I” - 2 OF THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 1281 —º. * *—-a- T------ºr - As Napoleon was about to conclude his ha- rangue, 8. Cambronne, and the officers of the guards of the battalion of the isle of Elba, appeared, with the ancient eagles of the guard. Napoleon continued, and said to the soldiers, “These are the officers of the battalion that have accompanied me in my misfortunes. Every man is my friend. They are dear to my heart!— Every time I beheld them, they brought before my eyes the different regiments of the army, for among these 600 brave fellows are men from every regiment. They have recalled to my memory those glorious days of which even the memory is so dear, for they are all covered with honorable scars, gained in memorable battles. In lovin them it was you, soldiers! the whole 1. army that I loved. They bring you back your eagles. In giving them to the guards I give them to the whole army. Treason and unfortunate events had covered them with a melancholy veil; but, thanks to the French people and to you ! they now re-appear, resplendant in all their glory. Swear that they shall always be present wherever the interests of the country shall require them, and that traitors, and those who would wish to invade our territory, shall never endure their sight.”—“We swear it!” ex- claimed the soldiers. - In the meantime, the new revolution was strengthening itself in different parts of France, the greatest part of which seemed to adopt with en- thusiasm the tri-coloured flag and the sovereignty of Napoleon; but the latter only under the form of the head to a popular government. This idea was explicitly declared in the different addresses presented to Bonaparte, in his imperial capacity, at the Thuilleries, on the 27th of March. That of the ministers led the way. The whole strain of this address corresponds to the following passage: “The cause of the people, the only legitimate cause, has triumphed. %. majesty is restored to the wishes of the French: you have resumed the reins of government amidst the blessings of your people and your army. France, sire, has for the guarantee of this, its will, and its dearest interests. She has also the ex- pressions of your majesty, uttered amidst the throngs that crowded around you on your jour- ney.” They proceeed to mention the maxims which he had announced as those by which the nation was in future to be governed. “We are to have no foreign war, unless to repel unjust aggression: no internal reaction; no arbitrary acts. Personal security, protection of property, the free utterance of thought, such are the prin- ciples which your majesty has pledged to us.” To addresses like these Bonaparte was obliged, at this juncture, to return corresponding answers. To his ministers he replied, “The sentiments you express are my own. All for the nation;— Let them serve as a rallying-point. all for France.—That is my motto.—Myself and family, whom that great people lave raised to the throne of the French, and whom they have maintained there, notwithstanding political storms and vicissitudes, we desire, we deserve, we claim no other title.” The address of the council of state was remarkable for the independence of its language, the caution which it gives Napoleon for the regulation of his future conduct, and the condi- tions on which alone it pledges itself to sup- port him. “ The council of state, in resuming their functions, conceived it a duty to make known the principles which forin the rule of their opinions, and of their conduct. The sovereignty rests in the people. The people are the only source of legitimate power. The emperor is called to guarantee anew, by fresh institutions, for which he has pledged himself in his procla- mations to the army and to the nation, all the liberal principles, individual liberty, and the equality of rights, the liberty of the press, the abolition of the censorship, the freedom of wor- ship, the voting of taxes and laws by the repre- sentatives of the nation freely elected, the inviola- bility of national property of every origin, the in- dependence and irremovability of the tribunals, the responsibility of the ministers, and of all the agents of power. For the better conservation of the rights and obligations of the people and of the monarch, the national institutions shall be viewed in a grand assembly of the representatives, already announced by the emperor.” { Napoleon answered, “Princes are the first ci- tizens of the state. Their authority is more or less extended according to the interests of the nations whom they govern. The sovereignty it- self is only hereditary, because the welfare of the people requires it. Departing from this prin- ciple I know no legitimacy. I have renounced the idea of the grand empire, of which, during fifteen years, I had but founded the basis. Hence- forth the happiness and the consolidation of the French empire shalf be all my thoughts.” M. Seguier, the president of the court of cas- sation, having refused to present the address of that court to Napoleon, he was sent for on the next day, to the º, and the emperor in the public levée reproached him for his conduct. “General,” replied M. Seguier, “I cannot serve two masters. I belong to my king.” Napoleon was offended at the title of general, and required that he should be j as sire ; but to this Seguier could not be induced to consent. “ I dismiss you from the bench,” at length exclaimed Napoleon in a rage, “ and order you to leave Paris this very day.”—“You only hasten my departure by twenty-four hours,” replied the magistrate “for I had made preparations for departing to- morrow to my estates.” It appears to have been Bonaparte's intention, BOOK XIV. -- * ~ *-* -* _* 12S2 HISTORY OF THE WARS BGOK XIV. Ch.A.P. VII. \_ºvº-Z 1845, nailitary government. in forming his ministry, to have rallied round him the various political parties into which France was divided. To effect this purpose he had selected, as his confidential ministers, the heads of what was termed the republican party, but who had abandoned their extravagant notions of li- berty, and had become friendly to a limited mo- narchy. While they formed an efficient part of his ministry he gave an unequivocal pledge that his government would not be disgraced by any arbitrary or tyrannical measures. When he ar- rived at Paris, an interesting interview took place between him and Carnot. In the course of their conversation Napoleon acknowledged that he had acted wrong. He deplored the mania of conquest which had led him into such fatal excesses, and renounced the idea of the grand empire, and a He, however, demanded some sacrifices from Carnot and his party. He required they should relinquish the sternness of the republican character; and that Carnet should accept a title of nobility, as a proof of their being content with a limited monarchy on a representa- tive basis. - - To this Carnot, after consulting with his friends, acquiesced, and the title of count was con- ferred upon him. He was afterwards appointed minister of the interior. * Caruot was the son of a respectable lawyer at Nolay. He early entered the artillery, and al- though he distinguished himself by several sci- entific publications, yet such, under the old regime, were the obstacles to rising merit, if un- supported by courtly patronage, that he had at- tained no higher rank than captain at the age of thirty-six. In 1791, he was chosen a member of the legislative assembly, and became a zealous and conscientious º In the following year he voted for the death of the unfortunate Louis, and although the injustice of the sentence cannot be doubted, no one ever accused the honest intentions of Carnot. In 1793, he was sent as representative of the nation to superintend the operations of the army of the north. He there displayed his characterestic decision, by ca- shiering one of the generals on the field-of-battle, for retiring before the enemy. He then rallied the - troops, placed himself at their head, and turning the fortune of the day, led them on to victory. He was afterwards appointed a member of the committee of public safety, and became a col- league of the execrable Robespierre. He, how- ever, confined himself to the duties of his own de- partment, and directed the movements of the armies, without having the least concern or in- fluence in the bloody scenes which were acting in the interior. When be did interfere it was to soften the ferocious decrees of his colleagues, and rescue the prey from the destroyer. For this he incurred the deadly hatred of Robespierre, and was devoted to destruction as soon as the war. - - - should terminate, or any reverses attend the French arms. - * - It has been asked, why he did not renounce all connexion with these monsters. The question is difficult to answer. It admits only of this solu- tion, that by confining himself strictly to the war- department, he was employing his unrivalled ta- lents for the benefit of his country. No man pos- sessed, to such an extent, the confidence of the generals, the soldiers, and the people. His ad- ministration was one uninterrupted career of bril- liant victories. Had he resigned, a less able man would, probaby, have filled his place, and who would have aided rather than repressed the murderous purposes of his colleagues. After the fall of Robespierre, he exposed him- self to considerabie obloquy, by defending many of the agents of that monster's cruelty. He ad- vocated the cause of Billaud Vasennes, Collet d'Herhois, and others, who were a disgrace to human nature. He did this, not because he ap- proved of their conduct, as his enemies insinuated. º had often publicly and violently accused them. It had been his unceasing aim to unmask their characters, and hurl them from the stations which they abused. But he now saw that a spirit of re-action and revenge was abroad. If these men. fell, thousands would follow. The bleeding wounds of his country would again be torn open, and the horrible scenes, of the worst aera of the revolution would be re-acted. He saved them from the fate which they merited, and having identified himself with them, voluntarily shared. their disgrace. He retired from public life until 1795, when he was again appointed director. In 1797, the party to which he belonged, and who would have limited the aggrandisement of France to those limits which nature pointed out, was van- quished. Rather than plunge his country in ci- vil war, or sanction those measures of ambition which he foresaw must be ultimately fatal to, France, he exiled himself to Switzerland, though. he was offered the support of the army of his vir- tuous friend Moreau. When Bonaparte returned from Egypt, he remembered the talents of Carnot, and the many. obligations under which he lay to him, and re- called him to power. He was once more placed. at the head of the war-department; and the con- quest of Italy and Germany were soon the proofs of his skiiful arrangements. But the ambitious character of Napoleon then began to be display- ed. Carnot remonstrated with him in vain, and disdaining to be the base instrument of tyranny, again retired to the bosom of his family. -- In 1802, he was chosen member of the tri- bunate. Here he distinguished himself as the fearless opponent of every arbitrary measure. He voted against the assumption of the consulate for life : and, in 1804, after privately using every. arguinent to dissuade Napoleon from his ambi- of THE FRENch REvodUTION. 1283 tious purpose, he stood alone in the tribunate, and opposed the motion to confer on Bonaparte the imperial dignity. “Shall we,” said he, “ because this man has restored the peace and prosperity of his country, reward him with the sacrifice of her best interests, the very liberty which we are grateful to him for preserving 3 Shall we re- place the pride and heroism of the masculine re- publican virtues, by ridiculous vanity and vile adulation ? Shall freedom then be shewn to man that he may never enjoy it? Perpetually presented to him, is it a fruit which he may never reach 3 Has our common nature been so much a stepmother as to make the most pressing of all our wants that one which we must never gratify.—No l—I will not consent to regard this greatest good, so universally prized above all others, except as one without which all others are mere illusions. My heart tells me that li- berty is practicable, and that a free government is more easy and more stable than the gloomy stillness of despotism.” . - - - When the tribunate was suppressed, in 1806, Carnot once more returned to private life, and all intercourse with Napoleon was at an end. Eight years were now spent in the pursuit of his favorite studies, and in the society of his family, and those friends who dared to brave the dis- pleasure of the emperor by occasionally visiting But when the fortunes of Napoleon were him. on the wane, preferring even the government of the existing tyrant to the horrors of a new revo- lution, he again offered his services, and spoke to him in a language so firm and frank as to astound all the servile instruments of his unbridled ambi- tion. The letter is short, and is a model for an honest subject to his sovereign. “Sire!—So long as victory crowned your ea- gles, I kept myself to my studies in the closet, and employed myself in the education of my children. Now that she appears to abandon them, and that you have need of devotion, I hasten to offer my services. Do not disdain them, though they are those of an old soldier, above sixty years of age. He can rally round your eagles, many Frenchmen, undecided as to the part which they ought to take. It is yet time, sire 1 to obtain an honorable peace, and to regain the love of the people, which you have lost. “January, 1814. CARNOT.” In forwarding this letter, Carnot said to a friend, to whom he shewed it, that it would either send him to the Chateau de Vincennes, or give him a mark of the emperor's confidence, which would be auspicious to the return of moderation and freedom for France. . . Napoleon was pleased with this noble sincerity, and, though he could not immediately bring him- self to receive his former sturdy monitor as his confidential minister, intrusted him with the de- fence of Antwerp. Carnot soon rendered the BOOK xlv. town impregnable, and continued to hold it until the complete re-establishment of Louis, when he surrendered it to him, and adhered to the constitutional charter. Louis offered him a place of honor and confidence, but percéiving, er fancying that he perceived, a determination in the court to break the conditions on which the royal family was restored, he declined all con- nexion with the Bourbons. . . On the 22d of March, Napoleon issued the following decree against some of the most distin- guished characters in France : “Considering that many individuals have betrayed us and the empire; that they have called in the stranger, and aided him in his projects for the invasion of our territory, dismemberment of the empire, and subversion of the imperial throne:— - “We have decreed, and do decree, as follows:– “A full and entire amnesty is granted,—1. To the civil and military functionaries who, by cul- pable intelligence or connivance with the stran- ger, called him into France and assisted his pro- jects of invasion :-2. To those who have plotted or favored the overthrow of the constitution of the empire and the imperial throne.—Excepting from the said amnesty the Sieurs Lynch, De la Roche Jacquelin, de Vitroles, Alexis de Noailles, Duc de Ragusa, Sosthene de la Rochefoucauld, Bourrienne, Bellart, Prince de Benevent, Comte de Bournonville, Comte de Jaucourt, Duc de Dalberg, Abbé de Montesquieu.-They shall be delivered to the tribunals to be tried according to law, and undergo, in the event of their condemn- ation, the penalties determined by the penal code. Their effects, moveable and immoveable, shall be sequestrated by the officers of registration, as soon as the present decree is promulgated. “By the Emperor, * “NAPole oN’” When the contents of this decree reached Marshal Marmont, at Ghent, he immediately published a long and interesting reply: “I am accused (says the marshal) of having delivered Paris to foreigners, when the defence of that city was the object of general astonishment. It was with some miserable remains that I had to com- bat against all the collected forces of the allied armies; it was in positions hastily taken, where no defence had been prepared, and with 8,000 men, that I resisted for eight hours 45,000, who were successively engaged against me; and it is a military feat of such a sort, so honorable to all engaged in it, that has been audaciously charged as treason | After the affair at Rheims, Napoleon operated on the Marne with almost all his forces, and gave himself up to the illusion that his move- ments threatening the communications of the enemy, the latter would retreat, while, on the contrary, the enemy rºl after having formed. 4 T Chap. VII. Jºvºse' 1815. 1284 History of THE warts i Book xiv. CHAP. VII. Jºvº. A *$15. *s- the junction of the Silesian army with the grand army, to march upon Paris.” * Here Marshal Marmont describes his opera- tions, which he and Mortier performed with their reduced army corps, in the end of March, 1814, for covering and defending Paris. In the course of his movements, having learned that Bºnaparte was before Vitry, they marched to join him, and on the 24th took a position at Sonde, “Still (says the marshal) I thought the French army at band, for who in reality could have believed in the pas- sage of the Marne without a bridge, and that the Bmperor Napoleon would have left, between Paris and himself, forces eight-fold more consi- derable than he could collect? On the morning of the 25th I had scarcely learned the certainty of this movement, when the enemy's army de- bouched upon me.” He then states the measures taken for the immediate defence of Paris down to the 30th ; near the walls of which the successes of the allies, and his inferiority of force, had compelled him to retreat. He says—“ Several infantry charges had taken place, and a number of sol- diers had been killed at my side with the bayonet, at the entrance of the village of Belleville, when Joseph sent me authority, in writing, to capitulate, which authority I still have in my possession. This was at ten o’clock; at eleven Joseph was already far from Paris, and at three o'clock I was still fighting.” . - The negociations for the evacuation of Paris, the circumstances and terms of which have been given in a former part of this work, now took place. “On the morning of next day the troops evacuated Paris, and F proceeded to Essonne, where I took a position. I went to see the Emperor Napoleon at Fontainebleau. He seemed to me at last aware of his situation, and disposed to terminate a contest which he could no longer maintain. He entrenching himself, of uniting the little force which remained to him, of endeavouring to in- crease it, and to negociate. This was the only reasonable course he could pursue, and I was completely of his opinion. I immediately set off to order the commencement of those defensive works which the execution of this plan rendered necessary. The same day, April the 1st, he came to visit the position, and there he learned, by the return of some officers whom I had left to give up the barriers, the prodigious fermentation of Paris, the declaration of the Emperor Alex- ander, and the revolution which was in progress. At this moment the resolution of sacrificing the remains of the army to his vengeance was taken: he talked of nothing but a desperate attack, though there was not a single chance of success in his favor, with the means which remained to him. From that moment all his orders, all his yº- instructions, all his discourse, was in conformity to this plan, the execution of which was fixed for the 5th of April. Accounts from Paris arrived in rapid succession: the decree of forfeiture reached me. The situation of Paris and of France was deplorable, and the future presented the most gloomy prospects, uniess the fall of the emperor changed their destinies, by making their moral peace with all Europe, and thus extin- guishing the hatred which he had excited. The allies, supported by the insurrection of all the great towns of the kingdom, . masters of the capital, and having only opposed to them a handful of brave men, who had survived so many disasters, every where proclaimed that they made war on Napoleon alone. It was necessary at once to put them to the trial, to take them at their word, and to cempel them to renounce the ven- geance of which they would have made France the victim ; it was necessary that the army should again become national, by adopting the interests of almost the whole of the inhabitants, whe declared against the emperor, and loudly ealled for a salutary revolution which should produce their deliverance. Was it not the duty of every good Frenchman, however situated, to contribute to a change which saved the country, and deli- vered it from a crusade of all Europe in arms against it,--that portion of Europe even which was possessed by the family of Napoleon I Had it been possible to reckon upon the union of all the heads of the army, if it had not been probable that the private interests of some would have clashed with the most generous and patriotic He resolved on the plan of measures, if the moment had not been so pressing, since the 4th of April had already arrived, and it was on the 5th that that desperate action was to have taken place, of which the object was the destruction of the last soldier and of the capital,— it was to a concert among the chiefs of the army that it would have been proper to resort; but in the actual state of things it became necessary to confine efforts to the free departure of the differ- ent corps of the army, in order to detach them from the emperor, and neutralize his projects, and to unite them to other French troops which were at a distance from him. - l - “Such, then, was the object of the conferences which took place with the Prince of Schwartzen- berg. While I was making dispositions to inform my comrades of the situation of things, and of the part which I thought it my duty to take, the Duke of Tarentum, the Prince of Moskwa, the Duke of Vicenza, and the Duke of Treviso, ar- rived at my quarters at Essonne. The three first told me that the emperor had been compelled to sign the promise of his abdication, and that they were going with this condition to negociate the suspension of hostilities. I made them acquaint- ed with the arrangements with Prince Schwart. “ 6 - of THE FRENch REvolution. 1285 * zenberg, but which were not complete, because I had not received the written guarantee which I had demanded; and I then declared to them, that since they were agreed upon a change, which the safety of the state required, and which was the sole object of my F.; I would never separate myself from them. The Duke of Vicenza expressed a desire to see me accompany them to Paris, thinking that my junction with them, after what had happened, would be of great weight; I yielded to his desires, leaving the command of my corps to the oldest general-of-division, giving him orders not to make any movement, and an- nouncing to him my speedy return. I explained the motives of my change to Prince Schwartzen- berg, who, full ºloyalty, found them legitimate and unanswerable, and I fulfilled the promise which, I had made to my comrades in the inter- view which we had with the Emperor Alexander. At eight o'clock one of my aides-de-camp arrived, and told me that, contrary to my direct orders, and in spite of his most urgent representations, the generals had put the troops in motion for Versailles at four o’clock in the morning, terrified as they were at the personal dangers with which they thought they were threatened, and of which they had conceived an idea from the arrival and departure of several officers of the staff who had come from Fontainebleau. The step was taken, and the thing was irreparable. “Such is the true and faithful account of this event, which has had, and will have, so great an influence on all my life. The emperor, by accusing. me, wished to save his own glory, the opinion of his talents, and the honor of the soldiery. As to the honor of the soldiers, there was no need of any care for that : it never shone with more lustre than in that campaign : but as to what concerns himself, he will deceive no dispassionate man, for it would be impossible to justify that series of operations which marked the last years of his reign. He accuses me of treason 1 I ask where is its reward 2 I rejected, with contempt, every sort of personal advantage which was offered to me, and placed myself voluntarily in the situation of the whole army. Had I sy particular affec- tion for the house of Bourbon ? Whence could I derive it? I, who only entered on active life a short time before that family ceased to govern France. Whatever opinion I might have form- ed of the superior mind of the king, of his good- ness, and of that of the princes, it was very far from the reality; this charm which is found when near them was unknown to me, and could not give birth to those sacred engagements which now bind me to them, and which their present misfortunes, so little merited, bind still closer; sacred engagements, for to men who have hearts, testimonies of regard and esteem are a thousand times more valuable than gifts and benefactions. wºr ardent love of my country, which has all my life What was, then, the motive of my actions? An Book xiv. been the Inaster of my heart and absorbed all Chap. VII. my ideas. I wished to save France from destruc- tion; I wished to preserve it from combinations which would have brought on its ruin; from those so fatal combinations, the fruit of the most strange illusions of pride, and so often renewed in Spain, in Russia, and in Germany, and which threatened a frightful catastrophe which it was necessary instantly to prevent. A strange and laournful fatality prevented our deriving from the return of the house of Bourbon all the advantages which were hoped from it for France; but, however, we owe to them the speedy end of a fatal war, the deliverance of the capital and of the kingdom, an administration mild and paternal, and a tran- quillity and liberty which were unknown to us. Some days more and this liberty, so dear, so ne- cessary for all Frenchmen, had been consolidated for ever. The foreigners, it is said, were lost without resource, and it is I who am accused of having saved them. I am their saviour ! I, who always fought them with as much energy as con- stancy, whose zeal was never cooled for a mo- ment! I, who, after having attached my name to the most brilliant successes of the campaign, had already once preserved Paris by the com- baſs of Meaux and Lissy Let us tell him who gave such powerful aid to the foreigners in their operations, and rendered useless the devotedness of so many good soldiers and intelligent officers, he was that person; he, who with 300,000 men wished to guard and occupy Europe from the Vistula to the Cattaro and the Ebro; while France had for its defence scarcel y 40,000 soldiers. hastily collected; and the deliverers of France are those who, as by miracle, saved it from the crusade directed against it, and secured the return of 250,000 men, scattered throughout Europe, and of 130,000 prisoners, who now con- stitute its force and power.” Three days after his public entry into Paris, Napoleon removed every restriction which the Bourbons had impoliticly laid on the liberty of the press, and dismissed the censors, to whom every pamphlet, and every article in all the journals, was submitted previous to its publi- Catloil, - This decree excited equal surprise and satis- faction. If the freedom of the press was sincerely accorded, the dictatorial power with which Na- poleon was now necessarily invested, found in that. a full and sufficient counterpoise. The utmost license was given to political discussion. Com- positions which censured most freely the mea- sures of government, and the characters of which it was composed, and whose evident object was to excite discontent, and to prepare for reaction,. were circulated without restraint. The justifica- 1815. 1986 history -OF THE WARs Bookxiv. Char. vii. Jº"N*A 1815. The journals have announced that the fifth vo- * -------------~~~~-sº-sºuses-- * **-** * : --- ****** ar- ºr * = ..., x-tº-...----, --- . tory memorial of the Duke of Ragusa, containing expressions against Napoleon, which if uttered against an English sovereign would have con- demned the author to long imprisonment, was sold in all the shops. The negative vote of Kergelay was afterwards disseminated without control, though it contained this remarkable sen- tence : “I am obliged to protest against this ar- ticle, because I am convinced that the re-establish- ment of this dynasty (the Bourbon) on the throne is the only means of giving happiness to Frenchmen.” The editors of a publication, called “Le Censeur,” were however brought before the tribu- nals, for having published the following libel on the French army. “If a fraction of the people could dispose of the crown, that would soon happen to us which º to the Roman peo- F. after the reign of the first emperor: we should ave for chiefs none but soldiers, and the reign- ing family would be murdered as soon as it ceased to be pleasing to the satellites by whom it was surrounded.” This gave great offence to the army. To be branded with the degrading title of satellites was more than they could bear. “It is an inexcusable term of contempt,” said some of the officers to . Napoleon, at the public levée. “They are the de- fenders of the nation.” Napoleon, thus appealed to, was compelled to interfere. The publication was seized, and the editors summoned before the tribunal, but that tribunal had secret instructions to suffer the affair to drop. The government was soon conscious that it had done wrong, and had the meanness to resort to falsehood to apologize for its imprudence. The Moniteur of the next day asserted, that “the fifth volume of the Censor was yesterday allowed to be sold, without making any change in the text. By this wise measure of the government, the au- thor has lost the interest of being thought a vic- tim, a certain speculator, the profit of a surrepti- tious edition, and the work all the charms of a prohibited book.” - The editor had the boldness publicly to contra- dict this, in the following terms:—“ Mr. lume of the Censor had been seized, but that on mature deliberation the authorities had permitted it to be exposed to sale. It is true that this volume has been seized by the po- lice, but it is false that it has been restored. They will neither give it up, nor prosecute it be- fore the tribunals, although the editors have begged to be replaced in the possession of their property, or to be brought to trial. You will be pleased to give no credit to what the journals may say, either of the work or its authors, be- cause the liberty of the press no longer exists. . “P.S. We beg youtogive this letter the greatest possible publicity.” - ! Here the matter dropped; unpleasant suspi- cions were excited in the minds of the friends of liberty, and the government was so severely cen- sured, that the freedom of the press was not again disturbed. - • . This unrestrained licence was politic and ad- vantageous. It put the public feeling completely. to the test. It destroyed the importance which falsehood and calumny would have derived from mystery and privacy; and it suffered the friends of the Bourbons, and all the springs and agents of revolt, to expose and entrap and entangle them- selves without the trouble of any extraordinary apparent exertion. . Another of the first decrees of Napoleon was, the abolition of the slave-trade, a decree in which every benevolent mind must exult. “Napoleon, Emperor of the French. We have decreed, and do decree, as follows:– Art. 1. “From the date of the publication of the present decree, the trade in negroes is abo- lished. No expedition shall be allowed for this commerce, neither in the ports of France, nor in those of our colonies. * , ~ * 2. “There shall not be introduced, to be sol in our colonies, any negro the produce of this trade, whether French or foreign. . 3. “Any infraction of this decreeshall be punished with the confiscation of the ship and cargo, which shall be pronounced by our courts and tribunals. 4. “ H. the ship-owners who, before the publication of the present decree, shall have fitted out expeditions for the trade, may sell the product in our colonies. - . - 5. “Our ministers are charged with the execu- tion of the present decree. . . • * * * * “NApoleon. (“By the emperor, the minister secretary-of- state) “ The Duke of Bassano.” . It is evident that if Napoleon dared, without preamble or apology, to order, “From the date of the present decree the slave-trade is abolished,” and this at a time when every consideration re- quired that he should conciliate all parties, and shew that he was determined in every action to consult the prosperity and happiness of France, the conduct of the former government in conti- nuing this infamous traffic was highly disgraceful and criminal. Another decree contained several alleviating regulations relative to the droits reunis. These, next to the conscription, were the greatest griev. ances imposed upon the people by Nj. late government, and it will be recollected, that the promise of the , abolition of both was the grand boon by which the Bourbons courted and obtained popularity on their re-entrance into France. The pledge for the abolition of the droits reunis was broken by the king's govern- of THE FRENch REvolution. 1287 *- * - ºnent, and notwithstanding the resistance and re- pugnance of the people, this odious and oppres- sive tax continued to be levied. Napoleon was thus furnished with an opportunity of gaining much credit and popularity, by the early atten- tion which he seemed to pay to the interests of his people. - Soon afterwards a measure was adopted which reflects credit on the new government. Carnot addressed a memorial to the emperor, descanting on the inestimable advantages of elementary in- struction, when bestowed on the lower classes of society, and stating that there were in France two millions of children destitute of primary edu- cation. “I do not speak,” says he, “ of that education which forms half philosophers, or men of the world, but such only as will form good artisans and moral men, by affording the elements of indispensable knowledge, good habits, and respect for the laws.” He concludes with a high eulogium on Dr. Bell and Mr. Lancaster, for whose system he solicits the patronage of the emperor. Napoleon immediately issued the following de- €ree 3– “Napoleon, Emperor of the French, “Considering the importance of education for improving the state of society, considering that the methods hitherto used in France have not attained that degree of perfection which it is pos- sible to reach, and desiring to place this branch of our institutions on a level with the intelligence of the age, we have degreed, and do decree, as follows:– Art. 1. “Our minister of the interior shall in- vite around him the persons who deserve to be consulted, as to the best methods of primary education; he shall examine and decide on those methods, and direct the experiment of such as he shall deem preferable. 2. “There shall be opened at Paris an experi- mental school of primary education, so organized as to serve for a model, and to become a normal school to form primary teachers. 3. “After satisfactory results shall have been obtained from this school of experiment, our mi- laister of the interior shall propose to us the mea- sures calculated to enable all the departments to enjoy the advantages of the new methods which shall have been adopted.” These acts of Napoleon astonished and con- founded the superficial politicians of every na- tion. They had expected and wished that the dictatorship which he had established by usur- ation, would have been supported by terror. heir conclusion suited with the character of Napoleon, but it was inconsistent with the policy which his peculiar circumstances and necessities demanded : for whatever might be his private wº and designs, he-saw, at present, an insu- * perable obstacle opposed to his ambition and im- BOOKXIV. petuosity. Those furious and insane bursts of passion, by which he had tarnished the lustre of Sº Y"; his former achievements, were repressed by the influence of his advisers, and the difficulties which surrounded him. Meanwhile, the south of France continued in a state of opposition to the new government. The Duke of Bourbon, the most popular of all the French princes, except perhaps the Duke of Or- leans, betook himself to La Vendée to endeavour to rouse the dormant affections of the friends of royalty in that district. The people were disposed to second his views, but he had to contend with the prompt and vigilant administration of Na- poleon. n his arrival at Beaupriere, he sum- moned the inhabitants, and powerfully and suc- cessfully appealing to their best feelings, engaged them to sanction a proclamation requiring every man from eighteen to fifty years of age to take up arms in the royal cause. Great numbers imme- diately flocked to his standard, but they were un- armed and undisciplined, and ere they could be rendered effective the troops of Bonaparte ad- vanced against them. The general of Napoleon, acting under the express orders of his master, to avoid as much as possible the dreadful appeal to arms, dispatched a herald, to the duke, to re- monstrate with him on the folly of opposing his raw and hasty levies against the veteran troops which were marching upon him, and offering an amnesty to his followers, and passports for him- sehſ and all who chose to accompany him, if he would abandon the enterprise. After mature consideration, the duke was convinced ef the in- utility of resistance, and receiving safe conduct for himself and forty of his officers, proceeded to Nantes, where he embarked. “-. The Duke and Duchess of Angouleme were at Bourdeaux. The inhabitants of the maritime towns had suffered most by the protracted wars of the revolution. Their population had been thinned, their commerce had been destroyed, and they were almost driven to despair. They there- fore welcomed the return of the Bourbons with the utmost enthusiasm. The Duke of Angouleme had lately visited all the southern provinces, and had inspected the fortifications of ourdeaux, and the Bordelese had expressed great anxiety to see among them the daughter of their former revered sovereign. * On the 2d of March the duke and duchess arrived at Bourdeaux. They were received with cries of joy, and with the ardent benedictions of a countless multitude which had poured in from every neighbouring town. On the 5th a fête was given by the merchants. In the midst of the fes- tivities a courier arrived, with dispatches for the duke, containing the fearful intelligence of the landing of Napoleon, #. royal highness was 1815. 1288 IIIstory of The warts BOOK XIV. Citap. VII. ->>~ 1815. wr-ºr *s ºr unwilling to throw a damp on the public joy, and concealed the purport of ſh. letters, deferring un- til night his departure for the south, where he imagined his presence might be necessary. At midnight he quitted the city. In the morning the duchess communicated the news to the magistrates, and in the course of the day the intelligence was made public through the city. On the following day all the civil and mili- tary authorities came, uninvited, to offer their protestations of attachment, and to renew their oaths of fidelity. The national-guards were eah!ed out. Places were appointed for the enrolment of volunteers, and almost the whole population of the town demanded arms, some to defend their native city should it be attacked, and others eager to march to the most distant department against the invader. The officers of the troops of the line declared that they would answer with their heads for the garrison of Bourdeaux and the neighbour- ing forts. 4. - - - . . . TMeanwhile the news became more disquieting. Bonaparte had advanced unresisted to Lyons. The national-guards and volunteers were more eager in their professions of ardent devotion, but arms and ammunition were wanting, and only a few hundreds could be regularly embodied. As the progress of the invader became known, the zeal of the troops of the line evidently cooled, and cries of sedition began to be heard in some of the barracks... . . : - . The superior officers, however, daily waited on the princess and renewed their assurances of loyalty; but she remarked that the commandant of the fort of Blaye, an important out-post, had not appeared during some days. Orders were sent to require his attendance. Two days passed and he came not. A general was then dispatched to examine the state of the fortress, and report the disposition of the garrison. He returned, and re- ported that the place was in an excellent state of defence. “But why,” asked the duchess “ did he not obey the orders which were transmitted to him several days ago, and repair hither?”—“ He did not answer me on that point,” said the gene- ral, “but he will be here to-morrow.” . . On the morrow he appeared. He offered a slight apology for his apparent disobedience; and being required to renew his oath, of fidelity, muttered some indistinct and unmeaning sounds, with which the duchess, unwilling to proceed to extreinities, thought it prudent to appear satisfied. She, however, consulted with the Governor of Bourdeaux on the propriety of removing the pre- sent commandant from Fort Blaye, and replacing him and his troops by others on whom she could rely. . The governor acknowledged that this was desirable, but hinted that it was abso- lutely impracticable. He was ordered to. at- tempt it. To have dispatched a battalion of the Hine, to dispossess their brethren, would have afforded them an opportunity of shewing that disaffection which he suspected they secretly cherished. The affair was therefore committed to some national- guards, a sufficient number of whom were sent to occupy the fort for a short time, but not enough to attempt the reduction of the place, should the garrison attempt resistance. . . This prudent measure prevented the effusion of blood, and pro- bably preserved the city from destruction. The national-guards were refused admittance to the fortress, on which the tri-coloured flag was now hoisted, and they returned peaceably to Bour- deaux. At that period M. Lainé, the president of the chamber of deputies, arrived. He immediately published the following proclamation. & “In the name of the French nation, and as president of the chamber of deputies, I enter my protest against the decrees by which the usurper of France pretends to pronounce the dissolution of the chambers. I declare, in consequence, that all the proprietors are released from the pay- ment of contributions to the agents of Napoleon. Bonaparte, and that every family is forbidden to assist him in raising any armed force, whether by means of conscription or enlistment. After so. atrocious an attempt on the liberties of Frenchmen, it becomes the duty of all to maintain individually their rights. Long ago released from their oaths to Napoleon Bonaparte, and bound by their vows and their oaths to their country and king, they will render themselves opprobrious in the eyes of the nation and of posterity if they use not every means in their power to oppose and to defeat the invader. History, by preserving the lasting me- . mory of those who in every country have refused to bend to tyranny, covers with shame and dis- grace the citizens who, forgetful of the dignity of Human nature, submit to be the miserable agents of despotism. In the persuasion that the French are sufficiently impressed with the importance of their liberties and their rights, to impose on themselves the most sacred of all duties, I have published the present protestation, which, in the name of the honorable colleagues over whom I have presided, and France . they represent, will be deposited in the archives, to be, produced when necessary, to the confusion of the tyrant. - - - . ‘. . . . . . . - * P. S. Having read in the hall of sitting the proclamation of the king on the 20th of March, at the moment when the soldiers of Napoleon. Bonaparte entered Paris, I am arrived at the department which deputed me. I am at my post, under the orders...of the Duchess of An: gouleine, occupied in preserving the honor and fiberty of one part of France, and anxiously. waiting until the rest shall be delivered from the OF the FRENch REVOLUTION. 1289 rºle--------~~~ Fr-ºr- —s − - Trº- gr gº most odious tyranny which ever menaced a great nationi. . I will never submit to Napoleon Bona- parte; and he who has been honored with the si- tuation of president of the representatives of France, aspires to the honor of being the first victim of the enemy of his king, his country, and liberty.” 4. - Encouraged by his spirited assistance, the duehess redoubled her efforts to inspire the Bor- delese with loyalty, and to place the town in a josture of defence. |. discovered, and numerous bands of volun- teers were equipped, who were animated by the best spirit, and who loudly expressed their deter- mination to defend the city to the last extre- mity. - \ * General Clausel, commanding the troops of Napoleon, now approached. Picquets were sent out to guard the bridges which were situated on the principal roads; but some of them fled after a short resistance, and the rest went over to the enemy. . . . . . . - The duchess summoned the governor in great haste, and willing to spare the town from the horrors of a bombardment or a siege, declared her resolution to march out at the head of the garrison, and attack the foe. Against this, the governor warmly remonstrated, assuring her that he could not answer for the fidelity of the troops. “Then,” replied she, “the national-guards and volunteers are sufficient. They are eager for the combat, and on their good resolution I can surely rely.” It was answered, that if the national-guard. and volunteers passed the river, the garrison would follow, and placing them between two fires, cut off every man. The duchess hesitated. * Is it then,” said she, “impossible to employ, or even to rely on the neutrality of that garrison, for the fidelity of which you pledged yourself so lately?”—“Impossible.”—“I will satisfy myself.” said the heroic princess. “Assemble your troops in their respective barracks.” The governor in vain represented the danger of this proceeding. “I did not ask you, sir!” said she, “ if there would be danger. I only require you to obey my orders.” . . . . t She alighted at the barrack of a regiment of infantry, and placing herself in the centre of the square addressed the troops. . She painted in lively eolours the character and designs of the invader, and the dangers which theatened France. She reminded them of the oath which they had taken, and urged them to share with the national- guards in the honor of combating the rebels. A mournful silence succeeded. - Again she addressed them, “Will you not fight for the daughter of your king?”—“No! no!” resounded from every rank. , " Will you then remain neutral if the national-guard and volun- teers advance to the attack?”—“No.1” they again A magazine of arms was at . disgrace it will fall on me. replied. The princess burst into tears. “ Will BOOK XIV. you then betray me, and give me up to mine enemies?”—“No l’” said they, “ but we do not wish for a civil war, and we desire you to quit France.” . - Although foiled in her first attempt, the prin- cess would not despair. She proceeded to the barracks of the other troops; but her eloquence was exerted without effect; her tears flowed in vain. One officer alone yielded to the call of ho- nor. “This is too much " said he ; and sheath- ing his sword he placed himself by the side of the duchess and exclaimed, “I will follow you every where.” . . - s ... " Seeing that resistance would now be unavail- ing, her next care was to preserve the town from pillage. She hastily returned to the quay on which the guards and volunteers were assembled. They received her with enthusiastic shouts, and eagerly demanded to be led against the foe. Silence was at length procured, when she thus addressed them, “Swear all to obey me !”—“We swear,” was the unanimous reply. “Brave Frenchmen " she continued, “faithful Bordelese !” I entreat you to think no longer of defending the city, you are not supported by the troops, and your efforts will be useless.” . . . . . . . The troops of General Clausel were at this mo- ment drawn up on the other side of the river. The guards and volunteers, as if actuated by one Cnap. VII. Jºvº 181 impulse, fired on them a volley. Fortunately it did no execution and was not returned. “You have sworn to obey me,” exclaimed the duchess. “Remain faithful to your oath. If there be any I will be answerable to the king and to France. I require of you is as terrible to my heart as to yours; but it is the only means of saving the city.” With difficulty she was allowed to depart, and she returned to the palace. sooner quitted them, than the utmost confusion prevailed, and some of the national-guards, irri- tated to inadness, fired on their officers who they The sacrifice which She had no suspected had betrayed them. Two or three lives were now lost. . - . A herald was immediately dispatched to Gene- ral Clausel, entreating him to suspend his attack, . as the princess was preparing to depart. He rea- dily consented, and guaranteed the safety of the city. The duchess prepared for her departure on the following night. But new alarms suc- ceeded every moment, and the fermentation in- creased among the volunteers. Crowds of people with green cockades ran through the streets denouncing vengeance against the adherents of Napoleon. The national-guard was ashamed to join in these tumults, but it did not repress them, and the troops were prudently confined to their barracks. * The best friends of the royal cause now hast- 50, 1290 HISTORY OF THE WARS Book xiv. ened to the princess and besought her to depart -- CIIAP. VII. Jºvº-2 1815. -w immediately. She acceded to their request, and at eight o'clock on the same evening embarked on-board a small vessel which the English con- sul had stationed in the river for her use. Many of the inhabitants followed her to the shore, clinging round her garments, and urging her to remain. They then besought her to bestow on them some parting token of her regard which they might treasure up with fond remembrance; and they separated, satisfied and thankful, when her shawl, É. ribbands, her feathers, were cut into shreds and distributed among them. . The following proclamation was, on the next morning, found placarded on the walls:— “ Brave Bordelais !—Your fidelity is well known to me. Your devotion unlimited does not permit you to foresee any danger; but my attach- ment for you and for every Frenchmen directs me to foresee it. My stay in your city being prolonged might aggravate the circumstances, and bring own upon you the weight of vengeance. I have not the courage to behold Frenchmen unhappy, and to be the cause of their misfortunes. I leave you, brave Bordelais ! deeply penetrated with the sentiments you have expressed, and assure you that they shall be faithfully transmitted to the king. Soon, with God's assistance, and under happier auspices, you shall witness my gratitude and that of the prince whom you love. (Signed) Generał Clausel now entered the place without opposition. The garrison hoisted the tri-coloured cockade and received him with acclamations; the national-guard submitted in silence; and not- withstanding the apparently universal feeling, a few hours before, in favour of the Bourbons, an immense crowd assembled round the gates and welcomed him with shouts of joy. The Duke of Angouleme proceeded to the south of France, and for a while fortune seemed to smile on his expedition. Some regiments of the line followed him with apparent fidelity, and his little army increased to more than six thousand men. In his first encounter with the troops of Bona- {. he met with considerable success; but eing betrayed by those in whom he confided, the loyalty of the troops being seduced, and nu- merous corps of the enemy approaching him on every side, he was constrained to surrender to General Gilly. His force was sufficiently re- spectable to ensure honorable conditions. An universal amnesty was granted. The lives and property of his followers were secured, and the duke received safe convoy to Cette, where he was to embark for Spain or England. He had scarcely set out on his journey when General Grouchy arrived, and assumed the chief command of Napoleon's troops. Imagining that º “ MARIA THERESA.” ! sº the former commander had exceeded his powers, he would not permit the duke to proceed to the place of his destination, and dispatched a courier to Paris for instructions. Bonaparte could not refuse to accede to the terms which had been granted by General Gilly, without subjecting himself to the utmost opprobrium; but he adroitly seized the opportunity of giving a colour of gene- rosity to what was merely an act of justice. He wrote the folk wing letter to Grouchy, and with- out adverting to the convention already agreed on, acceded to its substance; but made the further and , illegal demand, that his royal-highness should engage to insist on the restitution of the crown-jewels, which had been carried away by Louis. - “Count Grouchy—The ordinance of the king, dated March 6, and the declaration signed by his ministers on the 13th at Vienna, might autho- rize me to treat the Duke of Angouleme as that ordinance and that declaration proposed to treat me and my family ; but adhering to the views which induced me to order that the members of the Bourbon family should be permitted to leave France freely, my intention is, that you should give orders for conducting the Duke of Angou- leme to Cette, where he shall be embarked, and that you watch over his safety and protect him from all bad treatment. You will also take care to recover the money which has been removed from the public chests, and to require of the Duke of Angouleme to bind himself to the restitution of the crown-diamonds, which are the property of the nation. You will also make known to him the enactments of the laws of the national-assemblies, which are renewed, and which apply to the mem- bers of the family of Bourbon who may enter the French territory. You will, in my name, thank the national-guards for the patriotism and zeal which they have manifested, and the attachment which they have shewn to me in these important circumstances. - - - (Signed) “ NAPOLEON.” } On the 2d of April, the justificatory manifesto of Napoleon was published. As it is a document of the first importance we shall present it to the reader. l. In consequence of the remit which has been made to it, the committee, composed of presidents of sections of the council of state, has examined the declaration of the 13th of March, the report of the minister of general police, and the docu- ments thereto subjoined. 2. The declaration is in a form so unusual, conceived in terms so strange, expresses ideas so anti-social, that the committee was ready to con- sider it as one of those forgeries by which despi- cable men seek to mislead the people, and pro- duce a change in public opinion. w OF THE FR ENCH REVOLUTION. 1291 sº 3. But the verification of legal minutes drawn up at Metz, and of the examinations of couriers, has left no ground for doubt that the transmission of this declaration was made by the members of the French legation at Vienna, and it must, therefore, be regarded as adopted and signed by them. - 4. It was in this first point of view that the committee thought it their duty to examine, in the first instance, this production, which is with- out precedent in the annals of diplomacy, and in which Frenchmen, men invested with a public character the most respectable, begin by a sort of placing without the law, or, to speak more precisely, by an incitement to the assassination of the Emperor Napoleon. - - . 5. We say with the minister of police that this declaration is the work of the French plenipoten- tiaries; because those of Austria, Russia, Prussia, and England, could not have signed a deed which the sovereigns and the nations to which they be- long will hasten to disavow. * * 6. For in the first place these plenipotentiaries, most of whom co-operated in the treaty of Paris, know that Napoleon was there recognised as re- taining the title of emperor, and as sovereign of the isle of Elba : they would have designated him by these titles, nor would have departed, either in substance or form, from the respectful notice which they impose. * 7. They would have felt that, according to the law of nations, the prince least powerful from the extent or population of his states, enjoys, in regard to his political and civil character, the rights belonging to every sovereign prince equally with the most powerful monarch; and Napoleon, recognised under the title of emperor, and as a severeign prince by all the powers, was no more than any one triable by the Congress of Vienna. 8. An oblivion of those principles, which it is impossible to ascribe to plenipotentiaries who weigh the rights of nations with deliberation and ºãº, has in it nothing astonishing when it is displayed by some French ministers, whose con- sciences reproach them with more than one act of treason, in whom fear has produced rage, and whom remorse deprives of reason. 9. Such persons might have risked the fabrica- tion, the publication of a document like the pre- tended declaration of the 13th of March, in the hope of stopping the progress of Napoleon, and misleading the French people as to the true prin- ciples of foreign powers. 10. But such men are not qualified, like the latter, to judge of the merit of a nation which they have misconceived, betrayed, delivered up to the arms of foreigners. 11. That nation, brave and generous, revolts against every thing bearing the character of base- ness and oppression; its affections become enthu- -* siastic when their object is threatened or attacked Book xiv. by a great injustice; and the assassination to which the declaration of the 13th of March in- cites, will find an arm for its execution neither among the 25,000,000 of Frenchmen, the ma- jority of whom followed, guarded, protected Na- poleon from the Mediterranean to the capital, nor among the 18,000,000 of Italians, the 6,000,000 of Belgians and Rhenish, nor the numerous nations of Germany, who, at this solemn crisis, have not pronounced his name but with respectful recollections; nor amidst the indignant English nation, whose honorable sentiments disavow the language which has been audaciously put into the mouths of sovereigns. 12. The nations of Europe are enlightened; they judge the rights of Napoleon, the rights of the allied princes, and those of the Bourbons. 13. They know that the convention of Fon- tainebleau was a treaty among sovereigns; its violation, the entrance of Napoleon on the French territory, like every infraction of a diplomatic act, like every hostile invasion, could only lead to an ordinary war, the result of which can only be, in respect of persons, that of being conqueror or conquered, free or a prisoner of war; in respect of possessions, that of their being either preserved or lost, increased or diminished; and that every thought, every threat, every attempt against the life of a prince at war with another, is a thing unheard of in the history of nations and the cabi. nets of Europe. - 14. In the violence, the rage, the oblivion of principles which characterise the declaration of the 18th of March, we recognize the envoys of the same prince, the organs of the same councils, which, by the ordinance of the 9th of March, also placed Napoleon without the law, also invited against him the poniards of assassins, and pro- mised a reward to the bringer of his head. 15. What, however, did Napoleon do? He did honor by his confidence to the men of all nations, insulted by the infamous mission to which it was wished to invite them: he shewed himself moderate, generous, the protector even of those who had devoted him to death. 16. When he spoke to General Excelmans, marching towards the column which closely fol- lowed Louis Stanislaus Xavier; to Count D'Erlon, who had to receive him at Lille; to General Clausel, who went to Bourdeaux, where was the Duchess D'Angouleme; to General Grouchy, dispatched to put a period to the civil dissensions excited by the Duke D'Angouleme-every where, in short, orders were given by the emperor that persons should be protected and sheltered from every attack, every danger, every violence, while on the French territory, and when they quitted it. 17. Nations and posterity will judge on which side, at this great conjuncture, has been respect 14 X CHAP. VII. 1815. 1292 HISTORY OF THE WARS BOOK XIV. CHAP. VII. Jºvº-Z 1Sł 5. for the rights of the people and of sovereigns, for the laws of war, the principles of civilization, the maxims of laws civil and religious. They will decide between Napoleon and the house of Bour- bon. 18. If, after having examined the pretended declaration of the Congress under this first view, it is discussed in its relations to diplomatic con- ventions, and to the treaty of Fontainebleau, of the 11th of April, 1814, ratified by the French government, it will be found that its violation is only imputable to the very persons who reproach Napoleon therewith: I9. The treaty of Fontainebleau has been vio- lated by the allied powers and the house of Bourbon, in what regards the Emperor Napoleon and his family, in what regards the interests an the rights of the French nation. º 20. 1st. The Empress Maria-Louisa and her son ought to have obtained passports, and an escort to repair to the emperor; and, far from executing this promise, they separated violently the wife from the husband, the son from the father, and that during distressing circumstances, when the firmest soul has need of looking for con- solation and support to the bosom of its family, and domestic affections. 21. 2dly. The safety of Napoleon, of his impe- rial family, and of their attendants, was guaran- teed (14th article of treaty), by all the powers; and bands of assassins have been organised in France, under the eyes of the French government, and even by its orders, as will soon be proved by the solemn process against the Sieur Demont- breuil, for the purpose of attacking the emperor and his brothers and their wives: in default of the sºuccess which was expected from this first branch of the plot, a commotion had been planned at Orgon, on the emperor's road, to attempt an attack on his life by the hands of some brigands: they sent as governor to Corsica an assassin of George's, the Sieur Brulart, raised purposely to the rank of marshal-de-camp, known in Britany, in Anjou, in Normandy, in La Vendée, in all England, by the blood which he had shed, that he might prepare and make sure the crime: and, in fact, several isolated assassins attempted, in the isle of Elba, to gain by the murder of Napo- leon the guilty and disgraceful salary which was promised to them. 22. 3dly. The duchies of Parma and Placentia were given in full property to Maria-Louisa for herself, her son, and her descendants; and after long refusals to put her in possession, they gave the finish to their injustice by an absolute spolia- tion, under the delusive pretext of a change, without valuation, without proportion, without sovereignty, without consent: and documents existing in the foreign-office, which have been sub- mitted to us, prove that it was on the solicitations, at the instance, by the intrigues of the Prince of Benevent, that Maria-Louisa and her son have been plundered. 23. 4thly. There should have been given to the Prince Eugene, adopted son of the emperor, who has done honor to France, which gave him birth, and who has conquered the affection of Italy, which adopted him, a suitable establishment out of France, and he has obtained nothing. 24. 5thly. The emperor had (art." 9. of the treaty) stipulated in favor of the heroes of the army, for the preservation of their endowments on the JMonte JW apoleone : he had reserved on the extraordinary domains, and on the funds of the civil-list, means of recompensing his servants, of paying the soldiers who attached themselves to his destiny: all was carried away and kept back by the ministers of the Bourbons. An agent for the French military, M. Bresson, went in vain to Vienna to claim for them the most sacred of pro- perties—the price of their courage and blood. 25. 6thly. The preservation of the goods, move- able and immoveable, of the family of the em- peror, is stipulated by the same treaty (art. 6): and they have been plundered of one and of the other; that is to say, by main force in France b commissioned brigands; in Italy, by the violence of military chiefs; in the two countries, by seques- trations, and by seizures solemnly decreed. 26. 7thly. The Emperor Napoleon was to have received 2,000,000, and his family 2,500,000 francs er annum, according to the arrangement esta- blished in the 6th article of the treaty; and the French government has constantly refused to fulfil this engagement, and Napoleon would soon have been reduced to dismiss his faithful guard for want of means to secure their pay, if he had not found, in the grateful recollections of the bankers and merchants of Genoa and of Italy, the honorable resource of a loan of 12,000,000 which was offered to him. 27. 8thly. In short, it was not without a reason that they wished by all means to separate from Napoleon those companions of his glory, models of devotedness and constancy, the unshaken gua- rantees of his safety and of his life. The island of Elba was secured to him in full property (art. 3, of the treaty) and the resolution to spoil him of it, which was desired by the Bourbons, and solicited by their agents, had been taken at the Congress. 28. And if providence had not in its justice provided for him, Europe would have seen an attack made on the person, on the liberty of Napo- leon, banished for the future to, the mercy of his enemies, far from his family, and separated from his servants, either to Saint Lucia, or St. Helena, which was intended for his prison. 29. And when the allied powers, yielding to the imprudent wishes, to the cruel importunities of the FRENch REvolution. 1293 --- - --- -r --sº vacant, and the abdication which alone permitted Book xiv. him to ascend it. ..ºf 39. He pretended to have reigned nineteen Char. VII, of the house of Bourbon, had condescended to violate the solemn contract, on the faith of which Napoleon had released the French nation from its oaths; when himself and the members of his S-ºveº-Z .* family saw themselves threatened, attacked in their persons, in their property, in their affections, in the rights stipulated in their favor, as princes, even in those rights secured by the laws to simple citizens, what could Napoleon do * 30. Ought he, after having endured so many affronts, supported so many injuries, to have con- sented to the complete violation of the engage- ments made with him, and resigning himself per- sonally to the lot which was prepared for him, abandon once more his wife, his son, his family, his faithful servants to their frightful destiny? 31. Such a resolution appears above human strength: and yet Napoleon would have taken it, if peace and the happiness of France had been the price of this new sacrifice. He would have de- voted himself again for the French people, of whom, as he wishes to declare to Europe, he makes it his glory to hold every thing, to whom he wishes to ascribe every thing, to whom alone he wishes to answer for all his actions, and to de- vote his life. 32. It was for France alone, and to avert from it the misfortune of civil war, that he abdicated the crown in 1814. He restored to the French people the rights which he held of them : he left it free to choose for itself a new monarch, and to establish its liberty and its happiness on institu- tions which might protect both. af 33. He hoped for the nation the preservation of all which he had acquired by twenty-five years of combats and of glory, the exercise of its sove- reignty in the choice of a dynasty, and in the stipu- lation of the conditions on which it would be called upon to reign. r 34. #. expected from the new government respect for the glory of the armies, the rights of the brave, the guarantee of all the new in: terests, of those interests which had arisen and been maintained for a quarter of a century, re- sulting from all the laws political and civil, ob- served, revered during this period, because they were identified with the manners, the habits, the wants of the nation. 35. Far from that, all idea of the sovereignty of the people was discarded. . tº * : , ſº * 36. The principle on which all legislation, poli- tical and civil, since the revolution, had rested, was equally discarded. 37. France has been treated by the Bourbons like a revolted country, reconquered by the arms of its ancient masters, and subjected anew to a feudal dominion. - 38. Louis Stanislaus Xavier did not recognise the treaty which alone made the throne of France years, thus insulting both the governments which had been established in this period, and the people who had consecrated them by its suffrages, and the army which had defended them, and even the sovereigns who had recognized them in their numerous treaties. 40. A charter digested by the senate, all im- perfect as it was, was thrown into oblivion. 41. There was imposed on France a pretended constitutional law, as easy to elude as to revoke, and in the form of simple royal decrees, without consulting the nation, without hearing even those bodies become illegal, phantoms of the national representation. 42. And as the Bourbons passed ordinances without right, and promised without guarantee, they eluded without good faith, and executed without fidelity. 43. The violation of the pretended charter was restrained only by the timidity of their govern- ment; the extent of the abuses of power was only confined by its weakness. 44. The dislocation of the army, the dispersion of its officers, the exile of many of them, the de- gradation of the soldiers, the suppression of their endowments, their deprivation of pay and half- pay, the reduction of the salaries of legionaries, their being stripped of their honors, the pre-emi- nence of the decorations of the feudal monarchy, the contempt of citizens, designated anew by the third estate, the prepared and already com- menced spoliation of the purchasers of national property, the actual depreciation of that which they were obliged to sell, the return of feudality in its titles, its privileges, its lucrative rights, the re-establishment of ultrainontane principles, the abolition of the liberties of the Gallican church, the annihilation of the concordat, the restoration of tithes, the intolerance arising from an exclusive religion, the domination of a handful of nobles over a people accustomed to equality, such was what the Bourbons either did or wished to do for France. . 45. It was under such circumstances that the Emperor Napoleon quitted the isle of Elba; such were the motives of the determination which he took, and not the consideration of his personal interests, so weak with him, compared with the interests of the nation to which he has consecrated his existence. 46. He did not bring war into the bosom of France; on the contrary, he extinguished the war which the proprietors of national property, forming four-fifths of French landholders, would have been compelled to make on their spoilers; the war which the citizens, oppressed, degraded, | 8 | £2, 1294 HISTORY OF THE WARS * £30 OK XIV. CHAP. VII. ‘Jºvºs- 1815. --ºr- humiliated, by nobles, would have been com- pelled to declare against their oppressors; the war which Protestants, Jews, men of various religions, would have been compelhed to sustain against their persecutors. 47. He came to deliver France, and was re- ceived as a deliverer. 48. He arrived almost alone; he traversed 220 leagues without opposition, without combats, and resumed without resistance, amidst the capital and the acclamations of an immense majority of the citizens, the throne deserted by the Bourbons, who, in the army, in their household, among the national-guards, were unable to arm an indivi- dual to attempt to maintain them there. 49. And yet, replaced at the head of the nation, which had already chosen him thrice, which has just designated him a fourth time by the reception it gave him in his rapid and triumphant march and arrival,—of that nation by which and for the interest of which he means to reign, what is the wish of Napoleon 3 & 50. That which the French people wish—the independence of France, internal peace, peace with all nations, the execution of the treaty of Paris of the 30th of May, 1814. 51. What is there then changed in the state of Europe and in the hope of repose it had promised itself? What voice is raised to demand that succour which, according to the declaration, should be only given when claimed. 52. There has been nothing changed,—should the allied powers return, as we are bound to ex- ect they will, to just and moderate sentiments, if they admit that the existence of France in a respectable and independent situation, as far removed from conquering as from being con- quered, from dominating as from being en- slaved, is necessary to the balance of great king- doms, and to the security of small states. 53. There has been nothing, changed,—if res- pecting the rights of a great nation, which wishes to respect the rights of all others, which, proud and generous, has been lowered, but never de- based, it be left to resume a monarch, and to give itself a constitution and laws suited to its manners, its interests, its habits, and its new wants. 54. There is nothing changed,—if not attempt- ing to compel France to resume a dynasty which it no longer wishes, feudal chains which it has broken, and to submit to seignorial and ecclesias- tical claims from which it has been liberated, it is not wished to impose upon it laws, to intermeddle with its internal affairs, to assign it a form of go- yernment, to give it masters in conformity to the interests or the passions of its neighbours. 55. There is nothing changed,—if while France is occupied in preparing the new social compact which shall guarantee the liberty of its citizens, the triumph of the liberal ideas which prevail in f Europe, and can no longer be stifled, it be not forced to withdraw itself, in order to combat, from those pacific meditations and means of inter- nal prosperity to which the people and their head wish to devete themselves in happy accordance. , 56. There has been nothing changed,—if, when the French nation asks only to remain at peace with all Europe, an unjust coalition do not compel it, as it did in 1792, to defend its will and its rights, its independence, and the sovereign of its choice. - (Signed) Count DEFERMoN, Count REGN AUD de St. JEAN D’ANGELY, - Count BoulAv, Count ANDREossy, (A true copy) The Duke of BAssANo. Two days afterwards, pacific overtures were made by the French government to all the courts of Europe. These were accompanied by a letter in the hand-writing of Napoleon himself to each of the sovereigns. On this occasion, the minister of foreign affairs (Caulincourt) sent the follow- ing letter to Lord Castlereagh – “Paris April 4, 1815. “My Lord, The expectations which induced his majesty the emperor, my august sovereign, to submit to the greatest sacrifices, have not been fulfilled; France has not received the price of the devotion of its monarch; her hopes have been lamentably deceived. After some months of pain- ful restraint, her sentiments, concealed with re- gret, have at length manifested themselves in an extraordinary manner; by an universal and spon- taneous impulse she has declared as her deli- verer the man from whom alone she can expect the guarantee of her liberties and independence.— The emperor has appeared, the royal throne has fallen, and the Bourbon family have quitted our territory, without one drop of blood having been shed for their defence. . Borne upon the arms of his people, his majesty has traversed France from the point of the coast at which he at first touched the ground, as far as the centre of his capital, even to that residence which is now again, as are all French hearts, filled with our dearest remem- brances. No obstacles have delayed his majesty's triumphal progress; from the instant .."; fe- landing upon French ground, he resumed the go- vernment of his empire. Scarcely does his first reign appear to have been for an instant inter- rupted. Every generous Fº every liberal thought, has rallied around him; never did any nation present a spectacle of more awful unani- tV. --- * 66 #he report of this greatevent will have reached your lordship. I am commanded to announce it to you, in the name of the emperor, and to re- 7 wº OF THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 1295 —Ir- —º quest you will convey this declaration to the know- ledge of his majesty the King of Great Britain, your august master. : * - “This restoration of the emperor to the throne of France, is for him the most brilliant of his triumphs. His majesty prides himself, above all, on the reflection that he owes it entirely to the love of the French people; and he has no other wish than to repay such affections, no longer by the trophies of vain ambition, but by all the ad- vantages of an honorable repose, and by all the blessings of a happy tranquillity. It is to the duration of peace that the emperor looks forward for the accomplishment of his noblest intentions. With a disposition to respect the rights of other nations, his majesty has the pleasing hope that those of the French nation will remain inviolate. “The maintenance of this precious deposit is the first, as it is the dearest, of his duties. The quiet of the world is for a long time assured, if all the other sovereigns are disposed, as his majesty is, to make their honor consist in the preservation of peace, by placing peace under the safe-guard of honor. “Such are, my lord, the sentiments with which his majesty is sincerely animated, and which he has commanded me to make known to your go- Wernment. “I have the honor, &c. (Signed) “CAULINCOURT, “Duc de Vicenze.” This letter was accompanied by another, which inclosed one from Napoleon to the prince-regent, as follows:— “Sir, my brother —You will have learned, in the course of the last month, my return on the shores of France, my entrance into Paris, and the departure of the family of the Bourbons. The true nature of these events must now be known to your majesty. They are the work of an irresisti- ble power, the work of the unanimous will of a great nation, which knows its duties and its rights. The dynasty which force had imposed on the French people was no longer made for it : the Bourbons would not accord with its sentiments or its manners: France has separated itself from them. Its voice called for a deliverer. The ex- pectation which decided me to make the greatest of sacrifices was disappointed. I came, and from the point where I touched the shore the love of my people carried me even to the bosom of my capital. The first duty of my heart is to repay so much affection by the maintenance of an ho- norable tranquillity. The re-establishment of the imperial throne was necessary for the happiness of Frenchmen. , My dearest thought is, at the same time, to make it useful to the securing of the repose of Europe. Sufficient glory has adorned by turns the flags of different nations. The vi- 88. - cissitudes of fortune have caused sufficient great BOOK XIV. A finer reverses to succeed to great successes. field is now open for sovereigns, and I am the CHAP. VII. first to enter it. world the spectacle of great combats, it will be more delightful, in future, to know no other rival- ry except that of the advantages of peace, no other struggle except the sacred struggle for the happiness of our people. France is glad to pro- claim with frankness this noble end of all its wishes. Jealous of its independence, the in- variable principle of its policy will be the most absolute respect for the independence of other na- tions ; if such, as I have a happy confidence, shall be the personal sentiments of your majesty, the general tranquillity is secured for a long time; and justice, seated on the confines of different states, will alone suffice to guard their frontiers. “I seize with eagerness, &c. &c. Lord Castlereagh, in his answer to the French minister, informed him that the prince-regent had given orders to transmit the letters to Vienna, for the information and consideration of the allied so- vereigns there assembled. Soon after Bonaparte's arrival at Paris, on opening the drawers at the apartments of Count Blacas, (the king's favorite minister) at the Thuilleries, his most secret papers were found. Among these, was a memorial in the hand- writing of the Abbé Montesquieu, addressed to the king at the period of his restoration, and sug- gesting, with the concurrence of Talleyrand, the public measures which was to accompany the king's entrance, which it was wished to frame in such a way as to give the public the assurances of a satisfactory constitution, and at the same time to get rid of the senate itself. The senate, it will be recollected, made a covenant for its own per- manence, as a prelude to this constitution, to which Monsieur agreed, saying, that he had not any authority from the king to that extent, but he was sure the king would not disavow what he had agreed to. The memoir proceeded to advise that the king should assume the title of King of France and Navarre; and that the paper which he meant to issue should be stiled an edict, be- cause “the nation wishes for what is ancient; and every thing connected with antiquity is as suit- able to it as to royalty itself.” The Abbé Montesquieu, in another memoir, gives the following history of the struggle which the senate made for its privileges while the allies were in Paris, in 1814–The senate had said, that the constitution should be made by the provisional government. Some wisdom was to be hoped for from a meeting of five persons who were de- voted to the royal cause. However, the first as- semblage was composed of twenty-five persons, of whom two were senators, charged with draw- ing up the report. Thºuse: topics were After having presented to the STXT- 1815. 1296 . history of the wans BOOK XIV. advanced, such as the right of peace and war be- CHAP. VII. Neºvºz I S15. longing to the nation. . While employed on these mischievous metaphysics, the strange proposition was advanced, that the question was not what was good in itself, but what would suit the senate which had the acceptance of it, and, therefore, the senators were requested to invite their colleagues of most influence to meet next day in senate, and in the mean time to report progress. The Abbé Montesquieu argued strongly against this propo- sal, which, however, was agreed to. The meet- ing next day was still more numerous, comprising he re- alſ the constitutional men in the senate. porter read his projët, which, among other things, proposed that the senate should consist of 100 members; that the king should appoint to vacant seats, and should only have to choose one of three candidates, presented by the senate, who again were presented to them byelectoral colleges. At the close of the report, and when the members were rising, the Abbé Montesquieu had some conver- sation with the reporter. The Abbé declared that such a senate would inevitably become a second committee of public safety. Where were their powers, he asked, to frame a constitution, without the king, and without the nation? The proposal was the more strange as the king's sentiments on the subject were not unknown, having been pub- lished at Bourdeaux by the Duke D'Angouleme. He stated the four articles in the proclamation. “ But the senate * said the reporter.—“I speak of principles,” replied the Abbé “not of persons: I know only one thing, that it is the wish, both of the king and the nation, that the nominations to the upper chamber should belong to the king, and that indefinitely. But persons are still something, the more as you wish to expel us all as drivel- Iers.”—“There is no wish to expel any one; why should you give yourselves the preference 3’ The Abbé afterwards proceeded to ask, “How will you be able to defend yourselves against the le- gislative body, the depositories of the mandates of the people? On your first opposition they would be able to overthrow you, unless you were im- osing in point of number, and from the hopes #. out to the ambitious of seats among you. England has 350 peers, and you would have only 100 in France!”—“Very well,” said the re- doubted Lambrecht; “We will give you 150.” — “150,” replied the Abbé, “I must have 150,000; I will not be satisfied with one less.” This produced a laugh. The Abbé, then, in con- formity to the four articles of the Duke D'Angou- Heme, proposed a senate to be nominated by the king, and unlimited in number, with all the par- ticular arrangements, public or secret, to be made for the existing senators. The meeting then broke up. On the same night, Caulincourt went with three marshals to propose a regency, and an armistice of four days. “The provisional govern- .* *4 * – -º- -mſ-a+–. ment was on foot the whole night; it saw the Emperor of Russia, and found him much shaken. M. de Sehwartzenberg had almost agreed to an armistice; the Emperor of Russia was recon- vinced, thanks to the eloquence of General Des- solles; M. Laharpe availed himself of this incident to give courage to the constitutional party, and the senators came next day with a constitution, bet- ter, indeed, than the preceding, but still very faulty.” - The Abbé then proceeds to criticise this con- stitution. The public, he says, exclaimed against the impudence of the senators, who made their private fortune a public affair. On that part of it which gave the initiation of laws to every member of the senate and legislative body, he remarks, “. Every kind of brawler, every man sold to foreigners, could then propose the most disorganizing laws, or the most contrary to the welfare of the state. What party-fury must be the consequence if men could not only cabal against the government, but subject it to their laws. This, no doubt, is done in England; but what a tifference of character, manners, and of respect for engagements prevails in that country! Is that country, besides, so extensive and diver- sified? has it so many opposing interests? In England, there is only one climate, one character, one country, and one commerce. Among us, on the contrary, two distinct nations inhabit the north and the south: the people of the Lamonsin have no resemblance to those of Britany: we have poor districts and rich ones, some of which are commercial, and others which have none at all.” - In the course of the memoir the Abbé charac- terises Soult as the most ambitious of the generals. Of Talleyrand, at the period of the restoration, he thus speaks:– “The conduct of M. Talleyrand appears frank, but the inconveniences resulting from his fickle and indolent character extend into the administration; it is, however, indispensable to employ him, both on account of his influence with his party, and the personal consideration with which the sovereigns and their ministers treat him.” - Another document, found among the count's papers, contained a summary of the written instructions of a M. Dagot, who was intrusted by Talleyrand to convey his sentiments privately to Louis XVIII. previous to the departure of the latter from London in the preceding year. It is dated Dover, 24th April, 1814, at which place M. Dagot seems to have put his instructions in writing. This curious paper begins thus:— “M. de Talleyrand was busily occupied with something for the king—I proposed to him to wait twenty-four hours, to carry it with me, but the fears of the unexpected arrival of the kin determined him to send me off immediately ...; 5. - of The FRENch REVOLUTION. 1297 -º-º-º- ºr- -y- tº -— --> a summary of what he proposes. In the event of the landing of his majesty, before the document thus announced is ready, M. de Talleyrand thinks it indispensably necessary that his majesty should make immediately known, that he accepts the constitution, but that this constitution appearing to him susceptible of modifications in several points, he will afterwards discuss them in the senate. M. de Talleyrand has already prepar- ed the senate to see the constitution undergo some changes, by the following words, full of address, which their vanity caught hold of:— * Gentlemen, you will find in the king a man of superior mind, and distinguished talents—you may expect to hear him discuss the articles of the constitution, and you may prepare to have the honor of entering the lists with him.” This hint had the best effect. In the same letters patent the king will do well to fix a day for taking the oath of fidelity. This article is of the first im- portance, as it will quiet all fluctuating ideas, and bind the soldiery, who are in some degree isolated from the chiefs who have sent in their adhesion. M. Talleyrand regards it as very essential, that the king should not grant nor promise the smallest power to the marshals; but his majesty will satisfy them by flattering their vanity. The whole of the population of France are animated with the same zeal, devotion, and love for the person of the king, and all the members of the royal family. These sentiments even go the length of madness; and such is the general in- dignation which certain articles of the constitution have excited, that several times the people have Book xiv. cried under the windows of Monsieur, Vive Louis XVIII. abas le Senat. This outrageous zeal is char. VII. If the people manifest an ~~~~ imprudent at present. & enthusiasm truly French, the army testifies a very bad spirit. The troops of the line are geod, however; and in the imperial-guards the discon- tents are confined to the old bands. The young ;"| is either detached, or very near being so. Talleyrand thinks that the Count D'Artois, whose manners are full of grace, should go into the provinces to collect the wishes of the people, and to lay them at the foot of the throne. The Duke of Bourbon will traverse other parts of France with the same view. As to the Dukes of Angouleme and Berri, it is desirable that there should be formed for them two camps in France, where they should remain for some time to gain the affections of the soldiery, and to accustom the latter to place all their hopes in these princes, and to look up to them alone for their welfare. It is thought necessary that there should be near the person of the king some one who is perfectly well acquainted with the country, and who is also a man of talent; and, in this respect, M. De Remuzat, whose conduct has been always good. M. Talleyrand places his whole happiness in devoting his life to the service of the king; and demands nothing for himself. He thinks ñº qualified, however, for the foreign relations, and claims that department, which is very difficult to manage, and requires a man habituated and ac- customed to treat with all the cabinets of Europe.” cºmmºnºmº-º-º-ma CHAPTER VIII. ...Mr. Whitbread's Motion, in the House of Commons, for an Address against a War with France.— Letter from the Duke of Bassano to Caulincourt.—Observations.—Report from the French Minister of Foreign Affairs to Bonaparte, on the State of Europe.—Preparations of the French-Bonaparte's .Additional Act to the Constitution.—Remarks—Eatraordinary Commissioners. ALTHough nothing, decisive had been resolved on by the British ministers, yet no doubt existed of their determination to join the allies in a war against Bonaparte. This, however, was a mea- sure of such serious consequence, that many members of parliament hesitated to concur in it without fuller proof of its political necessity.; and some felt considerable doubts as to the moral justice of drawing the sword to compel a nation to discard a ruler whom it had with apparent eonsent adopted. Under the impression of these feelings, Mr. Whitbread, on the 28th of April, rose to make a motion for an address to the prince-regent. He began by commenting upon the gross delusion practiced on the public by the ministers, in taking no notice of the treaty be- tween the allies, on the 25th of March ; of which they had received an account on the 5th of April, when the regent's message was brought down on the 6th, and taken into consideration on the 7th, by which suppression they had held forth the possibility of an alternative between peace & 1815. . 129S HISTORY OF THE WARS BOOK XIV, CHAP. VIII. \ºv- }S}5. --- and war, whilst, in fact, they had engaged them- selves to the latter. He then made some severe animadversions on the declaration of the allies, by which one individual was placed out of the pale of civil society; and endeavoured to shew that there was neither justice nor policy in making him the object of a war. He concluded by moving, “That an humble address be presented to the prince-regent, to intreat his royal-highness that he will be pleased to take such measures as may be necessary to prevent this country being involved in war, on the ground of the executive power being vested in any particular person.” Lord Castlereagh opposed the motion, and defended the conduct of government with respect to the charge of concealment, by saying, that he was unwilling, by a premature disclosure of a treaty, of which the ratifications had not been ex- changed, to prevent a re-consideration of the policy to be pursued towards France, under the circumstances, which had recently occured. In the course of his speech, Lord Castlereagh une- quivocally declared it to be the firm conviction of all the allied sovereigns, that it was not possible to avail themselves of the blessings of tranquillity; and that Bonaparte was a person with whom it was impossible to live in relations of peace and amity: in fine, that war with him was unavoidable. As an instance of his bad faith, this man, when he made his movement upon Bar-sur-Aube, on the rear of the allies, the success of which was problematical, sent instructions to Caulincourt at Chatillon, which instructions happened to come into his, (Lord C.’s) possession, directing him to accede to the terms proposed by the allies; but to contrive, by keeping certain points suspended and delayed, to afford him (Bonaparte) an op- portunity, if circumstances should enable him, to prevent the fulfilment of the treaty. He wished to retain Antwerp, which was not the key of France, but of Great Britain: Mayence, which was the key of Germany; and Alexandria, which was the key of Italy. The motion was negatived by 273 to 72 votes. The following are the instructions alluded to by Lord Castlereagh in his speech. They were sent in a dispatch from the Duke of Bassano (Maret) to Caulincourt, at Chatillon. © March 19, 1814. Sir, Your excellency will have received, or will doubtless in the course of to-day receive, a dispatch from Rheims, of which M. Frochot was the bearer, and which was accompanied by a letter from the emperor. “The emperor desires that you will avoid ex- plaining yourself clearly upon every thing which may relate to delivering up the fortresses of Antwerp, Mayence, and Alexandria, if you should be obliged to consent to these cessions: his majesty intending, even though he should have ratified the treaty, to be guided by the military situation of affairs. Wait till the last moment. The bad faith of the allies, in respect to the capi- tulations of Dresden, Dantzic, and Gorcum au- thorises us to endeavour not to be duped. Refer, therefore, these questions to a military arrange- ment, as was done at Presburg, Vienna, and Tilsit. His majesty desires that you will not lose sight of the disposition which he feels not to deliver up those three *::: of France, if military events, on which he is willing still to rely, should permit him not to do so, even if he should have signed the cession of all those fortresses. In a word, his majesty wishes to be able after the treaty to be guided by circumstances to the last moment. He orders you to burn this letter as soon as you have read it.” - . The allies at that time declared that they would no longer treat with Napoleon or his family. What reliance then could be placed on his present pro- fessions? Not yet firmly seated on his throne, his army disorganized, and his funds exhausted, there was every probability of crushing him by one si- multaneous effort. But if he was permitted to mature his projects, and call into action the yet powerful resources of France, the attempt to destroy, or even to curb him, might be impracti. cable. If they suffered him to remain unmo- lested, the peace, if peace it could be called, would be a feverish state of anxiety and suspicion, as expensive and burdensome as war. Until he had given satisfactory and unequivocal proof that his character was indeed changed, and many long years must have elapsed ere that could have been given, the powers of Europe must have re- mained in arms. Every measure would have been scrutinized with suspicion. Jealousy and mistrust would have rankled in the minds of either party, and whatever had been the wish of Bonaparte, the restless character of his army would have compelled him to some aggression, when he would have been better able to resist and to foil their attempts to subdue him. It was futile to say that he had now allied him- self to a party which had the real interests of France at heart, and which had both the will and the power to restrain his aggressions abroad and his tyranny at home. It was not the first time that he had connected himself with the well- wishers to France, and after he had used them as the means of attaining the summit of his wishes, had deluded, discarded, and destroyed them. - On these grounds, therefore, the war which united Europe prepared to wage against him, was not only justifiable, but necessary. The dis- position of the French army, nay, even of the of THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 1299 *—a— French people, and the character of the indivi- dual at the head of the government, demonstrated that surrounding nations could not be at peace. The restless ambition and thirst of foreign con- quest, and the disregard for the rights and in- dependence of other states, which had charac- terized Napoleon and his army, exposed the whole of Europe to renewed scenes of devastation and blood. His destruction, as a ruler, was there- fore required, not only as an expiation of former crimes, but as a necessary measure of precaution and security. The unbounded influence which he had hitherto exerted over a people so vain-glo- rious, so volatile, and so demoralized as the French, and the calamities in which, by these means, he had involved every surrounding country, not only justified those countries in uniting, but imperiously called upon them to unite, and prohibit France from again placing herself at the disposal of a man in whose hands she must ever be an object of alarm and terror. Candour requires the acknowledgment, that some enlightened men, who had the best oppor- tunity for observing him, and who would not be easily imposed upon, were persuaded that the intentions of Nopoleon were honest. They imagined that he had seen the folly of his con- duct; that he wished to atone for his errors; and that he had determined to respect the liberties of France and the peace of Europe. His conduct in the trying scenes that succeeded the battle of Waterloo, when he steadfastly refused to assume the dictatorship, when no entreaties of his mis- guided friends, or even of his brothers, could in- duce him to violate the rights of the legislature, favors this supposition. Carnot was of this opinion. Others, with some degree of plausibility, rea- soned thus : . The ruling passion of Napoleon is ambition. That passion is not, never can be, ex- tinct. To excite the admiration of his cotempo- raries, and to become the hero of future annals, is the grand aim of all his actions, the only end for which he appears to live; for this he will commit crime without malignant intention, and practise virtue without merit. The same passion which formerly suggested the romantic plan of universal empire, will now direct and constrain him to adopt an opposite course. Public opinion, on which he so much depends, and which is so necessary to his exist- ence, repels with horror the chains of despotism, even though fabricated of gold, and the palms of victory if stained with blood. Opinion, the mis- tress of the masters of the world, now exacts from him peace and liberty; peace founded on justice and cemented by good faith, and liberty protected and supported by the laws. At this price she promises him glory and immortality, and at this price he will purchase the objects of his most ardent wishes. • . . t \ --- - - ------- *-*------ —-, This reasoning, however plausible, however in- Book xty teresting, would not heal the yet bleeding wounds which Russia, Prussia, and Austria, had received at Friedland, Jena, and Austerlitz. The allies could not trust him. He had nopledges to give, and without sufficient pledges they were not justified in compromising the peace and security of Europe. During fifteen years he had unceasingly aimed at the subjugation of Europe. It had been the object of his daily meditations, and his nightly dreams. “In five years,” said he to one of his ministers, at a time when he was at peace with every continental power except Spain, “in five years I shall be master of the world. Russia alone will remain ; but I will crush it,” added he, with. a most expressive gesture. “Paris shall reach to St. Cloud. I will build fifty vessels every year; but I will not send one of them to sea till I have 500. I shall then be master of the ocean as well as the land.” It was a favorite expression with him at that time, that in five years he should be master of the world, and that Paris would reach to St. Cloud. - - A strong attachment to royalty and the Bour- bons still subsisted in Britany and La Vendée; and the royalists in those parts at this time took up arms in defence of the Bourbon cause, and became masters of the country which they inhabited; but they were not able te extend themselves towards Paris. There was, indeed, a want of concert and combination in all the efforts of the Bourbon- ists, which rendered them desultory and ineffec- tual; and they had little influence in diverting the attention of the French government from the means to resist the foreign storm which was rising against it. This danger was so imminent, that it was become absolutely necessary no longer to conceal it from the nation, which was to be pre- ared for exerting all its powers of resistance. On the 14th of April, a long report from the mi- nister of foreign affairs to the emperor was pub- lished at Paris. As this document gives a clear and correct view of the state of Europe, and of the preparations of the allies at this period, we shall present it to the reader. - Report to the Emperor. Sire, If prudence makes it my duty, not to present indiscreetly to your majesty a phantom of chimerical dangers, it is for me an obligation not less sacred, not to suffer that vigilance to be lulled into a deceitful security, which is pre- scribed to me by the care for the preservation of peace, that great interest of France, that primary object of the wishes of your majesty. To see danger where none exists, is sometimes to pro- voke it, and to cause it to spring up from ano- ther side; to shut our eyes against the indica- tions which may be the forerunners of it, would be an act of inexcusable infatuation. - 14 Z Caar.VíII. V AºN/*-A 1300 HESTORY OF THE WARS bookxlv. Cnae. VIII. - 1815. I ought not to dissemble, sire, that though no positive information confirms up to this day, on the part of foreign powers, a resolution formally adopted, which should lead us to presume upon a speedy war; yet appearances sufficiently autho- rise a just inquietude—alarming symptoms are manifested on all sides at once. In vain do you oppose the composure of reason to the tumult of the passions. The voice of your majesty has not yet been able to make itself heard—an incom- prehensible system threatens to prevail with the powers, that of preparing for combat without ad- mitting any preliminary explanation with the nation which they seem determined to fight. By whatever pretext they pretend to justify so unheard-of a proceeding, the conduct of your majesty is its best refutation. The facts speak for themselves; they are simple, precise, incon- testible; and from the mere statement which I am about to give of these facts, the councils of all the sovereigns of Europe, the governments and the nations, may alike pronounce judgment in this important cause. - Some days since, sire, I found it necessary to call your attention to the preparations of the dif- ferent foreign governments; but the germs of disturbance, which for a moment sprang upon some points of our southern provinces, rendered our situation complicated. Perhaps that very natural feeling which causes us to wish above all things for the repression of every principle of in- ternal dissension, would have prevented me, in spite of myself, from considering in so serious a light the menacing dispositions which are mani- fested abroad. The rapid dispersion of the ene- mies of our domestic tranquillity relieves me from all delicacy of that j. The French-na- tion has a right to hear the truth from its govern- ment; and never could its government have, as now, so strong a wish, or so powerful an interest, to tell it the whole truth. You resumed your crown, sire, on the 1st of March. There are events so far beyond the cal- culations of human reason, that they escape the foresight of kings and the sagacity of their mi- nisters. On the first report of your arrival on the shores of Provence, the monarchs assembled at Vienna still considered your majesty as no more than the sovereign of the isle of Elba, when you already reigned again over the French empire. It was only in the palace of the Thuil- leries that your majesty learned the existence of their declaration. The persons who signed that unaccountable document, already understood of themselves, that your majesty had no occasion to make any reply to it. Meanwhile all the proclamations, all the ex- pressions of your majesty, loudly attested the sincerity of your wishes for the maintenance of peace. It was my duty to inform the French political agents, employed abroad by the royal government, that their functions had expired, and to apprise them that your majesty intended to accredit new legations immediately. In your desire to leave no doubt respecting your real sen- timents, your majesty ordered me to enjoin those agents to be the interpreters of them to the dif- ferent cabinets. I obeyed that order, by writ- ing, on the 80th of March, to the ambassadors, ministers, and other agents, the subjoined letter. Not content with this first step, your majesty determined, under these extraordinary circumstances, to give to the manifestation of your pacific dispositions a character still more authentic and solemn: you thought that you could not stamp more eclat upon the expression of them, than by stating them yourself in a letter to the foreign sovereigns. You directed me, at the same time, to make a similar declaration to their ministers. These two letters, copies of which I annex, dispatched on the 5th instant, are a monu- ment which must for ever attest the honor and integrity of the intentions of your imperial majesty. . While the moments of your majesty were thus occupied, and as it were absorbed by one single thought, what was the conduct of the different powers? In all ages nations have taken a pleasure in promoting the mutual communications between their goverments; and cabinets themselves have made a point of facilitating these communications. In time of peace the object of these relations is to prolong its duration; in war they tend to the restoration of peace; in both circumstances they are a benefit to humanity. It was reserved for the present epoch to behold an association of mo- narchs, forbidding simultaneously all connection with a great state, and closing the avenue to its amicable assurances. The couriers dispatched from Paris, on the 30th of March, for the different courts, have not been able to reach the places of their destination. One could proceed no farther than Strasburg, and the Austrian general who commands at Kehl, refused to allow him a pas- sage, even upon condition of his consenting to be accompanied by an escort. Another sent off for Italy, was obliged to return from Turin, without accomplishing the object of his mission. A third, destined for Berlin and the North, was appre- hended at Mentz, and ill-treated by the Prussian commandant. His dispatches were seized by the Austrian general who commands in chief in that place. I hereto subjoin the documents relative to the refusals of a passage which these couriers met with in their different directions. I have already learned, that among the cou- riers dispatched on the 5th intº those destined OF THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 1361 * for Germany and Italy were unable to pass the frontiers. I have no account of those who were sent off for the North and for England. When an almost impenetrable barrier is thus set up between the French ministry and its agents abroad, between the cabinet of your majesty and those of other sovereigns, your minister, sire, has no other means than the public acts of for reign governments of judging of their intentions. England.—The constitution of England im- oses on the monarch fixed obligations towards the nation which he governs. As it is not in his power to act without its concurrence, he is obliged to communicate to it, if not his formal, at least his probable, resolutions. The message trans- mitted to parliament on the 5th instant, by the prince-regent, is not calculated to excite any very extensive confidence in the friends of peace. I have the honor to submit this piece to your ma- jesty. A first remark must painfully affect those who are acquainted with the rights of nations, and are anxious to see them respected by kings. The only motive alleged by the prince-regent to jus- tify the measures which be announces the inten- tion of adopting is, that events' have occured in France contrary to the engagements contracted by the allied powers with one another; and this sovereign of a free nation seems not even to pay the least attention to the wishes of the great na- tion among whom these events have taken place. It seems that, in 1815, England and her princes have no recollection of 1688! It seems that the allied powers, because they obtained a momen- tary advantage over the French people, have presumed, in regard to an internal act which most nearly concerns its whole existence, to stipulate for it, and without it, in contempt of the most sacred of its rights! The prince-regent declares, that he is giving orders for the increase of the British forces both by land and sea. Thus the French nation, of which he takes so little account, must be upon its guard on all sides; it has to fear a continental aggression, and at the same time must watch the whole extent of its coast against the possibility of a descent. It is, says the prince-regent, to render the security of Europe permanent, that he claims the support of the English nation. And how can he have occasion for this support when that security is not threatened? For the rest, the relations between the two countries have not suffered any alteration worthy of notice. On some points, particular facts prove that the English are solicitous to maintain the re- lations established by the peace. On others, diſ- ferent circumstances would lead, to a contrary belief. Letters from Rochefort, of the 7th inst., mention some incidents which would be of an unfavorable omen if they were to be confirmed, *—A and if not explained in a satisfactory manner; but our present accounts exhibit no character which would lead us to attach mueh importance to those incidents. * - - In Austria, in Russia, is Prussia, in all parts of Germany, in Italy, in short every where, is to be seen a general arming. Austria.-At Vienna, the recal of the land- wehr, lately disbanded, the opening of a new koan, the daily increasing progression of the discredit of the paper-money, all announce the intention or the fear of war. Strong Austrian columns are on their march to reinforce the numerous corps already assembled in Italy. It may be doubted whether they are destined for aggressive operations, or are merely intended to keep in obedience Piedmont, Genoa, and the other parts of the Italian territory, where the clashing of interests may excite apprehen- sions of discontent. * JWaples.—Amidst these preparations of Austria on the side of Italy, the King of Naples could not remain motionless. This prince, whose as- sistance the allies had on a preceding occasion invoked, whose legitimacy they had acknow- ledged, and whose existence they had guaran- teed, could not be ignorant that their policy, since modified by different circumstances, would have endangered his throne, if, too intelligent to trust to their promises, he had not known how to strengthen himself on better foundations. Pru- dence has enjoined him to advance a few steps, to watch events more closely, and the necessity of covering his kingdom has obliged him to take up military positions in the Roman states. Prussia.-The movements of Prussia are not less active. Every where the corps are complet- ing. Officers on half-pay are ordered to join their corps: to accelerate their march they grant them free posting; and this sacrifice, shight in appearance, but made by a calculating govern- ment, is not a small proof of the interest which it attaehes to the rapidity of its preparations. Sardinia.-The first moment after your majes- ty's return, a commandant of the British troops, in concert with the governor of the county of Nice, took possession of Monaco. By ancient treaties, renewed by the treaty of Paris, France alone has a right to place a garrison in that fortress, The time of this occupation by the commandant of the English troops, sufficiently shows that he did this of himself, and without previous instruc- tions from his government. France must de- mand satisfaction for this affair from the courts of London and Turin. She must require the eva- cuation of Monaco, and its being given up to a French garrison conformably to treaties; but your majesty will, doubtless, be of opinion, that this affair can only become a subject of explana- BOOK XIV. Chap. viii. Jºvº 1815, tion, considering that the determination of the I 302 HISTORY OF THE WARS. •emº-m- —m- - - BOOKXIV. Sardinian governor, and especially that of the English commandant, have been accidental, and a sudden effect of the alarm occasioned by extra- ordinary movements. © Spain.—News from Spain, and an official letter from M. de Laval, of the 28th March, state, that an army is to proceed to the line of the Pyrenees. The strength of that army will necessarily de- pend upon the internal situation of that monarch, and its ulterior movements upon the determina- tions of the other states. France will remark that these orders were given upon the demand of the Duke and Duchess of Angouleme. Thus, in 1815, as in 1793, it is the French princes that invite foreigners into our territories. The JWetherlands.-The assembling of troops of different nations in the new kingdom of the Netherlands, and the numerous debarkations of English troops are known to your majesty; a par- ticular fact is added to the doubts which these as- semblages may give rise to, relative to the dis- positions of the sovereign of that country. ... I am informed that a convoy of 120 men and twelve of ficers, French prisoners from Russia, has been stopped on the side of Turlemont. In waiting to derive correct information on this point, and to de- mand, if necessary, redress for such a proceeding, I confine myself now to the statement of it to your majesty, considering the importance which it receives from its connection with other circum- stances which are developed around us. Upon all parts of Europe at once, they are arming or marching, or ready to march. And against whom are these armaments directed ? Sire, it is your majesty they name, but it is France that is threatened. The least favorable peace that the powers ever dared to offer you is that with which your majesty contents yourself. Why do they not now wish what they stipulated at Chaumont-what they ratified at Paris ? It is not then against the monarch, it is against the French nation, against the independence of the ºl. against all that is dear to us, all that we ave acquired after twenty-five years of suffer- ing and of glory, against our liberties, our institu- tions, that hostile passions wish to make war: a |. of the Bourbon family, and some men who ave long ceased to be French, endeavour again to raise all the nations of Germany and the North, in the hope of returning a second time by force of arms on the soil which disclaims and wishes no longer to receive them. The same appeal has resounded for a moment in some countries of the south, and it is from Spanish troops that some people are re-demanding the crown of France: it is a family again become private and solitary which thus implores the assistance of foreigners. Where are the public functionaries, the troops of the line, the national-guards, the private inha- bitants, who have accompanied it in its flight be- yond our frontiers? To mean to re-establish the Bourbons once more, would be to declare war on the whole French population. When your ma- jesty entered Paris with an escort of a few men ; when Bourdeaux, Toulouse, Marseilles, and all the south are disentangling themselves in one day from the snares laid for them, is it a military movement that works these miracles; or rather, is it not a national movement, a movement com- mon to all French hearts, which mixes in one feeling the love of country and the love of the monarch who will know how to defend it 2 It will then be to restore, to return upon us, a family which belongs neither to our age nor our manners; which know neither how to appreciate the eleva- tion of our souls, nor to comprehend the extent of our rights; it will be to replace on our necks the triple yoke of absolute monarchy, fanaticism, and feudality, that all Europe would appear to give itself up to an immense rising ! One would say, that France, confined within its ancient limits, while the limits of other powers have been pro- digiously extended,—that France, free, rich, only in the great characters which its revolutions have left it, still holds too much space in the map of the world ! Yes, if, contrary to the dearest wish of your majesty, foreign powers give the signal of a new war, it is France herself, it is the whole nation whom they mean to attack, though they pretend only to attack its sovereign, though they affect to separate the nation from the emperor. The con- tract of France with your majesty is closer than any that ever united a nation to its prince. The people and the monarch can only have the same friends and the same enemies. Is the question one of mere personal provocation between one sovereign and another? That can be nothing else but an ordinary duel. What did Francis I. in his rage against Charles V. 3 He sent him a challenge. But to distinguish the chief of a na- tion from the nation itself, to protest that nothing is meant but against the person of the prince, and to march against him alone a million of men, is playing too much with the cruelty of nations. The sole, the real object which the foreign powers can propose to themselves on the hypothesis of a new coalition, must be the exhaustion, the degra- dation of France; and to attain that object, the surest means in their view of it will be to impose upon it a government without force and without energy. This policy, on their part, is not, besides, a new policy; the example has been given them by great masters. Thus the Ro- mans prescribed such men as Mithridates and Nicomedes, while they covered with their haughty protection the Attaluses and the Prusiases, who priding themselves in the title of their freed-men, acknowledged that they only held from them their states and their crowa. Thus the French 6F THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 1303. *. —amº. *w- nation would be assimilated to those Asiatic na- tions to whom the eaprice of Rome gave for kings, princes whose submission and dependence were secure! In this view, the efforts which the allied powers may now attempt to make, would not have for their precise object to bring us back under a dynasty rejected by public opinion. It would not be the Bourbons in particular whom they would wish to protect; for a long time past, their cause, abandoned by themselves, has been so by all Europe; and that unfortunate family has every where been subjected to a disdain but too cruel. The choice of the monarch whom they should place on the throne of France would be of little importance to the allies, provided they saw there seated with him weakness and pusilla- nimity: this would be the most sensible outrage that could be done to the honor of a magnani- mous and generous nation. It is that which has already most deeply wounded French hearts, and of which the renewal would be the most insup- portable. - - - Although, in the latter months of 1813, that famous declaration was published at Frankfort, by which it was solemnly announced that they wished France to be great, happy, and free, what was the result of those pompous assurances? At the same moment they violated the Swiss neu- trality. When, in short, on the French soil, in in order to cool patriotism, and to disorganise the interior, they continued to promise to France an existence and liberal laws, the events soon shewed what confidence was due to such engagements. Enlightened by experience, France has its eyes opened; there is not one of its citizens who does not observe and judge what passes around it: inclosed within its ancient frontier, when it can- not give offence to other governments, every at- tack against its own sovereign is a tendency to interfere in its internal affairs, and will appear only an attempt to divide its strength by civil war, and to complete its ruin and dismember- Inent. - * However, sire, even to this day, all is menace, and as yet there is no hostility. Your majesty will not wish that incidents proceeding from the individual dispositions of particular commanders, either little scrupulous observers of the orders of their court, or too ready to anticipate their sup- posed intentions, should be considered as acts springing from the will of those powers, and as having broke the state of peace. No official act has proved the determination of a rupture. We are reduced to vague conjectures, to reports per- haps false. It appears certain, that on the 25th of March a new agreement was signed, in which the powers consecrated the former alliance of Chaumont. If the object of it is defensive, it enters into the views of your majesty yourself, 89. - and France has no cause to complaip; if it were Book XIV. otherwise, it is the independence of the French nation which would be attacked, and France Char VIII. would know how to repel an aggression so Jºv-/ odious. The Prince-regent of England declares that he wishes, before he acts, to come to an under- standing with the other powers. All those pow- ers are armed, and they deliberate. France, ex- cluded from these dº. of which it is the principal object; France alone deliberates, and is not yet armed. - In circumstances so important, in the midst of those uncertainties as to the real dispositions of foreign powers, dispositions whose exterior acts are of a nature to authorise just alarms, the sen- timents and wishes of your majesty for the main- tenance of peace, and of the treaty of Paris, ought not to prevent legitimate precautions. I therefore think it my duty to call the atten- tion of your majesty, and the reflections of your council, to the measures which the preservation of her rights, the safety of her territory, and the defence of the national honor, ought to dictate to France. The Minister of Foreign Affairs, (Signed) CAULINCourt, Duke of Vicenza. Every effort was now made to increase the re- gular army, and the following energetic procla- mation was published. “You earnestly wished for your emperor. He is arrived. You have supported him with all your efforts. Rally with º possible dispatch around your standards, that you may be ready to defend your country against enemies who are desirous of regulating our national colours, im- posing sovereigns upon us, and dictating consti- tutions. Under these circumstances, it is the duty of every Frenchman, already accustomed to war, to join the imperial standard. Let us pre- sent a frontier of brass to our enemies, and prove to them that we are always the same. “Soldiers!—Whether you have obtained un- limited or limited furloughs, or whether you have received your discharge, if your wounds are healed, and you are in a state fit to serve, come and join the army! Honor, your country, your emperor invites you! With what reproaches would you not have cause to overwhelm me, were our fine country again to be ravaged by those soldiers whom you so often vanquished, and were the foreigner to invade and obliterate France from the map of Europe. (Signed) “The Prince of Eckmuhl.” The national-guards were ordered to be ern- bodied, and distributed among the different fort- resses of the country: 3,130 battalions, of 720 15 A * iS15. 1304 History of THE WARs .* - * - men each, were commanded to be immediately equipped for service, making a grand total of 2.255,040 soldiers. Had he been able to have called into action this immense body, and to have instilled a sufficient portion of enthusiasm into their ranks, Bonapartemight have bid defiance to the world. But scarcely a tenth part were ever enrolled, and only a few battalions opposed any effectual resistance to the invaders. The old soldiers, however, crowded to the im- perial standard, and a brave and numerous army was soon placed at his disposal, with which he might expect at least to open the campaign with eclat; and he indulged the hope that some brilliant action at the commencement of the con- test might excite the enthusiasm of the French, or disconcert, or disunite, the allies. -- Justly alarmed at the confederation which threat- ened him, he was anxious to increase his dis- posable force. “I must have an immediate levy of 300,000 men,” said he one day to Carnot. “The thing is impossible,” was the reply. But are not the conscript laws in existence?”—“Yes, but they will no longer be obeyed as formerly.” —“What! am I not still emperor $*—“Yes, sire! but with restrictions and limits.” Napoleon broke out into one of his paroxysms of rage and quitted the council. - Numerous workmen were employed in fortify- ing the heights of Montmartre, Chaumont, and Mesnil-Montant, in the neighbourhood of Paris. Orders were issued to inspect and complete the fortifications of every garrison-town. Soissons, Laon, Lafère, Saint-Quentin, Guise, Château- Thierry, Vitry, and Langres were placed in a re- spectable state of defence. à. Rheims, Dijon, the Vosges, Jura, and Argonne, already strong by nature, were rendered nearly im- pregnable. Many hundred workmen were daily employed in the fortifications of Lyons, and no effort was spared to oppose every obstacle to the progress of the invader. Every defile was guard- ed;—fortifications were erected at the heads of the bridges;–batteries crowned the summit of every mountain, and the din of preparation sounded from the northern frontier to the Mediterraneansea. On his first landing in France, Napoleon had pledged himself to give the French a constitution eeable to their wishes, and favorable to their liberties. He now hastened to redeem his pledge. Inclination and necessity equally prompted this measure. He appointed a commission to draw up the form of a constitution to be submitted to the choice of the nation. Bishop Gregoire, well known for his attachment to rational liberty, and Ben- jamin Constant, who had lately and so boldly spoken his sentiments of the emperor, and so stre- nuously opposed his cause, were members of this BOOK XIV, CHAP. VIII. v_ſ^^_/ 1815. commission. This document, which was published on the 23d of April, contains, under the several heads, all the provisions for establishing a free repre- sentative government, similar to that of England, which it obviously had in view ; and though it never took place, the record of it is so far valu- able as affording a view of what was thought ne- cessary to satisfy the expectations of the party which then possessed the principal political influ- ence, and to whose views Bonaparte would pro- bably have been obliged to conform, had he been unable to re-establish a military despotism. JAct additional to the Constitutions of the , Empire. - Napoleon, by the grace of God and the consti- tutions, Emperor of the French, to all present, and to come, greeting. Since we were called, fifteen years ago, to the government of the state by the wishes of France, we endeavoured, at various times, to improve the constitutional forms, according to the wants and desires of the nation, and profiting by the lessons of experience. The constitutions of the empire were thus formed of a series of acts which were sanctioned by the acceptance of the people. It was then our object to organise a grand federa- tive European system, which we had adopted as: conformable to the spirit of the age, and favor- able to the progress of civilization. In order to attain its completion, and to give it all the extent and stability of which it was susceptible, we post- poned the establishment of many internal institu- tions, inore particularly destined to protect the liberty of the citizens. Henceforward our only object is to increase the prosperity of France, by the confirmation of public liberty. From this re- sults the necessity of various important modifica- tions of the constitutions, the senatus consulta, and other acts which govern this empire. For these causes, wishing, on the one hand, to retain of the past what was good and salutary, and, on the other, to render the constitutions of our em- pire in every thing conformable to the national wishes and wants, as well as to the state of peace which we desire to maintain with Europe, we, have resolved to propose to the people a series of arrangements tending to modify and improve its constitutional acts, to strengthen the rights of ci- tizens by every guarantee, to give the representa- tive system its whole extension, to invest the in- termediate bodies with the desirable respectability. and power, in one word, to combine #. highest degree of political liberty and individual security, with the force and centrilization necessary for causing the independence of the French people. to be respected by foreigners, and necessary to. the dignity of our crown. In consequence, the following articles, forming an act supplemen-- 7: OF THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 1305. tary to the constitutions of the empire, shall be submitted to the free and solemn acceptance of ali citizens throughout the whole extent of France. TITLE 1. Art. 1. The constitutions of the empire, parti- cularly the constitutional act of the 22d Frimaire, year 8; the senatºrs consula of the 14 and 16 Tº raider, year 10; and of the 28 Floreal, year 12, shałł be modified by the arrangements which foiáow. Ali other arrangements are confirmed and maintained. 2. Tire legislative power is exercised by the em- peror and two chambers. 3. The first chamber, called the chamber of peers, is hereditary, 4. The emperor appoints its members, who are irrevocable, they and their male descendants, from one eldest son to another. The number of peers is unlimited. Adoption does not transmit to him who is its object the dignity of the peer- age. Peers take their seats at twenty-one years of age, but have no deliberate voice till twenty- five. tº * - 5. The arch-chancellor of the empire is pre- sident of the chamber of peers, or, in certain cases, a member of the chamberspecially designated by the emperor. - 6. The members of the imperial family, in he- reditary order, are peers of right. They take their seats at eighteen years of age, but have no deliberate voice till twenty-one. 7. The second chamber, called that of repre- sentatives, is elected by the people. 8. Its members are 629 in number. They must be twenty-five years old at least. 9. Their president is appointed by the chamber, at the opening of the first session. He retains his function till the renewal of the chamber. His no- mination is submitted to the approbation of the emperor. 10. This chamber verifies the powers of its members, and pronounces on the validity of con- tested elections. 11. Its members receive for travelling-expences, and during the session, the pay decreed by the constituent assembly. - 12. They are indefinitely re-eligible. 13. The chamber of representatives is wholly renewed every five years. 14. No member of either chamber can be ar- rested, except for some capital crime; nor prose- cuted in any criminal or correctional matter dur- ing a session, but in virtue of a resolution of the chamber of which he forms a part. 15. None can be arrested or detained for debt, from the date or convocation of the session, or for forty days afterwards. 16. In criminal, or correctional matters, peers .* are judged by their chamber, according to pre- Book XIV. scribed forms. 17. The office of peer and representative is Caar. VIII. compatible with all other public functions, except those of matters of account (comptables); prefects and sub-prefects are, however, ineligible. 18. The emperor sends to the chambers mi- nisters and counsellors of state, who sit there to take part in the debates, but have no deliberative voice unless they are peers or elected by the people.” 19. Thus ministers, the members of either chamber, or sitting there by mission from govern- . ment, give to the chambers such information as is deemed necessary, when its publicity does not compromise the interests of the state. 20. The sittings of the two chambers are pub. lic. They may, however, ge into secret committee, the peers on the demand of ten, and the repre- sentatives on the demand of twenty-five members. Government may also require secret committees when it has communications to make. In all other cases deliberation and vote can only be in public sitting. 21. The emperor may prorogue, adjourn, and dissolve the chamber of representatives. The proclamation which pronounces the dissolution, convokes the electoral colleges for a new election; and fixes the meeting of representatives within six months at the furthest. * 22. During the recess of sessions of the cham- ber of representatives, or in case of its dissolution the chamber of peers cannot meet. 23. Government has the proposal of laws; the chambers can propose amendments; if these amendments are not adopted by government, the chambers are bound to vote on the law such as it was proposed. 24. The chambers have the power of inviting government to propose a law on a determinate object, and to draw up what it appears to them pro- per to insert in the law. This claim may be made by either chamber. 25. When a bill is adopted in either chamber, it is carried to the other; and if there approved, it is carried to the emperor. - 26. No written discourse, excepting reports of committees, or of ministers on laws, and accounts, can be read in either chainber. TITLE II.-OF ELECTORAL COLLEGES, MODE OF ELECTION. 27. The electoral colleges of departments and arrondissements are maintained, with the following modifications. 28. The cantonal assemblies will yearly fill ; by elections all the vacancies in electoral col- eges. 29. Dating from 1814, a member of the cham- AND THES Jºvº/ 1815, 1306 HISTORY OF THE WARS BOOK XIV. Char. VIII' I8] 5. Adº- ber of peers, appointed by the emperor, shall be president for life, and irremoveable of every elec- toral college of department. * 30. Dating from the same period, the electoral college of every department shall appoint, among the members of each college of arrondissement, the president and two vice-presidents. For that pur- pose the meeting of the departmental college shall precede by a fortnight that of the college of arrondissement. 31. The colleges of department and arrondisse- ment shall appoint the number of representatives fixed for each in the table adjoined. 32. The representatives may be chosen indis- eriminately from the whole extent of France. Every college of department or arrondissement which shall choose a member out of its bounds, shall appoint a supplementary member, who must be taken from the department or arrondisse- Inent. - 33. Manufacturing and commercial industry and property shall have special representatives. The election of commercial and manufacturing representatives shall be made by the electoral college of department, from a list of persons eii- gible, drawn up by the chambers of commerce and the consultative chambers united. TITLE III.-OF TAXATION. 34. The general direct tax, whether on land or moveables, is voted only for one year: indirect taxes may be voted for several years. In case of the dissolution of the chamber of representatives, the taxes voted in the preceding session are continued till the next meeting of the chamber. 35. No tax, direct or indirect, in money or kind, can be levied, no loan contracted, no inscription in the great book of the public debt can be made, no domain alienated or sold, no levy of men for the army ordered, no portion of territory exchanged, but in virtue of a law. º 36. No proposition of tax, loan, or levy of men, can be made but to the chamber of representa- tives. - - 37. Before the same chamber must be laid, in the first instance, 1. The general budget of the state, containing a view of the receipts, and the proposal of the funds assigned for the year, to each department of service: 2. The account of the receipts and expenses of the year, or of pre- ceding years. TITLE IV.-OF MINISTERs, AND of RESPONSIBILITY. 38. All the acts of government must be counter- signed by a minister in office. 39. The ministers are responsible for acts of government signed by them, as well as for the execution of the laws. - * 40. They may be accused by the chamber -- of representatives, and are tried by that of peers. - " . - 41. Every minister, every commandant of armed force, by land or sea, may be accused b the chamber of representatives, and tried by that of peers, for having compromised the safety or honor of the nation. 42. The chamber of peers, in that case, ex- ercises a discretional power, either in classing the offence or mitigating the punishment. 43. Before placing a minister in accusation, the chamber of representatives must declare that there is ground for examining the charge. a. 44. This declaration can only be made on the report of a committee of sixty, drawn by lot. This committee must make its report in ten days, or sooner, after its nomination. - 45. When the chamber declares there is ground for inquiry, it may call the minister before them to demand explanations, at least withia ten days after the report of the committee. 46. In no other case can ministers in office be summoned or ordered by the chambers. 47. When the chamber of representatives has declared that there is ground for inquiry against a minister, a new committee of sixty, drawn by lot, is formed, who are to make a new report on the placing in accusation. This committee makes its report ten days after its appointment. 48. The placing in accusation is not to be decided till ten days after the report is read and distributed. 49. The accusation being pronounced, the chamber appoints five of its member to prosecute the charge before the peers. 50. The seventy-fifth article of the constitu- tional act of the 22d Friimaire, year 8, importing that the agents of government can only be pro- secuted in virtue of a decision of the council of state, shall be modified by a law. TITLE v.–OF THE JUDICIAL Power. 51. The emperor appoints all judges. They are irremoveable, and for life, from the moment of their appointment; but the nomination of jus- tices of peace, and judges of commerce, shall take place as formerly. . - The existing judges, appointed by the emperor, in terms of the senatus consultum of the 12th Oct. 1807, and whom he shall think proper to re- tain, shall receive provisions for life before the 1st of January next. 52. The institution of juries is maintained. 53. The discussions on criminal trials shall be public. - - 54. Military offences alone shall be tried by military tribunals. 55. All other offences, even those committed b military men, are within the jurisdiction of civil tribunals. - OF THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 1307 fººt - 56. All the crimes and offences which were ap- propriated for trial to the high imperial court, and of which this act does not reserve the trial to the chamber of peers, shall be brought before the or- dinary tribunals. 57. The emperor has the right of pardon, even in correctional cases, and of granting am- nesties. 58. Interpretations of laws demanded by the court of a cassation shall be given in the form of a law. Title, VI.-Rights of citizens. 59. Frenchmen are equal in the eye of the law, whether for contribution to taxes and public burdens, or for admission to civil or military em- ployments. 60. No one, under any pretext, can be with- drawn from the judges assigned to him by law. 61. No one can be prosecuted, arrested, de- tained, or exiled, but in cases provided for by law, and according to the prescribed forms. 62. Liberty of worship is guaranteed to all. 63. All property possessed or acquired in vir- tue of the laws, and all debts of the state, are in- violable. 64. Every citizen has a right to print and pub- lish his thoughts, on signing them, without any previous censorship, liable at the same time, after publication, to legal responsibility, by trial by jury, even where there is ground only for the ap- plication of a correctional penalty. 65. The right of petitioning is secured to all the citizens. Every petition is individual. Pe- titions may be addressed either to the govern- ment or to the two chambers; nevertheless, even the latter must also be entitled “To the emperor.” They shall be presented to the chambers under the guarantee of a member who recommends the petition. They are publicly read, and if the chambers take them into consideration, they are laid before the emperor by the president. 66. No fortress, no portion of territory, can be declared in a state of siege, but in case of invasion by a foreign force, or of civil broils. In the former case the declaration is made by an act of the government. In the latter, it can only be done by the law. However, should the two cham- bers not then be sitting, the act of the govern- ment, declaring the state of siege must be con- verted into a plan of law within a fortnight after the meeting of the chambers. 67. The French: people moreover declare, that in the delegation which it has made and makes of its powers, it has not meant, and does not mean, to give a right to propose the reinstatement of the Bourbons, or any prince of that family on the throne, even in case of the extinction of the imperial dynasty; nor the right of re-establishing either the ancient feudal 89. , ment. * mobility, or the feudal or seignorial rights or titles, or any privileged or predominant religion; nor the power to alter the irrevocability of the sale of the national domains; it formally interdicts to the government, the chambers, and the citizens, all propositions on that subject. Given at Paris, April 22, 1815. (Signed) By the Emperor, (Signed). The Duke of BAssano, The Minister Secretary of State. NApoleon. A table subjoined contains the number of re- presentatives to be returned by each of the eighty- seven departments, which are subdivided into 368 arrondissements. The number of the repre- sentatives appointed by the colleges of the de- partments vary from one to six for each depart- The arrondissements, of which there are from three to six, each return one representative. The total number of representatives from the col- leges of the departments being 238, and from the arrondissements being 368, gives a total of 606, to which, however, is to be added twenty-three re- presentatives of the commercial and manufac- turing interests, which makes in all 629 represen- tatives for all France. This additional act was offered to the acceptance or rejection of the French people. Every French- man of mature age was invited to inscribe his vote for or against it, in registers which were opened in every town and district. These votes were to be collected and the grand result published at the Champ de Mai, which was convened on the 26th of May. The Champ de Mai, or Champ de Mars, is a large expanse in front of the military-school, bor- dered on both sides with double avenues of trees which extend from the school almost to the banks of the Seine. It was appropriated, like the Campus Martius at Rome, to the reviews of troops, and to horse and foot races on public festivals. It did not, however, derive its maine from any imitation of the Roman Campus Martius. In the early periods of the French monarchy, the general assemblies of the nation were held in this place. The objects of the meeting were to frame new laws, to submit the complaints of the people to the royal ear, to compose differences among the barons, and to review the forces of the kingdom. It was de- nominated the Champ de Mars, because the as- * sembly took place in the month of March. In the middle of the eighth century, Pepin transferred it to the month of May, as a milder and more con- venient season. After this it was called either the Champ de Mars or the Champ de Mai. Under the second race of kings, similar meetings were held both in the beginning of the year, and in August or September. Under the third race they gradually changed *::: * and assumed BOOK XIV. CHAP. VIII" Jºvº-Z 1815. 130S HISTORY OF THE WARS * B00K XIV, the title of parliaments and etàts generaux, Chap. VIII. v_s^vº-Z 1815, which they preserved to the period of the revo- lution. One circumstance attending the promulgation of the additional act gave great and just offence to every moderate and reasonable man. The army and navy were invited to deliberate on it, and transmit their approval or dissent. In every state which boasts the slightest portion of liberty a deliberative voice has been jealously withheld from the military. The duty of the army is to defend the country from invasion, and to obey the commands of the executive power. Its very character renders it dangerous and fatal to free- dom, to permit it to have a voice in the legislative deliberations of the country. This novel compliment now paid to the army was the result of the difficult circumstances in which Napoleon was placed. His whole depend- ance was on the attachment and devotion of his soldiers. His fate was in their hands; and by their aid alone could he avert the destruction which threatened to overwhelm him. Yet even on this ground his conduct was not justifiable. It was an unnecessary violation of every constitutional prin- ciple. His troops would not have claimed a pri- vilege, to which in no country had the army ever been entitled; and the gratuitous offer of it excited in the mind of every rational man the most pain- ful suspicions, and prepared the way for alienation and disgust. Three days before this, Bonaparte had publish- ed a decree, by which extraordinary commission- ers were sent to all the military divisions, who were to abrogate the functions of mayors, ad- juncts, members of municipal-councils, officers and commandants of national-guards, and sub-pre- fects, and were to renew them provisionally on the recommendation of the prefects. They were also to renovate the councils-general of department and of district; and they were to transmit to the minister of the interior all the nominations which they should make. They were further authorized to replace provisionally all the functionaries of the boards of public administration, who should be absent from their posts, or unable to fill them. The object of this decree to place all local authority in the hands of persons devoted to the new order of things is apparent. The arrival of Lucien Bonaparte at this time was of infinite advantage to Napoleon. Lucien had been a sturdy republican. His talents were uni- versally acknowledged, and his courageous oppo- sition to the former tyranny of Napoleon was. fresh in the memory of all. The reconciliation of the brothers was therefore regarded as a pledge of the sincerity of Bonaparte, and the triumph of libertv. †. motive for Lucien’s return is somewhat difficult to appreciate. It had been universally acknowledged that he rivalled, and even excelled, Napoleon in the powers of his mind; and the noble resistance which he had made to the ty- ranny of his brother had raised him high in the public estimation. He had nobly refused to co- operate in the plans of Napoleon, as soon as he was convinced that his ultimate object was not the welfare of France and the triumph of liberty, but the gratification of his own inordinate ambi- tion. He refused, although he was tempted by a crown; and retiring from public life, he passed many years happily employed in the education of his family, and the cultivation of literature and the arts. CHAPTER IX. Proceedings of Louis XVIII. at Ghent.—His Declaration.—Manifesto to the French People.— Report on the State of France.—Proceedings of Joachim Murat, King of .Naples.—His peculiar Situation.—Suspicions against him.—He blockades Rome.—His Complaints against France.— Conduct on the landing there of Bonaparte.—Arrives at Ancona–Advances with his Army, and attacks the Austrians at Cesena.-His Proclamation to the Italians.—Emperor of Austria's De- claration of War against him.—Retreat of the Austrian Forces to the Po.—Entrance of the Mea- politans into Rome and Florence.—Various Actions.—Retreat of the Neapolitans.—An Armistice solicited, which is refused.—Interesting Proceedings relative to Murat in the British Par- liament.—Lord Wellington's Letter. WE must now advert to the situation of Louis XVIII, at Ghent, where he was surrounded by his small but faithful court. On the 12th of April he issued the following declaration. In this will be seen the early avowal of the determination of the allies to re-seat the Bourbons on the throne. OF THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. - 1309 “Ghent, April 12, 1815. “At the moment when we are about to place ourselves amid our people, we consider that we owe them, in the face of Europe, a formal de- claration of our intentions. When heaven and the nation recalled us to the throne, we made be- fore God the solemn promise, very soothing to our heart, to forget injuries, and to labour with- out relaxation for the happiness of our subjects.- The sons of St. Louis have never betrayed either heaven or their country. Already had our peo- ple recovered, through our care, plenty at home, peace abroad, and the esteem of all nations:— already the throne, weakened by so many shocks, had begun to be firmly established, when treason forced us to quit our capital, and to seek refuge on the confines of our states. However, Europe has taken up arms—Europe, faithful to its trea- ties, will know no other King of France except ourselves. Twelve hundred thousand men are about to march to assure the repose of the world, and, a second time, to deliver our fine country. —In this state of things, a man, whose whole strength is at present made up of artifice and de- lusion, endeavours to lead astray the spirit of the nation by his fallacious promises, to raise it against its king, and to drag it along with him into the abyss, as if to accomplish his frightful prophec of 1814 : —“If I fall, it shall be known how . the overthrow of a great man costs.” “Amid the alarms which the present danger of France has revived in our hearts, the crown, which we have never looked upon but as the power of doing good, would to our eyes have lost all its charms, and we should have returned with pride to the exile in which twenty years of our life were spent in dreaming of the happiness of the French people, if our country was not menaced for the future with all the calamities which our restora- tion had terminated ; and if we were not the guarantees for France to the other sovereigns. The sovereigns who now afford so strong a mark. of their affection cannot be abused by the cabi- net of Bonaparte, with the Machiavelism of which they are acquainted. United by the friend- ship and interests of their people, they march without hesitation to the glorious end where hea- ven has placed the general peace and happiness of nations. Thoroughly convinced, in spite of all the tricks of a policy now at its last extremity, that the French nation has not made itself an ac- complice in the attempts of the army, and that the small number of Frenchmen who have been led astray must soon be sensibe of their error, they regard France as their ally. Wherever they shall find the French people faithful, the fields will be respected, the labourer protected, and the poor succeured. They will reserve the weight of the war to let it fall on those provinces who, at their approach, refuse to return,” their duty. This restriction, directed by prudence, would sen- BOOK XIV. sibly afflict us if our people were less known to us; but whatever the fears may be with which it CHAP. IX. is endeavoured to inspire them with respect to our intentions, since our allies make war only against rebels, our people have nothing to dread ; and we rejoice to think that their love for us shall not have been altered by a short absence, nor by the calumnies of libellers, nor by the promises of the chief of a faction, too much convinced of his weakness not to caress those who burn to destroy him. On our return to our capital, a return which we consider to be near at hand, our first care shall be to recompence virtuous citizens, who have devoted themselves to the good cause, and to labour to banish even the very appearance of those disasters which may have withdrawn from us some of the French people. (Signed) “ LOUIs.” On the 24th of April, Louis addressed a mani- festo to the French nation. It began with stating that it had been the first care of the king to in- struct his ambassadors to represent to foreign courts the real course of events and condition of things in France, that France might not be ca- lumniated, dishonored, exposed to unjust con- tempt and unmerited indignation. This had been done; for, according to this manifesto, Europe was persuaded that the whole French nation, with the exception of the army, and a very few volun- tary accomplices, “ have followed; and recalled the king, with all their wishes have imprinted on all his footsteps a new homage of gratitude, a new oath of fidelity.” How could it, indeed, be otherwise ? Who shall dare contradict the king, when he swears before God and before his people, that “since the day when Providence re- placed him on the throne of his fathers, the con- stant object of his wishes, his thoughts, his la- bours, was the happiness of all Frenchmen ; the restoration of his country more dear to him than that of his throne; the re-establishment of internal and external peace; that of religion, justice, laws, morals, credit, commerce, arts; the inviola- bility of all existing property, without any, ex: ception; the employment of all virtues and all talents, without any other distinction; the present diminution of the most burdensome taxes, until their approaching suppression : in fact, the esta- blishment of personal and public liberty; the in- stitution and perpetuity of a charter which guaran- tees for ever to the French nation these invalua- ble blessings?” The manifesto next adverts to the declaration of the allied powers of the 13th of March, declar- ing Bonaparte the enemy of the civilized world, and pledging themselves, while they engaged re- ligiously to respect the integrity of the French territory, and the independence of the French 1815. 1310 History of THE wans BOOK XIV. CHAP. IX. Jºvº 1815. —r character, never to lay down their arms till the irrevocable destruction of his permicious, power. Louis next proceeds to state, that the allies had in fact acknowledged him as the only legitimate sovereign of France, by sending, their ambassa- dors to reside where he was, and by requiring his accession to the new compact which they had signed. He next again adverts to his love of the French, and to his devotion to their cause and happiness : “He would at this moment sacrifice himself for you, did not his sacrifice, instead of securing your peace, leave you exposed to a more terrible war: a foreign invasion would be substi- tuted for a foreign support. Europe has resolved upon the destruction of a power incompatible with European society. And how, in such a conflict, would foreigners, if left to themselves, distinguish among you the victims of tyranny from its accom- plices !—But let France will it, and France will have only friends in a league in which her king has been requested to take part, and in which he has taken part. “ Frenchmen, the king, who has always been near you, will always be with you. His majesty, the day on which he shall set foot on his terri- tory again, will make known to you in detail his salutary intentions, and all his measures of order, justice, and wisdom. “ Frenchmen, whom Louis XVIII. is about to reconcile a second time with Europe ; inha- bitants of those good cities, whose affecting wishes daily reach the king, and encourage him to accomplish them; Parisians, who now grow pale at the sight of that very palace whose walls alone so lately spread serenity on your counte- nances; who, every morning, during a year, came thither to salute Louis XVIII. with the name of father, not with voices subjugated by terror or sold to falsehood, but with the cry of your hearts and your consciences: national-guards, who on the 12th of March swore to him with so much ar- dour to live and die for him and the constitution ; you who have preserved him in your hearts; you who would have seen him in your ranks, had treason permitted those ranks to be formed,— prepare all of you for the day when the voice of your prince and of your country shall summon you to the duty of aiding the one and saving the other.” The manifesto concludes with adverting to the elections going on in France. It says, “ Doubt- less, if it were possible for these elections to be national, the scrutinisers faithful, and the voices free, the new Champ de Mai would make the il- legality of its principle disappear in the loyalty of its wishes. cration of that alliance sworn nine centuries ago, between the nation of the Franks and the royal house of France, and perpetuated for nine centuries between the posterity of those Franks Its first cry would be a new conse- ---smºs and the posterity of their kings: the true French nation would never wish either to perjure its an- cestors, nor to perjure itself. But what can you expect from an usurper, or from those who have ensanguined or defiled all that they have ever touched; who have made objects of derision or horror every thing that ought to be the object of veneration and love ; who would disgrace, were it possible, even the names of country, liberty, the constitution, laws, honor, and virtue #" On this manifesto we shall offer only two re- marks. . In the first place, it is very strikingly observable, that the language of all addresses to the French nation, whether proceeding from Bo- naparte or Louis, are deeply tinctured with the same faults: their language is pompous and in- flated; their statements exaggerated ; little is addressed to cool reason and sober judgment; al- most the whole to feeling or passion. . In the se- cond place, Louis, by so frequently and strikingly dwelling on the charter, and on the inviolability of property, evidently is sensible, that he had not been acting during his reign as he ought to have acted, with respect to these points. This manifesto was probably drawn up by the Viscount Chateaubriand : it has all the faults and all the excellencies of his style and manner. He also drew up about the same time a report on the state of France. This report is important and in- teresting, as exhibiting a strong contrast with the report laid before Bonaparte. The first head of this report relates to the acts and decrees for the interior. Under this head the reporter contrasts the benedictions that followed the king on his de- parture with the gloom that was caused by the re- turn of Bonaparte –he remarks on the system of official lying: the proclamations of Bonaparte, promising the return of the golden age, &c. If Bonaparte abolishes the excise, he only undoes his own work ;-by what right, among a free people, does he alter the mode of levying the taxes prescribed by the law? On the decree for calling out the national- guards are the following remarks:— “You, sire, abolished the conscription, and thought you had for ever delivered your people and the world from that scourge. Bonaparte has just restored it only under another shape, and avoiding its odious name. His decree, as to the national-guards, is one of the most frightful and monstrous things which the revolution up to this moment has produced: 3,130 battalions are de- signated at the rate of 720 men each; they form a total of 2,253,600. As yet, indeed, only 240 battalions, chosen from the grenadiers and light- infantry, have been rendered moveable, repre- senting 172,800 men. He is not yet strong enough to cause the rest to march, but it will come. in time, with the aid of the grand machine of the Champ de Mai. of THE FRENCH REvolution. 13] I “This immense haul embraces the whole po- pulation of France, and comprehends what the fevies in mass and the conscriptions never included. In 1793 the convention dared to take only seven years, the men between eighteen and twenty-five. They now march all from twenty to sixty, dis- charged or not discharged; married or unmarried; those with substitutes or those without ; guards of honor, volunteers, all, in short, are enveloped in this general proscription. Bonaparte, tired of decimating the French people, means to extermi- nate them at one blow. It is hoped, by the ter- ror of the police, to compel the citizens to enrol themselves. Happily, sire, material facts and moral influence contribute to diminish the dan- ger of this disastrous conscription. There re- mains but very few muskets in the arsenals of France: in consequence of the invasion of last year, several manufactories of arms were disman- tled or destroyed. Pikes are capable of being fabricated speedily enough to be put into the hands of the multitude; but this arm furnishes little resource. As to that valor which, with Frenchmen, supplies the place of all arms, it is certain that the national-guards will not employ it against your majesty. All the moral force of France and the torrent of public opinion are ab- solutely for the king. In many departments, the national-guards will not rise at all, or will only form with extreme difficulty : in fine, the citizen, oppressed by the soldier, will less readily submit to be subjugated if arms are given him; and Bo- naparte, instead of pouring a people who hate him into an army which he has seduced, will perhaps lose a devoted soldiery in a hostile po- pulation.” The second head relates to the exterior. Un- der this head are stated the attempts made by Bonaparte to deceive foreign powers by the hopes of peace, while, at the very same time, he was flattering his army with the recovery of Belgium, the natural boundary of the Rhine and Italy. The question of foreign interference is also stated and argued under this head. The third head of the report relates to re- proaches made to the royal government. Under this head the reporter shows the reproaches con- cerning the lavish expenditure to be wholly groundless; and endeavours to justify the non- payment of Bonaparte's allowance in Elba, he- cause he had immense debts in France.—The Bourbons are accused of having wished to lessen the glory of the army ; and yet foreigners have accused the emigrants of being proud of those very victories which prevented them from return- ing to their own country. The last head of the report relates to the spirit of Bonaparte's government. The reporter shows the embarrassments of Bonaparte, the collision of parties, none of them S9. -ºses, strong enough to establish a separate authority, Book XIV. and bound together only as long as their common interests require it; while Bonaparte flatters all by turns, and prepares the grand manoeuvre of the Champ de Mai. He deduces the inference that both the army and the people will soon be- come sensible that they have been equally be- trayed; that the strength of Bonaparte diminishes as that of the king increases; and that the latter will shortly return to this country, will carry back happiness with him ; and that all his subjects, both innocent and guilty, will find their salvation by throwing themselves into his arms or at his feet. “But, sire, while I am endeavouring to lay before you majesty a picture of the internal state of France, the picture is no longer the same; to-morrow it will change again, however rapidly I might sketch it, and it would be impos- sible for me to follow the convulsive emotions of a man agitated by his own passions and by those which he has so foolishly excited. The publication of the additional act has deprived him of his re- maining accomplices ; attacked on all sides he retreats, he withdraws from his extraordinary commissioners the nomination of the mayors of the communes, and gives it to the people. Frightened by the multiplicity of negative votes he aban- dons the dictatorship, and convokes the repre- sentatives by virtue of this very additional act, which is not yet accepted. Thus driven from shoal to shoal, he turns himself a hundred dif- ferent ways to elude his engagements, and to seize again the power which is escaping from him ; scarcely delivered from one danger, he meets a new one. These sudden changes, this strange confusion of all things, announce what we may call the dying agonies of despotism : tyranny worn out, and on its decline, still retains the inclination to do evil, but it seems to have lost its power.” Such were the employments of Louis and his ministers during his exile at Ghent. But though in his manifesto, and in the official report, he re- presented the majority of the French nation (or rather the whole French nation, with the excep- tion of the army and a very few individuals,) as hostile to Bonaparte and warmly attached to him- self; yet it was evident that he looked for his re-establishment on the throne to his allies alone, not to his subjects. Before we proceed any further in the affairs of France, it will be proper to interpose a few of the parallel proceedings of that sovereign who owed to Bonaparte his crown, and had never ceased "H. ticipate in his councils. It was observed in Book XIII. of this history, that the King of Naples, Joachim Murat, appeared to be placed in a pecu- liarly critical situation. His retention of that CrOWI), Was obviously anomaly in the political 5. C CHAP IX. usºvº. A JS15. I312 history of The wars BOOK XIV. CHAP. IX. Jºvº/ 1815. ©º system of restoring the former state of things in Europe; and although the services he had ren- dered-to Austria, by a powerful aid at the time it was engaged in a hard contest with the French armies in the north of Italy, had been returned by a treaty of friendship and alliance with the Austrian emperor, yet the terms on which he stood with the other powers were far from satisfac- tory. The Bourbon sovereigns had a family in- terest to replace the crown of Naples on the head of the King of Sicily; and the court of Great Britain, in close alliance with the latter, had never recognized the title of King Joachim, and had only agreed to a suspension of hostilities against him, when his co-operation was of advantage to the common cause. The British cabinet did, in- deed, consider that this was preliminary to a treaty with him, but it was upon the condition that a compensation should elsewhere be found for the King of Sicily. Joachim was long in anxious ex- pectation of the signature of such a treaty by the English minister; and, on the 29th of December, 1814, his ministers at Vienna delivered to Lord Castlereagh a memorial, requesting the speedy conclusion of a definitive treaty of peace between the two crowns. Long before this time, however, Murat had become an object of suspicion; and Lord William Bentinck, who had closely observed him, gave, in a letter to Lord Castlereagh, dated the 7th of January, 1815, the following, among other re- marks, on the subject:-‘There can be no doubt that all the advantages contemplated in the al- liance with Murat, by Austria and the allies, would have been realized, if he had embarked homestly and cordially in the cause; but his policy was to save his crown, and to do this he must always be on the side of the conqueror. His first agents were sent to me after his return from i.eipsic. He then thought Napoleon's affairs desperate. His language was plain and sincere. He said, ‘Give me an armistice, and I will march with the whole of the army against the French. Give me the friendship of England, and I care not for Austria, or the rest of the world !” Sub- sequently, when Austria came to seek his alli- ance, he naturally discovered both his own import- ance, and the uncertain issue of the contest. He then began to entertain views of aggrandisement; and, by possessing himself of the whole south of Italy, he seemed to think he could render himself independent, whatever might be the event of the war.” . His lordship proceeds to speak of the counsels by which Murat was governed. He des- cribes him as equally remarkable for his courage in the field, and his indecision in the cabinet, which disposition was worked upon by two contend- ing parties in his court, the French and the Nea- politans. His attachment was manifestly to the former; and he was anxious) to keep with him his French officers, who were continually magnifying the success of the French army, and endeavour- ing to fix him in alliance with their country. It further appears, that Lord W. Bentinck enter- tained strong suspicions of the good faith of Murat even whilst acting with the allies, and that he had a serious difference with him on that account; and also that the Austrian general, Bel- legarde, was fully of the same opinion. Anxious, however, to secure the friendship of England, the Neapolitan ministers at Vienna presented the following note to Lord Castlereagh, on the 11th of February: “The undersigned ministers-plenipotentiaries of his majesty the King of Naples, have had the honor of addressing to his excellency my Lord Viscount Castlereagh, principal secretary of state of his Britannic majesty for foreign affairs, an official note, dated the 29th of December last, so- liciting the conclusion of the definitive peace be- tween the crowns of Naples and Great Britain. His excellency my Lord Castlereagh was so good as to assure the undersigned, first pleni- potentiary of his Neapolitan majesty, that he would occupy himself with the object of that note. It has, nevertheless, remained to this day without any result. Although the king can- not but be keenly affected by this silence, from the eagerness with which he is desirous of enter- ing into more intimate relations with England, he has too much dependance on the sincerity and justice of the English government, to allow him to doubt for a moment of its fidelity in fulfilling the engagements which it has contracted towards him. If all those reasons which the undersigned urged in their note of the 29th of December last required to be corroborated by others still more powerful, they might recal to his excellency my Lord Castlereagh the convention which he pro- posed at Troyes, with the three other principal coalesced powers, by which the Britannic govern- ment, recognising the political existence of the King of Naples, solicited an indemnity in favor of the King of Sicily, as an indemnification for the kingdom of Naples. Austria, Russia, and Prussia adhered by separate acts of accession, stipulated at Troyes, the 15th of February, 1814, to that convention, which has irrevocably conse- crated the principle of the political existence of the King of Naples. . It belonged next to the powers in whose hands were all the disposable countries conquered from the enemy, to find and to proportion the indemnity to be given to the King of Sicily. His Neapolitan majesty could concur no otherwise in this than by his good offices; and he has fulfilled on this point the en- gagements which he contracted by his treaty of alliance of the 11th of January, 1814, the under- signed having declared by the note which they have had the honor of addressing to his excellency ‘A or The FRENch REvolution. 1313 *— *----- # --Rºy--ww-wºw w-cºws - wº *F wºrs my Lord Castlereagh, under date of the 29th of December last, that they were ready to concur in the arrangement which might be proposed for that effect. Thus, under whatever point of view the Britannic government wish to view its posi- tion with regard to the King of Naples, it can only consider as just and reasonable the demand which the undersigned are charged with reiterat- ing to his excellency my Lord Castlereagh, of proceeding to the prompt conclusion of a defini- tive treaty of peace between the two crowns. No person can be better qualified than my Lord Castlereagh to enlighten the English government with respect to the affairs of Naples. Having concurred in the negociation which preceded-and which followed the accession of his Neapolitan majesty to the coalition, he was the organ of the engagements entered into by the English govern- ment towards the court of Naples; and his cha- racter for justice and probity is too well known to allow the ºd to suppose that his political conduct will vary in any manner; and they are certain that he will support in London the en- gagements which he contracted in the name of his government towards the King of Naples, as well as the promises and verbal deelarations made by him during the last campaign of the coalesced armies, and principally at Chaumont and Dijon. The undersigned beseech his excellency my Lord Castlereagh to accept the assurances of their very high consideration. (Signed) “The Duke of CAMPochiARo. “The Prince de CARIAti.” In the latter part of the preceding year, Murat had put in motion a considerable body of troops, with the apparent intention of occupying an ad- ditional share of the territories of the church ; and, at the end of January, a Neapolitan army, consisting of about 25,000 men, was posted near Rome, so as in a manner to blockade it on the side of Naples. The Pope, who had sent a me- morial of his complaints to the Austrian court, remained in the city with his cardinals, trusting to the sanctity of his character for his sole de- fence. About this period, the Neapolitan minister at the Congress presented a note to Prince Met- ternich, in which, after representing that his so- vereign considered himself as included in the peace of Paris, among the allies of the coalesced powers, he complained of the delay of his most christian majesty to recognize him, and urged the Emperor of Austria to exert his influence with the court of France, in order to procure him this justice. That the French cabinet had before this time formed the design of obliging Murat to re- sign the crown of Naples to King Ferdinand, was rendered apparent by the following letter from the Prince of Benevente (Talleyrand) to Lord Castlereagh, proposing a plan of attack upon him. dinand IV., desires still to be so. *-*. —h- —ºr “My Lord.—You desire me to make known to you in what manner I conceive the affair of Na- ples ought to be settled in Congress; for as there is a necessity of settling it, it is a point upon which there ought not to be one moment of uncertainty in a mind like your's. It would be for ever a subject of reproach, and I will say, even an eternal subject of shame, if the right of sovereignty over an ancient and fine kingdom, like that of Naples, being contested, Europe united for the first time (and probably for the last) in general Congress should leave undecided a question of this nature, and sanctioning in some degree usurpation by its silence, should give ground for the opinion, that the only source of right is force. I have not at the same time to convince your excellency of the rights of Ferdi- nand IV. England has never ceased to recog- nize them. In the war in which he lost Naples, England was his ally. She has been since, and is so still. Never has she recognized the title that the person who now governs at Naples assumes, nor the right which this title supposes; therefore, in concurring to assure the rigiits of King Ferdinand, England has only one plain thing to do—which is to declare in Congress what she has always re- cognized, that Ferdinand IV. is the legitimate sovereign of the kingdom of Naples. “Perhaps England, heretofore the ally of Fer- Perhaps she may believe her honor demands that she should assist, if need be, with her forces, for his regain- ing the crown of which he has been recognized the sovereign; but this is not an obligation that can flow from a pure and simple acknowledge- ment of the rights of this prince, because the recognition of a right does not naturally carry with it any other obligation, than that of doing nothing that may be contrary to such right, and of not supporting any pretension that may be set up against it. It does not carry with it the ob- ligation of fighting in his defence. “It may be that I deceive myself; but it appears to me infinitely probable, that a frank and unani- mous declaration of the powers of Europe, and the certitude of the person who now governs at Naples, that he º not be supported by any one, would render useless the employment of force; but if the contrary should happen, those only of the allies of King Ferdinand would be necessary who should think proper to lend him their support. s “Is it feared that in this case the war should spread beyond the limits of the kingdom of Na: ples, and that the tranquillity of Italy should again be interrupted 2 Is it feared that foreign troops should again traverse Italy 3 These fears may be obviated by stipulating that the kingdom of Naples should not be attacked by the Italian continent. Austria appears to be engaged to- BOOK XIV. CHAP. IX. V ºvºº 1815. 1314 HISTORY OF THE WARS - Book XIV.' wards him who governs at Naples, to guarantee him from all attack on this side; and if, as we Char. IX, are assured, Austria has only engaged herself for *º-' this (how can it be supposed that the emperor has 1815. given his guarantee against the rights of a prince at once his uncle and his father-in-law, to the possession of a kingdom which he lost in making common cause with Austria), she cannot be em- barrassed in reconciling with justice, and with the natural sentiments of affection, the engagements into which extraordinary circumstances made her enter. “It appears to me, therefore, that we may at one and the same time satisfy all our duties, and all our interests, and all our engagements, by an article such as the following:— “‘Europe, united in Congress, recognizes his majetsy Ferdinand IV. as King of Naples. All the powers engage to one another not to favor, nor to support, directly or indirectly, any preten- sion opposite to the rights which appertain to him in this title; but the troops which the powers foreign to Italy and the allies of his said majesty, may march to the support of his cause, cannot traverse Italy.” “I persuade myself, my lord, that Y. E. is suf. ficiently authorised to subscribe such a clause, and that you have no need of a more special au- thorization ; but if you should think otherwise, I shall request of you to require this authority with- out delay, as you have been good enough to per- mit me so to do (ainsi qu’elle a bien woulu me le promēttre.) “Agree, &c. &c. (Signed) “Le Prince de TALLEYRAND.” It is probable that the King of Naples had re- ceived some intimation of the design of the French government, for the Duke of Campo- chiaro, when he presented his note, informed the Austrian minister, that he was directed to ask for a passage for 80,000 men into France through the Austrian dominions in Italy, who should pay for all which they consumed. This request in- duced the emperor's cabinet to take measures for the security of Italy, and to reinforce their troops in that country. At this period, as already observed, an active correspondence was carrying on between Naples and the isle of Elba; but it may be doubted whether Joachim was entrusted with Bonaparte's design of landing in France. As soon as the intelligence, of , this event reached Naples, he called together his council, and informed them of his determination to adhere to his alliance with the Emperor of Austria, and to remain faithful to the system of the allied powers. An assurance to this purpose was communicated to the imperial ambassačor at his court, and also to the plenipo- tiaries at the Congress of Vienna. The whole of *— *mrºr- the Neapolitan army was now in movement to- wards the frontier, and it was announced, that Joachim was immediately to follow, and establish his head-quarters at Ancona. For some days he appeared to be in a state of great agitation. He held frequent interviews with some French of. ficers at Naples, several of whom he dispatched to France; but he delayed his own departure from Naples, and the advance of his troops, which was attributed to the news of the failure of Bona- parte's attempt to gain possession of Antibes. In fact, he seems to have been under the impression of all that doubt and fluctuation which naturally attends a man acting a double part, and irresolute which side to take. When, however, the news arrived of Bonaparte's entrance into Lyons, he made known that he considered the cause of Na- poleon as his own, at the same time requiring a passage through the Roman states for two of his divisions. The pope protested against this viola- tion of his territory, and withdrew to Florence. On the 19th of March, King Joachim arrived at Ancona, and put himself at the head of his troops. He entered the Pope's dominions on the 22d, and with his main body proceeded from the Marches to the Legations, where, on the 30th, he began hostilities by *...* the imperialists posted at Cesena, who retired before him. On the next day he addressed the following proclamation to the Italians:— “Italians !—The moment is come when great destinies may be accomplished. Providence calls you, at last, to be an independent people. One cry echoes from the Alps to the Strait of Scylla— the independence of Italy | What right have strangers to rob you of independence, the first right and blessing of all people? What right have they to reign in your fertile plains, and to appropriate to themselves your wealth, for the purpose of transporting it to countries where it did not originate % What right have they to carry off your sons, to make them serve, languish, and die, far from the tombs of your fathers ? Is it that nature has in vain given you the Alps for a bul- wark, and the invincible discrepancy of your cha- racter, a barrier still more insurmountable 2 No! no! let every foreign domination disappear from the soil of Italy. “ Formerly masters of the world, you have ex- piated that fatal glory by a servitude of twenty centuries. Let it now be your glory to have mas. ters no longer. Every people must keep within the limits fixed to it by nature! the sea and inac- cessible mountains—these are your frontiers.— Never think of passing them ; but expel the fo– reigner who passes them, and force him to con- fine himself within his own. Eighty thousand Italians at Naples basten to you under the com- mand of their king; they swear never to rest un- til Italy be free; and they have proved, more * 5 . OF THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 1315 & t * * wºrw than oice, that they know how to keep their oaths. “ Italians of all countries' Second their mag- nanimous efforts. Let those who have borne arms resume them: let the raw youth accustom themselves to handle them; let all citizens, friends of their country, raise a generous voice for liberty; let the whole force of the nation be drawn forth in all its energy, and in every form. The question to be decided is, whether Italy shall be free, or shall remain for ages bent under the yoke of sla- very 3 Let the struggle be decisive, and we shall have established, to a distant period, the happiness of our fine country—that country which, though still torn and bleeding, is full of ardour and strength to conquer its independence. The en- lightened men of all countries, the nations which are worthy of a liberal government, the princes who are distinguished by the greatness of their character, will rejoice in your enterprise, wiil ap- plaud you triumphs. England—can she refuse you her suffrage?—that nation which holds out to all others the model of a national and constitu- tional government; that free people, whose finest title to glory is to have shed its blood and trea- sures for the independence and liberty of na- tions. “ Italians ! Having long invited and urged us by your wishes, you were surprised at our in- action; but the propitious moment was not come; I had not yet received proofs of the perfidy of our enemies. It was necessary that you should e convinced, by recent experience, how false was the liberality of your present masters, how de- ceitful and lying their promises. Fatal and de- plorable experience 1 I call you to witness, brave and unfortunate Italians of Milan, Bologna, Tu- rin, Venice, Brescia, Modena, Reggio, and so many other famous cities, how many of your brave warriors and virtuous patriots have been torn from their native soil 1 how many groan in dungeons ! how many are victims of unheard-of exactions and humiliations! “ Italians ! You must put a period to so many calamities; arise, and march in the closest union. At the same time that your courage shall assert your external independence, let a government of your choice, a true national representation, a con- stitution worthy of you and the age, guarantee your internal liberty and protect your property. I invite all brave men to come and combat with me; I invite all brave men, who have reflected on the wants of their country, that, in the silence of the passions, they prepare the constitution and ‘laws which must in future govern happy and in- dependent Italy. “ JoACHIM NAPOLEoN. “By the king, “ MILLET DE VILLENEUve, “ Chief of the staff.” 90. When the news arrived at Vienna of the attack upon the Austrian troops by the Neapolitans, the emperor, issued the following declaration of War 2– “After the campaign of 1812, the King of Na- ples left the French army, in which he had com- manded a corps. He had scarcely arrived in his capital, when he caused overtures to be made to the Austrian court respecting his intention of com- bining his future political proceedings with those of the Austrian cabinet. Shortly after the cam- paign of 1813 commenced, on the first appear- ance of a favorable prospect for Napoleon, King Joachim left Naples, and again took a command in the French army; at the same time he pri- vately proposed to the Austrian cabinet, his medi- ation between the allies and the French emperor. The glorious 18th of October decided the fall of the French empire, the king returned to his do- minions, and immediately renewed the negociation that had been broken off, respecting his accession to the European alliance. He caused his army to advance, and proposed to Austria the partition of Italy. The Po was to be the limit of the two states; some months elapsed in continued negocia- tions with the allies, and in a no less frequent cor- respondence with the commander-in-chief of the French Italian army. The Neapolitan army did not side with either party. Neither could count upon it, but neither had to combat it. For Aus- tria, this state of things was the least detrimental. It could direct its chief force against the com- mon enemy without attending to Italy. “On the Ilth of January, 1814, the treaty be- tween Naples and Austria was at length signed ; yet the Neapolitan army remained long inactive, under the pretext that the ratifications were not yet exchanged. Written proofs which fell into the hands of the allies left no doubt that the king's seeret connections with the enemy still continued: they shewed chiefly his intentions of deceiving the French emperor respecting the accession of the king to the alliance of the powers which had al- ready taken place. The victories obtained in JFrance itself decided the part of the king. Paris was in the hands of the allies, and the Neapolitan army began its campaign. The convention of the 11th of April, 1814, had ended the war against Napoleon, the negociations at Paris fixed the reci- procal relations between France and its late ene- mies; all the armies began their retreat; the Neapolitans retired into the papal marshes, to which the king pretends by the treaty of the 11th April (should this be January 11 ?) The relations between all the powers to be fixed at the Congress at Vienna. The branches of the house of Bour- bon declared against the recognition of King Joachim ; the situation of the latter was yet much changed by the return of the ancient royal fa- mily to the throne of .* and Spain. An equi- 15 BOOK XIV. CHAP. IX, Jºvº-Z 1815, 1316 HISTORY OF THE WARS BOOK XIV. CHAP. IX. \Lºvº-Z l S} 5. table policy could not but prescribe to him to li- mit his future views solely to the retaining one of the finest kingdoms in the world, and wholly to renounce all conquests; and the more since con- quests could not be made but at the expense of a neighbour, whe, in a military point of view, was wholly in offensive, and in a political point of view of the highest importance. Moderation and good faith are, however, words without meaning in the eyes of the princes of the new French dynasty. “ King Joachim, however, instead of thinking on maintaining himself, formed in silence extensive prospects for the future; he prepared the execu- tion of them by taking advantage of all the ele- ments of a political and military revolution. None of his plans, none of his movements, escaped the Austrian cabinet. This was not the way to bring over to his side the opinion of the courts who op- posed the admission of the King of Naples to a place among the sovereigns of Europe. “As the burden of military exertions was too great for the kingdom to bear, the king resolved to take more decisive steps. In the course of the month of February he expressed his design of sending an army to France, for which end he re- uired nothing less than the passage through Middle and Upper Italy. Such a strange pro- posal was rejected, with a suitable reproof. “On the 25th and 26th of February, 1815, his imperial majesty sent declarations to the French and Neapolitan governments, announéing his ir- revocable determination never to allow the tran- quility of Middle and Upper Italy to be endan- gered by the marching in or passage of foreign troops. His imperial majesty gave orders for the march of a large reinforcement of troops to his Italian dominions, to support his declaration. This declaration of Austria was answered on the part of France, with the assurance that the king had no such intention. King Joachim kept his decla- ration back; the time for the discovery of his real views was not yet come. ſº “On the 5th of March the news of Napoleon's escape arrived at Naples. The king immediately sent for his imperial majesty’s ambassador, and declared to him that he was and should remain inviolably faithful to the system of the alliance. He renewed the same declaration to the cabinets of Austria and England. At the same time he sent his aid-de-camp, Count de Beaufremont, to France, with the commission to look for Bona- parte, and to assure him of his support. Scarcely was the news of Napoleon's entry into Lyons re- ceived at Naples, when he formally declared to the court of Rome, “that he considered the cause of Napoleon, as his own, and would now prove io him that it had never been foreign to him.” He required at the same time a passage through the Roman states for two of his divisions, which, however, far from acting in a hostile manner, should not disturb the holy father in his capital. The pope protested against this violation of his territory; and when it took place his holiness left Rome and repaired to Florence. “On the 8th of April the Neapolitan plenipo- tentiaries at Vienna delivered a note to the cabinet, which, with assurances of the must friendly sentiments of their master, and of his unalterable wish never to separate from Austria, announced that his majesty saw himself forced, by the altered state of things, and for his own safety, and in agreement with the military mea- sures which all the powers thought it necessary to take, to give, likewise, to his military force a greater dººr This developement should, however, be within the line of demarcation which was fixed for the Neapolitan army by the armis- tice of 1813. “Meantime the Neapolitan army, without any declaration, began, on the 30th of March, hos- tilities against the Austrian posts in the Lega- tlotis, “His majesty the emperor and king, confiding in the perfect justice of his cause, and relying on the valor of his army, on the tried loyalty of his people, and on his intimate connections with all the powers in Europe, has caused it to be signi- fied to the Neapolitan government, by an official note, dated the 19th instant, that his imperial ma- jesty considers the state of war between the two states as begun, and leaves the further decision to the force of arms.” The imperial general, Bianchi, retired before the Neapolitan army, till he reached the Panaro, where, on April the 4th, he made head against the enemy, on the road to Modena. The result of the action was, that Bianchi continued his re- reat to Carpi, and afterwards took a strong posi- tion on the Po. In the meantime, the Austrian forces were col- lecting under Marshal Bellegarde, who, on the 5th of April, addressed a proclamation to the Italians. In this he reminds them that Murat was a foreigner; and yet he affects a language towards the Italians which an Alexander Farmese, an Andrew Doria, or the great Triniligiº, could scarcely have held towards them Had it not been for this enterprise of Murat, Italy might have remained at peace; but he, without declara- tion of war, for which he was unable to assign any just motive, against the faith of his treaties with Austria, to which alone he owes his political ex- istence, threatens again with his armies the tran- quillity of this fine Italy. His promise of Italian independence is represented as quite in unison with all the measures of the revolution. The proclamation then adverts to the benefits which the north of Italy had received from the house of Austria : hence it is, that in Lombardy and Tus- LORID. W. C. PIENTING IK, º -- - º --- - º - º ºº SIR. Tº LAWRENCE, º-yº O A L. Q M.D. ON ºzºvº. - - - i OF THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 1317 *** Aiº--- à * g- cany “the immortal names of Maria Theresa, of Joseph, and of Leopold, are still recollected with sentiments of admiration and gratitude.” In the conclusion. Marshal Bellegarde contrasts the promises of the French revolutionists, when they first entered Italy, with what they actually did. “Your too ready credulity to the promises of French democracy has already caused your ruin: be now more prudent, because, with the experi- eace of the past, your folly will be more serious: and co-operate, under all circumstances, with the docility of your character—with that reflection, the fruit of intelligence, and that attachment to your sovereign, so worthy of your heart, for the maintenance of order, and the defence of your country and of time throne.” The Grand Dºke of Tuscany at this time quit- ted his capital, and retired to Pisa, and on the 6th the Neapolitans entered Fiorence, which was evacuated by the Austrian general, Nugent. The latter retired to Pistoia, whither he was followed by the Neapolitan general, Pignatelli, who made repeated attacks on the Austrians, in all of which he was repuised with loss, and this was the limit of the advance of the Neapolitans on that side. Ti, “ir inait, army, under the immediate direc- tion of King Joachim, was in the meantime push- ing fºrward gowards Ferrara : and it being con- sidered hy the Austrian generals as of essential consequence to defend ti is point, Baron Frimont ordered the Lieutenant field-marshni Mohr to advance from the táſe-dº port of Occhio Bello, and make an attack upº, the enemy. This was effected on the 12th by Mohr, whilst Count Neip- perg threatened the flank ºf the Neapolitans; and its success was such, that they were driven from all their works, and Ferrara was delivered. The retreating Neapolitans were pursued towards Bo- logna. General Bianchi had at this time driven the invaders from Carpi, and had recovered Māo- dena; so that the vicinity of the Po was entirely freed from the Neapolitans. The latter continued their retreat at all points. On the 16th the van of the Austrian army entered Bologna, which had been hastily abandoaed by Joachim. It was now manifest, that whatever v. ere the wishes of the Italians for independence, no co-operation could be ex:.ected ou their parts; and that the grand scheitie of uniting Loimbardy against the Austrian dominion, an:; forty ºrg a powerful di- version in favor of Bonaparte in that quarter, was beyond the talents of Murat with a Neapolitan army. From Bologna the pursuit was continued by the Austrian division under Coutt Neipperg, which successively occupied linola, Faenza, and Forli. A large corº- of Neapolitans being entrenched at Cesena, the count made an attack upon it on the 21st, and a brisk action ensued, after which the position was abandoned, and the troops hastily retreated. -T- On the 21st, General Millet de Viileneuve, chief of the Neapolitan staff, sent the following letter to the Austrian commander, for the purpose of obtaining an armistice:– “General,—The King of Naples, in the just uneasiness respecting the security of his states, which the negociations at Vienna excited in him, and after the unexpected events which seemed likely to renew the coalition of the European sovereigns against France, thought that he ought again te occupy, and that he had a right to oc- cupy, the line which he held during the last war, in consequence of a formal convention signed by Generals Nugent and Livron, which he has adt renounced by any later stipulations, and from which the Neapolitan army retired merely in consequence of a conventional arrangement. His unajesty flattered himself that this line would be given up to him without difficulty, and perhaps no hostilities would have taken place, if your ex- cellency had received the communications which were prevented by unforeseen accidents. As the Austrian troops at Cesena had fired upon the Nea- politan troops, the king could not but believe that it was by your orders; and that your excellency had positively received from your court instruc- tions to act in a hostile manner towards him. As soon as his majesty saw himself engaged in war, against such a great power, without having in- tended it, he thought it necessary to make use of all the resources which had long since been of- fered him in Italy, and the extension of which he did not even farther attempt to realise. The movements of your army towards Bologna, Fer- rara, and Modena, are known to your excellency; while they were executing, the king saw, by coin- munications with Lord Bentinck, that the hosti- lities commenced against him were not the con- sequence of a settled plan, because the English general stated that he had received no motifica- tion on the subject; but at the same his majesty saw that England, with which he desired to re- main at peace, might take a part in the war if it were cºntinued. This double information excit- ed a wish that a reconciliation with the Austrian court might he possible. His majesty, therefore, signified to Lord Bentinek his intention of mak- ing a re-rograde movement; and he would have proposed an armistice to your excellency, had he not feared that such a proposal Inight have been consider, d as a manoeuvre to check the activity of the military dispositions against his army, at the moment when it began its retreat. “Now that the king finds himself with his whole force in the line which he thought fit to choose; now that he has sufficiently proved that his movements were not compelled, and that he is fuily master of them, his majesty authorises me to acquaint your excellency, that he has required at Vienna new declarations, and made overtures BOOK XIV. *-* Cn AP IX. Jº/*_2 1815, 1818 HISTORY OF THE WARS BOOK XIV. CHA =. IX. Jº/~/ J 815. * to your court, from which he expects a happy is- sue. Meantime his majesty orders me to propose an armistice to your excellency, to avoid all un- necessary bloodshed. “His majesty wishes, general, that you may accede to this proposal. The king would then name a general with full powers to fix, with whomsoever your excellency shall appoint, the line which each of the armes shall occupy. “ I have, &c. (Signed) “ Mi LLET DE VILLENEUVE.” The chief of the staff of the Austrian army re- turned the following answer:- “General,—When his majesty the king assen- bled his army in the Marches, as all his prepara- tions announced the plan of a war, the imperial Austrian court, which was absolutely ignorant of any cause for these armaments, required an ex- planation concerning them ; and as they seemed to be directed against the Legations, which were occupied by its troops, it added the declaration that any violation of this territory would be con- sidered by it as a formal act of hostility. “ It was not, therefore, a few musket-shot at Cesena that decided the question of war; it was the act of the king, in advancing with his whole army into the territory of the Legations occupied by the Austrian troops; it was his proclamation published at Rimini on the 30th of March. “ The views and sentiments professed in that proclamation must serve the king as a standard to judge of the reception that his new proposals for an agreement will meet with. At the same time that, by order of the commander-in-chief of the Austrian army in Italy, I have the honor to answer the letter which you addressed to him on the 21st of April, I am also charged to add, that the commander-in-chief has received the most positive orders to continue the operations with vigour, and therefore is not authorised to check their course by an armistice; that, however, he has not delayed a moment to ask orders from su- perior authority respecting the proposals contained in your dispatch. “I have the honor, &c. “Head-quarters, April 24.” It cannot be doubted, that the Austrian emperor and his allies were well-pleased that they had so good a plea for dethroning one whose pos- session of a crown, conquered from its hereditary owner, made a breach in their system of restora- tion. It was, however, the opinion of many in Eng- land, that Murat had been very ill-treated, as it was understood that the allies had determined on dethroning him previously to his going to war. The subject was at length brought before parlia- ment on the 2d of May, when Earl Grey made a motion in the house of lords for copies of the negociation carried on between the British go- vernment and the Neapolitan government, with a view to bring before the house and the public the engagements which had been entered into with that power, and the justice or injustice of the pro- ceedings with regard to it. The Earl of Liver- pool said, that every information proper to be supplied would be afforded. Murat having at- tacked the allies, the armistice with him was at an end. Earl Grey observed, among other things, that by the armistice concluded between Great Bri- tain and Naples, on the 3d of February, the en- tire sovereignty of Naples was clearly guaranteed to Murat—it was in fact a treaty of alliance, de- pending on two stipulations; indemnity to Sicily, and co-operation with the allies. The indemanity, however, was not to come from Naples, but from the allies; and as to the co-operation, it was no- torious that the military proceedings of Murat had relieved Austria from a great pressure, and had enabled her to act with a successful vigour against France; for he had occupied Tuscany, taken Ancona after a siege of eight days, and had reached the Po. These proceedings had com- pelled the viceroy of Italy to act on the defensive, though he had an excellent army of 45,000 men to oppose to the Austrian one of 80,000 : and if Murat had joined the viceroy with his force, Vienna would have been open to them— Austria could not have acted with vigour against France—and most probably the allies would not have succeeded. It seemed, therefore, much too late to come forward and say that Murat had not acted with due cordiality. Without any treachery on the part of Murat, his co-operation might not have been so active as was expected. But if his character was such as now represented, consider- ing the dangerous state of Italy, it was the height of Impolicy to have suffered him to remain, to set fire to the combustibles accumulated in that country. So that a strong case, in the face of things, appeared to be made out against minis- ters ; and then came the letter to Lord Castle- reagh from the Prince of Benevente—a letter, which had no doubt been read by most of their lordships with the deepest shame, proving that though we were not disposed to open and manly proceedings, we were quite ready to adopt all such as were secret and underhand :-" I re- ſº said his lordship, “ that no doubt all your erdships have seen this extraordinary letter, and have seen it with feelings of resentment for the injured honor, for the humiliation and shame of the remaining character of this country, so deeply involved, and so much more so if it were written not merely on the writer's own notion, but as the reply to some preceding communication from the British minister. I * my lords, that that was OF THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 1319 not the case. I trust that that letter is attri- butable only to the masterhand that is skilled in such productions; for in the worst transaction of the worst period of the worst government that ever existed—in the vilest deceit, the most infa- mous perfidy, the foulest crime that ever occurred —in the blackest record of fraud and imposture that is to be met with in the annals of the world, nothing can be found more flagrant and heinous —nothing more hateful for its treachery—nothing more contemptible for its baseness. Still in that paper not a word was said of the King of Naples having forfeited his sovereignty by his conduct. All that was said was, that although he could not be attacked through Italy, he was assailable by sea ; and, the writer, with a degree of insult to his correspondent which it was difficult to con- ceive how a British minister could bear, conclud- ed that Lord Castlereagh had authority from his court to assent to the proposed measure, and if not, requested that he would obtain it.” The subject was also brought before the house of commons, on the same evening, by Mr. Horner, who, in a speech of considerable length, took the same line of argument as that so ably pursued by Earl Grey in the other house. As the speech of Lord Castlereagh, in reply, is of considerable importance, from the information it conveys, we . give the leading points. After some preliminary observations he proceeded thus;–In consequence of the conclusion of a treaty between Austria and Marshal Murat, he transmitted an instruction from Basfe to Lord William Beatinck, dated the 22d of January, 1814, informing his lordship of the terms of the treaty, by which Marshal Murat was to bring into the field a corps of Neapolitan troops, not less than 30,000, and intimating the prince-regent's pleasure, that his lordship should suspend hostili- ties against Naples on the part of the British government. Before that order, however, reached Lord William Bentinck, his lordship had autho- rised a person to conclude an armistice with the government of Naples, from his knowledge of the suspension of hostilities. The next step in the negociation was a letter which he dispatched to Lord William Bentinck, dated Chatillon, Fe- bruary 21, in which he communicated to his lordship, that the British government had never liked the measure, but being taken they were willing to act up with the Austrian government; and that Murat, by giving indemnities to the King of Sicily, might secure his own dominions. The house should understand, that the engagements of this country with the King of Sicily were only to secure the general interests of Sicily as an ally; there was nothing as a sine qua non with respect to Naples. In point of honor, the government of this country was only bound to Sicily in the same manner as when Foºd Lauderdale was at -- Paris, at which period the Sicilian family were Book XIV. taught to expect the protection and good services of England; but it was not an obligation. If, with good policy, we could have secured Naples to Sicily, we ought to have done so ; but the part- cular interests of Sicily were not to be put in competition with what the security and tranquil- lity of Europe might require. In the month of August, Austria wished to open negociations with Marshal Murat. Negociations passed, and his majesty's ministers gave full power to Lord Aber- deen to become a party to them. The basis of the negociations was, not that Murat should re- main at Naples, but that some dominions should be given to him as an equivalent. In October, a representation was made by the Austrian govern- ment, that Murat would not listen to such terms, and that as the connexion with him was essential to the operations of the campaign, they proposed that Murat should remain at Naples, and that the Sicilian family should look to some other quarter for indemnities. They urged the impropriety of forsaking general purposes for remote interests; and his majesty's government feeling for the ge- neral policy, however reluctant they might be in other respects, gave their concurrence, if Murat continued to make it a sine qua non, that he should remain at Naples, provided he fulfilled his engagement of joining the allies, and a suitable indemnity was given to Sicily. Now his majesty's ministers might plead either or both of these con- ditions in bar of the charges against them; but, with respect to indemnity, the Sicilian family never could be hurt. There was, however, no authority whatever for Lord William Bentinck to consent for Sicily; there was never the slightest disposition in that noble lord to answer for any thing but his own government. Sicily refused an indemnity, and, therefore, the condition was not performed as far as related to her. He then came to the other question, namely, whether Murat, by a proper disposition of his forces, had entitled himself to an execution of the assurance of the treaty. The honorable gentleman had referred to the nature of his communications to Lord William Bentinck on the 1st of April. Those communications were founded on the dispatch of the 21st of February; and when Lord William Bentinck gave the substance to Murat, he accom- anied it with a declaration, on his part, of what e thought had been Murat's conduct antecedent to it; and his opinion was, that he had acted up to the spirit of his engagements. The honorable member had alluded to a misunderstanding be- tween Murat and Lord William Bentinck ; but it was the deliberate judgment of Lord William Bentinck, that the conduct of Murat was not consistent with those considerations, which this country required. As far as his (Lord C.'s) know- ledge went, he was ". ** that there existed - CHAP. IX. ~~~/ 1815. 1320 4x4 HISTORY OF THE WARS Book xiv. the slightest difficulty on the part of the Austrian CHAP. IX. QºS/~/ 1815. government till the treaty was ratified in the way that Murat desired; there was no suggestion of alarm, so far as the Austrian government was concerned. It was not enough, however, to say that the opinion given by Lord William Bentinck, on the 21st of March,--it was not fair to say, that it referred to transactions at the time of the rati- fication of the treaty. Lord William Bentinck communicated to Marshal Bellegarde what his opinion was how Murat had executed his part of the engagement. He evidently meant to qualify the conduct of the British government, and said, that they did not know the conduct of Murat when that authority was transmitted. On the 25th of March, long after the treaty had been ra- tified, and when Murat might have destroyed those unfavorable opinions which Lord William Bentinck had formed, that noble lord made use of the following language: “It is now necessary to consider the conduct of Murat. Has he ful- filled his engagements with Austria? Has he not acted rather as a friend to Bonaparte 3 Was it not the policy of a deserter to throw his whole force into the scale 2 He could expect no favor from Bonaparte : but is it not the language of all his officers, that Italy should be united, and that he should be the head 3 Finally, is there any man in Italy, or any in the Austrian army south of the Po, who has any confidence in him 2 He is only waiting to place himself on the strongest side.” Such was the opinion of Lord William Bentinck on the 25th of March. The honorable gentleman had stated, that it was the true policy of this country to resist all suspicions between Murat and the ailies. At Chatillon, he consented that Murat should remain at Naples, and he hoped the honorable gentleman would feel, that through- out this transaction there was no disposition to entertain improper jealousies of the conduct of Murat. In his letter of the 3d of April, from Dijon, he endeavoured to argue down all the suspicions of Lord William Bentinck, because he felt that if we were not prepared to break with Murat, we should inspire him with more confi- dence. But Lord William Bentinck, who was nearer the scene of action, was better able to judge of his intensions. He (Lord C.) thought, however, that it was better to exercise an excess of confidence, than an excess of jealousy; and all his arguments were thrown into the scale in favor of Murat. The house might be assured, there- fore, that there had been no failure of exertion on his part. It was towards the close of the month of March that the allies entered Paris. The noble lord arrived thither in the beginning of April, and he was not sure whether the letter of the 23d of March reached him there, or at Dijon. It made, however, a considerable impression on his mind, that the conduct of Murat had not been …—sº- such as the allies expected ; but he thought that if the question rested solely on the opinion of Lord William Bentinck, it would not form a jus- tifiable cause of breaking with Murat. While he was at Paris, however, he had an opportunity of having a communication with a person, which amounted to a moral conviction that Murat had not honorably fulfilled the engagement on his part. He eel tailly had taken the earliest oppor- tunity after his arrival at #.ondon, to inform the Neapolitan agent, that the conduct of Murat ap- peared to him to have been inconsistent with his engagements. He stated the same thing expressly to the Duke of Campochiaro at Vienna, and told him, that on that account the question of Naples must be left free and open for the discussion of Congress. At the meeting of the Congress there were two sets of ambassadors, each appearing in the character of representatives of the King of the two Sicilies. He would agree with the ho- norable gentleman, that if nothing had occurred to shake the good faith of Murat in the perform- ance of his engagements, then it would have been the duty of this country to uphold the right of Murat to the kingdom of Naples. He, however, conceived his pretensions to have been completely merged, and that the whole question should be reserved for the consideration of the Congress. It was a question altogether of the utmost diffi- culty to determine; and the only point that all the ministers could agree upon was, that this question should be reserved for the last point which the Congress were to determine. In point of fact, no act of Congress had taken place on this subject up to the period of Murat’s aggres- sion. He had always fairly stated to Prince Talleyrand, as well as the other ministers, that the British government held itself free upon this point. He j it very probable that it was in consequence of his stating frankly and expli- citly to the Neapolitan minister, that he conceiv- ed the claim of Murat to be annulled by his con- duct, that that minister communicated to him a very detailed memorandum, endeavouring to justify the conduct of Murat. This document did not at all shake the moral conviction in his mind of the duplicity and bad faith of Murat. Although he was himself possessed of sufficient documents to support his opinion, yet he referred this document to an officer who had commanded. the advanced-guard of his army, and who had still better opportunities of judging of his conduct than he had. The officer to whom he alluded was General Nugent, who had so much distin- guished himself in the present war, as well as in the last. He was a man of the highest honor and character, and of such consummate judgment in military matters, that he expected from him not merely an opinion but a detailed and reasoned opinion. He was not disappointed in his expec- OF THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 1321 T-sºº--sºm- tation—General Nugent had examined this docu- ment, paragraph by paragraph, and in his answer to it had . out a most complete case, not merely of military inactivity on the part of Murat, but of a most skilful management of his troops to defeat the objects which had been agreed upon by the allies, and, in one instance, to facilitate the escape of a considerable body of the enemy. He had not, however, relied merely on the opinion of General Nugent, but had also taken the opinion of Lord William Bentinck, who, being at that time near the spot, had good opportunities of judging. Lord William Bentinck had informed him, by a letter, that he conceived that the object of Murat was very clear, “that he wanted to hold the balance in his own hands, to keep pos- session of Italy south of the Po, and then to throw his weight into the scale which appeared most likely to preponderate.” Prince Talleyrand also told him, that he had the clearest proofs that long after Murat had been negociating with the allies, he was also in direct negociation with Bonaparte for the possession of Italy south of the Po. It is true that Bonaparte, not then thinking so humbly of his fortune, treated his proposal with the ut- most contempt, and talked of Murat as a madman and a fool. It appeared that even in the month of February last year, the Queen of Naples was in direct communication with Bonaparte, and made proposals to him on the part of her husband. As to the merit that was claimed for his not join- ing the viceroy, the fact was, that he could not join him, as their J. were incompatible. He, in fact, claimed about half of his vice-royalty. The house would now see the cruel situation in which ministers had been placed. They had been reviled in every corner of the country for supposed breaches of faith, which the gentlemen on the other side so confidently charged them with. He trusted that he had been able to collect sufficient documents to prove to the house and the country that there had been no breach of faith on the part of the British government. He admitted that the honorable gentleman had fairly and properly, this night, said that the case was a prima facie one, and called for some answer or inquiry. He thought, however, that any man who had the least value for the honor and cha- racter of his country, or the government under which he lived, should, even if there was a prima facie case of breach of faith, suppose that the government would be able to give it an answer, and justify their conduct. Ministers, however, had been most violently attacked by other gen- tlemen in that house, upon some loose documents that had got into their hands, and before the time had arrived when they could go into their justifi- cation. As he had wished to get possession of what documents he could find respecting the con- duct of Murat, he intreated Prince Talleyrand to have a search made in the bureau of Paris. A diligent search had been made, and very impoſt- ant documents had been found. He should now read to the house many extracts of the corres- pondence which had been found, that passed at that time between the Princess Borghese, Bona- parte. and the King and Queen of Naples. He should also read extracts to prove the opinion of the French constituted authorifies on his conduct. From the first letter, which was from the Princess Borghese to Bonaparte, dated Lucca, February 14th, he read the following extract:-" The King of Naples is in a great agitation. He is astonished that the viceroy should have retired from the banks of the Adige, and hopes that he has not forgotten the benefits he had received from your majesty.” The second letter which he should read was from Bonaparte to the Queen of Naples, and was dated Naugis, the 17th of February. At the time this let- ter was written, Bonaparte did not despair of his fortune, and treated Murat in the stile of a master. This letter contained the following expressions; “Your husband is a brave man in the field, but more cowardly than a woman when he has been a month from the field. He has no moral courage. He should know, that what he has he can only hold by me, and with me. When he quitted the army without orders, and ever since, he has been doing me as much mischief as he could. I may, however, yet pardon him. Recal him to a sense of his duty, and let him watch for a favorable moment to shew me that he is not as ungrateful as he has been pusillanimous” He should next read an extract from a letter from Fouche to Bona- parte, dated Lucca, February 18, . This letter stated, “That the king was sick with grief: that he felt thoroughly the circumstances in which he was placed, and that the English and Aus- trians reproached him with too much attachment to his imperial majesty.” He then read an ex- tract of a letter from Eugene Beauharnois to Bonaparte, dated the 28th of February. This letterexpressed, “That the viceroy had the strong- est hopes that the King of Naples would not add to the wrongs he had been guilty of towards his imperial majesty by firing at his troops.” He next read an extract of a letter from the French consul at Ancona, which had no date, but was certainly written about the same time. That let- ter stated the substance of the conversation be- tween him and Murat. “The King of Naples told him, that necessity alone compelled him to join the allies. The maritime strength of Eng- land was always threatening his states with inva- sien, and his people were discontented at the stag- nation of trade. He said that it was agreed that his army was never to fight against Frenchmen.” The next letter which he had to read was a very curious document : it was a letter from Bona- parte to Murat, giving him an account of his suc- BOOK XIV. Chap. lx. Jºvº–A 1815. I 322 HISTORY OF THE WARS BOOK XIV. CHAP. IX. Jºvº-Z 1815. ***** - ~ --~~~~reer--a-we- -s ºr s- egº -e-, -a-, -º -vºr *. cesses over the Austrians on the 10th, llth, and 12th, and threatening him with the effects of his displeasure if he did not change his conduct. He, however, addressed him with some degree of courtesy, in still giving him the title of a king. This curious instrument began in this manner:— “Sire, my brother, your conduct has been diame- trically opposite to your duty. That, however, be- longs to the weakness of your character. You are a good soldier in the field-of-battle, but else- where your conduct has been most pusillanimous. I still rely upon your contrition to repair the faults you have been guilty of. If it should turn out otherwise, you may repent it. ... I hope you are not one of those who think the lion is dead, and—” (Lord C. said he did not know how to read the next phrase in English, but he would give it to them in the original—“et que l'on peut pisser sur lui.” I defeated the Austrians yesterday. Another victory will restore my affairs. You have done me all the harm you could, ever since you left the army at Wilna. The title of king has turned your head. What you have written to me is at variance with your actions. I shall see by your conduct at Ancona whether your heart is truly French. Recollect that the kingdom which you possess is only your's for the benefit of those who gave it to you. I made you a king only for the benefit of my system.” He thought that those documents pretty plainly shewed the light in which his conduct was eonsidered by the French. His object was to get possession of the whole of Italy south of the Po. This objecthesolicited from Bonaparte, who then considered it a most absurd claim, and treated him with the utmost contempt. It was not until he was convinced that he had no hopes of obtaining his object from Bonaparte, that he closed with the allies, with whom he had been previously negociating for many months. He af. terwards shewed throughout, that his only object was to secure what he laid claim to, and that he was not disposed to co-operate seriously with the allies. By the interference of his troops at Reg- gio, a considerable body of French troops were suffered to escape, that would otherwise have been prisoners. After he had so completely vio- lated his engagements with the allies, they were all of opinion, that he had no claims to their in- terference for his protection. France and Spain strongly pressed at the Congress the displacing, him from the throne of Naples. He would, how. eyer, state most confidently, that if Murat had acted fairly in the common-cause, his claim to the kingdom of Naples would have been supported, not only by this country but by Austria, Russia, and Prussia. There would then never have been a question about whether there had been a regu- lar treaty entered into with him or not. If he had acted like a man of honor, and spirit, his claim would have been as fully supported, as if it had been formally covenanted by a treaty. The F.". allied powers, however, knowing that he ad forfeited all claim, found it a greater diffi- culty to resist the pressing solicitations of France and Spain. It was, however, reserved for the Congress to determine on the grounds of policy and the general interests of Europe, and no de- termination had been made, nor had the subject been taken into the consideration of the Congress, at the time that he resolved upon war. The noble lord then observed, that about the time that Bo- naparte left Elba, there was a very remarkable and important alteration took place in the policy of the government of Naples. Murat took oeca- sion then to complain of the French government, and demanded a free passage for 80,000 men through that part of the country in Italy which was under the Austrian dominion, for the purpose of marching them into France. His previous conduct had for some time shewn that he was in possession of what had taken place at Elba, and that added to his demand of marching his troops through the Marches of Ancona, gave a consider- able alarm to the Austrian government. They, how- ever, gave a peremptory refusal to, and declared they would oppose the march of such an army, as they would equally refuse the march of a French army through their territory to attack Naples. When Murat was informed that Bonaparte had arrived in Paris, he (Murat) placed his troops in such a situation as to enable him to give assistanee to his former master, and immediately fixed his head-quarters at Ancona, and resumed, his title of Joachim Napoleon, whieh he had "...; dropped from i. time that Bonaparte abdicate his throne. On the 31st of March, without making * communication to the Austrian go- vernment, he put his whole army in motion from Ancona, in an offensive manner, against the Aus- trian government, and endeavoured, by his pro- clamations, to excite the people of Italy to join against the allies. In his addresses to the Ita- lians he spoke in the most favorable terms of the English, in order to draw them into the belief that this nation was favorable to his views. It was of course preposterous to suppose the allies were bound to keep any terms with him after he had openly attacked the Austrians. After some observations from Mr. Whitbread, Mr. Horner, and several other members, the mo- tion was agreed to. ! The Moniteur afterwards inserted an account of the debate relative to Naples, accompanied with the following note on Lord Castlereagh’s speech:— ote.-Ahl the papers quoted iy Lord Castle- reagh, and those of the same nature which he has eollected in the documents submitted to parlia- ment, are falsified. These fabrications are se odious—we ought even to say so impudent—that we could not eenceive that any minis *: would OF THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 1323 sºrrºr- -ºr- -*- have had recourse to them for the purpose of justifying his eonduct. We are unwilling to be- lieve that Lord Castlereagh can have made use of them, knowing that they were false. . It must then be thought, that he has been entirely the dupe of an intrigue. But what can be said of a minister so easily imposed upon in matters so grave? The first letter cited by Lord Castle- reagh bears date, as he says, from Nangis, the 17th of February, and was written by the emperor to the Queen of Naples. According to him, this letter commences with these words :—“ Your husband is very brave on the field-of-battle, but is weaker than a woman, or a monk, when he is not in the presence of an enemy. He has no moral courage.” These words are verbatim (teactuellement) in a letter, of which a minute is at this moment before our eyes, and which was certainly written by the emperor to the Queen of Naples, from Fontainebleau, the 24th of January, 1813. The emperor had just then arrived from the Russian campaign, and had left the King of Naples at the head of the army; this letter also commences with these words, which care was taken to suppress—“the king quitted the army on the 16th. Your husband is a very brave man,” &c. &c. Only the passage that we first uoted is preserved, and to make this letter which related solely to matters then passing) ac- cord with the date of Nangis, and to establish by this remarkable falsehood the consequences that have been deduced from it against the proceed- ings of the King of Naples with regard to the al- lies, there was substituted, as the remainder of the contents, all those passages that we have marked in the falsified letter produced by Lord Castle- reagh. The second letter is addressed by the emperor to the King of Naples. No date was given to it; but to supply that omission, Lord Castlereagh supposes, that what is talked of in that letter is the success obtained by the emperor 'on the 10th and 11th, which would agree with the battles fought, in Champagne on the 10th and 11th of March, 1814. The letter, as quoted by Lord Castlereagh, begins with these words. “I shall say nothing of my dissatisfaction of your eonduct,” &c. We have before us the minute of a letter from the emperor to the King of Naples, dated at Fontainebleau, the 26th of January, 1813, beginning thus, “I shall say nothing of my dissatisfaction at the course of conduct which }. have pursued since I left the army.” The ast part of the sentence, which would have mark- ed the date, is omitted, and there has been sub- stituted as the remainder of the letter, and which related to circumstances which followed the de- H. of the emperor after the campaign in ssia, the passages which we have marked, and * tend to the aim which the falsifiers have in 0. **~~i=e view. Lord Castlereagh did not quote in his Book XIV speech, but he distributed to parliament, another letter from the emperor to the King of Naples. Char. IX. This printed copy has received the date of the S-2 7th of March, and as there are contained in it details, which can only relate to 1814, the date intended to be given to this letter is 7th of March, 1814. In this letter we read these words. “You are surrounded by people who hate France and seek to ruin you ; I have given you maay warn- ings. All that you write to me is at variance with your deeds,” &c. We have still before us the minute of another letter from the emperor to the King of Naples; but it is dated at Compeigne, 30th of August, 1811; and in it we find literally the passage which we have quoted. It is, there- fore, this letter which has been falsified. None other of the expressions have been presented to enable as to recognise the true letter. Now, how could it have been said, in 1811, as is printed in this letter, “I shall see by your conduct at An- cona if your heart be still French : continue to correspond with the viceroy, taking care that your letters be not intercepted?” The original minutes of these letters are in our hands. The original au- tographs can be no where but at Naples, and they will confirm our assertions, for, no doubt, they will be published. What, then, are the papers on which Lord Castlereagh has caused the docu- ments to be printed which he has published ? What seal of authority is affixed to them? It lies with him to prove that they were true; and it would not belong to us to prove that they are false. However, we shall furnish the proof– We are authorised to declare, that there will be shown to all Englishmen of distinction who are at Paris, and who shall ask to see them :—1st. The original minutes of the emperor's letters : 2d. The minutes of the same letters, falsified, and written in the hand of the Abbé Fleuriel, who for nineteen years has executed the functions of se- cretary in the cabinet of the Count de Lille, and of the Count de Blacas. There will also be com- municated the minute of a letter written by Count Blacas to Lord Castlereagh, March 4, 1815, if Lord Castlereagh has not kept the original. It contains these very words—“I have since like- wise found, in another bundle, three minutes of letters written by Napoleon, one of which has no date. I have the honor to send you copies of them, and they are not the least interesting pieces which have been discovered among the immense mass of papers which it was necessary to search through.” These copies are evidently those of the three letters which we have mentioned, two of which bear dates proved to be false, and the other entirely wanting a date. We perfectly know, then, that it was on the 4th of March, 1815, that the pretended copies of these three letters were 1Si3. 1324 HISTORY OF THE WARS " BOOK XIV. sent to Lord Castlereagh. There shall also be Cnap. IX, Nºvºz 1815. communicated an original letter from a person whose testimony Lord Castlereagh will not dis- pute. This letter was written on the 4th of Ja- nuary, 1815, to Count Blacas, by Lord Welling- ton. We shall print it at the end of this note. “We have a right to deduce from it the following facts, which no one can contest:—The govern- ment of the Count de Lille had committed to the English ambassador the papers which were found at its disposal, and which concerned the King of Naples; but then they had not yet falsified them, ...? Lord Wellington deduced the only conse- quences from them which the real papers could present—“I return the papers which I have read: they contain no proof against Murat.” Such an authority leaves us nothing further to say. Lord Wellington attests that the papers which we quote are true, because they contain none of the proofs seught for against the King of Naples, and that those which have been produced by Lord Castle- reagh to parliament are false, since they strongly inculpate the King of Naples in his conduct to- wards the allies. No one can refuse this testimony. What then happened in the interval between the 4th of January and the 4th of March, 1815% Count Lille, who never ceased to insist, at the Congress at Vienna, that the Bourbon branch of Sicily should remount the throne of Naples, saw that the powers who had contracted treaties with the King of Naples resisted or hesitated. It was necessary to find means to overcome their scru- ples, and to justify the violation which was ex- pected from them, by imputing to the King of Naples anterior violations. The cabinet of Count de Lille, in which we are certain that fabrication was studied, to serve the passions of that govern- ment by falsehoods of all kinds, composed the false correspondence in question, and which Lord Castlereagh presented to the parliament of Eng- land as the basis of the determination whence peace or war is to result. The royal falsificators did not suppose that the archives upon which they drew would become again imperial archives, that Count Blacas, in a precipitate flight, would abandon those of his master and his most secret papers, and would thus give the means of bring- ing into open day, not only the base intrigue which we now develope, but so many others that occupied so much time and held so great a place in a reign of a few months.” Letter of Lord Wellington. “Paris, January 4, 1815. “Count, I return the papers which you left with me, and which I have read. They contain no proof against Murat, they only shew that he espoused a side against his will (a regret; ) that he every day, felt this more and more; that he ...” —º- - talked loudly of his intentions not to hurt Na- poleon, &c. &c. But these letters in general, es- pecially that of Clarke, tend to prove that he was in a state of actual, hostility against France; and this was what he ought to have been: “Your very faithful and sincere, * “WELLINGTON. “To his excellency Count de Blacas d’Aulps.” On the 19th of May, Mr. Horner called the attention of the house of commons to what had been published by the French government; and said, that as the charge of forgery had been made in the face of Europe, it called for explanation. He, therefore, moved for the production of Lord Wellington's letter, and those of Count Blacas. In reply, Lord Castlereagh said the papers moved for should be produced. With respect to the letter of Lord Wellington, of the 4th of January, he allowed it was perfectly correct and authentic; but then it applied to papers totally different from those which he (Lord C.) had read in that house. It was true, however, that papers on that subject were found in the archives at Paris, before the Duke of Wellington left that city; but so far as that letter went, it only proved that the Duke of Wellington was not disposed to strain any point with respect to the conduct of Murat. . It was alleged that certain of the docu- ments which he (Lord C.) had read, were either wholly fabricated or in part falsified. Now those documents amounted to eight in number; and of five out of those eight he would venture to say that not a doubt could exist in the most incredu- lous mind as to their being original and authentic. The remaining three were the only ones that might by possibility be fabricated, and they were draughts or minutes of letters from Bonaparte himself. It was necessary he should state that the whole of them were transmitted officially to him by the Count de Blacas, according to the usual forms, and authenticated by that minister as being faithful and correct copies. The official letter of the Count de Blacas, which accompanied them, would be found among the papers, when they were laid upon the table. Anxious that no misrepresentation might arise, and at the same time not wholly without apprehension that some attempt would be made to impeach the authen- ticity of those documents, the Count de Blacas took the precaution of transmitting the originals to the Prince of Castelcicala, the ambassador from his majesty the King of the two Sicilies to this country, and obviously the fittest person to whom sueh documents could be eonfided. He (Lord C.) had seen and examined those originals that morning, and certainly there did not remain upon his mind the slightest doubt of their being authentie. Taking the case, therefore, upon the .* OF THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 1325 * five documents only, as applicable to the conduct of Murat, it would appear most satisfactorily to the house, that instead of affording an active co- operation to the allies, he had balanced between them and Bonaparte, waiting only for a fit op- Fº to declare for either, as might best suit is own ambitious views. The last letter of Bo- naparte, in particular, would be found to be un- equivocally authentic ; and, in fact, the attempt now made to represent the whole as fabrications, was only a part of that general system now openly acted upon, of fabricating proclamations for the Duke of Wellington and Prussian governors, for the sole-purpose of deluding and misleading the French nation, in order to make them the blind instruments for carrying on the projects of its present ruler. After those documents had been officially communicated to him, he immediately transmitted them to the Duke of Wellington, at Vienna, and his grace's letter in reply would be laid. before the house, in which he stated, that having received from him (Lord C.) the proofs of Murat's treachery during the last campaign, he had immediately submitted them to the allied sovereigns, who were completely satisfied with them, and had determined, in consequence, to commence an attack upon Murat. That indi- vidual, however, did not wait for the attack; but in perfect consistency with his whole policy, and in the hope of achieving the great objects of his ambition, he had himself begun hostilities. In short, the whole case of Murat's treachery was completely made out by the letter of the viceroy alone, the original of which he had seen; and he believed he himself knew sufficient of that per- son's *...; to pronounce upon it as authen- tic. With regard to the allegation that the other three letters were either fabricated or materially falsified by the Count de Blacas, before he trans- mitted them to him, he certainly was not inclined Book xiv. to believe it, because, even supposing that a mi- - nister of state could be base enough to forge documents of so grave a character, and give them to the world as original, there was no sufficient. motive for such a proceeding in the present case; for every thing which it was necessary to prove was completely proved by documents unequivo- cally authentic, and it would therefore have been a gratuitous act of immorality to fabricate papers merely to make that clearer which was already clear enough. Upon the whole, he did not think it necessary for the honorable gentleman to per- severe in his motion, as the object of it would be completely complied with under a former motion to which the house had agreed. If, however, it was thought desirable to produce the letter of Lord Wellington, he should certainly feel no ob- jection to its production, provided it could be found in the foreign office ; at the same time, for all the purposes of discussion, he was ready to admit its authenticity. Mr. Horner said, the noble lord had argued that only three out of the eight letters were pre- tended to be false; but certainly if he found that of eight documents, coming all from the same. source, three could be proved to be forgeries, it would create a considerable doubt in his mind as to the authenticity of the remainder ; and it might be regarded as a fair inference, that the other five were correct, only because their fabrica- tion was not sufficiently made out. He was quite sure that if the noble lord himself were to be con- vinced that three had been so imposed upon him, he would place no confidence in the remainder. With regard to the letter of the Duke of Wel- lington, he was certainly desirous to have that produced; but the other part of the motion he should withdraw. * * CHAPTER X. Defeat of the Neapolitan Army at Tolentino.—Battle of San Germano.—Flight of the Weapolitans, and their Army broken up.–Surrender of the Weapolitan Wavy and Arsenal at Naples to Captain Campbell.—Termination of the War.—hilitary Convention.—Entrance of the Austrians into JYaples.—Escape of Murat in Disguise.—His Wife takes Refuge on-board a British Ship of War.—Proclamation of King Ferdinand, and Entrance into the Capital.--Arrival ºf JMurat in France.—Flight to Corsica.—Lands in Calabria.-Is taken Prisoner, and ereeuted—Remarks. Tire Neapolitan army, under Marat, continued to retreat; and, on the 27th of April, it had fallen back as far as Pesaro. The Austrian general, Bianchi, was now marching with celerity from Bologna through Florence and Foligno, in order to occupy the direct road from Ancona to Naples, and thereby to turn the positions of the Neapoli- tan army. On the 2d of May he took a position CHAP. IX, \_ºvº 1815, $26 T This TORY OF THE WARs .* gOOK XIV. sº Char. X. Jºvº- 1815. =- --------->E-Ezzº º —r— in front of Tolentino, which rendered it necessary for Murat to venture a battle for the purpose of securing a retreat to the Neapolitan frontier. Advancing from Macerata, with a much superior force, on the same day he attacked the positions of Bianchi, and the contest continued till the a proach of night. On the following morning, the attacks were renewed with great vigor, and were resisted with equal obstimacy, till night again put an end to the combat. The arrival of Count Niepperg, at Jesi, now obliged the Neapolitans to commence a precipitate retreat in the direction of Ferino, in order to gain the road along the sea- coast to Pescara. General Nugent, who had en- tered Rome, marched from that capital in the beginning of May, towards the Neapolitan fron- tier on that side, the enemy retiring before him. They were at length driven beyond the Garig- liano to San Germano, to which they were fol- lowed by the Austrian advanced-guard. On the 14th, Murat arrived at San Germano, and his troops being considerably reinforced, he drove back the advanced-guard, and afterwards attack- ed all the Austrian out-posts. On the 15th, he began again to retire, and returning with a small escort to San Germano, he soon left that place. Nugent, resuming the offensive, advanced against the enemy, who were posted on the banks of the Melfa, which they quitted on his approach. They afterwards left San Germano to their pursuers and fell back to Mignano, where they drew up in force. In that position they were attacked and put to the rout; and thus the Neapolitan army, named that of the interior, was entirely broken up. On the 18th, a junction was formed at the Austrian camp, near Calvi, of Bianchi’s army with that of Nugent, who had now no opponents in the field, the wretched remains of the Neapo- litan army being reduced, chiefly by desertion, to a dispirited band of about 16,000 effective sol- diers of all kinds. Meanwhile, in consequence of arrangements made between Lord Burghesh, the É. mi- nister at Florence, and Captain Campbell, of the Tremendous man-of-war, the latter, in the be- ginning of May, sailed with his ship, accompa- nied by a frigate and a sloop-of-war, to the Bay of Naples. On his arrival he declared to the Neapolitan government, that unless the ships-of- war were surrendered to him, he would "bom- bard the town. Madame Murat immediately sent Prince Carrati to negociate for the surrender. The terms dictated by Captain Campbell were, that the ships of the i. in the bay should be given up; that the arsenal of Naples should be delivered over, and an inventory taken of its actual state, and that these captures should be at the joint disposal of the English government and of Fer- dinand IV. of Naples. The ships were then taken possession of, ºf were sent off to Sicily. The == •º- º F-rve —r- *sº war was now near to a comelusion, the final close of which is thus related by Lord Burghesh te #. Castlereagh, in a dispatch, dated Teano, aw 21 :— ***. the successes obtained by General Nu- gent, and stated in my last dispatch, General Bianchi received, on the 18th, a message from the Duke de Gallo, requesting an interview, to communicate to him propositions he was charged with from Marshal Murat. A meeting for the next day was appointed: on the part of England, General Bianchi requested me to attend it, and in the absence of the British commanders-in- chief, both by sea and land, I consented. I met therefore the Duke de Gallo with General Bian- chi, on the morning of the 19th. The conversa- tion which ensued with that minister led to no other result than in having given the allies an opportunity of stating to him the grounds on which alone they would engage to arrest their military movements. Having stated that he had no authority to treat on any basis of the nature so announced to him, the Duke de Gallo return- ed to Naples, having received, however, an as- surance, that any propositions General Carras- cosa might wish to make, should, in the course of the following day, be received. The meeting with General Carrascosa took place this morning. General Niepperg, on the part of Austria, Gene- ral Colletta, on that of Naples, and myself, in the absence of the British commander-in-chief, negociated the military convention. On the part of Naples, propositions were at first made totally inadmissible; on our part the abdication of Mar- shal Murat was insisted upon. General Colletta wished to secure for that person a safe retreat to France; but, finding that such was totally impos- sible, and having declared that he had no autho- rity from Marshal Murat to treat with regard to him, the convention, such as your lordship will receive it, was agreed to. It is impossible to conclude this dispatch without calling your lord- ship's attention to the manner in which the cam- paign, now terminated, has been carried on by Ge- neral Bianchi. The activity with which he has pushed his operations is almost without example. The constant successes which have attended his arms are crowned in the satisfaction of his bein able to re-establish the authority of the legiti. mate sovereign, without those misfortunes to the country attendant on protracted military opera- tions.” JMilitary Convention. g Art. 1. From the day in which the present military convention shall have been signed, there shall be an armistice between the allied troops and the Neapolitan troops, in all parts of the kingdom of Naples. . 2. All fortified places, citadels, and forts of the kingdom of Naples, ºl be given up in their OF THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 1327 actual state, as well as the sea-ports and arse- mals of all kinds, to the armies of the allied powers, at the periods fixed upon in the follow- ing article, for the purpose of being made over to his majesty King Ferdinand the Fourth, except- ing such of them as may before that period have already-been surrendered. The places of Gaeta, Pescara, and Ancona, which are already block- aded by the land and sea-forces of the allied powers, not being in the line of operations of the army under the General-in-chief Carascosa, he declares himself unable to decide upon their fate, as the officers commanding them are inde- pendent, and not under his orders. 3. The periods for the surrender of the for- tresses, and for the march of the Austrian army upon Naples, are fixed as follows:—Capua shall be given up on the 21st of May, at moon : on that day the Austrian army will take its position on the Canal de Reggi Lagui. On the 22d day of May the Austrian army will occupy a position in the line of Averse, Fragola, Meleto, and Juli- ano. The Neapolitan troops will march on that day upon Salerno, which place they will reach in two days, and concentrate their head-quarters in the town and its environs, in order to wait the deci- sion of their future destiny. On the 23d of May, the allied army will take possession of the city, eitadel, and all the forts of Naples. 4. All the other fortresses, citadels, and forts (the above-mentioned excepted), situated within the frontiers of the kingdom of Naples, such as Scylla, Omandea, Reggio, Brindisi, Manfredo- nia, &c. shall be likewise surrendered to the al- lied armies, as well as all the depôts of artillery, arsenals, magazines, and military establishments of every kind, from the moment that this conven- tion shall reach the said, places. 5. The garrisons. will march out with all the honors of war, arms and baggage, clothing of the several corps, the papers relative to the ad- ministration; without artillery. The engineeer and artillery-officers of these places shall make over to officers of the allied armies, named for this purpose, all papers, plans, inventories of effects belonging to both departments pendent thereon. 6. Particular arrangements will be concluded between the respective commandants of the said places, and the generals or officers commanding the albied troops, as to the manner of evacuating the fortified places, as well as for what regards the sick and wounded, who will be left in the hospitals, and for the means of transport which will be furnished to them. g 7. The Neapolitan commandants of the said places are responsible for the preservation of the magazines within them, at the moment of their being made over; and they shall be given up, in military ºrder, as well as everything which is con- tained within the fortresses... : : } ,º . , ~~ 90; * . * . {} * '8. Staff officers of the allied and Neapºtan Bookxlv. armies shall be immediately dispatched to the different places above-mentioned, in order to make known to the commandants these stipulations; and to convey to them the neeessary instructions for putting them into execution. * 9. After the occupation of the capital, the re- mainder of the territory of the kingdon of Naples shall be wholly surrendered to the allies. . . . . 10. His excellency the general-in-chief, Baron de Carascosa, engages, until the moment of the entry of the allied army into the capital of Naples, to superintend the preservation of all the public property of the state without exception..."-3; I l. The allied army engages to take measures in order to avoid all kind of civil disorder; and to occupy the Neapolitan territory in the most peace- able manner. ºn g 12. All prisoners of war that have reciprocally been made during this campaign,” as well by the allied armies as by the Neapolitan army, shall be given up on both sides. * * * * 13. Permission will be granted to all foreigners, or Neapolitans, to leave the kingdom, with le- gal passports, during the space of a month from the present date. The sick or wounded ‘must make a similar application within the same pe- riod. * & ! t . * > The disturbances which broke out in Naples, caused the possession of it by the allies to be anticipated by one day. By the convention they were to have been placed in possession of it on the 23d ; but the popular feeling had so strongly manifested itself against the then existing govern- ment, on the 20th and 21st, that Murat left the town in disguise, and his wife sought the security which had been assured her on-board a British man-of-war. General Carascosa sent to General Bianchi, requesting he would prevent the mis- fortunes with which the town was menaced, by en- tering it immediately ; and Madame Murat, by the same request to Admiral Lord Exmouth, who had arrived in the bay, prevailed upon him to land a body of 500 marines to maintain tran- quillity. t * General Bianchi's cavalry occupied Naples on the night of the 22d.; and, on that day, Prince Leopald, of Sicily, entered at the head of the Aus- trian troops in the midst of general acclamations. He requested that all the authorities of the king- dom, the ministers of state, and the officers of the army, to remain at their posts until they received the orders of King Ferdinand. Madame Murat sailed in the Tremendous for Gaeta, to receive her ..ehildren, who had been sent thither for safety. She was afterwards conveyed into the Austrian territories. On the 23d, the English and Sicilian expedition, consisting of about 6,000 troops, under the command of General Macfarlane, appeared in the Bay of Naples. # Ferdinand had prévi- -- § 15 *- CHAP. X. Jºvº-2 1815. i B28 HISTORY OF THE WARS -*-** r r—r- ~ >r- - - —r- Bookxty, ously issued the following proclamation to the CHAP. X. Neapolitans:— - * “At length I re-ascend the throne of Naples. • Every thing concurs to make my return happy. 1815. Your unanimous wishes recall me. The gene- ral wish of the great powers renders justice to my rights. The firm and vigorous assistance of my august allies animates and su pports me. “I put myself in march at the head of an army, not like usurpers, to deceive and disturb nations, or like adventurers, to carry off, in the disorder of the tempest and the shipwreck, that which the calm could not procure for them. I return to the bosom of my dear family : I bring to it con- solation and peace : I come to restore its ancient serenity, and to efface the recollection of all past evils. “ No.: you are not made to carry the flame of revolt among those who are not your enemies. You are not made to debase yourselves by that sort of greatness which is born of destruction and of terror. The history of your ancestors is far more glorious. You, descendants of the Brut- tians, the Campanians, and the Samnites, you should cause to tremble those foreign disturbers of your prosperity and your internal tranquillity: but never could you be the instruments of their am- bition, or the victims of their artifices. Your chil- dren should not perish in frozen climates. It is for you alone to enjoy your substances, the fruits of your labours, and the produce of your happy climate. “Neapolitans, come and throw yourselves into my arms. I was born among you ; I know, I ap- preciate your habits, your character, and your manners. I desire only to give to you the most striking proofs of my paternal love, and to make the new period of my government the most for- tunate epoch of the well-being and happiness of our common country. One single day should dis- sipate all the misfortunes of many years. The most sacred, the most invariable pledges of mo- deration, of gentleness, of reciprocal confidence, and of entire union, will be the guarantees of your tranquillity. “ Neapolitans, second, with all your efforts, an enterprise whose object is so great, so just, so be- nevolent, and which enters into the common cause of Europe, of which all enlightened nations have undertaken the defence with immense forces. “I promise you that I will not preserve the least regollection of all the faults committed by whatever persºn, without any exception, against the duties of fidelity towards me, during my ab- sence from , this kingdom, at whatever time com- raitted, whether after my first or second departure. An impenetrable and eternal veil shall cover all past actiqus and opinions. “With this view I promise, in the most solemn manner, and on my “; word, the most com- -ms plete, most extensive, and general amnesty, and an eternal oblivion. “I promise to preserve all individuals, Neapo. litan and Sicilian, who serve in the armies by land or sea, all the pay, the rank, and military honors which they now enjoy. “ May God, the witness of the rectitude and sincerity of my intention, deign to bless them with' success | * FERDINANb. “ Palermo, May 1, 1815.” The King of the Two Sicilies, after an ab- sence of nine years, made his entrance into Na- ples on the 17th of June, and was greeted with a popular enthusiasm, which apparently was not the mere temporary homage paid to existing power. His manners, however void of dignity, had always ingratiated him with the Neapolitan peo- ple ; and the vices of the government were not attributed to him, who, in fact, took little part in it. Murat escaped to France, as appears from the following article, which appeared in the French apers soon afterwards:–“ The King of Naples }. at Cannes on the 25th of May. That prince owes his misfortunes entirely to the cowardice of the Neapolitan troops. They advanced as long as the Austrians were not in sufficient force to . them; but when victory was to be C Ult- ased by efforts, instead of fighting, they fled. Had the king been able to advance into Lom- bardy, his cause, and that of Italy, would have triumphed. The officers and soldiers of Prince Eugene would have flocked to his standard, and formed the strength of his army: but he had scarcely established himself on the Po, when the Austrians received reinforcements and resumed the offensive. The Neapolitans being them inti- midated by the presence of an enemy who did not fly, took to flight themselves. The king could not rally the wreck of his army until he reached Macerata. He wished to give battle, and the Austrian corps was inferior to that which he com- manded; but the Neapolitans fled at the first musket-shot, and dispersed on all sides. None remained faithful to the king except a battalion of Italian and French officers, and it was with this handful of brave men that he accomplished his retreat to Naples, constantly followed by the Austrians. On entering his capital, he soon found it was impossible to maintain himself there. He left it on horseback on the 20th of May, and having proceeded along the coast in front of the island of Itri, he embarked on-board of a vessel belonging to the isle of Elba, which conveyed him in five days to Cannes. After his departure from Naples the Austrians entered the city and the English the port. The queen retired to one of the for- tresses, where she capitulated with the Eng- lish. She embarked on the 21st for Toulon, on-board of an English vessel. Two Italian of. of THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 1329 —º —ºr - ificers, who left Naples at the same time as the ‘queen, arrived on the 29th of May at Toulon, a General Beiliard and the Prince of Rocca Ro- mana, on-board of an Elbese pink. Murat afterwards fixed his residence at Tou- -lon, where he continued till the restoration of the Bourbons, when he was persecuted and proscribed. He had hired a vessel at Toulon on the intelli- gence of their arrival, by which he might effect his escape, but the º sailed without him, car- •rying away all his effects and attendants. He was left completely destitute, and wandered about ‘more than a fortnight in the woods, subsisting on a few pieces of brown bread, which he obtained from the humanity of the neighbouring shepherds. He at length threw himself on the mercy of the inmates of a small villa near Toulon, where he remained concealed more than a month, indebted for his daily food to the benevolence of two naval officers. While he remained in concealment he wrote repeatedly and ineffectually to some friends at Paris, claiming their interference and protec- -tion. His letters were either intercepted or neglect- ed. The place of his retreat was now discovered. A band of more than sixty armed men surrounded the house, and he had scarcely time to escape to an adjoining vineyard, carrying with him two brace of pistols, and resolved to sell his life as dearly as possible, and to die rather than fall into the power of his enemies. They passed him, threatening vengeance, as he lay concealed in the thick foliage. The search was continued several days without success, and a reward was set upon his head. He tremblingly stole from his retreat every night, and received some scanty and pre- carious subsistence from the officers who would not even now desert him; and, at length, he was enabled, by their means, to escape to Bastia in Corsica. They were immediately cashiered, and thrown into prison. From Bastia he removed to Ajaccio, where he was joined by many of his friends. An offer was here made, by the court of Austria, to grant him an honorable and safe retreat in any part of the Austrian dominions, on condition of his renounc- ing for ever the Neapolitan throne. To this he pretended to consent, that he might better con- ceal his real intentions. He had been informed of the unpopularity of Ferdinand; he knew that he was beloved by every class of his former sub- jects, and he had received many invitations to return, and resume his kingdom. In vain his confidential friends endeavoured to dissuade him from the rash enterprize; in vain they represented the improbability of his first success, and the total impossibility of resisting the overwhelming force which Austria and England would bring upon him. He replied, that “ he could not submit to the ‘humiliating conditions imposed upon him ;- that there was neither moderation nor justice in compelling him to live in perpetual captivity Book XIV. under the arbitrary laws of a despotic govern- ment; that this was not the respect due to an unfortunate monarch, who had been formerly acknowledged by all Europe, and who, in a most critical period, had undertaken the cam- paign of 1814 in favor of those very powers that now, contrary to their own interests, conspired to crush him ;-that England and Austria would have nothing to fear from him ;-that he would not have driven the Austrians beyond the Po, had he not known that it was their determination to attack him;-that it could not now be attri- buted to him, that he would unite himself with Napoleon, who was an exile on the rocks of St. Helena;—that England and Austria might ex- pect from him many advantages, for which they would in vain look from the person by whom he was supplanted;—that the majority of his sub- jects ardently expected his return, and that he was resolved to place himself at their head;—that he had often exposed himself to death in its most frightful forms, and that he was not afraid once more to defy it in the attempt to regain his rights, and deliver himself from undeserved oppression; —and that his only fears were for his beloved family.” He disposed of all his jewels and effects, and purchasing six gondolas, set sail from Bastia, September 28th, 1815, with two hundred soldiers and thirty officers. On the night of the 30th a vio- lent tempest arose, and dispersed the little fleet; and, on the 5th of October, rejoining another of his vessels, he was compelled to land at Pizzo, on the coast of Calabria, with fifty men. - Few troops were quartered on this part of the coast, but no preparation had been made for his reception. He immediately proceeded to the great square, assem- bled the people, reminded them of the benefits which they had received from him, and the fidelity which they had expressed; and told them that, recalled by the affection of his countrymen, he was come to resume possession of his throne. A few voices joined his officers in shouting “Long live King Joachim;” but the population of the neighbouring villages hastily collecting, armed themselves and attacked him, and, after a despe- rate resistance, routed his little army, and took him prisoner. A court-martial was immediately assembled; he was brought before it, and tried on one of his own laws, which decreed that any person landing in the country with an intent of disturbing the public tranquillity should be shot, Ferdinand at first refused to sign the warrant for his death, but being at length prevailed on by his ministers, orders were given for the immediate execution of the prisoner. When Murat was in- formed that his fate was decided, he expressed some surprise and indignation, but immediately recollecting himself, requested a pair of scissars CHAP. X. 1815. 1330 HISTORY OF THE W.A.R.S. BOOK XIV. CHAP. X. < *, *- 1815. -as- to cut off his hair, in order to send it to his wife, but this was cruelly refused. He then intreated that he might be shot by the small detachment of his guard which was at Pizzo; this was also refused. His request that the execution might take place in the Great Hall of the Commandant of Pizzo was acceded to. Twelve Sicilian soldiers. were then placed close to the door of the apart- ment. Murat bid farewell to the priest who ac- companied him, entered resolutely the hall, un- covered his breast, gave the word “Fire,” and immediately fell, pierced by eight balls. That Murat’s character had been deeply mark- ed by cruelty, especially by the massacre of Ma- drid, at the beginning of Bonaparte's attempt against the independence of Spain, all must ac- knowledge. At the same time it is but justice to him to remark, that, during the short period of his reign over Naples, he did much to benefit that fine portion of Italy. The great faults and vices of the Neapolitan character were extreme indo- lence, the want of enterprise and ambition, ex- cessive ignorance and superstition, and a large portion of Italian cowardice and cruelty. To eradicate these he used all his endeavours, and, by the testimony of travellers who had seen Na: Îes under Ferdinand and under him, he had een tolerably successful. If, therefore, he could. w- have rested content, and had not suffered himself to have been made the took of Bonaparte, it is highly probable, not only that he would have been suffered to retain the throne of Naples, but that he would have affected a great reform in the cha- racter of the Neapolitans. Britain had no reason to exert herself in favor of the old dynasty, since the conduct of the Queen of Naples in Si- cily had for many years been hostile to the views of Britain, and most strongly favorable to Bona- parte; and, there was reason to believe, that even Ferdinand and his subjects did not feel all the gratitude towards Britain which her exertions and sacrifices on their behalf justly intitled them to eXDeCt. he indifference with which the fate of Murat was viewed, affords a striking proof how soon the public mind becomes callous, because habituated to great and sudden reverses. Half a century ago the fate of Theodore, who called himself King of Corsica, though he merely had the sem- blance of kingly power over.a small and barren island, exeited more interest than the fall of Mu- rat did. It may be added, however, that the ap- proaching war between Bonaparte and the allies called off public attention and interest from the dethronement of Murat. * t- OF THE, FRENCH, REVOLUTION. 1331 BOOK XV. ºpºmºmºmºmºrº CHAPTER I. Letter from Lord Clancarty on the Views of the allied Sovereigns.—Report of the Committee of the Congress of Vienna.-Treaties of Accession and Subsidy between Great Britain and the allied Powers.--Military Forces of the Allies.—Proclamation of the King of Prussia. The treaty of the allied powers, which was signed at Vienna on the 25th of March, having been ratified by the British government, it was, sent back to Vienna; and it appears from the following official letter, from the Earl of Clan- carty, the British ambassador there, to Lord Castlereagh, that the views and intentions of the other allied powers were the same as those of Britain :- Vienna, JMay 6, 1815. “My Lord.—Adverting to your lordship's dis- patch of the 8th ult, and to its inclosures, convey- ing a proposal made by the existing government in France, and your lordship's answer thereto, I have the honor to acquaint you, for the informa- tion of his majesty's government, that at a confer- ence held on the 3d instant; his highness Prince Metternich acquainted us, that a M. de Strassant, who had been stopped on his way hither, at Lintz, from not having been furnished with pro- per passports, had addressed a letter to his impe- rial majesty, and therewith forwarded some uno- pened letters, which the emperor had directed him to unseal in the presence of the plenipoten- tiaries of the allied powers. These proved to be a letter from Bonaparte, addressed to his majesty, professing a desire to continue at peace, to observe the stipulations of the treaty of Paris, &c.; and a letter from M. de Caulincourt to Prince Metter- nich, containing similar professions. After read- ing these papers, it was considered whether any, and what, answer should be made thereto, when the general opinion appeared to be, that none should be returned, and no notice whatever taken of the proposal. Upon this, as indeed upon all other occasions subsequent to the resumption of authority by Bonaparte, wherein the present state of the continental powers with regard to France has come under discussion, but one opinion has appeared to direct the councils of the several so- 9 i. vereigns. They adhere, and from the commence- Book xy. ment have never ceased to adhere, to their decla- ration of the 13th of March, with respect to the ac- tual ruler of France. tility with him and his adherents, not from choice, but from necessity, because past experience has shewn, that no faith has been kept by him, and that no reliance can be placed on the professions of one who has hitherto no longer regarded the most solemn compacts, than as it may have suited his own convenience to observe them; whose word, the only assurance he can afford for his peaceable disposition, is not less in direct opposi- tion to the tenor of his former life, than it is to the military position in which he is actually placed. They feel that they should neither perform their duty to themselves, or to the people committed by Providence to their charge, if they were now to listen to those professions of a desire for peace which have been made, and suffer themselves thus to be lulled into the supposition that they might now relieve their people from the burthen of sup- porting immense military masses, by diminishing their forces to a peace-establishment, con vinced as the several sovereigns are, from past experience, that no sooner should they have been disarmed, than advantage would be taken of their want of preparation, to renew those scenes of aggression and bloodshed from which they had hoped that the peace so gloriously won at Paris would long have secured them. They are at war, then, for the purpose of obtaining security for their own independence, and for the re-conquest of that peace and permanent tranquillity for which the world has so long panted. They are not even at war for the greater or less proportion ef security which France can afford them of future tranquil- lity, but because France, under its present chief, is unable to afford them any security whatever. In this war, they do not desire to interfere with 15 H. CHAP. I. They are in a state of hos- > * 1815. 1332 HISTORY OF THE WARS →– Book XV. any legitimate right of the French people; they CHAP. I. N_ºvº-Z 1815. have no design to oppose the claim of that nation to choose their own form of government, or in- tention to trench, in any respect, upon their in- dependence as a great and free people ; but they do think they have a right, and that of the highest nature, to contend against the re-establishment of an individual at the head of the French go- vernment, whose past conduct has invariably demonstrated, that, in such a situation, he will not suffer other nations to be at peace—whose restless ambition, whose thirst for foreign con- quest, and whose disregard for the rights and independence of other states, must expose the whole of Europe to renewed scenes of plunder and devastation. However general the feelings of the sovereigns may be in favor of the restora- tion of the king, they no otherwise seek to influ- ence the proceedings of the French in the choice of this or any other dynasty, or form of govern- ment, than may be essential to the safety and tranquillity of the rest of Europe; such reason- able security being afforded by France in this respect, as other states have a legitimate right to claim in their own defence, their object will be satisfied, and they shall joyfully return to that state of peace which will then, and then only, be open to them, and lay down those arms which they have only taken up for the purpose of ac- quiring that tranquillity so eagerly desired by them on the part of their respective empires. “Such, my lord, are the general sentiments of the sovereigns and of their ministers here assem- bled; and it should seem, that the glorious for- bearance observed by them, when masters of the French capital in the early part of the last year, ought to prove to the French, that this is not a war against their freedom and independence, or excited by any spirit of ambition or desire of con- quest, but one arising out of necessity, urged on the principles of .# reservation, and founded on that legitimate . incontrovertible right of obtaining reasonable security for their own tran- quillity and independence—to which, if France has on her part a claim, other nations have an equal title to claim at the hands of France. “I this day laid before the plenipotentiaries of the three allied powers in conference, the note proposed to be delivered upon the exchange of the ratifications of the treaty of the 25th of March. After the opinions which I have detailed, as those with which the allied sovereigns are impressed, with respect to the object of the war, it is scarcely necessary for me to add, that the explanation af- forded in this note, as the construction put by his royal-highness the prince-regent on *. eighth article of that treaty, was favorably received. Immediate instructions will consequently be is- sued to the ambassadors of the imperial courts of Austria and Russia, and to the minister of his Prussian majesty, to accept of this note on the exchange of the ratifications of the treaty in Question. “In order to be assured that"I have advanced nothing in this dispatch which does not accord with the views of the cabinets of the allied sove- reigns, I have acquainted the plenipotentiaries of the high allied powers with the contents thereof, and have the honor to inform you, that the senti- ments contained in it entirely coincide with those of their respective courts. I have the honor to be, &c. (Signed) “CLANGARTY.” The Congress of Vienna, however, in conse- quence of Bonaparte's publishing his circular letter, deemed it proper to appoint a committee to examine whether,' after the events that had passed since the return of Napoleon Bonaparte to France, and in consequence of the documents published at Paris on the declaration which the powers issued against him on the 13th of March, it would be necessary to proceed to a new decla- ration. On the 12th of May, the committee pre- sented the following report:- Report of the Committee. The declaration published on the 13th of March last, against Napoleon Bonaparte and his adherents, by the powers who signed the treaty of Paris, having, since his return to Paris, been discussed in various shapes by those whom he has employed for that purpose; these discussions having acquired great publicity, and a letter addressed by him to all the sovereigns, as well as a note addressed by the Duke of Vicenza to the heads of the cabinets of Europe, having been also published by him, with the manifest intention of influencing and misleading public opinion, the committee appointed in the sitting of the 9th instant, was charged to present a report on these topics; and, considering that, in the above-men- tioned publications, it has been attempted to in- validate the declaration of the 13th of March, by laying it down, 1. That that declaration, directed against Bo- naparte, at the period of his landing on the coast of France, was without application now that he had laid hold of the reins of government without open resistance, and that this fact sufficiently proving the wishes of the nation, he had not only re-entered into possession of his old rights in regard to France, but that the question even of the legitimacy of his government had ceased to be within the jurisdiction of the powers; 2. That by offering to ratify the treaty of Paris, he removed every ground of war against him ; The committee has been specially charged to take into consideration— 1. Whether the position of Bonaparte, in re- OF THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 1333 Adºm- —i. gard to the powers of Europe, has changed by the fact of his arrival at Paris, and by the circum- stances that accompanied the first success of his attempt on the throne of France; 2..Whether the offer to sanction the treaty of Paris, of the 30th of May, 1814, can determine the powers to adopt a system different from that which they announced in the declaration of the 13th of March ; \ 3. Whether it be necessary or proper to publish a new declaration to confirm or modify that of the 13th of March ; The committee having maturely examined these questions, submits to the assembly of plenipoten- tiaries the following account of the result of its deliberations:— FIRST QUESTION.—Is the position of Bonaparte, in regard to the powers of Europe, altered by the first success of his enterprise, or by the events which have passed since his arrival in Paris 2– The powers, informed of the landing of Bona- parte in France, could see in him only a man who, by advancing on the French territory, with force and arms, and with the avowed project of overturning the established government, by ex- citing the people and the army to revolt against their lawful sovereign. and by usurping the title of Emperor of the French," had incurred the penalties which all legislations pronounce against such outrages, – a man, who, by abusing the good faith of the sovereigns, had broken a so- lemn treaty,+a man, in fine, who, by recalling upon France, happy and tranquil, all the scourges of internal and external war, and upon Europe, at a moment when the blessings of peace must have consoled her for her long sufferings, the sad necessity of a new general armament, was justly regarded as the implacable enemy of public war- fare. Such was the origin, such were the grounds of the declaration of the 13th of March :-a de- claration of which the justice and necessity have been universally acknowledged, and which ge- neral opinion has sanctioned. The events which conducted Bonaparte to Paris, and restored to him for the moment the exercise of supreme power, have, doubtless, in * The first article of the convention of the 11th of April, 1814, is as follows:—“The Emperor Napoleon renounces for himself, his successors, .# descendants, as well as for all the members of his family, all rights of sovereignty and of power, not only over the French empire and the kingdom of Italy, but also over every other country.” Notwithstanding this formal renuncia- tion, Bonaparte, in his different proclamations from the gulph of Juan, from Gap, {. and Lyons, entitled himself “ by the grace of God and the constitutions of the empire, Emperor of the French,” &c. &c. Jº ---ºrm- fact, altered the position in which he was at the period of his entering France; but these events, brought on by criminal collusion, by military conspiracies, by revolting treasons, can create no right; they are absolutely null in a legal point of view ; and, in order to the position of Bonaparte being essentially and legitimately, altered, it would be necessary that the steps which he has taken to establish himself on the ruins of the go- vernment overturned by him, should have been confirmed by some legal title. Bonaparte lays it down in his publication, that the wishes of the French nation in favor of his re-establishment on the throne suffice to constitute this legal title. The question for the powers to examine may be stated as follows:–Can the consent, real or factitious, explicit or tacit, of the French nation to the re-establishment of Bonaparte's power, operate a legal change in the position of the latter in regard to foreign powers, and form a title ob- ligatory on these powers? The committee are of opinion that such cannot by any means be the effect of such consent; and the following are their reasons:— The powers know too well the principles which ought to guide them in their relations with an in- dependent country, to attempt (as it is endea- voured to accuse them) “to impose upon it laws, to interfere in its internal affairs, to prescribe to it a form of government, to give it masters ac- cording to the interests or passions of its neigh- bours.f" But they also know, that the liberty of a nation to change its system of government must have its just limits, and that if foreign powers have not the right to prescribe to it the exercise which it shall make of that liberty, they have, at least, indubitably the right of protesting against the abuse which it inay make of it at their expense. Impressed with this principle, the powers do not deem themselves authorised to impose a govern- ment on France; but they will never renounce the right of preventing the establishment in France of a focus of disorders and of subversions to other states, under the title of a government. They will respect the liberty of France, in every way in which it shall not be incompatible with their own security, and the general tranquillity of Europe. In the existing case, the right of the allied so- vereigns to interfere in the question of the internal overnment of France, is the more incontestible, inasmuch as the abolition of the power which now claims to be re-established there, was the fundamental condition of a treaty of peace, on which rested all the relations which, up to the t It is thus that Bonaparte's council of state express themselves in their report on the inten- tions of the powers. BOOK XV. Cw A P. I. Jºvº-V 1815. 1334: HISTORY OF THE WARS BOOK XV. CHA p. I. Jºvº-2 1815. return of Bonaparte to Paris, subsisted between France and the rest of Europe. On the day of their entrance into Paris, the sovereigns declared that they would never treat of peace with Bona- parte.* This declaration, loudly applauded by France and by Europe, produced the abdication of Napoleon, and the convention of the 11th of April; it formed the principal basis of the nego- ciation ; it was explicitly pronounced in the pre- amble of the treaty of Paris. The French nation, even supposing it perfectly free and united, can- not withdraw itself from this fundamental condi- tion, without abrogating the treaty of Paris and all its existing relations with the European system. The allied powers, on the other hand, by insisting on this very condition, only exercise a right which it is impossible to contest to them, unless it be maintained that the most sacred compacts can be perverted as suits the convenience of either of the contracting parties. It hence follows, that the will of the people of France is by no means sufficient to re-establish, in a legal sense, a government proscribed by solemn engagements, which that very people en- tered into with all the powers of Europe; and that they cannot, under any pretext, give validity as against these powers to the right of recalling to the throne him whose exclusión was a condi- tion preliminary to every pacific arrangement with France; the wish of the French people, even if it were fully ascertained, would not be the less null and of no effect in regard to Europe, towards re-establishing a power against which all Europe has been in a state of permanent pro- test from the 31st of March, 1814, up to the 13th of March, 1815; and, in this view, the position of Bonaparte is precisely at this day what it was at these last-mentioned periods. SECOND QUESTION.—Should the offer to sanc- tion the treaty of Paris change the dispositions of the powers ?—France has had no reason to complain of the treaty of Paris. This treaty re- conciled France with Europe; it satisfied alf ber true interests, secured all her real advantages, all the elements of prosperity and glory, which a people called to one of the first places in the European system could reasonably desire, and only took from her that which was to her, under the deceitful exterior of great national eclat, an inexhaustible source of sufferings, of ruin, and of misery. This treaty was even an immense be- nefit for a country reduced by the madness of its chief to the most disasterous situation.* * Declaration of the 31st of March, 1814. f “The emperor, convinced of the critical situa- tion in which he has placed France, and of the im- possibility of saving it himself, appeared to resign himself, and consent to an entire and uncondition- al abdication.”—Letter from Ney to Talleyrand. \; The allied powers would have betrayed their interests and their duties, if, as the price of so much moderation and generosity, they had not, on signing the treaty, obtained some solid advan- tage; but the sole object of their ambition was the peace of Europe and the happiness of France. Never, in treating with Bonaparte, would the have consented to the conditions which they granted to a government which, “while offering to Europe a pledge of security and stability, re- lieved them from requiring from France the guarantees which they had demanded under its former government.”: This clause is inseparable from the treaty of Paris; to abolish, is to break that treaty. The formal consent of the French nation to the return of Bonaparte to the throne would be equivalent to a declaration of war against Europe; for the state of peace did not exist between Europe and France, except by the treaty of Paris, and the treaty of Paris is in- compatible with the power of Bonaparte. If this reasoning had need of further support, it might be found in the very offer of Bonaparte to ratify the treaty of Paris. This treaty had been scrupulously observed and executed: the transactions of the Congress of Vienna were only its supplements and developements: and, without the new attempt of Bonaparte, it would have been, for a long series of years, one of the bases of the public right of Europe: but this order of things has given place to a new revolution; and the agents of this revolution, although they pro- claim incessantly “that § nothing has been chang- ed,” conceive and feel themselves that all is changed around them. The question is no longer the maintenance of the treaty of Paris, but the making of it afresh. The powers find themselves, with respect to France, in the con- dition in which they were on the 31st of March, 1814. It is not to prevent war, for France has, in fact, re-kindled it, it is to terminate it that there now offers itself to Europe a state of things essentially different from that on which the peace of 1814 was founded. The question, then, has ceased to be a question of right; it is no more than a question of political calculation and fore- sight, in which the powers have only to consult the real interests of their people and the common interest of Europe. The committee thinks it may dispense with entering here into an exposition of the considera- tions which, under this last view, have directed the measures of the governments. It will be sufficient to recall to notice, that the man who, in now offering to sanction the treaty of Paris, pretends to substitute his guarantee for that of a Preamble of the treaty of Paris. +- + § This idea recurs perpetually in the report of the council of state of Bonaparte. 2 OF THE 1335 FRIENCH REVOLUTION. se * *- : *-* -- ~ * >y- sovereign whose loyalty was without stain, and benevolence without measure, is the same who, during fifteen years, ravaged and laid waste the earth, to find means of satisfying his ambition, who sacrificed millions of victims, and the happi- ness of an entire generation, to a system of con- quests, whom truces, little worthy of the name of peace, have only rendered more oppressive and ..more odious;* who, after having by mad enter- F. tired fortune, armed all Europe against im, and exhausted all the means of France, was forced to abandon his projects, and abdicated power to save some relics of existence; who, at the moment when the nations of Europe were giving themselves up to the hope of a durable tranquillity, meditated new catastrophes, and by a double perfidy towards the powers who had too generously spared him, and towards a govern- ment which he could not attack without the blackest treason, usurped a throne which he had renounced, and which he never occupied except for the misery of France and the world. This iman has no other guarantee to propose to Europe than his word. After the cruel experience of º: teen years, who would have the courage to accept this guarantee? and if the French nation has really embraced his cause, who could any longer respect the security which it could offer 2 Peace with a government placed in such hands; and composed of such elements, would only be a perpetual state of uncertainty, anxiety, and danger. No power being able effectually to dis- arm, the people would enjoy none of the advan- tages of a true peace; they would be overwhelm- ed with expenses of all kinds, confidence not being able to establish itself any where, industry and commerce would every where languish; no- thing would be stable in political relations; a sullen discontent would spread over all countries; and, from day to day, É. in alarm would expect a new explosion. The sovereigns have * The committee here think it right to add the important observation, that the greater part of the invasions, and forced unions, of which Bona- parte formed successively what he called the . Great Empire, took place during those perfidious intervals of peace, more destructive to Europe than even the wars with which it was tormented. It was thus that he took possession of Piedmont, Parma, Genoa, Lucca, of the states of Rome, of Holland, of the countries composing the 32d military division. It was thus, at a period of peace (at least with all the continent), that he struck the first blow against Portugal and Spain, and he thought to have finished the conquest of those countries by cunning and audacity, when the patriotism and energy of the people of the Peninsula drew him into a sanguinary war, the commencement of his own downfall, and of the salvation of Europe. 9i. —mºr certainly not misunderstood the interest of their Book xv. people, in judging that an open war, with all its inconveniences and all its sacrifices, is preferable to such a state of things, and the measures which they have adopted have met the general appro- bation. The opinion of Europe on this great occasion is pronounced in a manner very positive and very solemn ; never could the real sentiments of nations have been more accurately known, and more faithfully interpreted, than at a moment when the representatives of all the powers were assembled to consolidate the peace of the world. THIRD QUESTION.—Is it necessary to publish a new declaration ?—The observations which the committee have just presented furnish the answer to the last question which remains to be exa- mined. It considers, 1. That the declaration of the 13th of March was dictated to the powers by reasons of such evident justice, and such decisive weight, that none of the sophistries by which it is pretended to be attacked can at all affect it: 2. That these reasons remain in all their force, and that the changes which have, in fact, occurred since the declaration of the 13th of March, have produced no alteration in the position of Bona- parte and of France with regard to the allies. 3. That the offer to ratify the treaty of Paris cannot, on any account, alter the disposition of the allies. Therefore, the committee is of opinion, that it would be useless to publish a new decla- ration. The allies being thus determined on war, it was necessary that no time should be lost in bringing their troops into the field. Most of the Russians had already retired within the frontiers of Po- land ; the Prussians had also returned to their country ; and the Austrians were engaged in Italy. But as the allies were deeply impressed with the indispensable necessity of the most rompt and vigorous measures, it was resolved that all the troops which they were to furnish, and even more than their quotas, should, without the least delay, assemble on the French frontiers. The aſlied powers, however, could not stir in this momentous affair unless Britain subsidized them most liberally. For this purpose the chan- cellor of the exchequer proposed, and carried with little opposition, the renewal of the income- tax; and a loan of thirty-six millions was also raised. Among the benefits expected from the conclusion of a general peace, in the last year, scarcely any was more cordially greeted by the people in this country than a liberation from that burdensome and vexatious impost, the property- tax, which was necessarily to expire at a certain period after the signature of a definitive peace. In the suspicion, however, that ministers might be tempted to renew it, as the easiest mode of providing for the gº * which would be CHAP. I. \_*N*/ 1815. T336 HISTORY of The wars BOOK XV. Chap. I. * Asºvº-V 1815. occasioned by the winding up of the war-expenses, petitions were drawn up in almost all the princi- pal places in the kingdom, to be laid before par- liament, warmly deprecating such a measure. Whatever might have been the intention of the government, this decided expression of the na- tional desire had the effect of causing the adoption of other financial plans; and, on February 9, the chancellor of the exchequer declared his intention of submitting to the house of commons several important measures relative to the public finances, of which the property-tax would not be one, un- less in the event of the non-ratification of the treaty with America. On the 20th, at a com- mittee of ways and means, the chancellor of the exchequer introduced his plan of new taxes to supply the place of the want of the property-tax as far as five millions, of which, however, only the amount of 3,720,000l. was at that time brought forward. Several of the taxes, especially those which bore hard on trade and manufactures, were strongly opposed, and various modifications were made, the general system being persisted in, till the events in France re-plunged the country in all its difficulties. Great Britain entered into twelve treaties of accession, and twenty-five treaties of subsidy. Ty the treaty of accession with Baden, his Bri- tannic majesty engaged in his own name, and in that of his allies, not to lay down his arms with- Out ...}, taking into consideration the in- terests of the Duke of Baden, and not to permit the political existence of the duchy to be violated. The other treaties of accession were with Bavaria, Denmark, Hanover, the Grand Duke of Hesse, the King of the Netherlands, Portugal, Sardi- nia, Saxony, Switzerland, Wurtemberg, and the princes and free towns of Germany. The treaties of subsidy were with the same powers, and by these Baden was to furnish 16,000 men; Bavaria 60,000; Denmark 15,000; Hanover 26,400; the Grand Duke of Hesse 8,000; Sardinia 15,000; Saxony 8,000; Wurtemberg 20,000; besides the troops to be furnished by the princes and free towns of Germany; so that Great Britain had at her command upwards of 200,000 troops. They were to be paid at the rate of 111. 2s. per man, for the service of the year ending the 5th of April, 1816. Of the whole collective force of allies, Lord Castlereagh gave the following state- ment to parliament:— Austria . . . . . . 300,000 Russia . . . . . . 225,000 Prussia . . . . . . 236,000 States of Germany . . 150,000 Great Britain . . . . 50,000 Holland C & G G G e 50,000 Total 1,011,000 The sum of five millions was voted by parlia- ment to be divided between Austria, Russia, and _º Prussia ; and 2,500,000l. between the smaller powers. There were also some other arrange- ments concluded between Russia, Holland, and Great Britain; by which the latter had to pay an additional sum of 2,500,000l. : making al- together 10,000,000l. The exertions of the continental powers were now unbounded. Every road was thronged with troops hastening by forced marches to the Som- bre and the Rhine. The Prussians were parti- cularly active in equipping their troops for the field. The following proclamation of the King of Prussia shews the spirit with which his cabinet was animated at this time:—“When, in the time of danger, I called my people to arms, to combat for the freedom and independence of the country, the whole mass of the youth, glowing with emu- lation, thronged round the standards, to bear with joyful self-denial unusual hardships, and re- solved to brave death itself. Then the best strength of the people intrepidly joined the ranks of my brave soldiers; and my generals led with me into battle a host of heroes, who have shewn themselves worthy of the name of their fathers, and heirs of their glory. Thus we and our allies, attended by victory, conquered the capital of our enemy. Our banners waved in Paris, Napoleon abdicated his authority,+liberty was restored to Germany, security to thrones, and to the world the hope of a durable peace. “This hope is vanished: we must again march to the combat. A perfidious conspiracy has brought back to France the man who, for ten years together, brought down upon the world unutterable miseries. The people, confounded, have not been able to oppose his armed adher- ents; though he himself, while still at the head of a considerable armed force, declared his abdi- cation to be a voluntary sacrifice to the happiness and repose of France, he now regards this, like every other convention, as nothing ; he is at the head of perjured soldiers, who desire to render war eternal; Europe is again threatened; it can- not suffer the man to remain on the throne of France, who loudly proclaimed universal empire to be the object of his continually renewed wars, who confounded all moral principle by his con- tinued breach of faith, and who can, therefore, give the world no security for his peaceable in- tentions. “Again, therefore, arise to the combat! France itself wants our aid, and all Europe is allied with us. United with your ancient companions in vic- " tory, reinforced by the accession of new brethren in arms, you, brave Prussians, go to a just war, with me, with the princes of my family, with the generals who have led you to victory. The justice of the cause we defend will ensure us the victory. “I have ordered a general arming, according to my decree of September 3, 1814, which will OE THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 1337 ~~~~ be executed in all my dominions. The army will be completed, the volunteer companies of yagers be formed, and the landwehr called together, The youth of the chief classes of the citizens, from the age of twenty upwards, are at liberty to join either the landwehr first called out, or the yager corps of the regular army. Every young man who has completed his seventeenth year, may, if possessing the requisite bodily strength, join the army of his own choice. I publish a particular regulation on this subject. Concerning the forma- tion of the single corps, and of the landwehr, a notice will appear in every province from the constituted authorities. Thus united, with all Europe in arms, we again enter the lists against Napoleon Bonaparte and his adherents. Arise, then, with God for your support, for the repose of the world, for order, for morality, for your king and country. “FREDERICK WILLIAM.” ammºmºmºmº CHAPTER II. Prince-regent's Message to both Houses of Parliament, respecting War with France,—Debates on the same. THE British government, in conjunction with the continental powers, having resolved on war, on the 22d of May a message was delivered to both houses of parliament from the prince- regent, to the following effect:—“That, in con- sequence of the events which had occurred in France, in direct contravention of the treaties concluded at Paris last year, his royal-highness had judged it necessary to enter into engagements with his majesty's allies, for the purpose of form- ing such a concert as present circumstances in- dispensably require, and as may prevent the revival of a system which experience has proved to be incompatible with the peace and independ- ence of the nations of Europe.” It was then said, that copies of the treaties concluded would be laid before the two houses, and that the prince- regent confidently relied on their support in all the measures which it might be necessary for him to adopt, in conjunction with his allies, against the common enemy at this important crisis. The following day being appointed for taking into consideration the message of the prince- regent, the Earl of Liverpool rose in the house of lords, and said, that the question he was about to submit to their lordships being that of peace or war, it was unnecessary for him to use words to convince them that the subject was the most momentous that could possibly come before them for discussion and determination ; but mo- mentous as that question was at all times, and under any circumstances, he was ready to admit, that at this particular period it was more pecu- liarly important and awful. Deeply feeling, as he did, that war was an alternative always to be avoided if possible, that urgent necessity alone could justify any government in having recourse to it, and that the existence of such a necessity was ever to be seriously deplored, he was aware that, independent of these considerations—inde- pendent of the general desire that ought always to prevail to avoid that extremity, there were cir- cumstances which rendered the alternative of war more peculiarly to be deprecated. After the pro- tracted course of hostilities in which this country had been engaged; after the years, the long se- ries of years, in which we had been driven to carry on the contest almost without intermission, when at length the period arrived which promised the nation a secure and glorious rest from its toils, when the tempest which had convulsed the civilized world to its foundation, had at last sub- sided, and left behind it the animating prospect of a long and peaceful serenity to repair its ra- vages, it was, undoubtedly, most deeply to be lamented that any thing should have occurred to destroy these hopes of tranquillity, and compel us again to have recourse to arms, and to renew the contest against that power and that system which had been the parent of such tremendous calamities. He himself was deeply impressed with the feeling, and he was sure the house must be impressed with the same feeling, that after an incessant struggle of between twenty-three and twenty-four years, after the convulsions which had agitated the nations of Europe, the changes which had taken place in the relations and habits of the different states owing to these perpetual wars, it weuld have been an object most devoutly to be wished for, that some respite, some few years of repose, should be vouchsafed to the ex- hausted nations, that some time should be allowed them to recover from the fatigue of their exer- tions, to recruit their strength, to repair their re- sources, and to return to the habits and comforts of peace and tranquillity. He had no difficulty BOOK XV. CHAF. I. 1815. 1338 HISTORY OF THE WARS BOOK XV, Chap. II. a lºvº-Z 1815. in saying, that no secondary object, no minor concern, no common danger or inconvenience could, under these circumstances, form a justifi- able ground for the revival of this already long protracted and eventful contest. It would have been wise to endure much, to risk much, to put up with no small degree of inconvenience, and even injustice, as far as that could be submitted to with honor, in order to secure the blessings of repose and peace. If the state of things in France had been settled in such a manner as to afford any reasonable security for the continuance of peace, without the most imminent danger of de- struction to the independence of the other nations of Europe, even though they were not settled in that way which might be considered as most fa- vorable to the particular interests of France itself, as well as to the general interests of Europe, he should say that, under the circumstance in which this country, and many of the continental powers stood, hostilities ought not to be recommenced. He thought it right, at the outset of the observa- tions which he had to submit to their lordships, thus to state openly and fairly what his impression was as to the general principle ; and he |. so in order to shew that he was not insensible to the disadvantages of engaging in war at any time, and more particularly at the present moment: but the question now was, whether from the long —and lamentable experience which we had had of the system which had been invariably pursued by the government now existing in France, they could entertain any reasonable hope whatever that treaties would be regarded, or that violence and aggression would be refrained fºom for a longer period than that which would be necessary effectually to prepare the means for the renewal of the same course which had already brought upon Europe such dreadful calamities. he question now was, whether it was possible for us to remain at peace, and to enjoy the advantages of peace. ... It was the duty of their lordships undoubtedly to deliberate well, before they yield- ed to the conviction that the awful necessity ex- isted of again engaging in war, and adding to those burthens which war had already laid upon the country. . Their lordships would take care not to give their sanction to the revival of hos- tilities, if the evils of war could be avoided con- sistently with the honor and safety of the nation. Such being his own feelings as to that view of the question, he was ready, at the same time, to deelare his opinion on the other hand, that, if the circumstances of the case were such that it was 'impossible to rely for a moment on the disposi- tion of the existing government of France to re- frain from aggression, so as to permit this country to enjoy the advantages of peace with safety, then no impolitic love of repose should deter us from boldly looking at our real situation, and manfully 5 meeting the difficulty, even if it could only be met by war. Having stated these propositions at the outset, in order to show the bouse the principles and views upon which it appeared to him the subject ought to be considered and discussed, the first question then was, had we a justifiable cause of war against France? That question might be considered in two ways;–first, with reference to the person at the head of the present govern- ment of France; secondly, with reference to the French nation, and its general relations and obli- gations with respect to this country and the other powers of Europe. He did not think it necessary to go much into detail upon these points; but he felt it his duty not to pass thern without some ob- servation. In looking at the question with refer- ence to the individual at the head of the French government, it would be wasting their lordships’ time if he were to enter into any long discussion to prove, that very little security indeed for the continuance of peace could be expected from that quarter. Those who thought with him, that the alternative of war was now unavoidable, must be convinced that it was brought on by that per- son in direct violation of solemn treaty. He knew it had been said, that there had been a previous violation of that treaty by some of the other parties, to the disadvantage of that person, and that this at{orded an excuse for his conduct in disregarding the treaty on his part. In reply to that argument, he maintained, in the first place, that there had been no violation of the treaty as against him ; and, secondly, even ad- mitting for a moment the fact to be, that there had been such a violation, that circumstance could not, upon ary Sound principle of reason or justice, or the law of nations, give him any au- thority to violate the treaty on his part, until he had made his cºmplaiut to the allies, and redress had been de died. On every principle of the law of nature and nations, it was not the injury which gave the right to have recourse to war; but the injury followed by complaint, justice demanded, and redress refused. Then only was an individual or a nation justified in considering the obligation of compacts and treaties at an end, and in resort- ing to the last appeal. Bonaparte had made no complaint to the allies—and they never therefore could have refused him redress. His conduct must consequently he regarded as a direct viola- tion of treaty, without any thing ke justification or apolºgy. But it was unnecessary to rest this part of the subject upon such narrow grounds. It was true, Bonaparte, in some of his latter pro- clamations, when endeavouring to find out some shadow of apology for his ploceedings, did at last allege, that the stipulations of the treaty had not been observed with respect to him by the King of France, but that was merely an after- sººr OF THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 1339 -*- *m-ºn- wº- thought; for, in his original proclamations, there was not one word of complaint on that ground. In these, he only talked of resuming what had been wrested from him in a moment of difficulty; and there could hardly be a doubt, that at the very moment when he signed the treaty, he had it in contemplation to violate it, and resume his situation at the head of the government of France, with the first favorable opportunity. As far, then, as regarded the individual, there was on his part a clear and fundamental violation of the whole of the treaty, without complaint made to the allies, or any opportunity given to afford him redress. But to look at the matter in a larger view—was there a man who did not perceive that the whole of the contracts made with the French nation by the allies in April and May last year, proceeded on the foundation that the government of France was to be administered by some other person than Bonaparte, and that terms were granted upon that ground which otherwise would not have been granted in the situation in which the allied powers then stood, and that securities were dis- pensed with for the same reason, which otherwise would have been insisted upon? Before they entered Paris, they declared, by proclamation, their determination not to negociate with Bona- parte. Upon that foundation his resignation of the sovereign authority proceeded—upon that foundation the assembled representatives of the nation pronounced his decheance—upon that foundation, and upon these terms, the act of for- feiture was declared;—and, in the whole course of the transactions at that period, the same sti- pulation that Bonaparte was to be no longer at the head of the French government, was either expressly stated or clearly implied. In the con- vention entered into in the month of April, for the cessation of hostilities, were to be found these words—“The allied powers, united in the deter- mination to put a period to the calamities of Eu- rope, and to found its repose on a just distribution of power among the states which compose it; wishing to give to France, replaced under a go- vernment whose principles offer the necessary securities for the maintenance of peace, proofs of their desire to resume amicable relations with her; wishing, also, to cause France to enjoy as much as possible the benefits of peace, even before all the terms thereof have been settled, have re- solved to proceed, &c. to a suspension of hostili- ties between their respective forces.” Upon the foundation of these words in the preamble, hos- tilities were, by the first article, declared to be suspended. Then followed the convention for the evacuation of the French territories by the troops of the allied powers; but that had a refer- ence to the preamble, and rested upon the ground that France was to have a new government, which could afford a reasonable security to the allies 91. against the revival of that system of aggression, devastation, and bloodshed, which had uniformly marked the course of the French government under Bonaparte. The definitive treaty proceeded upon the same foundation. What, then, was the bearing of that treaty when considered with re- ference to the present question ? It was signed by the allied powers upon the clear understanding and foundation that France was to have a govern- ment which could afford security to the nations of Europe against the renewal of aggression, and the calamities of war, and upon the faith of that condition, more advantageous terms were granted to France than could otherwise with safety have been given. Then he maintained that the bearing of the whole course of these public acts, the principle of the treaties of Fontainebleau and Paris, and all the circumstances and situations of the parties at the time; the preambles of the documents, and the proceedings of the senate, all clearly proved that the destruction of the power and government of Bonaparte was an essential part of the compact between the allied powers and France; not a minor or secondary part of it, but an essential and fundamental part; and, that when Bonaparte was restored to the situation which he had before held at the head of the French government, the ºff. was fundamentally vio- lated on the part of Bonaparte and France: the allies were absolved from all the engagements which they had contracted, and, by the very act of the return of Bonaparte, placed in a state of war with France. Thus the matter stood on the principle of jus- tice; and on this part of the question he should imagine there could hardly be a dissentient voice. But when he had proved that we had a just cause of war against France, he was perfectly well aware that he had only proved one half of his case. He well knew that it was not enough to say that there existed a just ground of war against France. It must also be shewn, that justice to our own country required that the contest should be renewed. #. admitted that to justify the re- course to this momentous alternative, war must be proved to be necessary. It must be no se- condary consideration, no minor inconvenience, that could form a sufficient ground for a renewal of hostilities at any time, far less under the pecu- liar circumstances of the present moment. A paramount necessity, the most imminent danger to our dearest interests, to our security and na- tional independence, not otherwise to be averted than by war, and therefore imperiously calling upon us to arm for our country, must be shown to exist before their lordships could give their sanction to the revival of the contest. The first question to be asked with reference to this point was, could there be any rational hopes of peace for this country, or loºp- while that person 5 f BOOK XV, - car. II. Jºvº–2 1815. 1340 HISTORY OF THE WARS BOOK XV. CHAP. II. Jºvº-Z 1815. was at the head of the French government # And if there was no prospect of peace under these circumstances, was there any safety in the name of peace? On these questions, and the answers which their lordships might feel it their duty to give to them, must depend the point of policy and expediency as connected with the course of pro- ceeding which he was to submit for their lord- ships’ determination. And here they had the long and melancholy experience of the last four- teen years to guide them to a just conclusion. Was the ambition which had been evinced by the present government of France, that common am- bition which had given rise to the ordinary con- tests between the European powers ? Had it not appeared to be an ambition which no treaty or contract could bind or control ; an ambition which no success had ever satisfied, which no disappointment, for disappointments the present ruler of France had met with in his career, had ever forced to abandon its views? Was it not an ambition which was to be satisfied with nothing less than universal empire? which pursued that object with a pertinacity not to be shaken, and led to bloody and interminable wars, totally in- consistent with the tranquillity, safety, and inde- pendence of Europe? It was unnecessary for him to enter into a detailed statement of those acts with which all Europe was, by lamentable experience, so fully acquainted. A few observa- tions, however, he must make, and these he trusted would suffice for the present purpose. When the French revolution took the turn which led to foreign conquest, the vanity of the nation was flattered with the idea of extending the ter- ritory of France to what they called its natural limits: and these limits were the Alps and the Pyrennees. About this time, the person who now ruled in France placed himself at the head of the government, and the treaty of Luneville accom- plished the object for which the nation had been so anxious. Reasonable men even then looked with alarm at this increase of the territory, power, and resources of France; but it might, at least, have been expected that these advantages would have fixed the ambition of the ruler of France, and that a due regard wonld have been paid by France to a treaty by which that country had gained so much. The safety of the Ligurian and the several, Italian republics had been stipulated for, as well as that of the Swiss and Batavian republics; but, whatever expectations were formed that the affairs might, for some time, be considered as settled, were speedily disappointed. A sys- tematic violation of the independence of these states immediately be ... ". not only was their independence violated, but some of them were soon incorporated with France ; and others, though not actually incorporated, were rendered completely subservient to the views of the French 2 authority, by the recognition of the French ruler as the chief or head of their government. Europe must have seen what was the end and object of these proceedings. The ambition which ani- mated the ruling power in France was not to be satisfied with acquisitions in Holland and Italy. It was in vain for any state to hope to escape by patient endurance of injury and insult, or by any submission and subserviency short of absolute subjection. Look at the case of Spain. Consi- der in what circumstances Spain stood when that invasion took place, which had so often occu- pied the attention of their lordships. There was no degree of subserviency to which the govern- ment of Spain was not ready to submit. No sub- mission short of complete subjection was refused : —all the resources of Spain were at the command of France; the troops of Spain marched with the French armies to fight the battles of France. The Spanish fleets were united with those of France in opposition to our's. Their lordships knew what followed the revolution which placed the present sovereign of Spain on the throne, the seizure of the king and royal family by Bona- parte, the entry of the French armies into Spain, and the necessity which compelled that country to arm at last against its oppressor, to pre- serve even a vestige of its independence. With the struggle which ensued, and with the progress and result of that struggle, their lordships were too well acquainted to render it necessary for him to say any thing on that head. He men- tioned these things merely to shew, that the am- bition of the person now ruling in France was absolutely without limits ; that the system was. In Ot º Parcere subjectos et debellare superbos, but to grasp at universal empire, and to be sa- tisfied with nothing less than the absolute subju- gation of all the powers of Europe. Then to come to the last effort of this system, omitting for the present the conduct of the ruler of France towards Austria and Prussia, look at the invasion of Russia, and consider the immense prepara- tions which were made, the means which were employed, the circumstances under which that project of invasion was carried into effect, and say whether it was possible to doubt for a mo- ment that a passion for universal dominion was the ruling principle of French policy under its present government. With such a government, animated by such a spirit, and acting upon such principles, it was impossible to expect with safety to remain in a state of peace. Such, then, had been the policy and conduct of the ruler of France, and it remained to be examined whether, there was any thing in the circumstances of his return to his former situa- tion, at the head of the French government, which afforded any ground of belief that his principles {) F THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. \ 1841 and policy had been changed. But here they not only had no ground of hope, but the very circumstance of his return, and the means by which it was accomplished, furnished the most serious cause of alarm. TXid he return because he was recalled by the voice of the nation, as some persons, he was informed, had gravely as- serted # No ; with the exception of some disap- pointed and discontented persons, such as were to be found in greater or smaller numbers in all states, and under all governments, the French nation at large was satisfied, contented, and happy under the mild and paternal sway of their legitimate sovereign. What, then, had given rise to this event 3 Not the nation at large, but a discontented army, who felt, if you will, its glory tarnished by the success of the allies, and was dissatisfied with the government of any other than a military chief. Why was the army discontent- ed ? Because it wished for a military govern- ment. Why did it wish for a military govern- ment? Because the fundamental principle of such a government was war and conquest—a principle incompatible with the peace and inde- pendence of other nations of Europe. Were there any other circumstances which afforded a rational prospect of repose and tranquillity, and which ought to satisfy us upon that point, so as to enable us to enjoy in security the advantages of peace? He had heard the age of Bonaparte alleged as a reason why we might now have greater faith in his pacific disposition. Bona- parte was a little older than he was at the period of the invasion of Russia, and therefore he might now be trusted. Ambition—taking the word in a bad sense, and as distingushed from emulation, was at all times criminal. There was a species of ambition, however, which might be the excess of noble feelings and generous sentiments, and many acts might, from its influence, be done in the heat of youth, which, though not to be justi- fied, might be excusable. That species of am- bition might be qualified and corrected by a maturer age, a more solid understanding, and greater experience : but, in that ruthless and insatiable ambition which desolated Europe had witnessed with horror, during a period of four- teen years—which had continued unabated in its ferocity and extent down to a few weeks, nay, down to a few days, before the time when the abdication took place—had any of those symptoms appeared which could be consider- ed as indicative of that qualified sort of ambi- tion which might be corrected by age and ex- perience, which could reasonably satisfy us that his return would be attended with a change of principles and measures, and he would fall into the general system of Europe for the preserva; tion of peace and the independence of nations? But then he had heard it stated, that France had now a limited government, and that this would B00K XV. effectually restrain the ambition of its chief. Now of all the unfounded suppositions which had CHAP. II. been made on the subject, this appeared to him to be by far the most extravagant. He was him- self desirous that France should have a limited government, founded on principles of a nature si- milar to those which prevailed in this country. He knew that it had been a matter of speculation how far a free constitution could be maintained in France, together with that large military force which, on account of her extensive frontier, nu- merous fortresses, and from other causes, it might be necessary for that country to keep up even in time of peace. It had been contended by some, that so large a military establishment was incompatible with a limited government: but whether that opinion was well or ill-founded, this at least was clear, that under such circumstances it was impossible that a free constitution could exist where the head of the government was a military chief, who owed his situation to the sword, and whose title arose from, and was founded on, the sword. There was no individual under whose sway it was so totally impossible that any thing like a limited government could exist as that individual whose title depended on the sword, whose fame, whose power, and all that rendered him distinguished, arose from, and was connected with, war and conquest. At the period of the invasion of France, the general impression in that country was, that under him there was no hope of a permanent limited government, and the common opinion was, that so desirable an object would be best secured under the sway of the old family. There was in the very circumstance of the government being in the hands of the old and legitimate family, which formed the best security for the permanence and support of a limited system. If the restoration of the old family, therefore, would be beneficial to the whole of the rest of Europe, it would be in the highest degree favorable to France. Then could any one so completely shut his eyes to all that had happened durin believe that this country, or Europe, could with safety enjoy a state of repose while the plan and system of government remained as it was at present? It was impossible, on any rational ground, to hope for it. But, then came that part of the subject upon which the question would now practically turn. It might possibly be said—“We admit there is great risk—but still peace is so desirable, and war is so great a cala- mity, that before you engage in war you ought at least to try whether peace can be with safety maintained.” He was stating the argument fairly here, for nobody could say that there was no risk. The address which was agreed to in favor, of * state of preparation, and the debate which took the last fourteen or fifteen years, as to 1815. 1342 HISTORY OF THE WARS ROOK XV. C R A P. i I. Jº"N*-A ł SH 5. place upon it, clearly proved that all were fully sa- tisfied that there did exist great risk and danger. All were then agreed that the only alternative was war, or a state of armed preparation. Then the question came to this, whether it was better to wait and take the chances of peace, or to engage in active warfare. Now if the chances of war and peace were equal, the expedient of waiting and taking the chance of peace might be the wiser plan; but, as the case stood, the alternative of war did not appear so dangerous. There were other circumstances connected with this view of the sub- ject which ought to be taken into account. Bo- naparte had returned, at a time when the sove- reigns were still at Vienna, without having their forces reduced to a peace-establishment, while they were animated by the same spirit of resist- ance and concert, and in a state of preparation which enabled them to meet the difficulty. This, then, was our present situation. In the whole of Europe there was only one sentiment, and the sovereigns had the means and the will to resist a system the existence of which must be destructive of all hopes of secure and per- manent tranquillity. But let the moment once go by—let the policy of peace be adopted—let Bonaparte have time to subdue disaffection in the interior, and to consolidate his power—let the so- vereigns onee return to their several countries, and reduce their armies to a peace-establishment; and then let it be considered, in case the system of violence and aggression were to re-commence, as in all buman probability it would, how difficult it would be to form a confederacy like the present, and how few were the instances of such confede- racies, Let us only look at the circumstances of war in which, for twenty-two years, we had been engaged ; and consider how many efforts to form a similar confederacy had failed of success. While one was willing, another was not; and though the efforts of some, whom he should ever remem- ber with respect, as amongst the greatest orna- ments that ever adorned the counsels of this or any other country, had been uniformly and per- severingly directed to this object, yet, with all their talents, they had never been able to succeed, and died without seeing the plan carried into effect. Notwithstanding all the exertions that had been made for its attainment, it had never been accomplished till 1813. With this example, with the history of the late war before your eyes, now that you have this confederacy, would you throw it away ? If they gave up this advantage, when could they hope to regain it? . The argument, then, was this:—in the first place, you clearly had a just cause of war against “that system of government in France which experience had de- cidedly proved to be incompatible with the peace and independence of the nations of Europe; next, you had at present means of opposing that system ~~ which you could not reasonably hope to possess at a future time; and the question was, whether, under these circumstances, it was not incumbent upon you to take advantage of this state of things, and oppose so pernicious a system, while the am- plest means of resistance was in your power. It might be said, however, was not the government of this country, were not the allies in general, prepared to have made peace with the present ruler of France, in March, 1814, at Chatillon : why not, therefore, make peace with him now % In answer to this he would observe, that at the negociations at Chatillon, not only was Bonaparte in undisputed possession of the government of France; but until the events which occurred at Bourdeaux, there was no appearance of any oppo- sition to his power. He must add also, that the insecurity of peace with such a man was not over- looked by the allies on that occasion, but fully considered. His noble friend, who then repre- sented the interests of this country, had received eventual instructions to vary the course of pro- ceeding should any thing occur which might ren. der it expedient; but up to the proceedings at Bourdeaux, as he before observed, no manifesta- tion of the public mind, hostile to Bonaparte, had appeared in France. The question of peace stood, therefore, in regard to him at that time, as with one having undisputed possession of the country: but now there was reason to believe, that the sentiments of the bulk of the French nation were extremely averse to him. But though what he had stated was ground sufficient for concluding peace at Chatillon; yet, if the question had rested on that foundation alone, he, for one, should ra- ther have been disposed to take the chances of war. There were, however, other considerations of prudence and policy which could not fail to have a great weight with the allies at that period; for although the most brilliant achievements had been accomplished, and although they had made their way into the very heart of France, yet the could not conceal from themselves that all the º military strong holds of the west of urope were then in the possession of Bonaparte. He was master of Alexandria, of Milan, of Turin, in the south; of Mentz and Luxembourg on the German frontier; and of Antwerp, Bergenopzoom, Hamburg, &c. In fact, there was hardly one place of strength in the whole of western Europe that was not then in his occupation. There was unques- tionably at that time in the public mind a great deal of iaudable feeling, sometimes heightened into passion, against treating with him ; but statesmen were bound to look cooly at the question, and they could not help reflecting, that if any consi- derable calamity had, at that time, befallen the allies, the possession of these fortresses might have placed almost the whole of western Europe under his control. Any calamity which might OF THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 1343 have befallen the allies would not only have com- pelled then to retreat from France, under cir- cumstances of great disadvantage, but night have enabled him to make peace on his own terms. This was for the allies a most weighty considera- tion; and when they offered peace at Chatillon, it was on the principle that they did not think the greater danger then existing was to be sacrificed to the sinaller eventual danger that might result from peace with their enemy. A peace, even though insecure, was to be preferred at that time, if you could thus get out of his hands the for- tresses which he held. It was not, however, sufficient to be satisfied of the justice of war, and of the total insecurity of peace, for another most important question oc- curred,—what were the chances of success And here he must observe, that there was no prospect of our seeing at any future period a stronger, a more united, a more zealous, or a more mighty confederacy against the common enemy. He had used his best endeavours to ascertain the senti- ments of the different allied courts, and of the first military officers to be employed; and he had found the former unanimous as to the necessity of the greatest exertions, and the latter unanimous as to the strong probability of success with the forces to be placed at their disposal. The uncertainty of war was proverbial, and the event of battles was in the hands of Providence; but as far as dependence eould be placed on human means, on the disposi- tion which prevailed among the powers of Europe and their subjects, and on the military judgment of those in whom he confided, he certainly did think, that the means, as far as human judgment went, were sufficient, and likely to produce the desired success. Indeed, what other alternative was left but war, or an armed peace almost equi- valent to war, in point of expense, and leaving the country in a feverish state of anxiety as to defence % Supposing a treaty with Bonaparte, could any man contemplate a peace-establishment in the old sense of that phrase? The country could only have a feverish and disturbed repose. The system of armed defence was calamitous in itself, and one of which the country had had no experience. He admitted that circumstances might exist in which an armed peace might be preferable to war;-if, for instance, the powers of Europe had not been prepared, or were indis- posed to the contest, in that case an armed peace would be preferable, though still it would be an alternative of excessive evil. But now, when our allies were ail prepared, it was right to seize the moment to strike, when the blow could be struck with effect. They had now the means of success; but if the opportunity was foregone, when was it likely that it would arise again He would look next to the question of economy. And here it could not be denied, that a state of peace was of 92. particular importance to the finances of the coun- try: but it should not be forgotten, that, at the same time, a shabby and pusillanimous economy was the greatest extravagance in the end. If we went to war now, we might hope to bring it to a happy and a speedy issue; but if we began with alſ the heavy expenses of an armed peace, most probably soon to terminate in a defensive war, we should have to repent of the policy pursued. But whatever should be the issue of the war, he must say, that if ever there was an occasion, when am- ple and mature deliberation had been employed, this was that occasion. He had stated, in a former debate, that it never had been the wish or the intention of ministers to goad the allies into war- like efforts;–not that he had doubted for a mo- ment, that the policy of war was the only wise policy to be pursued, though he felt that it ought to spring out of the unanimous conviction of the great powers themselves. , Ministers had not availed themselves of the first feelings of indig- nation and resentment; on the contrary, they had been anxious that the allies should re-consider their opinions, and the declarations they had is- sued, according to the new circumstances that arose. Their final determination, therefore, was the result of their own mature reflection and well- founded opinion on the existing state of things. The war on which they had resolved was not a war of interest or aggrandisement. He felt, on the part of his colleagues, and on the part of all the powers, that they had no interest in view, but the security of Europe and of the world. They wished not to see France abandoned to the ra- vages of war, her provinces or her resources cur- tailed; but only such a government existing in that country as would afford security to the rest of Europe. In this view he thought it would be generally admitted, that the restoration of Louis XVIII. to his throne was an object dear to the heart, not only from feelings of sympathy, but from a principle of general expediency. He could state it as the conviction of his mind, founded on the fullest inquiry (which it was his duty to make) that the great majority of the people of France, he would say three-fourths of them, desired the return of the king. As far as the weight of moral evidence went, he believed this to be the senti- ment of the south of France, of the west, and of the north. With that opinion of the state of public sentiment in that country, and looking to what was best for the general security and repose of Europe, he was not ashamed to avow his anxious wish for the restoration of Louis XVIII. to his throne. It was true, we had no right to dictate to an independent country what its gº- vernment should be, or who should be its head; but we had a right to interfere and say, that France shaji not have a government which threatens the repose, the fºund. and the very 15 L BOOK X W. CHAP. H. Jºvº-A 1815, 1344 HISTORY OF THE WARS BOOK XV. CHAP. II. \-sºvº W 1815. existence of surrounding nations ; still more, when the allies had already given, and France had received, conditions of peace more favorable than the former would have given, or the latter received, had the existence of such a government been prolonged. º The question, then, which he wished to put to their lordships was, whether any of them thought that there was any prospect of preserving peace # If not, why then look at the means which now existed of removing one of the greatest evils that ever threatened the world, and ask themselves whether they would be prepared to forego the use of these means, merely for the purpºse of enjoy- ing a short and feverish truce If, then, they were convinced that the war was founded equally on justice and policy, let them not bring upon themselves the imputation of being the only power in Europe that refused to join in crushing one of the greatest evils that ever existed. It was a sort of sentiment impressed on every man’s mind, that he was not safe, that he could have no feeling of security, while the state of things re- mained as it was. This was a sentiment which might be seen to prevail from one end of Europe to the other. Let us, then, place our confidence in that Providence through whom we might still hope to establish the repose of Europe on a firm foundation, and secure to the nations the perma- ment enjoyment of their rights, liberties, and peace. The noble lord concluded with moving an address in answer to the prince-regent's message, assur- ing his royal-highness of their cordial support in all the measures he might deem necessary against the common enemy. Earl Grey observed, that when wrongs were inflicted, or danger threatened, it was held by the best writers on public law, that a demand of re- paration should precede an appeal to arms. No such demand had been made in the present case; and if we possessed the right of going to war, it must arise from the violation of some treaty. The treaty of Paris, the fundamental principle of which was the abdication of Bonaparte, had been violated: but we must not always discuss abstract principles, we must look to circumstances, and the distinctions which the progress of society has introduced ; and it is not every danger which would entitle us to interfere in the affairs of na- tions. The personal character, however, of Bo- naparte, is now the ground of alarm ; but is it sufficient to demand our interposition ? Was ever such a principle before heard of in modern times? No : it must be searched for in barbarous ages, and we must gº back, as the late Lord Lough. borough once did, to the case of Regulus, to an- cient times for a precedent. But personal objec- tions were no grounds for war—the mere existence of an ambitious and warlike sovereign cannot give any such right; and for this simple reason, that *º-see- he is a mortal, subject to disease, age, and death —from which you may have sufficient security to induce you to maintain the relations of peace.— But have the allies themselves not been guilty of any breach of treaty ? was the stipulated pension paid to Bonaparte? was his property, and that of his family in France, not seized ? was it not in- tended to deprive his wife and son of the duchies of Parma and Placentia? all in scandalous violation of the treaty of Fontainebleau ! A demand of re- paration ought certainly to have been made; but what say Grotius and Vattel? They expressly say, that the non-performance gives the injured party the option either to negociate for redress, or to hold the treaty utterly void. He would therefore say, that as the allies had refused to perform the stipulated conditions, Bonaparte had a right to consider himself as absolved from the condition of his abdication, and to proceed as his judgment decided. The noble earl had indeed asserted, that Bonaparte never complained of this violation of the treaty ; but in his proclamation from Bour- going, it would be seen that he had expressly declared, that those violations had restored him to his throne and to his rights; and he further added, that he feared a removal from the asylum he had chosen. The noble earl seemed, by his gestures, to deny there was any foundation for such fear; but would he say that it had not been suggested by Talleyrand, and that Bonaparte had not good ground for suspicion ?—By the treaty of Fontainebleau, Bonaparte abdicated his throne; and by the treaty of Paris, peace was given to Europe in consequence, and certain se- curities were not then enforced. What then was the obligation contracted by the French people? They were not confined to any particular go- Vernment; they might have chosen Massena, or Ney, or Caulincourt, or Carnot, or Sieyes, and we should have no right of interference; how far, then, were the allies justified in insisting upon the removal of Bonaparte merely on personal grounds 3. His abdication is not specifically re- ferred to in the treaty; but then securities had not been insisted upon, by reason of the return of the Bourbons; he, therefore, contended, that the whole extent of the right of this country was to demand such securities—the securities they had so relinquished. If we contend for more, we must contend for what the noble earl does not stipulate for, the restoration of the Bourbons,— The expediency of a war, was another thing. Burke, whose speeches and writings were a ma- gazine of arguments for and against almost every question, had stated, that neither a profitable wrong, nor an unprofitable right, would justify a war—or, in other words, that expediency alone was to be eonsidered. Does the present condition of things make a war expedient? If they would have treated with Ney, or Massena, or Caulin- * *...* OF THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. , 1345 court, is the difference of France under Bona- parte so great as to authorise a war 2 A de- claration had been issued at Vienna, which de- clared that Bonaparte had forfeited his legal title to existence, that he was put out of the pale of society, and was liabe to public vengeance. What could possibly be the meaning of such phrases, but that the savage principle of assassi- nation was inculcated It had, he knew, been denied, and he was glad to find it was ; but the enemy had derived great advantage from its pro- mulgation. Supposing, however, that the war was a legitimate one, the alternative was dreadful; for Bonaparte must either be overthrown entirely, or the allies be completely humiliated. This was a fearful state of things—we were not to make truce or peace with a man who commanded the resources of a mighty nation | Disgrace and de- gradation might ensue, for events could not be controlled nor victories ensured. After such a declaration against Bonaparte, should he triumph, what bope would there be for the allies 2 What hope, indeed, for us, with our diminished re- sources and harassed population ? Ought not this view of things to make us pause 3 Or is it true that, after the giorious triumphs we have obtained, and after France has been limited to her old dimensions, we are not secure against the power, the rapacity, the ambition, of one single individual % As to the internal state of France, said by the noble earl to be so favorable to the Bourbons, he would ask whence came the in- formation on the subject –It came from a mani- festly interested source ; and as to the proclama- tions of the French government, it was well known, that governments had frequently objects to gain by making certain disturbances ! The formidable convulsions, during the revolution, had been put down by the existing government, which was never more energetic and formidable than at that very period. In fact, when every thing is quiet, it is clear that very little freedom prevails, as all history shows: and if dissensions really prevail in France, a foreign war was, un- doubtedly, not the best means to foster them. But as far as his information went, the Bourbons were not only unpopular with the military, but also with the effective population. The Marquis de Chabanes himself admitted, that only the clergy, the old nobility, and the emigrants, were for Louis; the military and the possessors of the na- tional property being inimical to him. The noble earl, however, contended otherwise, but what was his authority ? Bonaparte landed with a handful of men—he went constantly before his troops— and he every where presented himself to the people on his journey, who always received him with acclamations ! At Lyons, and other places, the national-guards as well as the regulars joined him. The whole population had, in fact, openly --> */ expressed their satisfaction at his return. Then as to the French military, it should be recollected, that they had been taken indiscriminately by the conscription, from all classes of the people, and therefore their sentiments were, in a great degree, those of the nation at large, which in truth was a military nation. The spirit of the army existed throughout France, as the present proceedings of the French government, who were confidently putting arms into every body's hands, sufficiently proved. Two millions of armed men must be deemed a formidable power; and the principles upon which the war was to be undertaken would only serve to unite the whole population, as had been shown before. If, then, we had nothing to hope from the internal state of France, what did the confederacy promise ? The French army was nearly annihilated in Russia, yet another arose at Lutzen; and, after his defeat at Leipsic, Bonaparte mustered in France 155,000 men, with which he for some time baffled and opposed 340,000 victorious troops, by whoa, he was at- tacked on every side; and, at last, it was by a narrow accident that the allies were successful. What were now Bonaparte's means ? What with the returned prisoners, the released garrisons, &c. &c, his regular army inust now amount to, at least, 300,000 men, besides national-guards, &c. &c. . . If, therefore, success was with difficulty obtained when Bonaparte was so comparatively weak, what right had we to calculate upon it when he was evidently strong? The allies had not, in fact, the same means now as before. Would Sweden, Spain, and Portugal, contribute to the war? Austria, Prussia, and Russia, were to be paid five millions for their aid ; and the King of Wirtemburg and others wanted some of the golden eggs which the great goose of Europe has been so long laying. Then, again, is the Duke of Wellington at the head of the gallant army he before commanded, or had the disaster- ous war with America reduced its ranks 3 Will the 30,000 Saxons fight against France, when it is from Dresden that Bonaparte is welcomed back, and when Marshal Blucher is obliged to punish with death, to keep them in his ranks 2 Will Italy rise against the foe, after the scenes at Ge- noa and at Geneva º Poland too must be watch- ed and kept down, and perhaps Turkey. Seeing that my Lord Castlereagh had set himself up as a judge over independent sovereigns, and offered Saxony to Prussia—to Prussia, who had taken Hanover from its old ally—and that he had talked so much of the dangerous pretensions of Russia, are there no fears of jealousies even among the rand allies themselves?—But then Bonaparte is a faithless character, a traitor, an assasin. No one liked his former career less than himself (Earl Grey), nor would any one more, eagerly resist him on proper occasions—but is all change BOOK XV. CHAP. II. 1815. 1346 HISTORY OF THE WARS BOOK XV. CHAP. II. Q-º-º/*-/ 1 Sł 5. impossible? Have not men who waded in blood at last retired into private life? . But allowing that no change was to be looked for from his disposition, was none to be expected from his policy 3 Has not his exile given him opportunity of reflecting on his past errors, and may he not feel the necessity of adopting another course, and leaving that which has cost him so much 3 He has also undergone great fatigue both bodily and mentally: his frame must be shaken, and he is fast advancing to a period of life when exertion becomes painful. These are, in some respects, minor points; but can no security be derived from them, and ought not the chances to be con- sidered ?—Security was our only legitimate ob- ject. Bonaparte, he verily believed, was com- pelled to wish for peace, and he had strongly expressed that wish. Was that done to please his army? But the French army, in his opinion, desired peace as well as the French people.— Though much was not to be expected from sud- den and new compilations, still the French were compelled to form their constitution on the best model they could find—the British ; and another chance of peace was to be found in that esta- blishment. Carnot and others had given ample proofs of their attachment to real freedom, and Bonaparte would be watched by such men. A peace-establishment, even on a large scale, was nothing like the expense of war. On the whole, he would have government act on the principles of the treaty of Chaumont; he would form de- fensive alliances, and not enter upon an inter- minable war. The Bourbons, he thought, were repulsive to all France, and the overthrow of the present ruler, if achieved, would not lead to tranquillity. America, too, was not likely to remain pacific if war took place, for the peace with her had settled nothing.—Bonaparte, by his abolition of the slave-trade, had given a new character to his government, and had proved by it that our negociator was wrong when he stated that the abolition could not be brought about by Louis from the opposition of the French people. —The persuasions to peace were powerful on all sides. Look to injured Saxony—look to Ireland —and pause before you plunge the nation into a war which offers no expectation of advantage:— £6 Our present lot appears “For happy, though but ill; for ill, not worst, “If we procure not to ourselves more woe.” The noble lord concluded by moving an amend- ment, “to thank his royal-highness for his gra- cious message, and to assure him of the firm de- termination of the house to support ail such ineasures as his royal-highness might think it necessary to enter into for the safety and honor of the crown, and the preservation of an inti- mate concert with his allies, to protect the rights —- sºmº- of all ; and that the house would, as far as pos- sible, enable his royal-highness to make good all the engagements his royal-highness might enter into with such views; but that it would not be justified in giving its approbation to those measures which had been adopted in consequence of negociations at Vienna, of which the house is totally uninformed. That while they were willing to second the views of his royal-highness in any exertion to maintain the equilibrium of Europe, they felt bound to protest against the principle of the war, commeneed upon the grounds of dictating to France who should be her ruler, as unjust, fraught with dan- ger, and admitting of no alternative but the utter destruction of Napoleon's power, or a humiliating abandonment of the object of the war. That the house felt great satisfaction in understanding that hostilities had not yet been commenced, and hoped that his royal-highness would open new negociations with his allies, for the purpose of better securing the safety of the country and the interests of the allies, than by the de- claration of the 13th of March, or the treaty co' cluded,consequently on the 26th of the same month.” Earl Bathurst contended, that the return of Bonaparte to France was alone an ample ground for war with him. He said, Earl Grey had Îow- ered the allied force and increased that of the enemy, and that he had forgotten to mention the aid which would be supplied by the King of the Netherlands. Lord Grenville was of opinion that Bonaparte was the common enemy of Europe, and that ministers were doing their duty in the course they were taking ; the moment that the treaty was violated by the return of Bonaparte to power, that moment we had a just right to go to war: there was no option left: it was altogether a matter of necessity, for it was impossible to rely on the professions of the French ruler. On a division, there appeared for the amend- º 44—against it, 156;-majority for war, In the house of commons, on the 25th of May, Lord Castlereagh called the attention of the house to the regent's message in a speech of some length, but which is altogether unnecessary to detail, as almost every argument he used for the war was the same as those urged by Lord Liver- pool in the other house, the substance of which we have carefully given. He stated, however, that he had that morning exchanged with the Austrian ambassador the ratification of the treaty of March 25, so that treaty was complete on all sides; and his imperial majesty had also ac- cepted the declaration of the British government respecting the 8th article of that treaty, and had resolved to act in perſe; concert with the * OF THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 1847 tºº allies in opposing the government of Napoleon Bonaparte.—The noble lord also read a docu- ment, which he contended was completely de- scriptive of the character of that man, and fully proved how impossible it was for him to succumb to his destiny, and to submit to disappointments. The document was written at a moment when he was placed between Marshals Blucher and Schwartzenberg ; and, foreseeing his danger, he directed his minister to conclude a treaty, but to take care that he might be able to break it. Here the noble lord read the document, for which we refer the reader to p. 1298 of this work.-That the authenticity of this letter, said (Lord C.) would be denied by the enemy as usual, there was no manner of doubt. The system of falsehood was as much incorporated with their system as vio- lence and rapacity, and the deception and con- cealment which were practised on the public mind in France were almost incredible. Here the noble lord mentioned, that while he was at a town in France, in the early part of 1814, he hap- pened to read an address, purporting to come from the inhabitants, which they told him was an en- tire fabrication. He would ask whether a system formed on fraud and deception, such as that ex- hibited by the French government, was likely to be permanent 3—The noble lord concluded with moving an address to the prince-regent, assuring his royal-highness of their cordial support in the measures he may take, in conjunction with his al- lies. against the common enemy. Lord G. Cavendish coincided in that part of the address which recommended concert and co- operation with our allies ; but he could not Consent to plunge this country into a war, the only object of which was to overturn the power of the present sovereign of France. Entertain- ing these views, the noble lord proposed an amendment to the address, expressing “ the wil- lingness of the house to concur with the prince- regent in the measures which may be neces- sary for the safety of the country at the pre- sent crisis, and for preserving an intimate concert with the powers of the continent; but, at the same time, acquainting his royal-highness, that to commence a war for the mere purpose of excluding an individual from the government of a country, appears unjust and unwise, and leav- ing us no alternative between the total destruc- tion of that government, and the disgrace of being at last compelled to treat with it in the event of failure.” Mr. J. Smith seconded the motion. He urged the dangers of a war with France, and the finan- cial difficulties of this country, as pleading loudly for peace. Mr. Grattan said, he differed entirely in opinion with the honourable gentleman who had just sat down, and also with the noble lord who moved 92. the amendment, for whose high character, as to BOOK XV. sound judgment, integrity, and sincerity, he had certainly the most profound respect. It was truly C*. II. \ºvº/ painful to him to differ in opinion with those ho- norable friends with whom he had so long and so uniformly coincided in opinion; but that being now the case, he could not content himself with ; a silent vote on the question. He had considered the subject with the most serious de- liberation, and was free to confess, that he was glad to hear we were not entering upon the con- test for the purpose of placing again the Bour- bons on the throne of France. He felt most sin- cerely for that unfortunate family, but was glad to find they were not to be made the objects of the war. No man could entertain a more decided opinion against war than he did, if it could be safely avoided; but the only alternative now left us seemed to him to be whether we should have a peace without security, or a war without allies. The real and fair state of the question was, whe- ther we should immediately fight the present ru- ler of France, while the allies went with us heart and hand; or whether we should listen to terms of peace with Bonaparte—dissolve our present alliances—and a year or two hence be compelled to enter into the contest with him single-handed, after giving him time to recruit his armies, to nurse his finances, and to consolidate his power, which was at present tottering to the very base. He looked on the French government to be a statocracy. The constitution of France was war, and Bonaparte was the man best calculated to cherish and support it. He had made his bro- ther King of Holland—he had banished the Prince-regent of Portugal from his native land —he had imprisoned the King of Spain—he had raised an army of 60,000 men, which he meant to employ solely for the purpose of conferring the same favor on the King of England; and had the space between the two countries been wholly composed of land—had no other channel inter- vened, which gave full scope to the power of the British navy, he would long ago have put his de- sign into execution. When The conceived the wild and extravagant idea of conquering Europe, he acknowledged he must first conquer England, and complained bitterly of the power of her ma: rine, the subversion of which he was determined to attempt by the destruction of her commerce. For the attainment of this object he put in mo- tion all his political engines; and, after subjugat- ing the whole continent of Europe to his sway, he contrived to place you between two fires— that is, between one continent in Europe, that was in the arms of France, and another continent in America, which was our great rival for the palm of commercial greatness, and by these means endeavoured to effect our utter destruc- tion. He deluded the Emperor of Russia into a 15 MI 1815. 1348 History of The wars .*-ºs- *g BOOKXW. CHAP. II. Jºvº-Z 1815. treaty with him, by which he put an end to all commercial relations between Russia and Eng- land; and because the emperor of that vast em- pire did not adhere to the prohibitions which he (Bonaparte) was continually dictating, he would, if he could, have driven bim and his people into the frozen ocean. After having received the most signal favors from the King of Prussia, he avowed the intention of putting him out of the list of crowned heads; and, after all those acts of ferocious enmity and malignant hostility, the al- lies, when they arrived at the gates of Paris, did an act which reflected on them the highest ho- nor—an act which posterity should never forget; —the allies had magnanimously given to France liberty, and to Bonaparte life and the island of Elha. They had given them a constitution far better than any they had ever known from the cobweb inventions and ingenious devices of the jacobins and democrats, who had alternately ex- ercised their talents in that political manufacture till the goddess of liberty was turned to fury, and the goddess of reason to frenzy. Louis the XVIIIth, recalled to the throne of his ancestors by the voice of the French people, had, under the protecting auspices of the allies, given them a constitution nearly resembling our own ; the French people were enjoying the benefits and blessings of it when Bonaparte suddenly broke the treaty of Fontainebleau, and now modestly comes to know if you will trust him again. He had previously shewn over and over again that he was not trust-worthy. He had set the ob- ligation of all oaths at defiance, and shamelessly avowed, in the face of Europe and the world, that his abdication was merely an act of convenience on his part; that it could not be binding because ciplined soldiers; and surely that must be equal to the present power of Bonaparte, whose utmost force none of the honorable gentleman who op- posed the war had rated at more than 300,000 men. It should also be recollected, that France was not now so powerful as she was two years ago, when she possessed all Bonaparte's annexa- tions. Her population, which was then one hun- dred millions, is now only twenty-five millions; add to this, she had lost all her fascination. Bo- naparte was no longer the maker or deposer of kings. He had no longer the power to dazzle and overawe nations by the imposing' march of his armies, with the government at their head. Wit- ness the march of his army into Spain, which, like the armies of Attila or Gengis Khan, struck with awe the nations against which they advanced, from having the statocracy or government along with them. But the French power had in other respects been diminished. #º. had no cavalry; he had no money; he had no title, nor any credit. The people had never regretted his absence; on the contrary, they were overjoyed at it. Indeed, how could they regret the man who had imposed on them a military yoke—who had taken their money by his own decrees—who had robbed them of their children by an arbitrary conscription ? The people would not rise in fa- yor and support of a conqueror who had proved himself an oppressor of France. On the contrary, they would be glad to see the allies triumph over him, for they must clearly see, that when the conqueror was removed, the oppressor would be removed also. The first powers of Europe had now united to remove the oppressor, and it would be ridiculous to suppose that the French people would break their oaths, pledged to a mild and it had not the consent of the people. Nothing merciful sovereign, for the purpose of saddling without their consent could be legal. He could themselves with the eternal damnation of a mili- not conceive on what ground it could be supposed tary despotism. . . The right honorable gentle- that we were not able to enter on this war. The man then adverted to the landing of Bonaparte argument was a most impolitic one, for it was a sort of admission, that all Europe was not able to stand against France. This was very contrary to the ancient argument of the English, who al- ways supposed themselves, when at all equally matched, far superior to the French. He denied the arguments used against the address, which said, that Austria had her hands tied by her pos- sessions in Italy, Austria had an army of 500,000 men, of which 130,000 were in Italy before Mu- rat was defeated. The forces of Russia were immense, and it was idle to |P. that any, connections of her’s with Poland could prevent her from entering effectually into the alliance against France. It was equally idle to imagine that Saxony would for the same reason be the means of enfeebling the efforts of Prussia. There could be no doubt but the allies would be able to bring into the field from 5 to 600,000 well dis- at Frejus, on his escape from Eſba, with a mere handful of men, for the purpose of shewing that his unopposed progress to Paris was by no means a mark of the people's affection towards him, or of their approbation of his return. He shewed that till he arrived at Grenoble his march was that of a predate individual. There the army shewed their traitorous disposition, which increas- ed as he advanced ; and he arrived at Paris with- out opposition, and with a rapidity that could be equalled by nothing but the silence of the people. It was, however, most clear that he did not re- turn in consequence of the voice of the people in his favor. He had, indeed, that of the army; and the reason why the people did not oppose and rise upon the army, was, that they were well aware they were not a match for the army, and must be subdued in the contest. It had been said that Bonaparte was the champion of liberty, * OF THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 1349 but wherever he had gone he had kept it all to himself. He took possession of Italy, but he gave the Italians no liberty. He gained pos- session of Spain by the most fraudulent means, but he bestowed no liberty on the Spaniards. He seized upon Holland, but the Dutch, while under his grasp, never knew what liberty was. He had now again got possession of France, but did not seem at all disposed to give the French any fur- ther taste of liberty than suited his own momen- tary eonvenience. The liberty which he seemed most to value was that of uniting himself with any set of men who were in his opinion most like- ly to promote his own selfish ...”arbitrary views; and he was now in close union with the jacobins, and now held forth to the world the curious ano- maly of a man who could bear no liberty, uniting with a party who could bear no government. If a government maintained hostile to the peace of the world, as France had done, or if a general plan and system of empire was considered as a fundamental part of the constitution of a state, there would be a right in other states to interfere, because such a state was actually conspiring against its neighbours. A government might form an armed population Wii the views of ag- grandisement, and yet call it merely an internal arrangement, yet it might be an argument for war. Certainly such a government would be wise enough to profess and offer peace all the time: but while she thus offered peace, she would be only preparing more securely the means of at- tacking your very existence as a nation, Look back to the wisdom which marked the councils in the times of King William, and which saved Europe. See how the case stood as to its justice. As to the ability of opposing aggression, he hoped none would live to see the time when England, together with the rest of Europe, would be obliged to truckle before France, and when these islands should seek an humble situation under the French imperial eagle. What would be our situation if we abandoned our alliance 3 State it as youN. it must be first of all an armed peace. No minister would venture to disarm the country in such a case. This armed peace would be followed by the evils of a corruption of man- ners, and a vastly increased expenditure; and that would be followed by a renewal of war. You might- then have no alliance, certainly not so strong an alliance as you have ; while your ene- my would be confirmed in his title, and have full opportunity to arm himself. Instead of fighting for the crown of France, you would give him the chance of fighting for the crown of England. In every case it would be necessary for us to make the strongest preparations for war. It was said, Bonaparte shewed some symptoms of a pacific disposition, and that he had given the liberty of the press; but that was delusive. He had taken § *-i-sa- - off the censorship, but if he did not like the pub- Bookxv. lication, the publisher might be hanged; he would be punished by a military despot. He had Csa". II. decreed the abolition of the slave-trade 1 was a matter of public utility, without dercgating from the merit of doing it; yet, if he declared in favor of the liberty of the blacks, what reason was there for assisting him in taking away th liberty and independence of the Europeans? He might soon seize on the Low Countries, and then we must, perhaps, fight him single-handed in a con- test in which we inight probably be beaten ; for we should not easily again find an alliar:ce of 600,000 men io oppose his aggressions. As to the person who now governs France, we were going to war with him as with an enemy whose character is such that no regard to treaties can bind him. We refused, therefore, to league with him. As to the partitioning schemes of our allies, he was sorry for the condition of Genoa and Ve- nice, and Saxony, and other places; but he would ask whether, if we were offended with them on these accounts, we were to submit to the attempts of a man who threatened to take all Europe, and presented himself ready for that object, covered with the blood of millions, and armed with the means of gigantic efforts? Bonaparte in power was the most likely man to produce these terribie effects. There was about his character a sort of theatrical grandeur. He had been the É. actor in the bloody tragedy of modern Europe. The fire of his genius inflamed the world. He was a military hero to France, and a public cala- mity to Europe: and though his ambition might unish France, yet it would plague Europe. He (Mr. G.) had considered the authority of Mr. Fox, which had been sometimes alluded to. He wished for leave to say that it did not apply in the present circumstances. Mr. Fox was a wise man, and a great character; perhaps the greatest public cha- racter which this country had produced: but we ought to confine ourselves to the question as it now is. Mr. Fox's genius, and wisdom, and be- nevolence might be seen 3 or 400 miles off in his efforts for Ireland, 1,500 miles off in his senti- ments concerning America, 3,000 miles distant in his views respecting India, and in Africa by his exertious to abolish the servitude of the blacks. This disposition was as firm as adamant, and yet as soft as wool; but he never had this question before him. He pressed treating with the repub- lieau government when Chauvelin was here, and when the dispute was about the Low Countries at the commencement of the war. But the ques- tion now was, not as to the propriety of treating with a revolutionary government, but whether we should acknowledge and sanction a permanent military government. His argument was against doing what might bring France to a military go- vernment. Now, since she had become so, the That Jºvº 1815. 1350 **, HISTORY OF THE WARS BOOK XV. CHAP. II. W_*vº-2 1815. -ur- -v- - question was, whether she should continue so. Mr. Fox at last could not succeed in a treaty, and why? Because Bonaparte was a great general, wielding the forces of a military state ; and, how- ever reluctant Mr. Fox was to plunge Europe into war, he never would have agreed to what would derogate from the just claims of his native country. Mr. Burke, who had read more than all other men, whose deep study of history had given him almost the power of prophecy, and ren- dered him that great political doctor who could understand all the symptoms of public diseases, and who saw in the struggles of nations, which others supposed the effects of returning health, only the access of fever; he, in his prophetic views, admonished and warned the world. With Mr. Burke's authority, with Mr. Fox’s practice, and with the opinions and conduct of others whom it would wear out a day to name, he was against a treaty founded on the chance of Bonaparte's giving liberty to France, at the certain hazard of the independence of Europe. If we had no right to dictate a government to France, we had a right to say to France, “You shall not choose a government, the object of which is to raise all your strength against Europe.” As to the go- vernment of Louis the XVIIIth, which he should rather speak of as interrupted than subverted, it was mildness itself compared to that of Bouaparte. It was free under it to discuss all questions of church or ministry, or political or religious into- lerance, and the same of government and philoso- phy, and toleration advanced under it, and there was at least an amenity in France that rendered a great nation amiable. It was now proposed to subject that race of people to a severe oriental despotism. There was a sort of monstrous un- reality in the revived system of government, that stated nothing as it is, and every thing as it was not. The whole state was corrupted. He would ask, whether by treaty they would confirm in the heart of Europe a military domination, founded on a triumph over civil rights, and which had made the experiment of governing a great nation without any religion, and which aimed at govern- ing Europe by means of breaking oaths and de- posing the king 3 If they would agree to confirm that system,--if they would degrade the honor of England,-if they would forget the value of morals, and despise the obligations of religion,-- if they would astonish an our allies by such a con- firmation, would not Europe exclaim against us, and say, “You have kindly assisted and gene- rously contributed to our deliverance; and do you at the most urgent moment fall back 2 .In vain have you so long opposed and borne u against the flying fortunes of the world, in vain have you taken the eagles from the hands of the invaders, in vain have you snatched invincibility from the standards of the foe! Now, when all * Europe is ready to march, are you, who were in the front before, the foremost to take the lead in desertion? In truth we are not now to consi- der the money we had spent, but the fortunes we had kept. At the least, we were now asked to keep up a peace with a war-establishment. Our resources, certainly, were not eternal; but we had yet greater resources than all the other nations. Recollect that money was only one part of strength. The name and the part which we had borne precluded us from taking a second place. When we ceased to be first, we must be last; when we descended from our exalted rank, we should become nothing. Sir F. Burdett admired the eloquence of the right honorable gentleman, but thought his ex- aggerations equal to those imputed to the French. He had not convinced him of the justice or ex- pediency of the war. ... The detestable principle of the assassination of Bonaparte was held out.— The allies themselves had shown but very little faith. They had in twenty years repeatedly broken their treaties with Bonaparte and with us, though they had sometimes been all in alli- ance with us, and at others all in alliance with him. Russia had opposed us in an armed neu- trality against what we called our maritime rights; Prussia had seized on those hereditary dominions of the King of England, which we had converted into a kingdom. As to views of liberty from Bonaparte, what hopes of liberty, religious or civil, were to be found in the conduct of the allies 3 Recollect the invasion of Poland, the destruction of its government, and the scenes of carnage and blood that ensued, and the march of the allies to play the same game in France. Was not the name of the Bourbons formerly sy- nonimous in this country with perfidy ? One historian, speaking of Louis XIV. said, that he never wanted a pretence to break treaties. The French emperor and the other sovereigns were much upon a par on this subject, and he was sorry to say, that on the breaking the peace of Amiens, the grounds of war by this country were not placed so as to justify us. All the crimes com- mitted could not be imputed to Bonaparte. All the other great continental powers were aggran- dizing themselves, and obliterating smailer states, and handing over millions of people to different governments. Saxony was, without regard to her rights, consigned over to Prussia. Ever small power that bore a name that looked like freedom was obliterated. We went first to war to assist the Dutch about the opening of the Scheldt, and now we had done what was most abhorrent to them, by placing them under a king, and of our own making. Was he the public choice? —In fact, Bonaparte would from these circum- stances find alliances in Belgium, in Holland, in Saxony, in Genoa, in Italy, and in Poland OF THE FRENCH REVOLUTION, 1351 A.E., is ºn sisalees. - Tºrº---- if opportunity occurred to avail himself of them. In this rotten state, all Europe saw de- clarations broken in the most shameless man- ner. He could not pretend to prophesy on the events of war, but, at any rate, we should en- tail on ourselves incalculable burthens. It was said that Bonaparte seized Spain, and esta- blished the worst of despotism. What had hap- pened in Spain? Good God! We had engaged in treaties which, if not literally binding us to i. freedom, leagued us with the patriots. We took them by the hand, praised their valor, fought side by side with them, for an object common to Eng- lish and Spaniards, had all their resources at command, and they submitted to an English commander. How did we perform our engage- ments $ We abandoned them, and even gave money to the odious and contemptible tyrant Ferdinand VII. to subvert the constitution; and *- -ºr- he had persecuted the patriots, one of whom was BOOK XV. even denied refuge in an English fortress. He believed the military despotism in France was more pleasing to the foreign powers than a free constitution, and perhaps was so also to our go- vernment. Believing that every people º 3. right to choose their own government, he was neither for forcing liberty or despotism on France by war; and, wishing to avoid a war, on such a principle of interference, he should vote for the amendment. Mr. W. Wynne argued, that the past history of Bonaparte fully proved him to be incompe- tent to any thing like the spirit of an honorable engagement. Messrs. Ponsonby, Plunket, Tierney, and others spoke on the subject, when the house di- vided—Against the amendment, 331—For it, 92; —Majority for war, 239. CHAPTER III. JMeans employed by Bonaparte for supporting himself on the Throne.—His JMilitary Force.—Confe- deracies formed in Brittany, &c. in Support of the Imperial Government.—.Address of the Fede- rates of Paris to Napoleon.—His Reply.—Two French Spies detected at Brussels—Fouche's Report.—Imperial Decree.—Proposal of Bonaparte to the Austrian Cabinet.—Remarks on the difficult Situation of Bonaparte.—Davoust's Address to the Prefects and Mayors of the Empire. —Views of France on Belgium and the Rhine.—Some interesting Particulars respecting the Journey of .Napoleon to Elba, and the Means employed for his Return. HAVING thus detailed the measures which were adopted by the allies for the purpose of dethron- ing Bonaparte, it will now be proper to consider the means by which he expected to be able to defend and support himself. . These means were of two descriptions: In the first place, he endea- voured to raise as large a military force as possi- ble; and, secondly, he used the most strenuous means to rouse the people in his favor ; so that they might be induced to act as they had done at the commencement of the revolution. His minis- ters were, undoubtedly, men of great talents; and some of them men of great influence with the people. The collecting and equipment of the army were committed to the care of Carnot and Davoust. The regular army at this time con- sisted of between 3 and 400,000 men, of which about 100,000 were assembled on the frontiers of Belgium, 40,000 on the Rhine, 30,000 at Cham- berry, 10,000 in La Vendée, and about the same number at Bourdeaux. The remainder were distributed in garrisons, or were on march to join the different corps. It has appeared surprising to many, that the French army was not more numerous, particularly as upwards of 300,000 prisoners had returned to France during the year 1814. It is, however, easily accounted for. The Bourbons, finding that the disposition of the troops were hostile to them, and also that the finances were not sufficient to support a numerous army in time of peace, had taken all the means in their power for reducing it. For that purpose, all the young soldiers were discharged; and a vast number of foreigners, such as Italians, Ger- mans, Dutch, and Belgians, after the treaty of Paris, were picked out and assigned over to their respective sovereigns. By this means the French army, which, on the abdication of Bonaparte, consisted of upwards of 400,000 men, was reduced before the end of the year to 175,000. The exer- tions of Bonaparte and his ministers, therefore, must have been great, to have added, in the short space of two months, 200,000 men to the army. Indeed, there is every reason to believe, that if the allies had not been quick in their preparations, a few months more wºve swelled the num- 15 $ CHAP. II. 1815. 1352 HISTORY OF THE WARS BOOK XV. CHAP. III. Jºrº Z 1815. bers of the French army to a most enormous amount. The present amount of the French army, it is evident from the statement which we have given of the opposing force of the allies, was by no means adequate to the support of Bonaparte, even if France had been tranquil and well-dis- posed towards him. But this was far from being the case. In the west, particularly in La Vendée, the royalists were very numerous and daring ; they were headed and encouraged by La Roche Jaqueline, of a family long noted for hatred to the revolution, and attachment to the Bourbons. For the purpose of producing a counterbalance to the royalists of Brittany, a federal compact was pro- posed to the five departments of that province, of persons devoted to the emperor and the na- tional cause, who were to form a part of the national-guard. Accordingly, confederacies were formed in several parts of Brittany, the members of which professed “to consecrate all their means to the propagation of liberal principles;–to sup- port the public spirit during the present crisis, and to oppose all disorders;–to maintain, public security in the interior, and to march to all places in the provinces which might be threatened by foreign and domestic foes. To employ all their influence and credit to keep each other in the line of his duty to his prince and his country;- to bear succour effectually and promptly at the first requisition of the public authority;-to defeat all plots against the constitution and the emperor; —and to lend one another mutual assistance and protection according to events.” Emissaries were sent into the suburbs of Paris, to induce the inhabitants- to enter into similar confederations, and thus to set a patriotic example to the other cities of the empire. The invitation was quickl obeyed, and 15,000 men soon enrolled them- selves, and demanded arms. Similar confedera- cies were formed in many other parts of the em- pire. On the 14th of May, Bonaparte reviewed a number of regiments of the line, the national- §. of Paris, and the federes of the suburbs. hen he appeared in front of the line, an orator, deputed from the federates, addressed him in an harangue, of which the following is an extract. “Sire l—We received the Bourbons with in- difference and apathy, because we love not kings imposed upon us by the enemy.—We received you with enthusiasm, because you are the man of the nation, the defender of the country, and because we expect from you a glorious independ- ence and judicious freedom. We come to make a tender of our arms, our courage, and our blood, for the safety of the capital. “The most part of us have combatted under your orders. We are almost all old defenders of our country. Our country may, with confidence, place arms in the hands of those who have shed amº-ºº------ their blood in her cause. Give to us, sire, arms in her name. We swear, in your presence, to fight only in our country's cause and in your's. We are not the tools of any party, nor the agents of any faction. We desire only to preserve the national honor, and to render the entrance of the enemy into this capital impracticable, in the event of its being threatened with a new insult. Conquerors by our own courage and your genius, we shall re- sume our toils with joy and alacrity; and we shall be better able to appreciate the blessings of peace when we shall obtain, as the price of twenty-five years of sacrifices, a constitution, liberty, and the monarch of our choice. “Sire you will triumph. We rejoice by an- ticipation at a victory so legitimate, and at the glorious and permanent tranquillity which will be the fruits of it. Yes, sire, we have an assurance that when our enemies shall announce the chime- rical hope of prescribing laws to us, you will love peace as you love glory. We shall be indebted to you for liberty and happiness; and all France, now ready to fight if necessary, will love you as a good king, after admiring you as the greatest of warriors.” The emperor listened to them with the greatest courtesy, and thus replied :— “Soldiers and Federates I returned to France alone, because I reckoned on the affection of the peasants through the whole of France, and the artisans of the principal cities. My expectations have not been deceived. “Confederated soldiers! I see you around me with pleasure. You have robust arms and brave hearts. I accept your offers. I will give you arms. You shall form the light troops of the Parisian national-guard, to which, in conjunction with you, I commit the defence of my capital. “Tranquil as to the result of the contest, I shall proceed to the frontiers to manoeuvre the army, and to defend our territory if the kings shall dare to attack it. The honor of the French, the rights of the people, and my throne, are under your keep- ing, and under that of the people of the country and the villages. We will cause the national so- vereignty and independence to be respected.” When he concluded, the air was rent with ac- clamations, and the federates dispersed, proud of the honor which they had received, and burning to prove their zeal in the emperor's cause. The emissaries of Bonaparte were actively em- ployed in every part of Europe, transmitting in- telligence of the state of public opinion, and the preparations of the allies, or executing his secret orders. Two ludicrous instances of the detection of his agents occurred at Brussels, The members of a French family were arrested at the hotel Bellevue, in consequence of the discovery that a letter was inclosed in the collar of their dog, mºs some interesting facts re- OF THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 1353 lative to the state. This animal was to have been dispatched with a servant on the ensuing day as courier eartraordinaire. A young lady of condition soon afterwards ar- rived at the same hotel, with a suite of domestics. As one of her household passed along the saloon of the hotel he was recognised by an officer as an active adherent of Napoleon. Information was immediately given at the police-office, and proper persons were dispatched to inquire into the affair. As the police-officers entered the lady's apart- ment, they observed a man, habited as a peasant, coming out of her chamber, with a small brown loaf under his arm. On perceiving the unwelcome visitors he hastily descended the stair-case, chant- ing “Vive Henry Quartre 1* and keeping his right eye in an inquisitorial direction over his shoulder. When the officers entered the lady's room she was reading a letter, which she instantly tore in pieces. On gathering up the fragments, it proved to be a dispatch from the principal agent of the French government. It is needless to add, that the lady and her attendants were immediately carried away and properly disposed of. When the seeming peasant had been secured below, he wanted to give his loaf, with an air of charity, to a miserable looking woman who was begging in the street; but the officers, suspecting from his great solicitude to get rid of his bread, that there was something more than ordinary in the affair, seized the loaf, and, on breaking it, discovered several letters for Paris, one of which was directed to Napoleon himself. The discontents in France evidently increased, and open insurrections burst out in many of the departments. In Languedoc, Bretagne, and Anjou, numerous armed bands appeared, and con- tended with various success against the forces of Napoleon. Yet the general feeling of the people, though their enthusiasm was considerably abated, was evidently in his favor. They suspected and feared him, but they feared yet more the return of their former masters, backed by the force of united Europe. The new proprietors especially felt that their security was inseparably connected with the cause of Napoleon. Fouche, the minister of general police, at length presented a report to Bonaparte, notifying the disorders which had occured in the depart- ments of the west and north, and recommended that effectual measures should be taken for their revention and suppression. “ France,” says }. “considered in a general point of view, presents an imposing spectacle, and the most fa- vorable dispositions. She wishes for peace, but she will not sacrifice her glory and her independ- ence. She wishes, as in 1792, to enjoy civil li- berty and all the advantages of a representative government ; but, enlightened by experience, she feels that this enjoyment cannot be assured to her,' except by a powerful and firm government. As in 1792, she is internally agitated by a party Book xy." which has relinquished none of its pretensions; but which has neither the same strength nor the same influence; which is incessantly complain- ing of the rigour of which it has been the object, but ought to recollect that it provoked it by its intº its resistance, and its fury. “Whence, in fact, sprung those terrible laws levelled against the emigrants, the insurgents, and their families? Was it not from the neces- sity under which the national assemblies found themselves to punish improper attempts, to put a stop to plots, to break off correspondences, against which the ordinary laws were insufficient? he lessons of the past seem thrown away. The men to whom you wished to restore a country, who owe to you the political state and the repose secured to them—these men, sire, whom your majesty endeavoured, during the first twelve years of your reign, to reconcile to the nation, seem to have determined on separating them- selves from it, and renouncing your favors. Hitherto the police of your empire has confined itself to watching their motions; in several places it has been obliged to protect them from popular resentment. The police, instituted for the benefit of all, knows no local antipathies, nor the faults which the prince has forgotten. Destined to re- press attacks made on social order, it does not violate ſºlº by taking its fears for sus- picions, and its suspicions for facts. It has not, therefore, prematurely attacked the personal li- berty of those whom it could not but presume to be in conspiracy against the public liberty. So far from fettering the independence of writers, it has recalled into the polemical career those whom shame and fear had removed from it. It has derived from this moderation, and from its respect for the laws, the immense advan- tage of enlightening the nation on the subject of its real dangers and its true interests; of diminishing, by publicity, the importance which falsehood and calumny gain from mystery and secrecy; of acquiring a knowledge of the focusses, the springs, the agents of intrigues, and suffering them to frame and hatch their plots un- restrained by any perceptible vigilance. Now, however, it is time to put a stop to the machina- tions that are practising. Emigrations are be- ginning ; a secret correspondence is established abroad and organised at home; committees are forming in the towns; and endeavours are used to spread alarm over the country. “If, when such symptoms were manifested for the first time in France, the evil had been stifled in its birth ; if, instead of confining itself to threats, and following the dictates of a lingering indulgence, the government had employed all the power with which it was invested, the countr would not have been hurried on to the brink of the abyss; it would not have had to deplore the Ch.A.P. III. Jºvº-A 1815. 1354 HISTORY OF THE WARs * Book XV. violent measures to which the governments of Chap. III. *k/*- 1815. those days were forced to have recourse, and which the importance of circumstances could scarcely justify. For the rest, real disorders seem to be the result of the manoeuvres which are ob- served.—In one commune of the department of the Gard an assemblage of persons have for a mo- ment hoisted the white flag. Some armed bands have appeared in the departments of the Maine and Loire, and the Lower Loire. In the Calva- dos women have torn the tri-coloured flag of a commune. Seditious cries have been raised; some acts of rebellion have taken place in the departments of the north. In that of the Cotes du Nord, a mayor has been massacred by the old Chouans. These crimes fill the places where they are committed with alarm. I know that they are connected with the endeavours that have been made for a year past, to revive revolution- ary animosities, and re-kindle civil war. They do not depend exclusively on the political change which has just been effected without impediment; they do not threaten the safety of the state ; they do not even characterise a party subsisting and formed. Certainly those who attack property and perpetrate assassination, those who break all the bonds which unite them to France, and devote her to the sword of foreigners and do- mestic discord—those men have in them nothing French. They may follow the opinions and se- cond the wishes of some accomplices; but the have no partizans. All good men, all the friends of order and peace, whatever may be their poli- tical views, all detest the atrocity of such acts; they have all an interest that such disorders should not spread, and they wish that they may be repressed with a severity capable of putting a stop to them. I do not propose to your majesty to take extraordinary measures, or to exceed the bounds of constitutional power. Some months since the tribunals punished shouts of “vive l'empereur !” with transportation and four years banishment; those of “vive le roi l’ are now not prosecuted, or punished only by measures of mere police; this moderation is the sign of power. But the tribunals cannot, upon other points, remain undecided and uncertain without failing in their duty, and without destroying that concert of views which animates the people and the govern- ment. Already, in º, of France, have the purchasers of national domains, whose tranquillity is not threatened, provided soldiers, armed at their expense, for the safety of all. The Breton youth have renewed the federative com- pact of Pontivy in defence of the throne and country. This generous devotion cannot remain without praise, without imitation, and without support. The national-guards are every where organizing. To secure internal order, there is no need, therefore, of any thing more than to call forth the existing laws, to determine their ap- ------ plication, and to make public their penal dispo- sitions.” In consequence of this report, Napoleon, two days afterwards, issued the following de- Cree 3– Art. 1. “ All Frenchmen, except those com- prised in article 2d of our decree of amnesty of the 12th of March last, who are at present out of France, in the service of or with either Louis Stanislaus Xavier Count de Lille, or the princes of his house, are required to return to France, and notify their return within one month, conform- ably with the articles 7, 8, and 9 of our decree of the 6th of April, 1809, upon pain of being prose- cuted in terms of said decree. 2. “The officers of judicial police, comprising the prefects and mayors, shall give in to our at- tornies-general a statement of the names, sur- names, quality, and abode of persons domiciliated. within their district, who they think come within the meaning of the preceding article. 3. “We require our attornies-general and im- perial to prosecute without delay the authors and accomplices in all intercourse and correspondence which shall take place from the interior of the empire with the Count de Lille, the princes of his house, or their agents, in all cases in which the said intercourse or correspondence shall have for their object the plots of manoeuvres specified in the 77th article of the penal code. 4. “Every person convicted of having removed the tri-coloured flag, placed upon the steeple of a church, or any ...; public monument, shalf- be punished conformably to article 257 of the penal code. 5 “The communes which shall not resist the removal of the tri-coloured flag, done by an as- semblage of people, shall be prosecuted accord- ing to the law of the 10th Vendemaire, year 4, relative to the responsibility of communes. 6. “Every person convicted of having any rallying-signal, except the national-cockade, shall be punished with a year's imprisonment, con- formably to the 9th article of the 27th Germinal, year 4, without prejudice to the penalties im- posed by article 91 of the penal code, in the cases provided by that article. 7. “The prefects shall cause to be re-printed and posted the first chapter of the first title of the third book of the penal code.—The same shall be done with the second and third of the third section of the same title and book. 8. “Our cousin, the prince-arch-chancellor, charged with the portfolio of the minister-of-jus- tice and our minister of general-police, are charged, each in his proper office, with the execution of the present decree, which shall be printed in the bul- letin of laws. (Signed) “ NAPOLEON.” At this period, it is said, that overtures were OF THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 1355 made by Bonaparte to the court of Austria, pro- posing to abdicate the throne in favor of his son, and that the empress should be appointed, re- gent in the name of the young Napoleon; at the same time, Bonaparte solemnly pledged himself that he would not interfere in the affairs of France. These overtures were regarded as a proof of weak- ness, and no notice was taken of them. Bonaparte was certainly in a most awkward and delicate situation. He could not avail him- self, in the approaching war, of those services of his marshals to which he had been accustomed. Some of them had left France with the king: of those who remained in France, some kept aloof from Paris; and in the others, who did offer their services, he could place little or no confidence. But this was not the only difficulty to which Bo- naparte was now exposed. It is highly probable that the constitutionalists, as they called them- selves, were privy to the return of Bonaparte; and that they intended to make use of him as an instrument in their hands to drive out the Bour- bons, and to defend France against the allies; but did not intend that he should resume the de- spotic power which he had before possessed. Bo- naparte willingly promised that he would adhere to their plans; he even professed that his princi- ples were changed, that he no longer was desi- rous of conquest or of despotic power. The for- mer profession was made in order to blind the allies, and to induce them to permit him to re- main quietly on the throne of France: the latter profession was made in order that he might keep well with the constitutionalists as long as they could be of service to him; and that, if possible, he might substitute in the minds of the people at large an attachment towards himself, as the champion of liberty, instead of that attachment which, in the days of his prosperity, they had felt towards him as the hero of France. We shall afterwards have occasion to point out the instances of perplexity and difficulty in which he was in- volved, in consequence of the constitutionalists acting in opposition to his measures and views, as well as the attempts which those persons made, during this short second reign of Bonaparte, to instil the principles of freedom into the constitu- tion of France. At present it may be proper to say a few words with respect to the alleged change in the sentiments and feelings of Bona- parte. It is alleged, that on his return from Elba he was quite a new man;–that the love of conquest and of military glory, that all schemes and wishes of ambition, were completely banished from his mind, and that he was sincerely desirous of ruling over France on principles of liberty, and of keep- ing himself clear from all wars of offence. Now it is evident that, before we can be called upon to believe in this change, we must have most clear and indubitable proof: for let us reflect on what we are called upon to believe ;-that Bona- parte, a man who from his very youth was bred up in the midst of military life, should all at once lose his love for that kind of life, and the habits which it occasioned ; that Bonaparte, who for fifteen years had been at the head of the French nation, during all which period he had been en- deavouring to extend his power, and had display- ed most certain proofs that his ambitious and ty- rannical appetite only grew with what it fed upon —that this man should all at once cease to be am- bitious; that Bonaparte, who, even during his dis- asters in 1812, 1813, and 1814, could not bring him- self to be either moderate in his desires or sincere in his professions, should now become moderate and sincere. And all this we are called upon to be- lieve, merely because he had spent a few months in the isle of Elba, during which he was constant- ly receiving accounts from France calculated to cherish his hopes and keep alive his former feel- ings and habits; while those hopes, feelings, and habits must have been stimulated into most active life by his wonderful march from Cannes to Paris. But why are we called upon to believe in this ex- traordinary change 3 why are we called upon to set aside all our experience in human nature, and to believe Bonaparte an exception to the general rule—that long formed habits are not quickly or easily changed ? Simply because he professed that he was changed ; because he expressed a wish to live at peace, and his determination to govern the French according to a free constitu- tion. But did be never before declare that peace was his darling object, at the very time that he was meditating war 3 And with respect to his love of freedom, which, according to his profes- sions, was superadded to his love of peace, was he not constrained to profess that in consequence of the circumstances in which he was placed. The struggle between him and the constitution- alists we shall now proceed to state. Where he yielded to them we may conclude, he was in- fluenced by the hope that they would assist him in rousing the people to resist the allies; and they also hoped, by giving the nation a free con- stitution, they would hold out to them an object for which they would fight. º It was the object of all parties in France, ex- cept the royalists, at first to misrepresent the in- tentions of the allies. For this purpose England had been held out as favorable to the escape of Bonaparte, and Austria as about to sanction and approve it, by permitting the return of the Em- press Maria Louisa. In conformity with the same plan, the declaration of the allies, of the 13th of March, was concealed as long as possible from the French people. At length, however, as there were no hopes of peace, it became necessary, to rouse and prepare tiºnal for war ; and this BOOK XV. CHAP. III. Jºº 1815. 1$56 HISTORY OF THE WARS BOOK XV. Chap. III. \_ºvº–M 1815. —º- zº —se.” < *. - * ~ * * was to be done by persuading them, in the first place, that Bonaparte was sincere in his profes- sions of a peaceable and unambitious disposition; and, secondly, by giving them reason to believe that, though the allies professed to be about to make war only against }. yet their object and wish was to dismember France, and to impose on her a sovereign against the wishes of her people. . To accomplish these purposes, every measure was adopted that was likely to have any favorable effect on the French nation. In the beginning of May, the minister-of-war sent the following address to the prefects, sub- prefects, and mayors of the empire :— “Sir, If we are obliged to take up arms in order to defend our independence and our homes, what juster or more sacred cause can ever in- spire efforts more unanimous or more energetic 3 “It is the cause of a great people, who re- solve to be free and masters of their own af- fairs, against a passionate league which pretends to dictate to them dishonorable laws. “On the success of this contest depends the very existence of France. France, therefore, must display all the resources which may be offered by nature and art, by the genius and the courage of her inhabitants. “The emperor is in the midst of us. The happy revolution which has restored him to us, has doubled our forces, has filled our ranks, has re- animated all our hopes. “ At the first violation of our frontiers, the emperor will be at the head of his victorious bat- talions, and Europe will recognise in us the race of the brave; but while he combats for the honor and integrity of the empire, he ought to reckon on the co-operation of all the French. “It is for every authority, it is for every ci- tizen, to second, in every direction, and by all kinds of partial resistance, the grand movement which the emperor's genius will impress on the masses, whose success will then become infallible, and will assure our safety. “Let every one, then, be ready, and con- tribute all his means to repel all attacks on the national honor, all attempts at invasion. “No one among you is now ignorant that if France had been loyally defended on all the points of her territory, she would have been in 1814 the tomb of her ravagers. sº “They are only formidable to those who suf- fer themselves to be alarmed by menaces which, in general, cannot be put into execution. “If more effective forces should penetrate into some of our departments, let obstacies of all kinds be multiplied on their passage. Let their convoys, their detachments, be cut off or arrested on their march; let an active correspondence be every where kept up ; let the military chiefs promptly receive information of the slightest oc- .* —w currence. Let the inhabitants of the country- places themselves dispute the defiles, the . the marshes, the mountain-passes, the hollow- ways. This kind of warfare, without danger to him who knows the localities, and no less ho- norable than useful to the eitizen who defends his property, is always disastrous to the foreigner, who knows neither the country nor the language. “Let the least village, ſet every insulated house, every mill, every inclosure, become, by the bravery, the industry, the intelligence of their de- fenders, posts capable of stopping the enemy. Let the gates and walls of all the towns be re- paired, the bridges be fortified and defended. Let the example of Tornus, of Chalons, of St. Jean de l’Osne, of Langres, of Compeigne, &c. &c. inflame the emulation of all cities: let all be disposed to merit, in case of need, the same praises from their sovereign, the same gratitude from their country. “When the country is in danger, every ma- gistrate is a chief and a captain, every citizen: is a soldier, every Frenchman knows the laws of honor and duty; no one will expose himself to the names, equally disgraceful in his eyes, of coward or traitor. “The emperor, after having secured that peace for which he will combat, will only have to de- cree to the deserving civic crowns and marks of honor.” * All the fortresses on the frontiers were declared in a state of siege. Twenty ships of the line were dismantled; and the cannon, which amount- ed to 1,500, were sent to fortify the heights of Paris. It was the general opinion in Germany and Prussia, that, notwithstanding the professions of the French government, it was their declared object to recover Belgium and the Rhine as a boundary. This was the wish also of the majority of the French nation. A nuinber of pamphlets were published in Paris, at this time, which tended to encourage the public opinion in this idea. In one of them, entitled De l'Empereur Napoleon et du Compte de Lille, is the following passage:– “What have we seen, great God! After twenty years of combats, of fatigues, and glory, all the fruits of our labours passing into foreign hands; and if any act of our government displease, in two days they can reach the walls of our capital, and impose laws upon us at their pleasure ? What l Belgium, our first conquest, passes under other masters! What! all the country extending from the Meuse and the Moselle to the Rhine is the prey of a sovereign whom we have twice driven from his states.” The same pamphleteer also talks of the “treason” of Prussia, Bavaria, and Wurtemberg; of the “clemency and pity of Napoleon” towards Austria in 1809, and of the total oblivion of the benefits which the magnani- mous Napoleon had conferred on the whole of the allies, &c. 5 OF THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 1357 Another pamphleteer, of the name of Senan- cour, talking of the Congress of Vienna, says:— “There is reason to believe, that this Congress will remain as useless as many others of a similar kind. Two years hence its only record will be in the gazettes.” Again, “What, is France to be styled glorious and strong, though without the Rhine for a barrier, after having the Tiber and the Elbe under its laws 2 Who can believe the good faith of such a sophism? Who can fail to recognise in it the most bitter irony ?” One Gaillard, in a pamphlet entitled Du Re- tour des Bourbons en France, speaking of the treaty of Paris, says:—“We well recollect the bitter vexation which this high-minded people felt, when this humiliating treaty was published. An indescribable astonishment seized all French hearts: thus were destroyed, in one day, the la- bours of five-and-twenty years: the fruits of so many battles, so many sacrifices fell into foreign hands.” Another pamphlet, entitled L’Homme du Siecle et de la Patrie, contains the following:—“We were told, that with the return of the Bourbons we obtained peace with foreign powers. What a peace the peace of disgrace * of death ! our military renown was impaired; the natural boun- daries of France, those glorious fruits of twenty- five years labour, were surrendered.” Soon after the return of Bonaparte to France from Elba, one of the commissioners of the allied powers, who accompanied him to that island, published a journal of his journey from Fontaine- bleau to Fréjus, in April, 1814. Some parts of this journal are extremely interesting. When the commissioners were presented to him by General Bertrand, he received them very coldly, and with visible embarrassment. He was much displeased at seeing the Prussian commissioner among them, telling him plainly, that as he found no Prussian troops were to attend him, the commissioner (Count Truchsess) might spare himself the trou- ble. The count answering, that it was no trouble but an honor, he still persisted in his opinion; and the count saying, he could not give up this honor to which the king had destined him, Na- poleon was obliged to yield to the count's at- tending him, but dismissed him with a look of vexation. He was much more polite to Colonel Campbell, asking about his wounds, about the battles in which he gained his orders, about the Duke of Wellington, with whose characteristic qualities he wished to be acquainted; and learn- ing that the colonel was a Scotchman, he began to talk of Ossian, and to praise the warlike spirit of his poetry. He made several proposals and demands, whose chief tendency seemed to be to gain time; and being satisfied on every point, he fixed on the 20th for his departure. Meantime, an hundred waggons, with money, furniture, bronzes, paintings, statues, and books, had been forwarded to the coast; he seemed very anxious that they should reach their destination. On the 19th, he sent for the Duke of Bassano, and addressed him in these terms:—“You are reproached with having always hindered me from making peace; what do you say to it?” He seemed to seek to quarrel; but when the duke answered, “Your majesty knows very well that you never asked my advice, and always acted according to your own judgment and wisdom;” he immediately replied, “I know it very well; I said it merely to make you observe the opinion. which the public entertains of you.” , On the 20th, in the forenoon, all the carriages were in the court-yard of Fontainebleau, ready to depart, when Bonaparte desired to speak to Ge- ral Koller, and addressed him in the following terms:— “I have reflected upon what I have to do, and I am firmly resolved not to depart. The allies do not faithfully observe the engagements they have entered into with me; I may, therefore, revoke my abdication, which was only conditional. Above 1,000 addresses, in which I am invited to resume the reigns of government, have been received by me this night. It is solely to spare France the horrors of a civil war that I have renounced my rights to the French throne, for I have never had any other object than the glory and happiness of France. Now that I am acquainted with the whole extent of the discontent which the measures taken by the new government inspire; now that I see how the promises made to me are kept, now I can declare to my guards the metives that have made me resolve to revoke my abdication, and it BOOK Xy. CHAP. III. Jºvº-V 1815. will appear whether it is possible to alienate from-, me the hearts of my old soldiers. The number of the troops upon whom I can reckon amounts indeed to only 30,000 men, but it will be easy for me to increase them, in a few days, to 150,000; and, without the slightest violation of my honor, I might say to my guards, that I have indeed re- nounced may rights to promote the peace and hap- piness of the country, but that I now felt myself called upon to follow the wishes of the nation.” Bonaparte here making a little pause, General Koller took the opportunity to say to him, “ that his magnanimous resignation was the finest of all his actions; that he had thereby given a proof of patriotism which few monarchs had done; that he (the general) was besides ignorant that the allies had, in any respect, violated their engage- ments to him.” Bonaparte was silent a moment, and then said, “Well, I will this time be faithful to my engagements; but as soon as fresh cause of complaint shall be given me, I shall consider myself as released from all my engagements.” About the same time, a German paper pub- lished the following letter, in which are some * 1358 HISTORY OF THE WARS BOOK XV. CHAP. III. • *-W R815. interesting details respecting the means which were employed for procuring the return of Bona- parte: “Three months had scarcely elapsed from the restoration of the Bourbons to the throne of France, when the jacobins began to manifest their discontent, and form conspiracies against the government. Carnot, Fouché, and Thibau- deau, were the first who conceived the idea of overturning it. They usually met at the house of Tallien, who kept his room from the gout. Though these men had been employed by Bonaparte, they loved neither him nor his system, still less his former ministers and favorites, therefore did not wish his return. However, they could, at all events, do nothing without the army, in which it was believed he had still a great many partisans: to ascertain this fact, some republican generals were sought out, and Generals Fressinet and Ex- celmans were employed to sound the soldiery. The latter sighed only after the return of Bonaparte. This discovery induced them to relinquish the plan they had formed of making direct or indirect proposals to the Duke of Orleans, or of establish- ing a republican government. They then made overtures to the friends of Bonaparte: Thibaudeau was charged with this task; he began with re- conciling Fouché to Roederer and Savary, who had quarrelled with the former. The friends of Bonaparte were then gradually admitted into the secrèt, and, in September last, the first commu- nication of the plan was made to Bonaparte. A young man, named Havel, who, under Bonaparte's government, had been an auditor in the council of state, and since the new revolution appointed a prefect in one of the departments, was entrusted with this mission. He naturally found Bonaparte disposed to return. When his friends were in- formed of this, their joy was so great that they gave a dinner of 150 covers at Very's, a restaura- teur in the palace royal. The next point they set about was to procure money. Cambaceres, Fouché, and Savary, who are immensely rich, immediately made considerable advances, which were placed in the hands of Carnot, who was ap- pointed treasurer. The inclinations of the mar- shals were sounded. Massena, Soult, Suchet, and Ney, not only joined the conspirators, but even furnished considerable sums. Thibaudeau was sent abroad, and travelled through Italy, Switzerland, Germany, and the Low Countries. – mº —-> He had conferences with General Bertrand at Naples and Florence. Murat was then in the se- cret. , Lucien and Joseph Bonaparte had also furnished considerable sums: twenty millions of francs were collected in Italy. “. In the month of December, the dispositions of the soldiers were sounded throughout the whole extent of France. When they were ascertained, the conspirators became more bold. What is very astonishing is, that the director-general, M. D’André, often visited at Tallien's and was very intimate with him. Thus he was, without suspecting it, in the very focus of the conspiracy, and there often met some of the most hot-headed Bonapartists and jacobins who were there met. They often jestingly said to M. D'André, “So, your king will not permit the emperor to come to France to visit his friends º' To which the latter would reply—“Oh, he will come to France with or without permission, if he thinks it necessary to the recovery of his health.” It was thus D'André was cheated and deceived. A short time before the return of Bonaparte, D'Andréasked of Tallien, whether it was true, as he had learned, that Ber- trand was then in Paris. It was true that Bertrand had been there, but Tallien did not choose to tell: him of it. - “ It is difficult to say whether the Bourbons were or were not acquainted with what was pass- ing during this period; but their great condescen- sion towards the military, latterly, proves that they felt considerable alarm. Not long before the Duke of Berry observed to an officer of the jacobin party,+".Very well; at all events you can enjoy the wealth you have acquired, now we are at peace with all the world.”—“No, my lord,” re- plied the jacobin, “we have made a halt in the mud.” On another occasion, when the duke, at a review, said to some of the old troops, “Well, comrades, are you regularly paid 3 °—“Yes,” they replied in a careless tone. On which the duke added, “the former government did not pay you at all, or, at least, was in arrears.”—“ It is of little consequence to you,” replied an old grenadier, “supposing we did give it credit for six months, -that was only our concern.” The rest burst out a laughing. Before the return of Bonaparte, the king offered places to jacobins, but the bait did not take. OF THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 1359 CHAPTER IV. Meeting of the Champ de Mai-Address of the Electors to Mapoleon.—Acceptance of the Con- stitution.—Speech of Mapoleon on the Occasion.—His Address to the Soldiers, &c.—Meeting of the two Chambers.—Character of the Chamber of Representatives.—Their Proceedings.- Biographical Motice of Count Lanjuánais.--Speech of JVapoleon on opening the Session.—Ea:- posée, or the State of France. The deputations from the electoral colleges arrived very slowly, and, the lists of votes from several departments bad not yet been recieved; but, in consequence of the impatience of the pub- lic, the assembly of the Champ de Mai, which had been postponed from time to time, was, at length, appointed to be held on the 1st of June. Great preparations were made for this assembly, and great expectations were entertained, not only regarding its splendor, but also from the indica- tion it would afford of the public spirit and at- tachment to Bonaparte. On the day appointed, every thing was done that could render the spectacle solemn and im- posing ; and though all the deputies from the departments had not arrived, yet the tout ensem- ble was grand, and such as must have answered, in some degree, the real object which Bonaparte had in view. “Every thing that could interest and elevate the soul;-the prayers of religion ; – the compact of a great people with their sove- reign ;—France represented by the flower of her citizens, agriculturists, merchants, magistrates, and warriors, collected around the throne;—an immense population covering the Champ de Mars, and joining in vows for the great object of that magnificent ceremony;-all excited the most ardent enthusiasm, of which the most memorable epochs have left us the recollection.” Such is the language in which this spectacle was described in the official papers of the French go- vernment. But even granting that this were a fair and unexaggerated description, what could be inferred from it respecting the views or feel- ings of the French people 3 How often had they before, during the revolution, displayed an en- thusiasm at least equal to that which they were now represented to feel ! The emperor's throne was erected in front of the military school, and in the centre of a vast semi-circular inclosure, two-thirds of which form- ed on the right and left grand amphitheatres, in which 15,000 persons were seated. The other third, in front of the throne, was open. An altar was erected in the middle: further on, and about 100 toises distant, was another throne, which •ºoked the Champ de Mars. Eighty-seven -- f banners decorated the inclosure, bearing the BOOK XV. names of the eighty seven departments. The national colours mingled with these banners, and every vacant space was occupied by the imperial eagles, surrounded with garlands of flowers em- blematic of peace. The sloping banks which arise round the Champ de Mars, were crowded with people, and its immense plain was filled with cavalry. On the preceding evening, a deputation of the colleges met to collect and cast-up the votes. Eleven departments and several regiments. had not made any returns. The general result of the votes received, gave 1,288,357 for the ad- ditional act, and 4,207 against it. Oae-fourth of the negative votes, proceeded from the depart- ment of the Cotes du Nord. Napoleon left the Thuilleries soon after eleven o’ lock, in a carriage drawn by eight horses, amid discharges of artillery. He was accompanied by his brothers Joseph, Lucien, and Jerome, who were dressed in Roman costume. The emperor was preceded by the commandant of Paris, he- ralds, ministers of state, grand officers, &c. On ariving at the Champ de Mars, the troops, which amounted to about 50,000 men, were drawn up in order of battle, and the procession passed be- tween the lines. Bonaparte took his place on the throne about one o’clock, when he was saluted by prolonged shouts from the multitude which occupied the vast inclosure of the Champ de Mars. The electors sat under the rotunda, and the grand national authorities occupied some tri- The officers of the érown were behind Napoleon, his ministers surrounded him, and the generals were on either side. Mass was then celebrated by the Archbishop of Tours, assisted by Cardinal Bayanne, and four other bishops. Mass being concluded, the members of the central deputation of the electoral colleges ad- vanced to the foot of the throue, the steps of which they ascended, in order to have a nearer view of the emperor, and to be better seen by him. They were about 500 in number. They were presented to his majesty by the arch-chan- cellor. One of the members of the deputation (M. Duboys d'Angers, ºlºand representative for bunes in front of it. CHAP. IV. 1815, 1360 HISTORY OF THE WARS BOOK XV. CHAP. IV. ^_^*-2 1815. sº------> the department of the Maine and Loire) pronoun- ced, with a loud and animated voice, the follow- ing address, in the name of the French peeple:– “Sire, The French people had decreed you the crown, which you abdicated without its con- sent; its suffrages now impose upon you the duty of resuming it. A new contract has been formed between the nation and your majesty. Assembled from all quarters of the empire around the tables of the law, upon which we have just inscribed the will of the people—that will which is the only legitimate source of power—it is impossible for us not to repeat the cry of France, of which we are the immediate organs, not to declare, in the pre- sence of Europe, to the august chief of the na- tion, what it expects of him, and what he ought to expect of it. Our words shall be grave as the circumstances which inspire them. What are the designs of the league of allied kings, with those was like preparations with which they terrify Europe and afflict humanity? By what act, by what violation, have we provoked their ven- geance, occasioned their aggression ? Have we, since the peace, endeavoured to give laws to them ż We wish only to make and to follow such as are adapted to our manners. We will not have for our head him whom our enemies choose for us, and we will have him to whom they are averse. They presume to proscribe you person- ally—you, sire, who, though so often master of their capitals, had generously re-established them on their tottering thrones . This hatred of our enemies strengthens our attachment to you. Were the meanest of our citizens proscribed, we ought to defend him with the same energy: he would be, like you, under the aegis of the law, and of the power of France. We are threatened with an invasion' and yet shut up within frontiers which nature has not given us, which long before your reign victory and peace itself had extended—we have not passed those narrow bounds, out of res- pect for treaties which you have not signed, and which you have offered to respect. “Is it guarantees only that they want? These are to be found in all our institutions, and in the will of the French people henceforth united with your's. Ought they not to be afraid of reminding us of very different times, and a very different state of things, which, however, might once more recur? It would not be the first time that we should have conquered Europe armed against us. It is to the French nation that they dare deny a second time, in the nineteenth century, in the faee of the civilized world, those sacred impre- scriptible rights which the smallest tribe never claimed in vain at the tribunal of justice and of history ! Because France is determined to be France, must she be degraded, torn, dismem- bered; and is the fate of Poland reserved for us? In vain would they cloak fatal designs under the *-*-*. *- A-A- -*.*- mask of the sole intention of separating you from us, in order to give us masters with whom we have nothing in common, whom we do not un- derstand, and who cannot understand us: who seem to belong neither to the age nor to the na- tion, which received them for a moment into its bosom only to behold its most generous citizens proscribed and degraded by them. Their pre- sence destroyed all the illusions which were still attached to their name. They would no longer be able to believe our oaths—we could no longer believe their promises. Tithes, the feudal system, privileges, all that is odious to us, was too evi- dently the aim and bottom of their thoughts, when one of them, to quiet the impatience of the present, assured his confidants that he would be answerable to them for the future. What each of us had, for twenty-five years, considered as titles of glory, as services worthy of reward, was to them a cause of proscription, a seal of reproba- tion. A million of functionaries, of magistrates who, for twenty-five years, have followed the same maxims, and from among whom we have just chosen our representatives; 500,000 warriors, our strength and our glory; six millions of landed proprietors invested by the revolution ; a still greater number of enlightened citizens, who make a deliberate profession of those ideas which have grown up among us into political dogmas—all these worthy Frenchmen were not the French- men of the #. they wished to reign only by a handful of privileged persons, punished or pardoned for twenty-five years past. Opinion it- self, that sacred property of man, they persecuted —persecuted even in the peaceable sanctuary of letters and arts. “Sire, a throne erected for a moment by for reign arms, and environed with incurable errors, has crumbled to pieces in an instant before you— because you bring back to us from retirement, fruitful in grand ideas to great men only, all the traces of our real glory, and all the hopes of our real prosperity. How must your triumphal march from Cannes to Paris have opened all eyes? In the history of all nations, and of all ages, is there a scene more national, more heroic, more impos- ing 2 Is not this triumph, which has not cost a drop of blood, sufficient to undeceive our ene- mies? Do they wish for more bloody ones? Well, sire, expect from us every thing that an heroic founder has a right to expect from a nation faithful, energetic, generous, not to be shaken in its principles, invariable in the object of its efforts, independence abroad, and liberty at home. The three branches of the legislature are on the eve of operation. One sentiment alone will ani- mate them. Confiding in the promises of your majesty, we commit to it, we commit to our re- presentatives, and to the chamber of peers, the care of revising, cousolidating, and perfecting, in OF THE FRENCH REVOLUTION, 1361 -a-asſº concert—without precipitation—without shock— with maturity, with wisdom, our constitutional system, and the institutions which are to secure it. And, meanwhile, if we be forced to combat, let one sole cry be heard from every heart. “Let us march against the enemy who seeks to treat us as the last of nations ! : Let us muster round the throne, where sits the father and chief of the people and of the army.' " “Sire, nothing is impossible; nothing will be spared to secure honor and independence, those goods more dear than life. Every thing will be attempted—every thing will be done to repel an ignominious yoke. We say it to nations—may their chiefs hear us! If they accept your offers of peace, the French people will expect from your administration, strong, liberal, and paternal, mo- tives to console it for the sacrifices which peace has cost us : but if they will leave us only a choice between war and shame, the whole nation rises entire for war; it is ready to extricate you from the offers, perhaps too moderate, which you have made to spare Europe a new convulsion. Every Frenchman is a soldier. Victory will at- tend your eagles; and our enemies, who reckon upon our divisions, will soon regret having pro- voked us.” * Immediately after this address, the resuit of the votes was proclaimed, by which the additional act was declared to be accepted almost unani- mously. The herald-at-arms then said “In the name of the emperor, I declare that the additional act to the constitutions of the empire has been accepted by the French people.” Bonaparte then signed the act, and afterwards addressed the deputies in the following terms:– “ Gentlemen, electors of colleges, of depart- ment, and arrondissement: “Gentlemen, deputies from the army and navy to the Champ de Mai;- “Emperor, consul, soldier, I hold every thing from the people. In prosperity, in adversity, in the field-of-battle, in council, on the throne, in exile, France has been the sole and constant object of my thoughts and actions. “Elike that King of Athens, I sacrificed myself for my people, in the hope of witnessing the rea- lization of the promise given to guarantee to France her natural integrity, her honors, and her rights. *~ “Indignation on beholding those sacred rights, acquired by twenty-five years of victory, slighted and lost for ever; the cry of insulted French honor, the wishes of the nation, have brought me back to that throne which is dear to me, because it is the palladium of the independence, of the honor, and the rights of the people. “ Frenchmen, in my progress amidst the pub- lie joy, through the different provinces of the em- pire to my capital, I had every reason to reckon upon a long peace; nations are bound by the treaties concluded by their governments, whatever they may be. “My thoughts were then wholly engaged with the means of founding our liberty by a constitu- tion agreeable to the wishes and the interests of the people. I convoked the Champ de Mai. “I was soon apprised that the princes who have violated all principles, who have wounded the public opinion, and the dearest interests of so many nations, design to make war upon us. They have it in contemplation to increase the kingdom of the Netherlands, to give it for barriers all our northern frontier fortresses, and to make up the quarrels which still divide them, by sharing among themselves Lorraine and Alsace. “It was necessary to prepare for war. “ However, before personally exposing my- self to the risk of battles, my first care was to give without delay a constitution to the nation. The people has accepted the act which I pre- sented to it. “ Frenchmen, when we have repelled these unjust aggressions, and Europe shall be convinc- ed of what is due to the rights and independence of 28,000,000 of French, a solemn law, enacted according to the forms prescribed by the consti- tutional act, shall combine the different dispo- sitions of our constitutions that are now scat- tered. *. “ Frenchmen, you are about to return into your departments. Tell the citizens, that circum- stances are arduous !!!—that with union, energy, and perseverance, we shall come off victorious from that struggle of a great people with its . pressors; that future generations will severely scrutinize our conduct; that a nation has lost every thing when it has lost its independence. Tell them, that the foreign kings whom I raised to the throne, or who are indebted to me for the preservation of their crowns; who all, in the time of my prosperity, courted my alliance and the protection of the French people, are now aim- ing all their blows at my person. If I did not see that it is against the country that they are really directed, I would place at their disposal this life, against which they manifest such'animo- sity. But tell the citizens also, that while the French shall retain for me the sentiments of love of which they give me so many proofs, this rage of our enemies will be impotent. “Frenchmen, my will is that of the people; my rights are its rights: my honor, my glory, my happiness can never be distinct from the honor, the glory, and the happiness of France.” The Archbishop of Bourges, first almoner; of- ficiating as grand-almoner, then approached the throne, and, kneeling, presented the New Testa- 6 BOOK XV. CHAP. IV. Jºvº-V 1815. I 362 History of THE WARs ** *ragº-gºs book XV. ment to the emperor, who took the oath in these terms:–“I swear to observe the constitutions of Cºe, V; the empire, and to cause them to be observed.” Nº." 1815. This was followed by an oath again of obedience to the constitution, and of fidelity to the emperor, pronounced by the arch-chancellor; and repeated by the whole assembly. After Te Deum was sung, the presidents of the electoral colleges advanced to receive the eagles destined for the national-guards of their respec- tive departments. Napoleon, in presenting them, spoke as follows:– “Soldiers of the national-guard of the empire, soldiers of the army and navy, I confide to you the imperial eagle with the national colours; swear to defend it at the price of your blood against the enemies of the country and of this throne! Swear that it shall always be your watchword; swear !” Universally repeated cries of “we swear it,” re- sounded throughout the inclosure. In the midst of these acclamations, and surrounded by the eagles of all the armed corps of France, the em- peror went with his whole retinue to place him- self on the elevated throne, in the middle of the Champ de Mars, where, as colonel of the national- guard of Paris, and of the imperial-guard, he gave the eagles to the presidents of the depart- ments and of the six arrondissements, and to the chiefs of his guard. All the troops marched in battalions and squadrons, and surrounded the throne, the officers standing in the first line. The emperor said— “Soldiers of the national-guard of Paris—Sol- diers of the imperial-guard! “I confide to you the imperial eagle with the national colours. You swear to perish, if neces- sary, to defend it against the enemies of the country and of the throne.—(The whole army, as- sembled around the throne, was within hearing, and interrupted the emperor with a thousand times repeated cries of ‘We swear it !”)—You swear never to acknowledge any other rallying- sign.—Unanimous cries again resounded of “We swear it !” The drums beat, and silence was re- stored)—You, soldiers of the national-guard of Paris. swear not to suffer the enemy to pollute again the capital of the great pation. It is to your valor that I shall confide it. (Cries of “We swear it!" were again repeated.) And you soldiers of the imperial-guard, you swear to surpass your- selves in the campaign that is about to open, and to die all of you rather than suffer foreigners to come and dietate laws to the country.” The acclamations, the shouts of “We swear it!” resounded again, and were repeated throughout the whole extent of the Champ de Mars. The spectacle being finished, Napoleon mount- ed his carriage and returned to the Thuilleries with the same procession which accompanied him in r- * *g going. ' Thus terminated' this ceremony, which passed in the opinion of many, with the Parisians, as a shew, but which tended evidently to esta- blish the authority of Bonaparte over France. On the following day the chamber of repre- sentatives commenced its sittings. It has been calumniated as having been composed of factious and worthless characters, the very dregs of the revolution, and the mere creatures of Bona- parte. The history of the proceedings of the chamber will form the best reply to this accusa- tion, and it is well known that, previous to the opening of the session, Napoleon frequently ex- pressed great displeasure at the prevailing cha- racter of the deputies. They were far too opu- lent, respectable, and independent to serve his ..". Among them were i. respectable names of Rouchfoucauld, Laincourt, D'Argenson, and De la Tour Maubourg, the opulent bankers La- fitte and Lefect; the ornaments of the French bar, Roy, Tripier, and Dupin; many peers of the king's own creation; many members of the late house ; all the most upright and popular cha- racters of the preceding §º. as Flauger- gues, Dumolard, Lanjuihais, the defender of the king and of justice at the bar of the national convention, Constant who, when Bonaparte was almost at the gates of Paris, boldly and eloquently pleaded the cause of the legitimate monarch, and unmasked the perfidy and ambition of the invader, and La Fayette who, after having rejected in his political career every thing that is calculated to tempt human ambition, after having lingered five years in the dungeons of the coalition, for having defended the constitutional throne on the 10th of August, and for not consenting to betray his prin- ciples and his country by basely complying with the views of the coalesced powers and the party. of Coblentz, after having stood up for fifteen years against the colossal power of łº, while every court on the continent was yielding to his influence and courting his alliance, was now im- pelled, by the dangers of his country and the voice. of the people, again to quit his retirement and ad- vocate the cause of national independence. La Fayette was earnestly solicited to accept the dig- nity of the peerage : his name was inscribed first on the list by the emperor's own hand; and the brothers of Napoleon condescended repeatedly to entreat him to oblige them and the emperor, by resuming the title which he possessed before the revolution. But he was inflexible. He would ac- cept nothing from the hands of Bonaparte, since it would imply an obligation to espouse his cause, the purity of whose intentions he doubted; but he cheerfully complied with the wishes of his countrymen, who elected him a member of the house of representatives for his own department, because, under that character, he could fearlessly OF THE FRENC iſ REVOLU'ſ iON. 1363 *-**-es-, -w- -*—- devote himself to the welfare of France. To con- sider such an assembly as a club of Bonapartists were absurd, and to affect to regard thein with contempt would betray equal ignorance and illi- berality. tº g The peers, mostly military men, were nominated by Napoleon or his council. The public looked with the utmost anxiety to the early proceedings of the chambers as indicative of their character and views. The first business of the representatives was to elect a presideni. The choice fell on Lanjuínais, who had been a member of the old con- vention, and who, in the preceding year, had been peculiarly active in drawing up the list of crimes committed by Bonaparte, and which was officially published as the justification of his dethronement. La Fayette had the greatest number of votes next to him. This was sufficiently explanatory of the predominant spirit. Indeed, it was abundantly evident that the members were aetuated by a very different spirit from what had ever before appeared among them during the former reign of Bonaparte; and that they regarded him only in the light of the chief ma; gistrate of the state, whom they were not bound to obey, or even respect, except in so far as he conscientiously discharged the duties of his office. In the sitting of the 4th of June, the day the pre- sident was chosen, this spirit was first made ma- nifest. The chamber of representatives had in- timated to Bonaparte their wish to have the official list of the chamber of peers: to this expressed wish an official answer was sent from the minister of the interior, signifying that the list of the peers would not be published till after the regular open- ing of the session ; upon this a member rose with warmth, and proposed that the chamber, in reply to this letter, should declare that it would not con- stitute itself till the list was communicated. This, however, was overruled. Just before this, a member rose and made the following observations:—“It is our duty, at the commencement of a session, to oppose the intro- duction of abuses—Principiis obsta. We ought not to recognise two orders in the state, nor to be- hold seated on one side princes, dukes, counts, barons, chevaliers, and on the other those formerly called the tiers-etát. Here, in particular, we are all equals, and the president himself is only primus inter pares. Yes, gentlemen, we must enjoy, with: in these august walls, not only liberty and political equality, such as they are acknowledged and fixed by the laws, but also that liberty, that social equality which produces union and confidence among men, and lays the foundation of friendship. In vain will it be alleged that titles without pri- vileges are words which cannot infringe our rights. The most odious privilege is that which tends to humiliate the greater number to the ad- vantage of a few.” * * * 93. - -smºs- In the sitting of the following day, the chamber of representatives again displayed a spirit and tone by no means in unison with the feelings and habits of Bonaparte. The provisional president (M. Debranges) an- nounced, that he had, the preceding evening, ob- tained an audience of the emperor, and acquaint- ed him with the nomination of Count Lanjuínais to be definitive president of the chamber, “I asked his majesty,” continued M. Debranges, “if he had any thing to communicate to me respecting this nomination ? and he replied, that when he wrote #30 () K X \'. CHAP. IV. ...º.º. Z. 1815, . this morning to the chamberlain on duty, he would Inake known his decision.” One of the members spoke as follows:—“ I think that the communication of the chamber with his majesty ought to be more direct, and that its president cannot correspond officially with a chamberlain of the emperor, but only with his mi- nisters. I demand, therefore, that no letter be written by the provisional president, and that the chamber, continuing the sitting, wait the answer of his majesty.” & M. Dumolard.—“There must be some mistake in what you have just said, Mr. President. We have no doubt you are animated by the best sentiments; but we have likewise no doubt that, in regard to the communications of the chamber with his ma- jesty, a chamberlain cannot be a suitable medium of correspondence between the representatives of the nation, and the chief of the state.” - M. D’Angely coincided with M. Dumolard, and observed that, in all probability, amistake had been made respecting the words of the emperor. TheP. proposed that the chamber should proceed to the appointment of secretaries, &c. A member moved that these appointments should not be taken into consideration, except un- der the presidency of the president, whom the chamber had elected the day before; and as that president could not proceed to perform the duties of his office until after the approval of the empe- ror, he farther moved, that all business should be suspended until that approval was notified. These motions being agreed to, the sitting was suspended. M. Regnault (de St. Jean d’Angely) entered the chamber, and said, “I have the honor, by the emperor's desire, to deliver to the president his majesty's reply to the communication made to him by the chamber.” * A member.—“I wish to be informed whether our colleague, Regnault, makes this communica- tion in the character of a representative, or in that of minister.—M. Regnault.—As minister of state, and as representative—these two characters are united, and in virtue of that double title I fulfil the mission with which his majesty has honored me.” The paper which had been presented at the bar by M. Regnault was read by a secretary. It proved to be the minute of the election of M. ------ 15 Q 1364 HISTORY OF THE WARS BOOK XV. CHAP. IV. Jºvº..” 1815. * —r- Lanjuínais, at the bottom of which were written these words—“I approve—Napoleon.” Loud applause followed. M. Lanjuinais advanced with a calm and modest demeanour to the chair, which was resigned to him by M. Debranges. M. Lanjuínais, then addressing the chamber, said—“ Dear and honorable colleagues, I cannot find expressions capable of explaining the senti- ments I feel on the honor you have bestowed upon me, and the approbation which the emperor has been pleased to add thereto. I am sensible of my inability, to make a suitable return to this distinguished mark of your confidence, and I shall constantly solicit your indulgence and your advice in the execution of the duty you have im- posed upon me. Wholly devoted to the emperor, the country, the national jº, the independence of France, and liberty, I shall never cease to wish for an honorable peace, and for the happiness of the people. I shall have no occasion to change either my principles or my conduct.” The speech of the president was ordered to be printed. Lanjuinais was, before the revolution, an ad- vocate and professor of canon-law. He was a deputy of the tiers-etát to the states-general, and one of the founders of the jacobin club, though never disgraced by the atrocities of that execrable society. In August, 1789, he shewed that though he was an ardent friend to liberty, he was not disposed to league himself with the dis- ciples of anarchy, for he warmly opposed the se- questration of the property of the clergy, yet he was the person who proposed the abolition of all titles, and objected to that of prince being still conferred on the members of the reigning family. When the reign of terror commenced, he closely allied himself with the moderate party. On the 15th of December, 1792, he spoke in favor of Louis XVI. and demanded that counsel, and the means of defence, should be granted to him. On the 26th of the same month, he again appeared as the advocate of that unfortunate monarch. He exposed the injustice and atrocity of a trial in which the enemies of Louis were at once accusers, witnesses, jurymen, and judges; nor would he move from the tribune, although he was assailed with the most furious clamor, and his voice re- peatedly drowned by the most diabolical outcries and threats of revenge. On the nominal appeal, he declared that Louis XVI. was guilty, and voted that he should be imprisoned until a peace, and then banished. He now distinguished himself by his fearless opposition to all the deeds of injustice and blood which disgraced this period of the revolution. On one occasion, he kept possession of the tri- bune, º several of the demoniacs of the mountain-party attempted to drag him thence with violence. They yelled in his ears that he was suspected, and called on him to resign. “I have, © —-sº I believe,” said he, “hitherto shewn some cou- rage, some energy; expect then from me neither resignation nor suspension. Know that a victim which, adorned with flowers, is dragged to the altar, is not insulted by the sacrificing priest. You talk of sacrificing my power? What an abuse of words ! Sacrifices ought to be free, and you are not so.” He was condemned to impri- sonment at this very meeting, but, eluding the vigilance of the gend’arme who guarded him, he escaped the fate in which all his colleagues, were soon involved. He was now out-lawed, and re- mained a fugitive and proscribed until 1795, when he was recalled to the legislative assembly. In June, 1795, he was appointed president of the assembly, and continued to display equal love to his country, and determination to avoid the ex- tremes of anarchy and despotism. He opposed every law against the relations of emigrants, and every decree which seemed unnecessarily severe. In 1800, he became one of the conservative se- nate, and strenuously opposed the arbitrary mea- sures of Bonaparte. In 1802, before Bonaparte was made first consul for life, a project was en- tertained by his partisans to raise him to the im- perial dignity at once. Roederer made a speech to sound the conservative senate on the point. Lanjuinais replied to him, and exclaimed, that “Whoever he was that would take upon himself the title of emperor, he would consider him as an enemy to his country, and a usurper.” Marshal Kellerman immediately drew his sword, and ask- ed, “whom he meant to stigmatize as a usurper?” adding, “ that if he meant the first consul; he would run him through the body l’” The senate i. but Lanjuinais was resolute, and per- sisted in his declaration without naming any per- son. His firmness and eloquence produced so much effect on the senate, that it was deemed #. to drop the º for the present. When onaparte was made emperor, Lanjuinais vio- lently opposed it; “What,” said he, in the se- nate, “are you so degraded as to give your coun- try a master taken from a race of men so igno- minious that the Romans disdained to use them even as slaves #" In the sitting of the 6th of June, M. Dupin said, he had a proposal to make relative to the form of the oath to be taken by the members. “The French people,” said he, “have voted the acceptance of the additional act—let us obey that act, which does not prejudice your rights of ame- liorating it in the forms and under the conditions that shall be prescribed. There is another re- flection of a nature to assure the well-disposed, and to do away before-hand all malignant inter- pretations. There is no question about the sub- stance of the oath—no difficulty—obedience to the constitution of the empire—fidelity to the chief—intimate and indissoluble union of the of THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 1365 --—--~~~~ -- ~~" -- ~~ - people with the government.—Bat, in the proper and well-understood interest of the government itself, let us recognise that the oath to be good, binding, and, in a word, constitutional, ought to be taken, not in virtue of a decree which should contain nothing but the unilateral will of the prince, but in virtue of a law which is the will of the nation, constitutionally expressed.” M. de Guevel—“The last speaker is mistaken in point of fact. The form of the oath introduced in the decree of the 3d of June, is literally con- formable with the dispositions of the Senatus Consulte of the 24th Floreal, year 11. The article prescribes the following form:—“I swear, obe- dience to the constitutions of the empire, and fidelity to the emperor.” The proposed reserva- tion would be unconstitutional. The additional act has been accepted - by the French people; it is sanctioned by the assembly of the Champ de Mai; let us prove to the nation, that we are dis- posed to support that act with all our efforts. I demand the order of the day. M. Roi (of Paris).—“I vote likewise for the order of the day; but I must frankly confess, that if the question were about the form of the oath,' I would rather that there should be added to it a promise of fidelity to the nation, for the first duty to the representatives of the nation is obedience to their orders. On the other hand, the legislative power is not now constituted as it was in the year 12; I see no analogy; the senate, the tribunate, the legislative body, no longer exists.” M. Dumolard called out loudly to be heard. M. Bedoc was for the order of the day, ob- serving that nothing could hinder the two cham- bers from employing themselves, in more tranquil times, in ameliorating the constitution. M. Dumolard.—“God forbid that in the na- tional tribune I should propose any thing contrary to the rights and interests of the nation. The na- tion is above every thing with me. The emperor exists for and by the nation. If it were necessary to choose between one and the other, Iny choice is not doubtful. In the present circumstances, the nation must be saved with and through the em- peror. Let us recollect that the enemy is on the frontiers; let us recollect the intrigues of England —the first duty of France is to repulse the enemy. We wish to march only with our invincible armies —we do not wish to isolate ourselves from theim. When the insidious proclamations of Louis XVIII. attack the honor of the soldiers, and depict them as rebels—when it is attempted, to separate them from their chief, it is our duty to declare that the army is the nation; that the brave ilien compos- ing that army are but our advanced-guard ; that we think as they do. Paſ don, colleagues, the warmth that animates my words: can one feel strongly without speaking strongly 4 I see the --- --ºr, danger near: I see it as it is. It should be known we are all devoted to our sovereign. I demand the order of the day.” General Sebastiani.-“I oppose the order of the day. The question is too inportant to be got rid of so lightly. It deserves, on the contrary, a solemn decision, after mature examination. When Europe, still uncertain, with her eyes upon us, is ready to divide itself, shall we call in question the legality of this oath ? We have an army, which is not an army of cossacks; it will preserve both our liberty and independence: I attest its honor and its courage. I move that the deliberation of the chamber be in favor of the oath; I do not hesitate to take it individually.” M. Dumolard.—“I renounce my demand for the order of the day, and adhere to the general's roposal. M. Boulay de la Meurthe.—“With respect to the oath of fidelity to the emperor, certainly I take it most willingly, and I think in doing it I do an act eminently French—for the emperor is in my eyes the first representative of the na- tion, the legitimate and established head of the state, the first tie of the union. Hence, when I swear to be faithful to him, I think I swear to be so to the nation itself. We must here speak freely, and tell the truth. There exist in France two parties —one, which is national, comprises the great mass of the people, stipulates for her inde- pendence, honor and real interest—the other may be called the faction of the foreigner. Yes, gen- tlemen, there exists Frenchmen vile enough to call in the English, Russians, Prussians, &c. The Bourbons are the heads of that faction ; it is they who, by the help of foreign bayonets, would again impose upon us an humiliating yoke. We must speak out—speak out unanimously; for, without doubt, and I am far from suspecting it, the for reigner has no representative here. For myself, I consult only my conscience and my duty; and to-morrow, in presence of the emperor and the two chambers, that is, in presence of the nation, I declare, I will take with pleasure the oath of obedience to the constitution of the empire, and of fidelity fo the enlperor.” A. M. Gourlac.—" The member has spoken of the efforts of the foreigners to divide us; it might have been added, that in La Vendée the enemies of the interior employ all means to subdue the men of the revolution. I am for the oath.” The proposal for the oath was carried. M. Gen. Carnot.—“I move, that to add to the glory and to the enthusiam of our armies, the chamber decree that they have deserved well of their country. They have avoided the shedding of blood, and their moderation has equalled their courage.” * M. Duchesne.—“We are all of the same mind f BOOK XV. CHAP. IV. _ºvº-Z 1815. HiSTORY OF THE WARS BOOK XV. CHAP. IV. >~~ 1815. *i. --& icspecting the army. It has given proofs, and its glory is established ; but in the present circum- stances, we ought to say only, that we expect every thing from its courage. Since it has not yet been able to signalise itself afresh, I do not think that—” #. Reginatilt.—“With all our attachment to the army, I must say, that the declaration de- manded by Ger:eral Carnot cannot cinanate from a single branch of the legislature. We are pot definitively constituted : hence we have not even the legal character necessary to make it the ob- ject of a simple resolution. But if you cannot alone give this honorable testimony to your sons, to mine, who form part of that formidable barrier to foreign invasion, to those brave na- tional-guards raised on all sides, and in a number which it is not yet time to disclose to our enemies, it is for the whole nation to pay that sacred debt. I move, that acknowledging all the justice of our colleague's proposal, the decision be adjourned till after the union of the three powers.” The chamber then adjourned. It had been an- nounced by the president that the emperor would have come to the chamber to open the session on this day; but from some unexplained cause it was deferred till the next day. In consequence of this delay, however, a singular occurrence took place, which has never been satisfactorily explained. In France the monarch goes to the hall of the representatives and there requires the presence of the peers. A Saxon gentleman of distinc- tion, named Sahla, gained admittance to the hall. After remaining there a few minutes he ascer- tained that the emperor would not open the ses- sions until the next day. He immediately quitted the place, and as he turned into a neighbouring street accidently slipped and fell. A quantity of fulminating silver exploded in his pocket, and mutilated him in a dreadful manner. He was taken before the police. The account which he gave was improbable and contradictory, and it was recollected that five years before he had been apprehended for a daring attempt on the life of the emperor. For this he had been confined in the castle of Vincennes, until the entry of the allies into Paris. He was so steadfast in the species of fanaticism which had taken possession of his mind, that a considerable time after his arrest, when the government, wishing to give him his li- berty, j him interrogated in order to discover whether he persisted in his intention, and whether he could be permitted to be at large without any danger to Napoleon, he iº; avowed that he had by no means renounced his design. In a succeeding examination he said, “that he had long been an enthusiast from a well-directed or mistaken love of his country. That while the French government appeared to be the cause of 7 -*— the oppression of Germany, he shewed himself its unreſenting enemy, and attempted the life of Na- poleon. But that since Saxony had passed under the yoke of the Congress of Vienna, his rage had turned against the authors of this new degradation. That he fled from bis country with the professed intention of seeking assistance from abroad. That he arrived in Paris provided with recipes and in- ventions of destruction, which he wished to get adopted in France as even more murderous than the usual implements of warfare. By means of fulminating silver he supposed that he had disco- vered the secret of making rockets much more for- midable than those of Congreve. He offered this secret to the war-minister, and left in the office one of his boxes of fulminating silver, which he wished should be subjected to experiment, and he always carried in his pocket a considerable quantity of this dangerous substance.” This account was deemed unsatisfactory. The horrible project which he had formerly conceived and almost executed against Bonaparte, and his i. the hall as soon as he was informed that the emperor would not be present until the next day, threw considerable suspicion on his inten- tions, and he was detained. The termination of the affair rendered the whole yet more mysterious. About a fortnight after- wards he was liberated, and, on the following morning, he threw himself from the parapet of the bridge of Louis XVI. into the Seine. Im- mediate assistance was procured, but the viial spark was extinct. On the 7th of June, the emperor proceeded in state to the hall of the representatives, and opened the session with the following speech:— “Messieurs of the chamber of peers, and mes- sieurs of the chamber of representatives. “For three months past, circumstances and the confidence of the people have invested me with unlimited power. At this moment the most anxious wish of my heart is accomplished. I have commenced a constitutional monarchy. * Men are too feeble to secure the future ; 1e- gal institutions alone fix the destinies of nations. Monarchy is necessary to France, to guarantee the liberty, the independence, and the rights of the people. “Our constitutions are scattered ; one of our most important occupations will be to consoli- date them into one body, and arrange them in one simplesystem. This labour will recommend the pre- sent epoch to the gratitude of future generations. “I am anxious that France should enjoy all possible liberty; I say possible, because anarchy always resolves itself into absolute government. “A formidable coalition of kings threatens our independence; their armies are approaching our frontiers. OF THE 1367 FRENCH REVOLUTION, “The Melpomene frigate has been attacked and taken in the Mediterranean, after a sanguinary action with an English vessel of seventy-four guns. Blood has been shed in the time of peace. “Our enemies rely upon our internal divisions. They excite and foment civil war. Risings have taken place. Communications are held with Ghent, as with Coblentz in 1792. Legislative measures are indispensable. I place unreserved confidence in your patriotism, your wisdom, and your attach- ment to Iny person. * “The liberty of the press is inherent in the ex- isting constitution. No change can be made in that respect without altering the whole of our po- litical system; but some restrictions are necessary; more especially in the actual state of the nation. I recommend this important subject to your se- rious consideration, - g , “My ministers will acquaint you with the situa- tion of our affairs. ... “The finances would be in a satisfactory state but for the increased expenditure rendered requi- site by existing circumstances. .* Nevertheless, all might be met, if the re- ceipts comprised in the budget could all be re- alized, within the year; my minister will direct your attention to the means of arriving at this result. q & “It is possible that the first duty of a prince may soon call me at the head of the children of the -nation to combat for the country. The army and myself will do our duty. “Do you, peers and representatives! give the nation the example of confidence, energy, and pa- triotism; and, like the senate of the great people of antiquity, resolve to die rather than survive the dishonor and degradation of Trance. The sacred cause of the country shall triumph ( !!” A committee was afterwards appointed by the chamber for the purpose of drawing up an address in reply to the emperor. The feelings of the chamber of representatives towards Bonaparte were marked in a decided manner in the sitting of the 8th of June. M. Felix Lepelletier.—“I am about to propose an act of national equity and justice. There is not one of us but considers the lst of March as the day of the salvation of the country. In vain the monarchs of Europe pretend to change our sentiments, as if a nation were not its own master. But, gentlemen, before the departure of the em- peror, you will assure him, that you will unite all your efforts, all those of the French people, to his generous exertions for the salvation of the country; and, since adulation and flattery have decreed to a rince, who was neither invited nor expected by the French nation, the fair title of “The Desired,’ do not you think it but just to decree also a title 93. to the man who, almost without means, confiding BOOK XV. in the sentiments of the nation, landed alone on the 1st of March, to rescue us from slavery and the feudal system ? I demand, therefore, that you declare him ‘The Saviour of the Country.” (Cries from all quarters for the order of the day.)—I de- mand that, at the same time, you publish an ad- dress to the French people.” (Here the uproar became so violent that the president was obliged to ring his bell several times.) --- M. Dupin.-"Yes, you are here to preserve, to assist our legitimate emperor, by all the means in your power, but would you suffer the ". breath of flattery to find its way already within these wakls 3” The president.—“Though the assembly mani- fests a desire to avoid the discussion of the pro- posal that has been just made, I am obliged to put it to the vote.” On this the whole assembly rose to pass to the order of the day. * From what we have related of the proceedings of the chamber of representatives, it is evident that they were strongly opposed to Bonaparte's resump- tion of his former power. Some of the members went much farther, and indicated, in pretty plain language, that in their opinion all titles ought to be abolished, and the government brought as near as possible to the simplicity of a republic: these, however, were by no means prevailing sen- timents. * In the sitting of the 13th of June, the exposi- tion of the minister of the interior was laid be- fore the chamber of representatives by Count Regnault de St. Jean D'Angely. This is a cu- rious and interesting document, as pointing out the hopes of Bonaparte, and the measures which he had adopted, as proofs of his altered principles and j and as conducive to ren- der him popular. In this view of it we shall notice the most prominent and important parts. In presenting the report, Count Regnault de St. Jean D'Angely made the following observations:— “Among all the objects of the emperor's soli- citude,” said he “ the first, after his solemn ac- ceptance of the constitution, has been to make known to the nation, through the medium of its representatives, the true situation in which it is placed. Three months, have scarcely elapsed since his majesty quitted the rock to which cir- cumstances had for a moment banished him, in order to deliver France from the enslaving yoke of a worn-out dynasty, which managed the re- sources of our fine country merely for the profit of foreigners . The enthusiasm which served as an escort to his majesty from the period of his landing, sufficiently proved on what side lay the national wishes. It proves, that if the deposed family should ever re-enter France with the aid of 15 R. Chap. IV. Jºvº-V 1815. 1368 history of the waits BOOK XV. CHAP. V. Jºvº-Z 1815. foreigners, it would soon be expelled anew. Its prejudices, its engagements with the old privi- leged castes, are all in opposition to the liberal ideas in which the existing generation has been bred, and which can never retrograde. With the princes of that family we should have seen, as indeed we were menaced with, the re-appearance of all the cruel absurdities of feudal government, and the degrading slavery of the monastic system. In the mean time, it is to re-establish all these institutions that they invite the foreigner into our fine country: but we will never thus abandon it; we will rally around the emperor, the pro- tector of liberal ideas, around a prince who, educated in the revolution, advances with the age in which he lives, and wishes to extend the dominion of mind instead of circumscribing it. Instructed by misfortunes, he will see the con- querors of Austerlitz, of Marengo, and of Jena, march anew under the colours which so often led them to victory, and the event will not be doubtful. “However, his majesty is sincerely desirous of peace; he has done every thing to preserve it, but without inclining to listen for a moment to humiliating conditions, which would compromise the honor and the dearest interests of France. All his efforts, however, have been fruitless; already our frontiers are menaced at all points, already hostilities have been commenced without any preliminary declaration of war, and, there seeins to remain no other resource for the mainte- nance of our independence but an appeal to arms. If the emperor were less fortified by the inherent strength of his character, he might fear two rocks. There has been talk of a royalist party and a re- º party, alike enemies of his government. ut the former has not known how to defend the princes objects of its affection, for whom it pre- tended a willingness to die; it is far from formid- able. As to the republicans, converted from old errors, of which cruel experience made them feel too severely the effects, they see in the emperor only the protector of the liberal ideas which they have at aft times themselves professed, and which excesses alone have prevented them hitherto from seeing realized. The time has been too short to give to the national constitution all the perfection of which it was susceptible; but the emperor, towards the accomplishment of this essential work, reckons on the intelligence and patriotism of the two chambers. The preparations for war have prevented him from giving to it himself all the attention which he could have wished; but the French territory was threatened. The na- tional character, which essentially rejects every idea of conquest, should have been a sufficient guarantee to all the powers of Europe against the invasion which they seem so much to fear at pre- sent; but that fear is only a vain pretext to cover W their ambition. That aimbition is sufficiently de- monstrated by the senseless declarations of the Congress of Vienna, by the assemblages OIT OUT frontiers, by hostilities commenced in full peace, by landings effected on our coasts in order to en- courage civil war, and, in fine, by the refusal to listen to any proposal for the maintenance of peace. All these circumstances must give a pre- cise idea of the justice and moderation of our enemies: it is the same as in 1792, when the Duke of Brunswick published the famous mani- festo of which the insolent pretensions converted the French into a nation of soldiers. “Representatives of the nation, you know the French people, essentially good and generous, and always ready to contribute to the wants of the country, provided the whole extent of these wants be fairly made known to them. You have already assumed that wise and imposing attitude which is the finest guarantee of our liberty and independence; and you have a right to know, without the least disguise, the state of our wants and resources. The former are, doubtless, great, but sufficient means exist to provide for them without oppressing the people; and with the energy which you share with the people who elected you, we shall be certain of repelling the most unjust aggression against an imdependent people, of which the political annals of cabinets have ever preserved the recollection. I am charged to present to you the following details on our internal situation :- Communes.—Under this head Count Regnault stated, that the communal administrations had been almost totally abandoned under the govern- ment of the Bourbons; that the communal funds, so essential to the movement of troops, the equipment of the national-guard, &c. had been dilapidated by the journies of the princes, by the restoration of woods to emigrants, and by many other malversations; but that the emperor was taking pains to restore order in this important branch of mal-internal administration. Hospitals.-These asylums of suffering hu- manity had, at all times, excited the solicitude of the emperor. At the commencement of 1814,- these establishments had been exposed to consi. derable additional expenses, from the number of sick and wounded soldiers. Under the late go- vernment, however, they were on the point of losing one of their principal resources, by the restitution of property of emigrants, with which they had been endowed by solemn laws. The emperor had restored it to them. He had also doubled the funds of the maternal society which he founded, which, on this account alone, was neglected. The depôts of mendicity, created also by the emperor, were equally abandoned; but these establishments were about to resume OF THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. & , 1369 new activity. The hospitals in the departments invaded by the enemy had considerably suffered, but they were already re-established. Works.-Under this head Count Regnault enumerated the great monuments founded or ordered by his majesty; they should be continu- ed, though they were seen suspended even in time of peace; but they should in future be exclusively reserved for France, and if existing circumstances did not permit them to receive that extent which were to be wished, they should soon be accele- rated by the arms which would be no longer ne- cessary for the defence of the country. Works at Paris.-The minister here gave an account of the various constructions which had been commenced in the capital, and which should be continued. Mines.—This head presented nothing remark- able. .Manufactures.—Count Regnault stated, that the manufactures were flourishing, and announc- ed that various new manufactures had been im- proved, and others introduced; that the manu- facture of sugar from the beet root, in spite of all the efforts made to destroy it, promised shortly to render Europe independent of the new world for that article; that the indigo of woad, without having reached the same perfection, already ri- valled that of India; and that, in fine, a number of useful discoveries presented new sources of national prosperity. Commerce.—The report expressed nothing but hope upon this article, and by the absurd ambi- tion of sovereigns all the nations of Europe were placed in the same condition. Instruction.—Under this title the minister ex- hibited all the vicissitudes to which the corps of teachers had been subjected. The result of the inquiry shewed, that the number both of colleges and scholars had been diminished, but that the university of Paris still numbered under its di- rection 325,554 pupils, and that the lyceums, stimulated by the new encouragement of the em- peror, displayed the best spirit. Public Worship.–In speaking of the clergy, the minister did not attempt to disguise the errors they committed under the last government, in giving way, from the lure of a restitution of church property, to the influence of emigrants, in stigmatizing, as plunderers, the owners of national property, whose titles had been recognised as egitimate by the pope himself, and in attempting, in the name of the Almighty, whose servants they are, to light up civil war among men. The em- peror, however, was always disposed to protect, and even favor, the ministers of the church, so long as they confined themselves, within the bounds of their duty; and had already conferred on the curates an augmentation of 150 franks, which had been vainly promised to them by the last government. only sovereign who, º no further interests to arrange with the pope, had in his power to put an and to those interminable negociations com- menced by the last government with the court of Rome, and to re-establish, upon the basis of the concordat, the liberties of the Gallican church. Jurisprudence.—This article of the report was extremely short. The minister merely stated, that those civil judges who felt themselves unworthy of their functions, had done justice by abdicating their offices; and that as far respected the admi- nistration of the criminal law, the establishment of the trial by jury every day merited new appro- bation: but that, in the mean time, some orga- nical institutions were necessary to regulate the duties and diminish the labours of those judicial citizens. The War Department.—It was absolutely im- possible to follow Count Regnault through all the details which he furnished on this important topic. The result was, that on the 1st of April, 1814, the army consisted of 450,000 men, exclusive of 150,000 prisoners, all veteran soldiers, and of 115,000 conscripts, of the levy of 1815, of which 45,000 only, out of 160,000, had been raised. The last government, at once prodigal and avaricious, alarmed at its own strength, and essentially hos- tile to the army, had taken every possible means of diminishing it. The orator then described the various oppres- sions to which the army had been exposed, parti- cularly by the introduction of the emigrants, and which had reduced its number to 175,000 men. Since the 20th of March last, its number had been raised to 375,000 combatants, of every description; and, before the lst of August, it would amount to 500,000, independent of the national- uards. $3 The Imperial Guard.—This surest bulwark of the throne in times of war, and its finest orna- ment in time of peace, had a separate article al- lotted to it in the official report, . The minister condemned the injustice with which it was treated by the last government, and announced that it jº, amounted to 40,000 men. ..Artillery.—The losses in this arm had been in a great measure repaired : they were occasioned chiefly by treachery, and especially the delivering up of all the strong places, by order of the Count d’Artois, in his capacity of lieutenant-general of the kingdom. By this single act France had lost 12,000 pieces of cannon, mostly of brass, the va- lue of which is estimated at 200,000,000 of francs. This loss, however, had been entirely supplied; the arsenals, magazines of powder, and armories, were in full activity; and after having armed the na- tional-guard and associations, there would remain in the magazines 600,000 muskets in reserve. . Military Earpenditure. — The administrative \ The emperor was, besides, the BOOK XV. CHAP. l W. N_a^^_^ 1815. 1370 HISTORY OF THE waRs. Book xv. details on this subject were little susceptible of Chap. IV. *_s^^_^ 1815. abridgment. The minister, however, asserted that the necessary funds would be easily provided, and no new taxes be required. National-guard.—This article furnished no in- formation of which the public was not already in possession. The Marine presented considerable resources, notwithstanding the evils produced by treachery, which had not, however, cast any stain upon its honor. The state of foreign relations, and of general police, were but slightly touched on, and were to be made the subject of separate reports. At the close, Count Regnault recommended to the chamber, in the name of his majesty, to take the necessary steps for completing the number of representatives, which was not yet filled up. CHAPTER V. State of Europe at this Period, and Proceedings of the Congress at Vienna.-Union of the Belgian Provinces under the Prince of Orange, who is made King.—Ea:ertions of the Allies for the Defence of the Netherlands-Proclamation.—Note of the King of Saarony to the allied Powers.-- . Mutiny of the Saa.on Troops in Blucher’s Army.-His Proclamation in Consequence.—Dismember- ment of the Kingdom of Saa.ony.—Affairs of Wirtemburg, and Prussia.-Poland erected into a Ringdom.—Affairs of Switzerland and Sweden.—State of Spain.-Refusal of the Portuguese Government to send Troops against France.—Vigorous JMeasures of the Emperor of Russia.- State of Italy. .Affairs of Great Britain.—State of the 'Revenue.—Rise and Progress of the National Debt and Sinking Fund.—Disturbances on Account of the Corn Bill. It may, perhaps, be interesting to take a brief review of the transactions in other parts of the Continent at this period, and also of the proceed- ings of the Congress at Vienna. In the new po- litical system of Europe which the Congress had in view, few circumstances are more worthy of at- tention than the union of the seventeen provinces of the Low Countries under one government. The last year closed with manifest preparations for such a design. The Prince of Orange had been placed by the allied powers at the head of the government of the ten catholic provinces; and the numerous strong places of that country had been occupied by garrisons composed for the most part of British and Hanoverian troops, with a mixture of Dutch and Belgic, obvi- ously intended as a protection against French arms and French influence. The final de- velopement of the plan was, however, pro- fessedly reserved to the termination of the Con- gress. Long before this period, that assembly came to a decision on this momentous subject; and a letter from the Prince-sovereign of Hol- land, to the secretary-of-state at Brussels, dated February 23, announced, that by the unanimous consent of Austria, Russia, England, France, and Prussia, all those parts of Belgium, which for- merly belonged to the first of those powers, had 2 been placed under his sovereignty, with the exception of some portions of the territory of Limburg and Luxemburg. With such an assign- ment of territory, the Prince of Orange acquired the regal title; and, in a speech delivered to the Dutch states-general, on the 16th of March, he declared his resolution of taking possession of the supreme authority over all the United Ne- therlands, and at the same time of investing him- self with royalty. . An address was returned by the states expressive of their entire satisfaction, as well with the Belgic union as with the new title assumed by the sovereign. The recovery of the supreme power in France by Bonaparte was an event peculiarly menacing to the stability of the Belgic throne, since it could not be doubted, that if he should establish his au- thority, the first employment of the French arms would be to regain the influence of that nation in the Low Countries. The most active efforts were therefore immediately made to place the frontier on the French border in a state of de- fence. All the British and Hanoverian forces were collected together, which were strengthened by strong reinforcements from England, and se- veral corps from Hesse, Brunswick, and other small states in Germany ; and to these were added all the Dutch and Belgian troops. This. A OF THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 1371 Aºsº- fºr * * *A_i. *— …— --> ºf -* * wºgrº º army was placed under the command of the Duke of Wellington, who was recalled from Vienna for that purpose. The Prussian army, under Mar- shal Blucher, also assembled in this country for co-operation. The King of the Netherlands, with the advice of his council of state, also resolved to employ the national-militia in active service, during the war with Napoleon; but as this could not be done without the consent of the states-general, his majesty addressed the following message to the assembly, dated Brussels, May 15, to explain the motives which made him resolve on this mea- sure, and requesting the necessary authorisation to employ it both at home and abroad. “ High and mighty lords,--It would be super- fluous to unfold to your high-mightinesses the principles according to which the means of de- fence of the country have been increased and strengthened within some weeks, with indefa- tigable energy and zeal, and among others those according to which the national-militia has been embodied. Every inhabitant of the United Ne- therlands, sincerely attached to his country, is convinced, by his own feelings, that no watchful- ness can be too strict, no sacrifice too great, when it is required to secure a free state against fo- reign domination. * But means of defence for the moment are insufficient; our obligations extend farther. That we ourselves may live without perpetual and in- tolerable apprehensions, that we may transmit to following generations the guarantee of the national prosperity and independence, it is necessary that this tyranny be again overthrown, and this system of deceit and usurpation, inseparable from the ex- istence of the tyrant, be again in his person for ever destroyed. “ The powers to , whose efforts so many states of Europe owe their re-establishment have again combined to attain this sacred end. . . “Eagerly answering to their friendly invita- tion, we have acceded to the treaty concluded at Vienna on the 25th of March last, and wait but for the exchange of the ratifications, to lay before your high-mightinesses its extent and par- ticulars. “Mean time, to give an irrefragable proof of the sincerity of the good sentiments which animate us, we have conferred the command of the armies of this kingdom upon the Duke of Wellington, whom we have at the same time named Field-marshal of the United Netherlands. Led by this great cap- tain, encouraged by the example of the son of their king, animated by that spirit of patriotism which inspires the whole nation, our warriors will take an honorable part in this great contest, and will maintain the ancient glory of the standards of the United Netherlands. But a great part of 93. Å- _* these soldiers belong to the national-militia, whom the law forbids to employ out of the country, without the express consent of the states-general. It is this consent, high and mighty lords, for which we now apply to you. . In no case can the propriety of such a measure be less dubious than at present; and the campaign which is about to commence, under such happy auspices, seems to us precisely the proper time to give the necessary solidity and completion to a political institution which, in its very beginning, has more than an- swered all our expectations. “We, therefore, do not besitate to offer to your sanction the annexed decree, praying God to have your high-mightinesses under his divine pro- tection.” The states-general having deliberated on this proposal for a law, gave their assent to it, and informed his majesty of it by a message, in which they observed, “It is become necessary not only to embody the national-militia, but it must be ca- pable of being employed both within and without the frontiers of the kingdom. Can we for a moment hesitate to adopt as our own this opi- nion of our most beloved and esteemed sovereign, and to shew our eagerness to concur in taking a resolution which is to serve to maintain our honor, our safety, and our right to the esteem of the powers who again combine for the safety of Eu- rope } . No, magnanimous sovereign, the wounds inflicted on our country by a late tyranny are not yet healed ; the remembrance of our shame and our misery under the reign of the usurper, who, again seated on the throne, will never allow other people to enjoy peace, independence, and prospe- rity, is too recent for us not to see with pleasure the children of the country hasten to the frontiers, to take a part in the holy contest with the dis- turber of social order and his perjured adherents, and to see them emulate those brave men of every class who have voluntarily offered their arms for our deliverance. And why should we not entrust them to the wise dispositions of your majesty ? why should we not place them, with the hope of a happy result, under the orders of your sons, one of whom has performed prodigies of valor in Spain, under the hero of our age; and the other, although young, has fought with giory in the ranks of our allies; yes, under the immortal Wellington, whom your majesty has placed at the head of the armies of the United Neiherlands.” Notwithstanding such powerful means of de- fence, strong suspicions at this time prevailed respecting the affections of the Flemish people to the Dutch government. These suspicions were at length rendered manifest by the follow- ing proclamation from the King of the Nether- lands, which was issued at Brussels on the 20th of April. 15 S BOOK XV. Ch.A.P. W. Jºvº-Z 1815. 1372 HISTORY OF THE WARS BOOK XV. CHAP. W. \ºvº-2 1815. =s*T *-*- -*- sºm- Art. 1. “ All those who manifest themselves artizans or instruments of a certain foreign power, whether by their discourse, or by any action or document, and, finally, all those who attempt to create distrust or jealousies amongst the inha- bitants, to promote disunion or disturbance, to ex- cite disorder and sedition, by persuading the people to rebellion in the streets and public places, or by any other act inconsistent with good order, according to the enormity and circumstances of the offence, shall be punished, separately or col- lectively, by being exposed for from one hour to six, by privation of their rank, by marks of ig- nominy, by imprisonment from one hour to ten, and by a fine of from 100 to 100,000 francs. 2. “ In case of crimes not mentioned in the preceding article, those who may have rendered themselves culpable by disturbing the public re- pose, as well as their accomplices, shall be con- demned, besides being fined, to hard labor for a certain time, to be marked.. 3. “A special court, composed of eight coun- sellors, selected from our superior court of justice at Brussels, of the attorney-general, or one of the advocates-general, who fill the functions of the public officers, and of the registrar of the court, is specially charged to take cognizance of, and pass judgment on, all crimes and misdemeanours on the process issued by our attorney-general. 4. “The process takes place without delay, or any previous information by the judge of instruc- tion; these decrees shall not be open to appeal, nor can they be repealed. 5. “These decrees shall be put into execution twenty-four hours after their being pronounced. Our attorney-general is charged with their execu- tion, and with transmitting an accurate copy of any decree executed to our commissary-general of justice.” The same proclamation orders that its several decrees be published in the papers of the day; and commands the commissaries-general and other authorities to see to their prompt and strict execution. The Belgium troops, of whom a considerable portion had served in the ranks of the French army, also manifested considerable disaffection; and two regiments, before the commencement of hostilities, openly mutinied, and attempted to pass over to the enemy. The provisional occupation of Saxony by Prussia has already been mentioned. In the beginning of March, a note was transmitted from the King of Saxony to the ministers of the allied powers at Vienna, -which began with expressing the deep affliction he had felt on perusing the do- cuments communicated to him by the Princes Talleyrand and Metternich, and the Duke of Wellington, announcing the determination of the five powers relative to Saxony. He proceeds to say, “Without any other principle than that of convenience, and without any regard to the in- ternal relations of the nation, a line has been traced across the country which would at once tear from it two-fifths of its population, and more than one-half of its territorial extent, as well as the means indispensible for the subsistence of what shall remain to the king. It is to such sa- crifices that the king has been invited to give his assent, while, it is added, that no negociation will be entered into as to accessary points, until his majesty shall have categorically declared himself on the territorial cession.” The king then argues against pronouncing upon his rights without his consent, and retaining his states as conquered countries; and he claims the admission of his ple- nipotentiary to the Congress in order to treat with the allied powers. That the dissatisfaction of the king was parti- cipated by the people, subjected to a government to which they had an extreme repugnance, was rendered evident, by a proclamation issued at Dresden, on April 12th, by which every person who, either in words or deeds, manifested an at- tachment to Napoleon Bonaparte, or his interests, was ordered to be apprehended and delivered to the office of police for the investigation of the charge, and corresponding punishment. A more decisive proof of the existence of such feelings among the Saxons, was given by a serious mutiny in the troops of that nation at Liege, in the begin- ning of May. It commenced from an intended division of them into such as were natives of the part ceded to Prussia, and of the part remaining to the king. A battalion of grenadiers of the guard, and a regiment of grenadiers of the line, who had for some time exhibited a disorderly spirit, on the hearing of this intention, broke out into open mutiny, and attempted to force their way into Prince Blucher's hotel, but were prevented by the centinels. This state of mutiny continued for three days, when it was suppressed by the ar- rival of some Prussian troops. . The guilty batta- lion and regiment were disarmed, the latter was disbanded, seven of the most criminal of the mu- tineers shot, and others were condemned to per- petual imprisonment. Marshal Blucher afterwards issued the following proclamation:- “Soldiers of the Saxon corps!—Terrible crimes have been committed in your ranks. I had with confidence fixed my quarters among you, when I was attacked by a troop of assassins and rebels, who, refusing to obey their officers, per- sisted, for three days, in a criminal mutiny. Sol- diers, you would be dishonored in the eyes of all Europe; your national honor would be for ever lost, if I did not render you the testimony that you have on this occasion expressed, in a striking OF THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 1373 —w- –E–F–------ ~ gº manner, the indignation which was excited in you by a licentious soldiery, which, in refusing to obey its officers, violated the first duty of a soldier. - º: “By the confidence you place in me, you have counted on the possession of the rights which ho- nor and the laws of war give you. You have not deceived yourselves. The regiment of grenadiers has ceased to exist. The standard which it dis- graced has been burnt, and the sword of justice has fallen on the guilty. “Soldiers 1—Continue to attend to the voice of your officers. Their duty is not only to lead you into battle, but also to watch for the preservation of your honor and your welfare. I cannot, there- fore, better shew you my approbation, or better save your character from disgrace, than by conti- nuing to deliver to the severity of the laws the promoters of insubordination and their accom- plices, if they should still dare by their crimes to tarnish your military glory. “BLUCHER.” This incident, perhaps, hastened an event which might before have been with certainty predicted; that of the final submission of the King of Saxony to the conditions imposed on him. A treaty between him and the King of Prussia was ratified on May 21, by which the cessions to the latter were marked out, together with the conditions un- der which they were made. The acquisitions of Prussia are in a general way expressed in the titles assumed by the king on account of them : these are, Duke of Saxony, Landgrave of Thu- ringia, Margrave of both Lusatias, and Count of Henneberg. The King of Prussia at the same time published a proclamation to the people of Prussian Saxony, in which, announcing their union to his crown, he says, “The general agree- ment of the powers assembled in Congress has as- signed me your country, subjected by the fate of war, by way of indemnity for the loss which has on one side diminished the circuit of the states guaranteed to me.” It will, therefore, never be a matter of question by what tenure this part of the Prussian dominions is held. The King of Saxony also issued from Dresden a valedictory address to the same portion of his former subjects, in which he excused the cession, as the only condition by which he could obtain the restoration of the rest of his hereditary states. The following lines must touch every reader capable of feeling the simple pathe- tic. “All my efforts to avert so painful a sacrifice have been in vain. I must part from you, and the bonds which your fidelity and attachment to my per- son have rendered so dear to me, the bonds which have formed for ages the happiness of my house, and of your ancestors, must be broken.”. Such was the fate of that sovereign who had the mis- fortune of being the last of those who in the Bookxv. same year supported the cause of the French emperor. The kingdom of Wirtemburg, at this time, was the theatre of political events which we shali here notice, as elucidating the spirit now prevail- ing in the mixed constitutions of the Germanic system. On the 12th of January, the King of Wirtemburg, having convoked his ministers and council, announced his intention of introducing into his kingdoin a constitution with states-gene- ral ; and to this effect published a memorial ad- dressed to all his “subjects, servants, and vas- sals,” in which he notified that he had sketched out a constitution of this nature, which he meant to lay before the states-general to be assembled in March following. The states accordingly met, consisting of representatives chosen by the people, joined with others who sat by right of birth as former states of the empire, and with members appoint- ed by the king. The general expectation was, that the ancient free constitution of Wirtemburg, which circumstances had abrogated, would be restored, with modifications rendered necessary by the change of times; but the king's speech on opening the session expressed a different inten- tion. No mention was made of the former consti- tution ; and a new act, in the formation of which the states had no share, was laid before them, as the only organic law of the state sanctioned by his majesty. The assembly, fondly attached to their ancient government, which they considered as their right, refused to accept of that which was offered ; and, after various proceedings, a royal declaration was made, that the decision should be deferred till the return of the crown- prince from Vienna. In subsequent negociations between the royal commissioners and some depu- ties of the states, the former declared that they were merely authorised to hear proposals re- lative to the modifications of the new consti- tution to be drawn from the old one ; but, of six points extracted from this as a basis, not one was acceded to by the king’s commissioners; and, in fine, nothing being effected, an adjourn- ment of the assembly took place. Of these trans- actions an account was sent by the states to the ministers of the courts of Great Britain, Prussia, and Denmark, as guarantees of the constitution of Wirtemburg. The King of Prussia, who has been mentioned as bringing to effect the determination of his as- sociated colleagues, relative to the portion of Sax- ony assigned to him, about this time re-entered into the possession of his former Polish provinces He issued from Vienna, on May 15th, a proclama- tion addressed to the inhabitants of the grand duchy of Posen, announcing the restoration to CHAP. W. 1815. 1374 HISTORY OF THE WARS BOOK XV. UHAP. V. Jºvº I815. their original state of those parts of the late Duchy of Warsaw which had belonged to Prus- sia. He also gave them an insight into their fu- ture political condition, as well as into that of his other subjects. “You are incorporated (he said) with my monarchy, but without being obliged to renounce your nationality. You will participate m the constitution which I intend to give my faithful subjects, and you will have a provisional constitution, like the other provinces of my king- dom. Your religion shall be maintained, and a suitable dotation be assigned to its servants. Your personal rights and your property shall re- turn under the protection of the laws, upon which you will also be called in future to deliberate. Your language shall be used with the German in all public transactions; and every one of you, ac- cording to his abilities, shall be eligible to public employments in the grand duchy, and to all the offices, honors, and dignities of my "...i. A proclamation of the same date was addressed by the king to the inhabitants of the city and ter- ritory of Dantzic, the circle of Culm and Mi- chelau, the town of Thorn, and its territory, in- forming them of their restoration to their ancient connections, and of their intended participation in the constitution planned for all his majesty's subjects in the provincial government of West Prussia. gº A royal decree, published on May 25th, laid be- fore the Prussian nation the plan of that repre- sentation of the people which was to be the basis of the future constitution of the monarchy. The following were its principal Fº the pro- vincial assemblies, where still existing, are to be re-established and modelled according to the exi- gences of the time; and where at present there are no such assemblies, they are to be introduced. From these, the assembly of representatives of the kingdom is to be formed, which is to sit at Berlin, and the functions of which are to extend to deliberating upon all those objects of legisla- tion which concern the personal right of citizens, and their property, including taxation. A com- mittee is to be formed at Berlin, of officers of state, and inhabitants of the provinces, nominated and presided over by the chancellor, for the pur- pose of organizing the provincial assemblies and the national representation, and framing a consti- tution according to the principles laid down, which is to meet on the 1st of September ensuing. If in this declaration of the royal will the rudi- ments of a free government can be discerned, it must be acknowledged that a great number of essential points are left wholly indeterminate, and that the sovereign has bound himself to nothing which might not as readily be made an instru- ment, as a check, of regal authority. The other part of the Duchy of Warsaw and Russian Poland was erected into a kingdom. On the 30th of April, the Emperor Alexander ad- dressed to the president of the Polish senate at Warsaw, a letter, announcing that the fate of their country had been unanimously decideo by the powers assembled in Congress, and that he had assumed the title of King of Poland. “The kingdom (said the emperor) will be united with Russia by the bond of its own constitution. If the great interest of general tranquillity has not permitted the union of all the Poles under the same sceptre, I have, at least, endeavoured to alleviate, as much as possible, the pain of the separation, and to obtain for them every where the peaceful enjoyment of their nationality.” The part to be taken by the Swiss Cantons en the renewal of war between the allied powers and France, was necessarily regarded as a matter of importance; and, on May 6th, the ministers of the four great powers at Zurich delivered a note on the subject to the diet then sitting. They be- gan with applauding the determination expressed by the Helvetic body, at the moment of Bona- parte's return to France, of taking up arms to defend its frontiers, and avert the disorders with which all Europe was menaced by this event. They proceeded to mention the compact entered into by the sovereigns at the Congress of Vienna for subverting this usurpation, and their invitation to the rest of Europe to accede to it, which had been accepted; and they announced, that they had been commissioned by these powers to re- present to the diet their confident expectation that Switzerland, by a formal declaration, would adopt the same principles, and concert with them the measures necessary for opposing the common danger. They affirmed, however, that the allied powers were far from proposing to Switzerland that it should display any other force than such as was proportioned to the resources and usages of its people; and that their only desire was, that the confederation would assume an energetic attitude, and adopt measures commensurate to the extra- ordinary circumstances of the time. They said that they had received instructions from their courts, to regulate, by a convention, the footing on which Switzerland was to stand in this asso. ciation, and they requested the diet to nominate plenipotentiaries for negociating with them. The diet, in its answer, after explicitly assert- ing its resolution to oppose, with all its might, a power which threatens, the peace, independ. ence, and rights of all nations, intimated that the part to be taken by twenty-two little republics united for mutual security, must naturally be that of the vigorous defence of their frontiers. For this purpose, they said, that more than 30,000 men had been set on foot; in return for such exertion, Switzerland expected, from the OF THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 1375 bindness of the allied powers, that their armies would respectits territory, till itshould call for their aid. If, however, any thing was to be done to fix, in a more precise manner, the political relations of the confederation with the allied powers, the diet was ready to listen to overtures, and had com- missioned three persons (narged) to enter into a negociation with the ministers. In every case, however, the right was reserved to the cantons of taking a definitive resolution on this head, and giving validity to these arrangements by consti- tutionaliy confirming them. The result of this determination of the diet was a convention, by the articles of which, Switzer- land declared its formal adhesion to the system of the four allied powers; and, on the other hand, the sovereigns promised, that on the con- clusion of a general peace, all the advantages conferred on Switzerland by the Congress of Vienna should be secured to it. The confedera- tion bound itself to have in the field an army sufficient as well to cover its frontiers from the enemy, as to impede any attempt on that side against the forces of the allies. Various articles were inserted in favor of Switzerland, and pecu- niary assistance was offered to those cantons which should not be able to support a protracted armament. The signature of the convention by both parties was dated May 20th, and deputations immediately went to their respective cantons to attend the deliberations on the subject. Although every country.in Europe was making exertions to co-operate in the war against France, it was evident that Sweden did net intend to take any part in the approaching contest. At the diet of Sweden, which opened at Stockholm in March, the King delivered a speech remarkable for the very high terms in which he mentioned the crown- prince. Speaking of the dangerous state of the country when he ascended the throne, he said, “By your unanimous choice a hero was placed at my side. By him all your hopes and mine were animated. The dangers which loured at a distance vanished before the lightning of his sword, and all contending spirits were pacified by the benignity of his countenance.”... After al- luding to the new contest for the liberties of Europe, in which their country, bore a part, “My son, however, (said he) did not draw his sword merely to raise the honor of the warriors of Sweden to its former lustre, he had, as well as myself, a higher and more important end in view.” This was explained to be the union of Nor- way with Sweden; on the effectuating of which, the assembly was warmly congratulated: the eulogy on the prince was brought to a climax, by pro- nouncing him more worthy of the choice of the states, than any one who had worn the crown of the Great Gustavus Adolphus. The degraded state to which Spain was reduced 94. after the return of the king, by a relapse to arbi- BOOK XV. trary government, had rendered her, at the close of the year 1814, an object of little concern to the rest of Europe; and particularly had deprived her of the interest taken in her fate by those warm friends in England, who had indulged the hope of seeing light and liberty extending their beneficial influence through a country of ancient renown. It was long expected that the name which the Spanish nation had received during its contest for independence, and the liberal sen- timents with which it had been impregnated, would have produced a struggle against the violences of despotism and bigotry; but experience seemed to prove that it was only an inconsiderable minority who had inbibed the spirit of freedom and im- provement, and that the general mass was still fitted only for slavery and superstition. The Spanish government, at the beginning of the year, appears to have been chiefly intent upon fitting out the long delayed expedition for re- ducing the insurgents in South America, and in putting an end to all attempts at home to propa- gate obnoxious opinions. A proclamation was is- sued in January by the inquisitor-general, which, after reciting the pope's bull against free-masons and other secret societies, takes notice of the con- nection formed by a number of Spaniards, who had resided in foreign countries, with societies “ leading to sedition, insubordination, and to every error and crime,” and summons them within a fortnight to return to the bosom of the church, which is ready to receive them with becoming tenderness, denouncing, at the same time, all the penalties inflicted by the civil and canon law against such as shall “continue obstinate in the path of perdition.” When Bonaparte subverted the Bourbon throne of France, it was natural that a king of the same family should join the league of sove- reigns to dispossess the usurper; but Spain was too much reduced, and its throne too weakly filled, to take an active part on the occasion; and it was not till the month of May that Ferdi- nand VII. ventured to declare himself united with the allied powers who published the decla- ration of the 13th of March. This manifesto was characterized by the feeble and circumstantial prolixity common in the state-papers issued by the Spanish court; and the nation was par- ticularly called upon to interest itself in the war, as being undertaken against an enemy of religion. Previously to this warlike manifesto, the Spanish minister at Vienna had presented to Prince Metternich a requisition on the part of the king for the delivery of the states of Parma, Pla- centia, and Guastalla, then occupied by Austrian troops, to the Infant Charles Louis, King of Etruria, as their lawful possessor. The reason- ing on which this demand was founded turned 15 T g g * CHAP. V. 1815. 1376 HISTORY OF THE WARS ROOK XV. CHAP. W. ! SH 5. z- upon the facts, that the powers who by the treaty of Fontainebleau hestowed these duchies upon the Arehduchess Maria Louisa, disposed of what did not belong to them, since military occupation confers no right; and that the same powers having, by their declaration in Congress ou March 13th, announced that the above treaty was broken by the forcible entrance of Bonaparte into France, it can no longer be an obstacke to an act of just restitution. From a subsequent protest to the Spanish minister, dated June 5th, it appeats that the Congress had paid no attention to this requisition ; and had likewise offended his catho- lic majesty by recommending to him the cession of Olivenza to Portugal. Such was the degree of estimation in which this government was held abroad At home the system of rigorous and unrelenting persecution was still persisted in against the whole party of liberales, together with the re-establishment of civil and ecclesiastical authority, in its most arbitrary forms. With respect to Portugal, it was expected that she would cheerfully embark in the contest. That country had been, if possible, more indebted to Great Britain than even Spain, for her liberation from French tyranny ; and, in consequence, it was supposed, that, at the request of the British ministry, they would send a considerable body of troops against France. But when application was made to them, on the part of the British government, to send part of the Portuguese army into France, they absolutely refused their assent, alleging, as an excuse, that without the authority of the Prince-regent of Portugal, they could not permit any troops to leave the kingdom. This conduct of the Portuguese government was un- doubtedly extraordinary, considering the exertions the British had made in their cause. The Por- tuguese army, which was not at this time needed at home, had attained to a high degree of disci- pline and bravery, through the exertions of Bri- tish officers; and a feeling of gratitude towards Britain, united with a sense of their own interest, ought to have induced the Portuguese regency to have acted in union with the allies on this import- ant occasion. The Emperor of Russia was actuated by a very different spirit: all the resources of his mighty empire were put in requisition with a promptitude and celerity truly astonishing, when we consider its immense extent, and the great deficiency which exist in it with respect to mutual communication. From the confines of the wall of China troops were drawn : the Cossacks, who had been so use- ful in the Russian campaign, and who, during the invasion of France, in 1814, had inspired such terror, were again called forth. The Emperor . Alexander himself again took the field; and as he was extremely popular with all the tribes of his empire, his presence gave undoubted assurance —º -sº wº-mºs that the Russians would worthily act their part in the great drama which was about to be performed. Of the occurrences in Italy, during the early part of this year, the most important have been already related in the war with Austria and Mu- rat, and the revolution at Naples. The determi- nation of the Congress, with respect to the late kingdom of Italy, was made known by the fol- iowing proclamation, which was issued by the Emperor of Austria, on the 14th of April:— “ In consequence of the treaties concluded with the allied powers, and further conventions, con- cluded with them, the provinces of Lombardy and Venice, in their whole extent, as far as Lago Magiore, the river Ticino, and the Po, together with part of the territory of Mantua on the right bank of the latter river, also the province of the Waltelin, the counties of Chiavenna at d Bormio, are incorporated with the Austrian imperial do- minions, and united for ever to them as an inte- gral part. “Animated with the most ardent desire to con- fer on the inhabitants of these provinces and dis- tricts an unequivocal proof of our imperial affec- tion, and the high value we set upon this union, and also to give them an additional guarantee for the close ties which henceforth bind them to us, we have thought fit to create the above-mentioned provinces and districts into a kingdom, by the title of the kingdom of Lombardy and Venice, and have, therefore, published these presents, for the purpose of making known to every one this our imperial determination.” Here follow the articles, fifteen in number.— Among other provisions it appears, that the iron crown and the order with that title are to be re- tained, that the kingdom is to be governed by a viceroy, and divided into two governments, of which Milan and Venice shall be the capitals, Public cpinion in England was much divided with respect to the policy of going to war with France, many considering that we had no right to meddle with the internal affairs of that country, and also that our finances were in too bad a state to enter into another war, the result of which might, perhaps, be disastrous. This appeared to be the general opinion out of parliament; and the cities of London and Westminster, and the borough of Southwark, presented addresses to the throne against the war. The British government, however, having got the support of the houses of lords and commons, supplies were voted for the service of the year, to the amount of nearly 90,000,000l. Mr. Tierney, on this occasion, said, that the present was one of the most alarming budgets ever laid before parliament; and a sum that was calculated to stagger even the most sanguine. According to a statement which Mr. Tierney read to the house, it appears, that in 1808 the war expenditure amounted to 45,000,000 in lººkoº ºr sº ºne lºssºs. ſº Yº --- O º º º ------- Gººyººyº : OF THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 1377 ** * *s ºr rº i809 to 50,000,000; in 1810 to 46,000,000; in 1811 to 52,000,000; in 1812 to 55,000,000; in 1813 to 57,000,000; in 1814 to 63,000,000; and last of all, in 1815, to 72,000,000 ! It was one of the mischiefs in which we were now placed, that from the general condition of our finances, the depreciation of our commerce, and the fall of the exchanges, our expenditure was constantly in- creasing. We shall here offer a few remarks on the re- venue, and amount of the national debt of Great Britain, for the purpose of shewing in what con- dition she was in, at this period, for entering into a foreign war. The two principal branches of the revenue of this country, prior to the French revolutionary wars, consisted in the custom and excise-duties; the former being principally levied on the import and export of certain articles, the latter on arti- cles during their home-consumption; supposing the rate of duty to have continued the same in both these branches, it is evident that, if they in- creased, the increase must have arisen, with res- pect to the customs, from the increase of foreign trade; and, with respect to the excise, from the increase of home-consumption ; in both cases in- dicating an increase of wealth in the nation at large. Now the fact is, that both the customs .# excise have been much more productive (even taking them at the old rate) latterly than they were formerly. The same remarks may be made with regard to all the sources of permanent Te W6 Il U16, Before the revolution in this country the usual, as well as the war expenses that were incurred, were defrayed almost entirely from money raised within the year, from the people at large: of course no debt was incurred; or, where there was a debt, it was to a trifling amount, and soon paid off. Soon after the revolution, a different system was begun: in order to give the wealthy classes of the community an interest in supporting the revolution, the system of borrowing was adopted; and the money thus borrowed was not to be repaid, at least immediately, by the state. The creditors received interest for their money, and had it in their power to sell that interest, the punctual payment of which rested on the faith of the nation, and the taxes paid by them:—the in- terest of the money thus borrowed, constituted what are called the public funds; and the price of the public funds varies, as may be supposed, from different causes. At the commencement of the national debt, it is probable that the state of the country, as indicating the stability or instabi- hity of the new government, principally affected the price of the funds. They are also still affected by the same cause: but they are also affected by another circumstance; for, as they partake, in every respect, of the nature of a commodity which is regularly bought and sold, their price must vary according to the proportion between the supply and demand: when there is much stock in the market, or, in other words, when there are many people who are anxious to dispose of their right to the interest of the national debt, while there are comparatively few who wish to exchange their capital for stock, the price of stocks must fall; and they will rise as often as the reverse takes place, that is, when there is a demand for more stock than there is in the market. But to return from these remarks, which in this place are digressive from the main subject of this part of the chapter. The mode of borrowing during war, for the purpose of defraying the cur- rent expenses of the year, it is plain, enabled governinent to spend more than if they had con- fined themselves to the old plan of raising all the supplies within the year. This plan of borrowing for all the expenses of the year, was pursued till a few years after the commencement of the first French revolutionary war. At this period, Mr. Pitt resolved to raise part of the supplies within the year during which they were wanted. To this he was induced by different reasons. In the first place, the frequent recurrence of large loans had an unfavorable effect on the public funds.-- This we shall easily conceive must be the case, when we reflect, that by every loan new stock was necessarily created, while the ability to pur- chase stock was, at least for a time, diminished, by withdrawing money to the aimount of the loan from the market: in the second place, the com- mercial exertions of the country were necessarily cramped by large and frequent loans; and, lastly, the national debt was greatly increased. For these reasons principally, and that the generation which engaged in the war might, as they justly ought, pay more of the burthen of it than poste- rity, Mr. Pitt had recourse to what are called the war-taxes; that is, taxes which, as their name Im- plies, were to cease with the war, and which were raised not to pay the interest of a debt already contracted, or of any loans, but to defray current expenses. Of these war-taxes, that on income was the most considerable and productive; it likewise deviated most from the nature of the regular taxes of the country: the other war-taxes consisted principally in additional duties of customs and excise, which, however, were kept separate from the regular du- ties under those heads. The income-tax was le- vied on the principle that every person ought to pay towards the support and exigences of the state, in proportion to his means; which, of course, would be in proportion to the stake he possessed in the country? in this point it differed from all the other taxes; for it is evident that they touch expenditure only, not income or property; and, therefore, a person of the largest fortune, and who, BOOK XV. Ch A P. W. Jºvº-' 1815. 1378 HISTORY OF THE WARS BOOK XV. CHAP. W. v_s^^_/ 1 blj. +- therefore, is most deeply interested in the support of the state, may contribute very little towards that support, provided he is a man of small ex- penditure. º By having recourse to those taxes, Mr. Pitt was enabled to make more advantageous loans than he otherwise would have done ; to have re- course to them less frequently, and to keep up the stocks. The income-tax, being found very productive at five per cent, the rate at which it was first laid, and being a tax levied at comparatively little ex- pense, was raised first to six and a half, and af. terwards to ten per cent. Thus there are two distinct branches of our re. venue, one consisting of the permanent taxes, and the other of the war or temporary taxes: the total produce of them both, during the last year of the war, was upwards of 78,000,000: of this enormous sum about 8,000,000 was expended in defraying the expense of collection; leaving 68,000,000 to be paid net into the exchequer. This, of course, consisted partly of the produce of the permanent, and partly of the produce of the war-taxes; and as the produce of each is kept quite distinct, the produce of the former was ascertained to be in round numbers about 44,000,000, and of the latter about 24,000,000; of this 24,000,000, the income- tax alone produced about 14,000,000. We shall now proceed to the national debt, the interest of which amounted to about 44,000,000. The national debt began in the time of King William ; at first, loans were had recourse to in anticipation of the produce of taxes, which were imposed for a certain number of years; but the produce being frequently insufficient for paying the principal and interest of these loans, within the period for which the taxes were imposed, it became necessary to prolong the original term : by this means a debt was incurred, the total amount of which, at the end of the year 1716, amounted to upwards of 48,000,000. This was afterwards reduced, by the operation of a sinking-fund, to about 37,000,000; and, in the year 1737, the in- terest of the public debt was reduced from five to four per cent. Soon afterwards encroachments were made on the sinking-fund, so that the whole sum paid of, from its establishment in 1716 to 1739, was only about 8,000,000; at this latter period, the total amount of the national debt was upwards of 47,000,000. The war which then began, in- creased it to upwards of 78,000,000; but, in the year 1749, government were enabled, by a rise in the funds, to reduce the interest on upwards of 57,000,000 of the debt from four to three and a half per cent, and afterwards to three per cent. ; this increased the activity and power of the sink- ing-fund, which must have operated to great ad- vantage had it not been diverted from its proper and usual purpose. The total amount of the debt 2 _*- at the commencement of the war in 1756, was upwards of 74,000,000; at the end of the war, in the year 1763, it had risen to upwards of 136,000,000, exclusive of the unfunded debt. After the peace in 1763, the income of the sink- ing-fund increased considerably; during the twelve years of peace, ending in the year 1775, there were discharged about 10,500,000 of the public debt. During the American war the debt was greatly increased : the loans at first were small, only 2 or 2,500,000; but, in 1782, the loan was 13,500,000: the total debt incurred by the American war amounted to upwardsofl 15,000,000, and the interest on it to upwards of 5,000,000 per annum: the total amount of the national debt, funded and unfunded, was, on the 5th of J anuary, 1786, upwards of 286,000,000, and the interest payable on it upwards of 9,000,000. A new sinking-fund was now established, the policy of which we shall afterwards examine; by the opé. ration of it, the total amount of the national débt in 1792 was reduced to about 238,000,000; the annual interest, and the allowance for the manage- ment of which, amounted to upwards of 9,000,000. The total amount of the loans raised during the first revolutionary war amounted to upwards” of 200,000,000, by which a debt was created of up- wards of 300,000,000; the second revolutionar war was equally expensive, so that at its termi. nation, in the year 1815, the total funded and unfunded debt amounted to upwards of 1,000,000,000. Such is a brief sketch of the rise, progress, and present amount of the national debt; and, certainly, nothing in this extraordinary nation is so extraordinary as the amount of this 3. Long before it had reached one quarter of its present amount, it was confidently predicted, by some of the most acute men that this or any other country ever produced, that it had nearly reached its li- mits, and that a national bankruptcy was at hand. These predictions were falsified by the event; but when the expenses of the revolutionary wars were seen, and the trade of this country was exposed to the evils of those wars, it was repeated, with redoubled confidence, that those predictions must necessarily soon be verified. We shall now advert to the sinking-fund, con- fining our remarks to that which was established by Mr. Pitt. “By the act passed in 1786, for establishing the new iºd, the annual sum of 1,000,000 was placed in the hands of commissioners, who are, the speaker of the house of commons, the chancellor of the exchequer, the master of the rolls, the accountant-general of the court of chan- cery, and the governor and deputy-governor of the bank of England for the time being respec- tively. This milliºn was to be issued in four equal quarterly payments, and to be applied either OF THE FRENch REVOLUTION. #379 *=s* —w- sº-trº- in paying off such redeemable annuities as shall be at or above par, in such manner as may be directed by future acts of parliament, or in the purchase of annuities below par at the market price. The dividends on the sums redeemed or purchased, with the annuities for lives or terms of years that fall in or expire, and the sums which may be saved by any reduction of interest, were to be added to the fund, which, according to the original act, was to continue thus increasing till it amounted to 4,000,000 per annum; which it was then computed would be about the year 1812, when upwards of 56,000,000 of stock would be redeemed. From this time the dividends on such capital as should in future be paid off or purchased by the commissioners, with such an- nuities as might afterwards fall in, were to be at the disposal of parliament. “The commissioners were directed by the act to make their purchases ‘in equal portions, as nearly as may be, on every day, (Saturdays and Mondays excepted) on which the same shall be transferable.” They were empowered to subscribe towards any public loan to be raised by act of parliament, upon perpetual annuities, subject to redemption at par; and an account of the sums issued to them, and of the stock purchased to the 1st of February in every year, was directed to be annually laid before parliament on or before the 15th of February. The purchases at first were all made in the 3 per cents, probably with the view of redeeming the 5 per cents. if the state of the public funds should render such a measure practicable, or of inducing the proprietors to agree to a reduction of the interest at the time when they would become redeemable. “On the 17th of February, 1792, the minister proposed, for the purpose of accelerating the ope- ration of the fund, that the sum of 400,000l. should be issued in addition to the annual million; and stated that, in consequence of this and future in- tended additions, it might be expected that 25,000,000 of 3 per cents. would be paid off by the year 1800; and that in the year 1808 the fund would have arisen to 4,000,000 per annum, being the sum to which it was restricted by the original act. The accumulation, however, was not to cease till the interest of the capital discharged, and the amount of expired annuities, should, to- gether with the annual million only, and exclusive of the proposed additions, amount to 4,000,000. But the most important improvement was a pro- vision, that, whenever in future any sums shall be raised by loans, on perpetual redeemable annui- ties, a sum equal to one per cent. on the stock created by such loans should be issued out of the roduce of the consolidated-fund quarterly, to be placed to the account of the commissioners; and if the loan, or any part, is raised by annuities, for a longer term than forty-five years, or for lives, a $94. computation is to be made of what will be, at the end of forty-five years, the actual value of such part of the annuities as may be then outstanding, and the sum to be placed to the account of the commissioners is to be equal to one per cent, on this computed future value. By this means the immediate progress of the fund was accelerated, and future loans were put into a regular course of redemption. “This appropriation of one per cent, was to form a distinct fund; and a separate account was directed to be kept of the progress of each fund, by which it appeared, that on the 1st of February, 1802, the original fund had increased to 2,534,1871. 1s. 9d, and the new fund to 3,275,1431, 2s. 8d. It was now deemed expedient to unite the two funds, and to apply the whole amount indiscriminately to the reduction of the total debt. With this view, the former injudicious limitation of a fund estab- lished professedly on the principle of compound- interest was done away; the usual annual grant of 200,000l. per annum was made a permanent charge upon the consolidated-fund; and the whole amount of the sinking-fund was directed to be re- gularly applied to the purchase or redemption of stock, “so as that the whole of the several re- deemable public annuities, now charged upon the public funds of Great Britain, shall be paid off within forty-five years from the respective periods of the creation of such respective charges and public annuities.” In the year 1814, the chancellor of the exehe- quer thought it safe and proper to make use of part of the sinking-fund; and this he did, with- out infringing the terms, or counteracting the views on which it was established by Mr. Pitt; for by this time it had paid off an amount of debt equal to that which existed at the period of its establishment. In the early part of the year, the internal tran- quillity of England had undergone some disturb- ance, though in the larger portion of the empire not to a degree materially affecting the public peace. The re-introduction into parliament of a bill to prohibit the importation of corn, except when it had reached a price considered by the great body of consumers as exorbitant, re-kindled the animosity of the inferior classes against the le- gislature; and the metropolis was, for some days, in a state of tumult and outrage which excited serious apprehensions in the government, and caused strong measures to be resorted to for quell- ing the popular commotion. This was with little difficulty effected, after several obnoxious indivi- duals had been sufferers from the usual mischiefs of riotous mobs, directed against windows and furniture. In some parts of the country, violences of a similar kind were perpetrated, though in a less degree. 15 U. BOOK XV. CHAP. W. Jºvº 1815. 1380 HISTORY OF THE WARS CHAPTER VI. Proceedings of the French Government.—Positions and Strength of the French and allied Armies. — Observations—Bonaparte prepares to quit Paris–Reeeives Addresses from the two Chambers. —His Reply to the Chambers.-His Departure for the Army.—Reflections on the approaching Contest.—Biographical Sketch of Marshal Blucher.—Arrival of Bonaparte at the Army.-His Proclamation to his Soldiers.-Invasion of the Netherlands.-Commencement of Hostilities.— Capture of Charleroy.—Retreat of the Prussians.—Battle of Ligny.—Battle of Quatre Bras- Loss on both Sides.—Retreat of the Allies. WHEN the French government had clearly as- certained that the allied powers had really deter- mined on war, and that the British parliament had voted large subsidies, they made the most vigorous preparations for meeting the approach- ing storm. Till the decision of the British par- liament was known, it seems that they had some reason for believing that, notwithstanding the mighty preparations of the allies, war would not take place. Whether this was their opinion or not, it is certain that they endeavoured to instil it into the minds of the French people; and the French press, during the months of April and May, teemed with accounts from different parts of ɺ. for the purpose of shewing that the allies were at variance in their views, and that public opinion was against a war with France. At the same time, the French papers, in several articles which they inserted, no doubt accordin to orders, endeavoured to convince the #. with what dread the allied powers viewed the talents and power of the emperor, in the event of war. Of the plans and dispositions of the allies they gave the following account. “Hitherto the cabinets have formed no other plan than that of holding themselves on the defensive, and the idea generally prevails, that to attack France would be to repeat the faults of 1793, to give to the war that national character the force of which is terrible. This opinion is so fixed, that the enemies of France rely much on the enterprising character of Napoleon, and hope that he will be the first to attack. This they wish for, because then the national feeling would be weakened, and would be transposed to the Germans, who would overwhelm the French with their mass. No man of sense can venture to advise the invasion of France. The people do not wish for war. It is certain that Lord Wellington has been requested to draw up a plan of campaign, and that his #. has replied he had none to give, that he id not sufficiently know the spirit which reigned in France. But that, as a general principle, and still more from late events, the soldiers com- manded by the emperor could only be attacked by forces double their number. Such are, in the most exact truth, the position of affairs, and the disposition of mind of both parties.” $ f In a few days a similar article appeared. “It was decided,” says this article, “in a council, on the 4th and 5th of April, at Vienna, to prosecute the war upon a systematic plan—not to assume the offensive till all the troops be in line—to Inake sieges in order that a double and triple line of fortresses may hot be left in their rear. Not to give battle to the emperor except with double the number of troops of every armé. The Duke of Wellington has a plan of his own for all the aflies, and for all the operations in general, even for Italy, but he will not disclose it until all the allies are ready to commence hostilities. The allies distrust the Swiss—they dread the French army; but fear still more that the nation will take a part in the war. There is great dissensions amongst the Prussians, Austrians, and Bavarians, at Mentz.” Continuing the same system, as the danger drew nearer and increased, they endeavoured to lessen its strength. “The allies will not be ready to take the field before the end of July. It is not thought that, excluding Italy, they can have more than 350,000 effective men. The poverty and disorder of the finances become more manifest every day in Austria. Wherever the Austrians and Prussians meet they quarrel. The Poles evinced much discontent. The officers of the troops belonging to the former Rhenish confede- ration openly declare, that the humiliation of France would be the absolute ruin of the inde- pendence of their countries. Opinions were much divided at Berlin. It was considered un- just and impolitic to attack France. It was con- sidered absurd, that Austria should complete the ruin of her finances, by a war contrary to her interests. The interest for the young French Prince (Napoleon) was daily increasing at Vienna. That young prince is remarkable for a precocity of understanding. He is very impatient to return to France, and says, every day, “shall we go soon ?? This august infant is endowed with in- describable intelligence.” - About a fortnight before this, a French paper, in speaking of the Emperor of Russia, observed, “The Emperor Alexander appears very warm. He declares, on all occasions, #. he wished no- thing of the French, that he despised the Bour- bons, that they were a degenerate race, but that OF THE FRENCH REVG LUTION. *~ 1381 2 —u— he would bever consent to the Emperor Napo- leon's reigning over France, that his honor was engaged in it. It is said, that while thus talking in company, Madame Bagrathion, who was known for her enmity to Napoleon during his greatness, but who has since changed and become one of his panegyrics, availing herself of the right, which she arrogates to herself of saying every thing in company, replied to Alexander, “But, sire, if you consider this as an affair of honor with Napoleon, why don't you send him a challenge $ Judging from his character, I doubt not but he would ac- cept of it, and then you would have no occasion again to send against France armies of 100,000 men, 10,000 Cossacks, and trains of artillery.” The Princess Esterhazy, and many other ladies present, applauded this. Sensible people at Wi- enna treat it as ridiculous to march so many armed men, when it is declared that one man only was the object. It is also told of Lord Stewart, that hearing it disputed whether Napoleon had a right to violate the treaty of the 11th of April, he said, ‘Since they talked of rights, Napoleon had them all on his side ; that no engagement had been kept towards him or his family, that he had re- peatedly made this remark but to no purpose, and that, in point of justice, the matter was balanced. Men of generous souls throughout Germany are disgusted with the declaration of the 13th of March. The Austrian court is very gloomy. The Poles were in the most lively, indignation. The Archduke Charles refused to take a com- mand, and it is confirmed that he said, ‘the dam- ger is not on the side of Paris, but of Peters- burgh. By marching against Napoleon we should march against all France. I will not meddle with this war, I see nothing in it but disasters,’” . But whether the allies were in earnest or not, the French government-prepared for the worst. Every town in France, from Paris to the frontiers, of any consequence, was fortified. The capital itself and the country was covered with fortifica- tions or covering with them. “ All the fortresses on the northern frontiers,” said the Moniteur, “. from Dunkirk to Charlemont, are armed and provisioned. The sluices are prepared and will be opened to inundate the country, on the first hostile movement that takes place. Some works have been constructed in the forest of Mormole. Measures have been taking to make entrengh- ments in the different passes of the forest of Argone. All the fortresses in Lorraine are ready. Some entrenchments have been constructed in the five passes of the Vosges. The fortresses in Alsace are armed. Orders have been given to defend the passes of the Jura, and all the frontiers of the Alps. They are preparing the fortresses of the Somme, which are in the third line. In the interior, Guise, La Fere, Vitry, Soissons, Chateau, Thierry, and Langres, are arming and fortifying. —r—r-ma-r-E - Orders have been given to construct works upon BOOK XV. the heights of Montmartie and Menil Montant, and arm them with 300 pieces of cannon. His Chaº. VI. majesty has also ordered that Lyons shall be put in a state of defence; a téte-du-pont will be formed at Brotteaux, and the draw-bridge of La Guillotierre is re-establishing. The ground be- tween the Saone and the Rhone will be fortified; some redoubts are preparing to be constructed in front of this ground. A redoubt will be con- structed on the heights of Pierre en Sise, to sup- port a work which defends the town on the right bank. The heights commanding the quarter of St. Jean, on the bank of the Saone, will be de- fended with several redoubts; eighty pieces of cannon, with the necessary ammunition, are pro- ceeding towards Lyons. Sisteron, and Pont St. Esprit, will be placed in a state of defence. The works around Paris have been laid out with skill. All that part of Paris, from the heights of Mont- martre to those of Belleville and Charonne, and thence to Vincennes, will be secured against at- tack. The canal which receives the waters of the Ourcq, and conveys them to St. Denys, will render the left unassailable; the fort constructed half- way between the barrier of the Throne and Vincennes, by taking advantage of the old walls, will place the right in equilibrium with the centre and the left. The artillery at Vincennes is ready.” z At length, finding the general councils of Europe were decided and unanimous, the French government changed their mode of attack; and proclaiming war as inevitable, they endeavoured to stir up and bring into full play all the fiercest passions, prejudices, hatred, and vanity, of the whole French population. They described the resolute intentions of the allies to be to inflict every possible enormity and cruelty upon the French nation, particularly the military part of it. According to them these were doomed to endless captivity or death; and the people, after their property being laid waste, to the most servile chains and bondage.—“ The Prussians,” said they, “shew great resentment towards the French; and are disposed to do all possible mischief to France, should the war commence. The Austrian and Bavarian officers speak of nothing but burn- ing, plundering, and other severe treatment to France. Such language has already been held at Vienna. On the 3d and 4th of April, it was agreed by the allies at Vienna, that all the French prisoners of war should be sent to the extremity of Russia, and neither be restored nor exchanged. Those who choose to serve will be sent to the army of Caucasus, others may form colonies, and those who refuse to do any thing are to be sold for slaves. The other allied powers are to treat the prisoners they make with all the severity and contempt due to the conduct of a nation which Jºvº/ 1815. _* | 3S2 HISTORY OF THE WARS BOOKXV. arrogates to itself the right of choosing its govern- CHAP. VI. \-ºvº- 1815. ment.” Not content, however, with fabricating these things at Paris, as the work of foreign cor- respondents, on whose veracity they could reiy, they boldly took a higher flight; and, by endea- vouring to stain the character of him whose arms they dreaded, whose sword they were yet to feel, they tried to stimulate the rage of their adherents to madness against the British army and their allies. Forging a proclamation in the name of Welling- ton, they caused it to be published, with notes thereon, and to be circulated throughout France. In it they made him address the French nation in a manner which they supposed would wound their pride, and awaken their passions to a desire of re- sistance and revenge. In this document Lord Wellington was made to say, “I raise my voice in the name of your king and his allies, to recal you to the sentiments of submission * and peace. Frenchmen what do you expect by attaching yourselves to the fate of the violator of treaties? of a man without right and without power? Frenchmen we cannot believe, we cannot sup- pose, that his furious ambition can have influence sufficient, so far to seduce you, as to produce a belief in the success of his insane projects. + We know his forces, we are acquainted with his means. We do not deceive ourselves in declaring to you, that all his efforts will only serve to make him fall with more certainty into our hands. No, French- men, I must repeat it, it is not on the nation we mean to make war, but on Bonaparte and his soldiers. : Woe to them who shall join him Woe to the rebel provinces ! Do not imagine that Bonaparte can brave with impunity the so- vereign authority of so many crowned heads; $ or that offended Europe will consent to have in vain made enormous sacrifices for replacing the Bour- bons on the throne of France, Iſ when the repose and the interests of nations require that they should be maintained thereon. But did not these eircumstances exist, one rule more powerful would render it necessary to resume arms a second time—that of punishing the factious horde by * “My lord, you need not preach peace to us; on that point we are all converts. As to submission, we do not understand that language.” f “Yes, my lord, we are sufficiently deceived, sufficiently misled, to think that we shall resist all Europe, if all Europe do not resist the most insane of projects.” # “Qo his soldiers l—Think, my lord, on those words.” § “ The sovereign of Frenchmen does not re- cognise the authority of any crowned head.” | “That is to say, that France should indem- nify Europe for the enormous sacrifices made to subjugate us.” —ºr which the present troubles have been fomented, and which has dared to pronounce against the unanimous wish of all the European monarchies. Yes, French- men, henceforth Europe, united and moved by the same interest, must form but one single power, and the sovereigns a supreme corporation, upon which will be raised the solid pedestal of the peace and happiness of nations. The allied sovereigns replaced Louis XVIII. on the throne of his an- cestors, and proclaimed the reign of the family of Bourbon, until its extinction, over the French people." . They now take up arms to restore and confirm that dynasty—to support the cause of kings, and to give an imposing example of sove- reign authority to all nations. This they have sworn in the face of the universe. Within a few days, 1,200,000 men will pass your frontiers, and occupy your provinces.**Ishall cause the provinces which submit to be respected, but I shall be under the necessity of punishing the rebel population.” The malignity of this odious fabrication was only equalled by its absurdity. It must #. a mean idea of the intellect and energies of the na- tion, where only falsehood could stimulate them to defence ; and the lowest opinion of the head and the heart of that government which could de- grade itself in using such expedients to consoli- date or defend its power. Events were now rapidly approaching to a crisis. The decision of the British legislature dissipated all those doubts and fears of any luke- warmness of any power on the Continent. The allied forces were arriving daily on the French frontiers on every side. But before we proceed to detail the military operations, we shall here endeavour to enumerate the strength of the French and allied armies; and, as distinctly as possible, state their positions and the objects which they had in view. St. Jean d’Angely, in his jº stated the total number of the French army to be 375,000 of every description. To this, must be added the imperial-guard, which amount- ed, as a separate force, to 40,000 men. This made the French army 415,000 strong; but it is, how- ever, probable, that a considerable number of these had not joined the armies on the frontiers. The regular forces, however, at least those that were effective, were all disposable for the field, as the national-guards were appointed to garrison all the fortified towns and forts. The numbers * “That is to say, that the allied sovereigns have proclaimed themselves arbiters of the des- tinies of France. My lord, what would you say were similar language to be addressed to the people of Great Britain 3—Nay, what would you do?” ** “ This is not quite certain. This predic- tion savours a little of the Brussels Oracle.” of THE FRENCH REvolution. H383 assigned to this service, amounted to about 200,000; but none had as yet been called out to join the re- gular armies; though there cannot be a doubt but it was in contemplation. The mayors of all the towns had orders to levy the people en masse in case of invasion; and free corps were orga- nizing in many of the departments. The federes also formed a considerable force; and if the war had been prosperous, they would probably have been called out to recruit the forces of Napoleon. . The regular forces were divided into eight armies: viz. the army of the North; the army of the Moselle; the army of the Rhine; a corps of observa- tion collecting at Befort; the army of the Alps, formed at Chamberry; the corps of observation of the War, formed at Antibes; the corps of observa- tion formed at Perpignan and Bourdeaux; and the army of reserve formed at Laon and at Paris. ..The force in each of these armies was estimated as follows:– Army of the North, including that of Moselle, and consisting of five corps 130,000 Army of the Rhine, under General Rapp, fifth corps . . . . . . . . 30,000 Army at Befort, under General Le- ... courbe, seventh corps . . . . . 30,000 At Besançon . . . . . . . . . 20,000 Army of the Alps, under Marshal .* Suchet . . . . . . . . . . . . 30,000 At Antibes, &c. under Marshal Brune 10,000 Between Lyons and Geneva . . . 10,000 Army of the Pyrenees, under General Clausel . . . . . . . . . 15,000 In La Vendée, under, General La- marque . . . . . . . . . . . 15,000 Garrison of Paris . . . . . . . 15,000 *** * * Total regulars . . 305,000 . The whole of these troops, except those in the south of France, under Lamarque, Clausel, &c. were, on the 14th of June, actually in the field. This force was certainly very formidable ; and presented a strong force against the adversa- ries of Napoleon. Every day was also adding to its numbers. “All is in motion,” said the Moni- teur," in every part of France. . If the coalition persist in the project which they have announced, of making war upon us, and if they violate our frontiers, it is easy to foresee what will be the fruit which they will gather from their attack upon the rights of the French people.” Such was the force of France. That of the allies, which was already on the frontiers of France, was still more considerable, and con- sisted as follows:—The army under the com- mand of the Duke of Wellington consisted of British, Hanoverians, Dutch, Belgians, troops of Nassau and Brunswickers. The #. grand army, consisting at this time of four corps...was commanded by Marshal Prince Blucher. These 94. two armies, which we observed before, occupied Book xv. the Netherlands, the forts in it, and lined the French frontiers from Ostend to Luxemburg. The CHAP. vi. Jºvº-V total force for this point was about 250,000 men; and three corps of Prussians were on their march to join Blucher. The grand army, under Prince Schwartzenberg, with whom were the sovereigns of Russia, Austria, and Prussia, consisted of Russians, Austrians, Bavarians, &c. and of the Prussian guards. These lined the French fron- tiers from Luxemburg to the Rhine, occupied different forts, and extended along the Rhine to Basle. Their numbers amounted, in the middle of June, to about 300,000 men. Switzerland also had an army of 30,000 men stationed on her vul- nerable side, and in front of Besançon. On the frontiers of Savoy and Piedmont, General Fri- mont, with an army of Austrians and Sardinians, held the fortifications in that line, and lined the French frontiers from Switzerland to the Medi- terranean. This army amounted to about 80,000 men, and, was daily increasing in number. The whole of the allied forces assembled on the French frontiers, on the 14th of June, or within a few days march of them, stood thus :— Army, under the Duke of Wellington, * including garrisons, &c. . . . . . 120,000 Prussian army, under Blucher . . . . 120,000 Grand army, under Schwartzenberg. 300,000 Austro-Sardinian army, under Fri- In Ont . 80,000 © º * º © ſº © © o Total . . 620,000 f These were all veteran troops, under experi- enced leaders ; but it must be observed, that Prince Schwartzenberg's army was waiting for the arrival of several corps of Russian troops, which were not expected to arrive before the latter end of June. His army, therefore, was cantoned in divisions on the German frontier, at a consider- able distance from each other, for the purpose of procuring forage and provisions. In the mean time, at least 300,000 Austrians, Russians, Prussians, Danes, &c. were on their march, hastening to the French frontiers. • The plan of the allies was understood to be not to make any movement on the offensive till their whole forces were in iine from the straits of Dover to the shores of the Mediterranean. This done, and before the sword was unsheathed, a solemn appeal was intended to be made by them to the French nation, calling upon them to return to a state of amity, by abandoming the man who had brought so many calamities and this fresh war upon Europe, and to remould the treaty of peace which they had violated. This offer un- successful, as they calculated it would be, their intention was to enter France at every point with an overwhelming force; and, from every quarter, 15 X * 1815. 1384 HISTORY OF THE WARS & g BOOK XV. -CHAP. VI. Jºzº-A 1815. to advance without delay upon Paris, which, again in their power, they supposed would disor- ganize and scatter the government and resources of Napoleon. Of, this Bonaparte was perfectly aware, and also deeply sensible how unable he was to oppose an effectual resistance, on every point, against the vast force advancing against him. He, therefore, determined to take them in detail, and before their plans were matured and com- pleted. In furtherance of this object, the allied armies, stationed in the Netherlands, under the command of Wellington and Blucher, engaged his earliest attention, as being those nearest the capital of his empire. He, therefore, resolved to attack them first. In this resolution he seems to have had four great objects in view. The first was the gratification of French, ambition and vanity, by the conquest of Belgium, so generally wished for in France. The second was, if possi- ble, to remove the danger of invasion to a point as far distant from his capital as possible. The third was of still greater importance, namely, if he succeeded in forcing back the armies here stationed, he would then have it in his power to menace the rear of the right wing of the grand allied army, which was to enter France by the Upper Rhine, thereby either retarding or endan- gering their forward movements. If he succeeded in these important operations, it was of less con- sequence at what expense he did so. He con- ceived that he would thereby crush the voice of disaffection in France, and call forth once more, around his conquering standards, the energy and unprincipled ambition of the nation. Last, and not least, as the surest road to ultimate success, by gaining the first point, he was certain that he would succeed in removing the war from the French territories, and make other countries, as formerly, support the expense; without which, e was aware. France would not long bend with erfect satisfaction to his sway. To accomplish this point, however, he must have totally destroyed the armies of Wellington and Blucher. Any partial victory obtained over them, though it might have compelled them to retreat, and thereby have given him the pos- session of a tract of country, would have been of no solid advantage, so long as their armies re- mained unbroken and united, because their loss would have been quickly supplied from the nu- merous reinforcements pushing on to join them; and because the advance of the grand army across the Upper Rhine, where Bonaparte had confessedly no force equal to oppose them, would not only have laid his right wing open to their efforts, but his capital also. This alone would have compelled him to relinquish any hold which he might have gained in the Netherlands, unless, in his usual phrase, he had in reality annihilated the armies of Blucher and Wellington, when a --sºurage small part of his force would have been sufficient. to guard the quarter where they were, and the remainder of his force would thus have been dis-, posable to watch the movements or attack the columns of the grand army. Such, no doubt, were his calculations. It was the only measure in which he had any chance of that success which could materially. benefit his cause—the only measure which was likely to have a serious influence upon the plans. of his adversaries—a beneficial influence on the . recovery of his military character, and the re- establishment of his former power. Half mea- sures were not the weapons with which he fought. All or nothing was his watch-word in every ope- ration. No lesser matters occupied his thoughts. It animated him at this moment, it prompted every movement—directed every motion, and guided him to cast every thing upon the issue of one terrible attempt. What he }. in view, he must also do quickly. The allied army in the Netherlands were, at this moment, dispersed over the country, for the sake of procuring, more readily, the necessary supplies for such vast bodies of men. A considerable body of the Prus- sian army were upon the batiks of the Rhine, a con- siderable distance from the remainder and from the frontiers. On his part, he had it in his power, when acting on the offensive, to choose his point of attack with greater security than the allies could ; because he had a much more formidable chain of fortresses in his line to support his ope- rations, and behind which he, no doubt, calcu- lated that he would be able to retire, if he found he could not accomplish his object. His army was not only formidable in point of numbers, but imore so from the quality of the troops. These men were the flower of France, and of his mili- tary strength. They had their characters to re- gain—their glory to re-conquer—their fortunes to re-establish, and their future repose to secure. Perjury and treason had lowered them in the eyes of honor and worth. These feelings com- bined, stung their souls, and goaded them to fury. The utmost exertions were to be expected, from both them and their leader. Their fate, their fortune, and their fame, they had altogether to re-create, and these were all irretrievably com- mitted in this dreadful struggle. They marched to it with a resolution which the utmost strength of rage and despair could inspire. The attempts of their government to inflame their hearts with the deadliest animosity and resentment against the allies, and particularly against the Prussians, by publishing accounts about the intended cruel- ties to be committed by the latter in France, had but too well, succeeded. “It is particularly against the Prussians,” said an article in the Moniteur, “ that the French army manifests an implacable hatred, and we have some reason to ! OF THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 1385 Jºº-k: if —si- — *w-ºr —º- _r —Ai. —t ** fear that it will not be willing to make any pri- soners of that nation.” The opinions of mankind, in some countries, were divided upon the issue of the approaching conflict. All were convinced that it would be severe ; some, that it would be long and bloody; but the general opinion was, that it could not, from its means and its object, be of long dura- tion. One party, with France herself, contended that it was impossibie to conquer a warlike na- tion, with a condensed population of 29,000,000 of people. Forming their judgment upon what she had before done, they contended that she could do as much again, and with greater ease, inas- much as she was wiser from experience, better instructed in the art of war, and more united than she was at the revolution. They caleulated that the daring arm of Napoleon would carry the horrors of war out of the French territories, where he would, as usual, live at the expense of his adversaries; and when the glare of conquest would again, as it had done before, crush the voice of disaffection-in France, and raise the na- tion to follow, without feeling or reflection, their darling pursuit. Thus employed, they were aware that the French people would trouble their heads very little about who governed them. On the other hand, if this could not be carried into ef. fect, they relied on the strength of her armies and her frontiers; but, above all, upon that spirit generally prevalent in France, of devotion to the integrity of the country, to unite all hands and all hearts in its defence, which they conceived snflicient to repel the invaders, when, by discom- fiture in their views, and the effects of intrigue and jealousy sown in their councils, France, they prophesied, would, at length, break up the for- midable confederacy. Then she would be able to resume her former dictatorial situation and ar- bitrary dominion. So the rulers of France, and those who advocated her cause, considered the matter; so, calculating upon human energies as all on the side of France, they prognosticated the issue of the approaching contest. Another party, however, argued that France was not so power- ful as she was in 1792. That though her terri- tory remained unimpaired, that her spirit and her resources were broken, and could not be repro- duced. They beheld Europe from necessity be- come a military people—her leaders, from long experience, wise—her armies, from principle, brave; they saw the armed population of Europe driven, by every sentiment or feeling that can touch or animate the human soul, to exertion, to attack the regular armies of France; and not the armed population of France, roused into frenzy, attacking the regular forces and disunited coun- cils of Europe. They considered the immense means which the allies possessed—the spring which gave life, vigor, and unanimity to their councils, and they had no doubt but that these were superior to any thing that France, however condensed, unanimous, and powerful, could brin against them. They considered that bitter expe. rience had taught the allies the fatal effects of carelessness and disunion ; and that, as one in- terest animated the sovereign and the subject, that, therefore, the insidious machinations of France could make no impression upon their re- solution, and find no entrance into their councils. They, therefore, augured well of the contest. It might be bloody—it might be long, but it could hardly be unsuccessful; while its duration and violence would only draw down on the head of France wider destruction, and deeper humiliation. Most important events now crowd upon our attention, and demand our consideration. The hour, big with the fortune of empires and the fate of millions, advanced with accelerated speed. Immediately upon the conclusion of the ceremony of the Champ de Mai, Soult, who was advanced to the rank of major-general of the French armies, the situation formerly held by Berthier, addressed a proclamation to the French army, in which he informed them, that a “new oath” united France and the emperor; and that all the efforts of an “impious league” would not be able to separate the interests of the people from “the hero who was the admiration of the universe.”—“What,” said he, in that haughty tone which Frenchmen had long assumed, “is the hope of this new coalition?” He told them that their object was to “erase France from the list of nations,” to impose slavery upon 28,000,000 of men, which he hinted might again, as it had done be- fore, add to their “aggrandizement and their glory.” He told them that their enemies were * numerous,” but that the contest was neither be- yond the genius of Napoleon, nor their strength ; and that the number of their foes would only render “ victory more glorious,” and “their de- feat more conspicuous.”—“To arms,” therefore, said he. The signal for battle will soon be given; and while Napoleon guides “our steps,” and we fight for “our beautiful country,” we will be “invincible.—We will rally round the em- peror, the protector of liberal ideas; around a prince who, educated in the revolution, advances with the age in which he lives, and wishes to ex- tend the dominion of the mind, instead of circum- scribing it. Instructed by misfortunes, he will see the conquerors of Auster'Itz, of Marengo, and of Jena, march anew under the colours which so often led them to victory, and the event will not be doubtful.” Bonaparte was also making preparations for utting himself at the head of his army. On Sunday, the 11th of June, deputations from the BOOK XV. CHA P. VI. v_s^^_/ 1815, 1386 HISTORY OF THE WARS BOOK XV. CHA P. VI. Jº", *- ISI 5. wrº-ºs- chamber of peers and the chamber of representa- tives waited upon him. These, with the answers of Napoleon, deserve insertion, on account of the ideas of liberty which the chambers entertained; of the hopes respecting the issue of the contest which they indulged; and of the feelings and principles which Bonaparte deemed it prudent to express on this occasion. The address of the peers was presented first, and is as follows:– ſe “Sire, “Your anxiety to submit to constitu- tional forms and rules, the absolute power with which circumstances and the confidence of the people had invested you, the new guarantees given to the rights of the nation, the devotedness which leads you into the midst of the dangers the army is about to brave, penetrate all hearts with profound gratitude. The peers of France come to offer your majesty the homage of this sentiment. “You have manifested principles, sire, which are those of the nation : they must also be our's. Yes, all power springs from the people, is insti- tuted for the people; the constitutional monarchy is necessary to the French, as the guarantee of its liberty and independence. “Sire, while you shall be on the frontiers, at the head of the sons of the country, the chamber of peers will zealously concur in every legislative measure which circumstances require, to compel foreigners to acknowledge the national independ- ence, and to cause the principles, consecrated by the will of the people, to triumph in the interior. “The interest of France is inseparable from your's. Should fortune fail your efforts, reverses, sire, shall not weaken our perseverance, and shall redouble our attachment to you. “If events correspond to the justice of our cause, and to the hopes we are accustomed to conceive of your genius, and of the bravery of our armies, France desires no other fruits from them but peace. Our institutions guarantee to Europe that the French nation cannot be drawn on by the seductions of victory.” His majesty replied:— “M. President, and gentlemen deputies of the chamber of peers, The contest in which we are engaged is serious. The seduction of prosperity is not the danger which threatens us now. It is under the caudine forks that foreigners wish to make us pass 1 “The justice of our cause, the public spirit of the nation, and the courage of the army, are powerful reasons for hoping success; but should we have reverses, then especially I shall delight to see called forth all the energy of this great people; then shall I find in the chamber of peers proofs of attachment to the country and me. “It is in difficult times that great nations, like great men, develope all the energy of their cha- 2 racter, and become objects of admiration to pos- terity. gº “I thank you, gentlemen, for the sentiments you have expressed to me in the name of the chamber.” The emperor then proceeded to mass. After mass, having again taken his place on the throne, he received a deputation of the chamber of re- presentatives, headed by Count Lanjuínais, the president, who presented the address. “Sire, The chamber of representatives re- ceived with profound emotion the words which proceeded from the throne at the solemn sitting, when your majesty, laying down the extraordi- nary power which you exercised, proclaimed the commencement of the constitutional monarchy. “The chief bases of that monarchy, the pro- tectress of liberty, equality, and the happiness of the people, have been recognised by your ma- jesty, who, rising above all scruples, as antici- pating all wishes, has declared that the care of eollecting our scattered constitutions, and of ar- ranging them, was one of the most important oc- cupations reserved for the legislature. Faithful to its mission, the chamber of deputies will per- form the task thus devolved upon it: it requests that, to satisfy the public wish, as well as the wishes of your majesty, national deliberation should rectify, as speedily as possible, any thing defective or imperfect that the urgency of our situation may have produced, or let to exist, in our constitutions considered as a whole. “But at the same time, sire, the chamber of representatives will not show itself less anxious to proclaim its sentiments and its principles as to the terrible contest which threatens to cover Eu- rope with blood. In the train of disastrous events, France invaded, appeared for a moment listened to, as to the establishment of a constitution, only to see herself almost immediately subjected to a royal charter emanating from absolute power, to an ordinance of reform always revocable in its nature, and which, not having the expressed as- sent of the people, could never be considered as obligatory on the nation. t “Resuming, now the exercise of her rights, rallying round the hero whom her confidence anew invests with the government of the state, France is astonished ină afflicted at seeing some sovereigns in arms call her to account for an in- ternal change which is the result of the national will, and which attacks neither the relations ex- isting with other governments, nor their security. France cannot admit the distinctions with the aid of which the coalesced powers endeavoured to cloak their aggression. To attack the monarch of its choice, is to attack the independence of the nation. It is armed as one man to defend that independence, and to repel, without exception, •e of the FRENch Revolution. 1387 * —-º– every family and every prince whom men shall dare to wish to impose upon it... No ambitious project enters the thoughts of the French people; the will even of a victorious prince will be insuffi- cient to draw on the nation beyond the limits of its own defence: but to guard its territory, to maintain its liberty, its honour, its dignity, it is read W. any sacrifice. “Why are we not still permitted to hope, sire, that these warlike preparations, formed perhaps by the irritation of pride, and by illusions which every day must weaken, may still disperse before the want of a peace necessary to all the nations of Europe, and which shall restore to your ma- jesty a spouse, to the French the heir of a throne? But blood has already flowed; the signal of com- bats, prepared against the independence and li- berty of É.i. been given, in the name of a people who carry to the highest pitch the enthu- siasm of liberty and independence Doubtless, among the communications which your majesty promises us, the chambers will find proofs of the efforts you have made to maintain the peace of the world. If all these efforts must remain use- less, may the calamities of war fall upon those who shall have provoked them. “The chamber of representatives only waits for the documents announced to it, in order to contribute, with all its power, to the measures which the success of so legitimate a war will re- quire. It delays pronouncing its resolves only till it knows the wants and resources of the state; and while your majesty, opposing to the most unjust aggression the valor of the national ar- mies and the force of your genius, will seek in victory only one means of attaining a durable peace, the chamber of representatives will deem that it marches towards the same object, by in- cessantly labouring on the compact, of which the improvement must cement the union of the peo- ºple and the throne, and strengthen, in the eyes of Europe, by the amelioration of our institutions, the guarantee of our engagements.” His majesty replied:— , “Mr. President, and gentlemen deputies of the chamber of representatives, “I recognise, with satisfaction, my own senti- ments in those which you express to me. In these weighty circumstances my thoughts are absorbed by the imminent war, to the success of which are attached the independence and the honor of France. “I will depart this night to place myself at the head of my armies; the movements of the dif- ferent hostile corps render my presence there in- dispensable. During my absence I shall see with pleasure a commission appointed by each chamber, engaged in deliberating on our con- stitutions. “The constitution is our rallying-point; it 94. must be our pole-star in these stormy moments. All public discussion, tending to diminish directl or indirectly the confidence which should be placed in its enactments, will be a misfortune to the state; we should then find ourselves at sea, without a compass and without a rudder. The crisis in which we are placed is great. Let us not imitate the conduct of the lower empire, which, pressed on all sides by barbarians, made itself. the laughing-stock of posterity, by occupying it- self with abstract discussions at the moment when the battering-ram was shaking the gates of the citv. . Independently of the legislative measures re- quired by the circumstances of the interior, you will probably deem it useful to employ yourself on organic laws destined to put the constitution in motion. They may be the object of your pub- lic labours without any inconvenience. “The sentiments expressed in your address BOOK XV. cºar. vi. Jºvº-V 1815. sufficiently demonstrate to me the attachment of . the chamber to my person, and all the pâtriotism with which it is animated. In all affairs my march shall be straight forward and firm. Assist me to save the country. First representative of the people, I have contracted the engagement, which I renew, of employing, in more tranquil times, all the prerogatives of the crown, and the little experience I have acquired, in seconding you in the amelioration of our constitutions.” At half-past three o'clock on the next morning, Bonaparte quitted Paris, and took the road for the Netherlands. According to his usual custom, he travelled with great rapidity, reaching Sois- sons by ten o’clock that morning, and Laon by three in the afternoon. The day before, his army had been reviewed at Maubeuge. In the mean time, the internal state of the na- tion was full of danger. On his departure for the army, Bonaparte received a long report from the minister of police, in which he announced, that insurrection had broken out in several points of the departments of the west. “While your © 93. 56 majesty,” says he, “marches at the head of the French armies to repel foreign aggression, you have a right to expect, from the energy and fide- lity of the representatives of the nation, the legal means of arresting or punishing the enterprises of internal enemies.” “Sire, I must tell you the whole truth : our enemies have activity, audacity, instruments with- out, supporters within; , they only await the fa- vorable moment for realising the plan conceived twenty years ago, , and for twenty years counter- acted, that of uniting the camp of Jales to La Vendée, and of drawing in a part of the multi- tude into this conspiracy, which extends from the coast of the Channel to the Mediterranean. , “In this system the country districts on the left bank of the Loire, of which the population is 15 Y 1888 THE WARS HISTORY OF BOOK XV. Char. WI. 1815. ** * *** * *-*-**-* ------- - - ----------º-º: - amº-º: the most easily misled, are the principal focus of insurrection, which, with the assistance of the wandering bands of Britanny, is meant to be pro- pagated into Normandy, where the vicinity of the isles, and the nature of the coast, render the com- munications more easy; on the other side, it rests upon the Cevennes, in order to extend itself to the banks of the Rhone, by the revolts which may be excited in some parts of Languedoc and -Provence. Bourdeaux is since the first, the centre of direction, of these movements. “This system has not been abandoned. Nay more, the party, at every new phasis of our re- volution, has been increased by all the discon- tented whom events produced, by all the factious encouraged in their plans by the certainty of am- nesty, by all the ambitious who wished to acquire some political importance by change. So that if we consider the heterogeneous elements of which this party is now composed, if we observe the diversity of views and interests which it includes, it can be characterised as a royalist party only in the sense of its being an enemy of the govern- ment; for it has no fixed and determinate object in its ulterior intentions, and, consequently, no uniform and general character. “It is this party which now disturbs internal tranquillity: it is it which agitates Marseilles, Toulouse, and Bourdeaux; Marseilles, where the spirit of sedition animates even the lowest classes of society, and where the laws have been set at nought; Toulouse, which seems still under the influence of the revolutionary organisation which was given to it some months ago; Bour- deaux, where all the germs of revolt repose and intensely ferment; Bourdeaux, where the country had formerly such numerous defenders, where liberty excited to such generous sacrifices— Bourdeaux now sends forth the apostles of civil war : “It is this party which, by means of false news, false hopes, the distribution of money, and the employment of threats, has succeeded in raising the peaceful cultivators in the whole of the territory enclosed between the Loire, La Vendée, the Ocean, and Le Thouet. Arms and ammunition have been landed there. Old names, new men, appear upon this bloody theatre; the hydra of rebellion springs up, is re-produced wherever it formerly exercised its ravages, and is not put down by our successes at Esnai, St. Gilles, and Palluau. On the other side of the Loire, bands lay waste the Morbihan, some parts of the departments of the Iſle and Vilaine, the Cetes du Nord, and of the Sarthe; they for a moment invaded the towns of Aprai, Rhedon, and Plaermel the fields of Mayenne, even to the gates of Laval: they stop the seamen and milli- tary called out; they disarm the landholders, in- erease their * with the peasants, whom -*-----. --- f -*. they compel to march, plunder the public chests, destroy the documents of the administration, threaten the functionaries, stop the diligences, seize the couriers, and intercepted at one time the communications of Mans with Angers—An- gers with Nantes—Nantes with Rennes—and Rennes with Vannes.” The departure of Bonaparte to the army an- nounced the approach of hostilities; the route he, took decided the point where these were to take place. The attention of Europe was deeply fixed, and her eyes instantly turned to the Sambre. There her fate, for years, perhaps for ages, was once more suspended in the mighty balance : and there the greatest talents and courage which she could produce stood opposed to each other, in order to turn the mighty scale. How deep the anxiety—how terrible the suspense which over- spread the nations, while their fate, and that of France, were poised in the mighty scales. The most callous felt interested—the thoughts of the most careless were arrested; all ranks and de- grees stood breathless with expectation, while they listened to those alarms which struck the Meuse with fear and the Sambre with dismay. The situation of the affairs of Napoleon de- manded immediate activity. It was in character with him to display it. His army was numerous, picked, well-appointed, and eager for battle. His adversaries were opponents worthy of his proudest days, and his greatest glory. The ter- rors of the Sun of Austerlitz were beheld by them without fear—his utmost strength created in their minds no alarm. Blucher and Bonaparte had before met. The bloody banks of the Marne, and proud frontiers of Laon, bore witness with divided praise. Napoleon had encountered Aus- trians, Germans, Prussians, and Russians; but British troops, and their leader, Wellington, he had never met. The latter had again and again, and in every instance, vanquished his best ge- nerals, and his choicest troops. The British general was hailed, by the general voice, as the first leader of the age. “It is yet doubtful,” said Bonaparte, “we have never met.” The ques- tion, however, was now about to be fairly and finally decided. The meeting approached, and in the issue of which the civilized world was in- terested. The prowess of British troops, and the skill of her gallant general, so often established on bloody fields, was still to be more gloriousl and decidedly so. The military character of the Prussian general and army also stood high. It may, perhaps, be interesting to give a biographical memoir of Marshal Blucher, before we proceed to the detail of military operations. Marshal Prince Blucher, commander-in-chief of the Prussian army, was born in 1742, at his father's country-seat in Pomerania, and has been in the service of his country ever since his fif- Y- OF THE FRENCHE REVOLUTION. 1339 *---------------- - - ------ -- *--- - ------- *-*-** - teenth year. He began his military career in the “seven years' war,” under the patronage and command of the celebrated Zieten, the friend and favorite of Frederic the Great. We therefore know, that he studied in the military school which was then, unquestionably, the greatest in all Europe. Ardent from infancy, Blueher preferred the cavalry, and entered into the regiment of Red Hussars, which had acquired peculiar dis- tinctions for its bravery on different occasions, but particularly for defeating the French in the memorable battle of Rosbach. In this regiment he continued nearly twenty years, when he took offence at the promotion over him of a junior officer. Superior influence caused his remon- strances to be disregarded: irritated at the injus- tice, he challenged the favored youngster; a duel took place, and Blucher in disgust de- manded and received his discharge. It is not accurately known what length of time he was absent from his profession: but he lived some years in retirement, occupying himself in the cul- tivation of his paternal estates, which were toler- ably extensive. It is also said, that in this seclu- sion he became particularly partial to literature and the arts. However this may be, the fact is not material to the history of his military life; but to judge from the style of his proclamations, we should conceive the report to he well-founded. Blucher did not remain unknown to the dif- ferent administrations of the Prussian govern- ment, while absent from his profession : but the stern and unforgiving disposition of the sovereign, miscalled great, caused i. to repel all attempts of the friends of Blucher for getting him restored to the service. He, however, j y appeared as a spectator at the grand annual reviews; and at one of these, after the death of Frederic II. he was noticed by Frederic William II. who restored him to his rank. From this period he began to ascend most rapidly to eminence. He very soon obtained a squadron in his oid regi- ment of hussars; the colonel soo: afterwards died, and Blucher obtained his rank. He now came into perpetual service; his regiment being under the orders of the Duke of Brunswick; and his name and deeds are well known on the banks of the Rhine, where he distinguished himself in the revolutionary campaigns. The various at- tacks which he made were all similar and charac- teristic. It was his plan to rush upon the enemy with irresistible impetuosity; to retire on meet- ing with serious opposition; to place himself at a distance, and minutely observe the enemy's movements, to take advantage of every indication of weakness and disorder by a new attack; and then to dart upon his opponents with the rapidity of lightning, cut his way into the ranks, make a few hundreds prisoners, and retire again. This was the usual manoeuvre of Blucher, who, by NA such a mode of warfare, acquired considerable reputation, particularly at Kieuweller. The numerous occasions on which this veteran distinguished himself, during a period of ten years, from 1795 to 1805, cannot now be particularised, The world was too far thunderstruck with the rapid and unparalleled success of Bonaparte, to notice all the individual efforts which annoyed him in his career. When the French invaded Prussia, in the year 1806, Blucher was foremost in opposing their progress through Westphalia, whence he made a masterly retreat in the face of 60,000 French, his own force being only 20,000. At the battle of Auerstadt, in 1806, Blucher very highly distinguished himself; and although he differed from the Duke of Brunswick, respecting the time and mode of attack, he showed the most consummate generalship and determined bravery during the whole of that memorable action. At the battle of Prentzlau, where he likewise much distinguished himself, he had the command of the cavalry under Prince Hohenlohe Ingelfin- gen. He also signalized himself by a gallant charge of the French at Frankenhausen; but as their numbers were irresistible, Blucher was ob- liged to retreat, which he did in admirable order, and threw himself into Lubec, where he was be- sieged by the French, who summoned him to sur- render: but, with his characteristic bravery, he replied in these remarkable words: “Ich werde mich nicht ergehen, ere ich meinen letzten blut- stropfen verlohren habe!” i. e. I will not surren- der till I have lost the last drop of my blood?” The French, however, with an overwhelming force, stormed the city, and took it after a most gallant resistance. Blucher was made prisoner, but was shortly afterwards exchanged for Gene- ral, now Marshal, Victor, Duke of Belluno. He then returned to Konigsburgh, and was soon af- terwards sent by sea, at the head of a division, to Swedish Pomerania, in order to assist in the de- fence of Stralsund, and generally to support the operations of the Swedes; but the peace of Tilsit rendered his farther operations unnecessary, and he once more retired to Prussian Pomerania, the site of his birth. After the unfortunate engagement near Halle, in October, 1806, in which Bernadotte cong- manded, and which ended in the capitulation 6f the Prussian army, under Prince Hohenlohe, Ge- neral Blucher, by a ruse de guerre, succeeded in saving the 5,000 men under his command. He was separated from the main body of the army by General Klein, to whom he sent a mes- sage, stating that an armistice was concluded for six months; this the general believed, and Blu- cher's division was consequently saved. We have said, that he went into retirement im- mediately after the peace of Tilsit; he remained in apparent inactivity till the unexpected and im- BOOK XV. Cha P. VI. A ºvº-A 1815. 1390 HISTORY OF THE WARS BCOK XV. CHAP. VI. Jºvº-Z 1815. -m-r portant defection of General Von Yorck gave the signal for a general insurrection in the Prussian states against the French. Immediately after this event, we find the veteran availing himself of every opportunity for vengeance. By the end of the year 1812, he had raised a corps of volunteers, composed of youths of the first families in Prus- sia, who rushed to range themselves under his banner; and; at the revival of the campaign, we find him holding the important rank of com- mander-in-chief of the Prussian army, which, when united with certain divisions of Austrians and Russians, was termed, from the site of its operations, the army of Silesia. The gallant deeds which he performed with this army have been already related in this work. Blucher had two sons, both men of distin- guished bravery and abilities. The eldest signa- lised himself materially in the campaign in Ger- many, in 1813, by destroying, in the rear of the , French army, just at the time when the armistice' in September was concluded, a large park of ar- tillery and ammunition. Bonaparte ordered a de- tachment against him, by whom he was captured, after a brave resistance. He was soon, however, exchanged for an officer of equal rank, but, un- fortunately, he fell sick and died in a few days. He was colonel of a regiment of Prussian hussars. His brother was then a major in the light cavalry, under the immediate orders of his father. On the 13th of June, Bonaparte having joined the army, the head-quarters was established at Beaumont. The first corps, under D'Erlon, was at Soire on the Sambre ; the second corps, under Reille at Ham-sur-Heure; the fourth corps, un- der Girard, at Philipville; the third, under Van-, damme, on the right of Beaumont; the position of the 6th, under Lobau, is not stated. Three corps of the Prussian army, consisting of at least, 80,000 men, occupied Charleroi, Givet, Namur, &c. and the left bank of the Sambre. The fourth corps, commanded by Ge- neral Bulow, and ...; amounted to 30,000 men, was at a considerable distance in the rear, being stationed in the country between Liege and Hannut. The British army was posted in the neighbour- hood of Brussels, at which city the Duke of . Wellington had his head quarters. As it was impossible to know at what point Bonaparte would commence the attack, the British and Hanoverian troops were cantoned, over a wide space of ground; but they were so disposed as to afford the means of quick combination and mu- tual support. The duke's army was divided into two corps d'armee, and consisted as follows:– The first, under the command of his Royal- highness the Prince of Orange, comprising the 1st, 3d, and 5th divisions, under the orders of Generals Cooke (of the guards), Alten, and Picton. —s Ł. The second corps was commanded by General Lord Hill, and composed of the 2d, 4th, and 5th divisions; the two former of which were under the orders of Sir H. Clinton and General Hinuber; and the 6th, nominally that of Sir L. Cole, who had not yet joined the army. This force contained about, British bayonets . . . . . 27,000 German legion . . . . 5,000 Hanoverian infantry, new levies 24,000 Brunswick and Nassau . . 10,000 Dutch 5,000 Belgic §§§ tº $ tº e G 10,000 Total infantry 76,000 Artillery—British, thirty brigades, of six guns each, German Je- gion, Hanoverians, &c. ... - 5,000 Cavalry—British 7,000 German legion 3,500- . 13,500 Dutch, &c. 3,000 94,500 The British, German legion, Hanoverian, &e. cavalry, consisted of eight brigades, under the chief command of the Earl of Uxbridge. The first brigade was commanded by General Lord E. Somerset; the 2d by General Ponsonby; the 3d by Generai Dornberg; the 4th by General Vandeleur; the 5th by General Vivian ; the 6th by General Arantschild; the 7th by General Grant; and the 8th by General Erndorf. Bonaparte having assembled the different corps of his army. addressed the following pro- clamation to them, preparatory to the commence- ment of hostilities. “..Avesnes, June 14, 1815. “Soldiers —This day is the anniversary of Marengo and of Friedland, which twice decided the destiny of Europe. Then, as after Auster- litz, as after Wagram, we were too generous ! We believed in the protestations and in the oaths of princes whom we left on the throne ! Now, however, coalesced among themselves, they would destroy the independence and the most sacred rights of France. They have commenced the most unjust of aggressions. Let us march, then, to meet them. Ate they and we no longer the same men? “Soldiers, at Jena, against these same Prus- sians, now so arrogant, you were one against three, and at Montmirail one against six 1 - “Let those amongyou who have been prisoners of the English, detail-to you the hulks, and the frightful miseries which they suffered * The Saxons, the Belgians, the Hanoverians, the soldiers of the confederation of the Rhine, lament that they are compelled to lend their arms. to the cause of princes, the enemies of justice and” o, rue French Revolution. I391 → of the rights of all nations; they know that this coalition is insatiable ! After having devoured twelve millions of Poles, twelve millions of Italians, ene million of Saxons, six millions of Belgians, it must devour the states of the second rank of Germany. “The madmen a moment of prosperity blinds them. The oppression and humiliation of the French people are beyond their power. If they enter France, they will there find their tomb. “Soldiers! we have forced marches to make, battles to fight, dangers to encounter; but with steadiness, victory will be our's; the rights, the honor, the happiness of the country will be re- conquered “To every Frenchman who has a heart, the moment is arrived to conquer or perish. (Signed). “NAPoleon. (A true copy.) “The Marshal Duke of Dalma- - tia, major-general.” Bonaparte was particularly anxious, before he left Paris, to have his army ready for service at the time he joined it; and, on the 10th of June, his minister of war issued the following general order:— “It being the intention of his majesty the em- peror, that all officers who have received letters of service repair to their destination, the general informs them of the obligation they are under to set off within twelve hours to rejoin their corps. The officers of the staff of Paris, and jº, the chief of the military police, are charged to watch over the execution of this order. “The staff and superior officers and others, who have not yet received letters of service, and who are in Paris, must present themselves to the staff of the place, No. 7, rue Vendôme, there to be informed of the destination assigned to them by the minister at war. The officers are informed that they will receive no pay till they prove that they have so presented themselves. “In the departments forming part of the first military division, the major-generals commanding departments will immediately take the necessary measures for the prompt execution of the instruc- tions of the war-minister of the 5th instant, re- lative to all disposable officers of infantry.” As Bonaparte had determined to take the allies by surprise if possible, he caused an embargo to be laid on all vessels on the coast, and no strang- ers, or indeed any person, were allowed to pro- ceed to the frontiers. The embargo took place on the 11th of June. On the same day, in a letter which he wrote to Count Lavalette, the post- master, he says, “As I said in my speech this day, that I should depart this night, I wish you would look to it, that no post-horses be taken from the road by which I travel : that particular attention be paid to the persons to whom horses are given on the neighbouring roads, and that no BOOKXV. courier, or estaffette, be sent off.” * In other letters, written on the same day, he requested that Marshal Massena should take the command of the third and fourth military divisions. Speaking of Marshal Ney, he said, “Let Ney come if he wishes to be present at the first battle; he must be at Avesnes by the 13th, where my head-quarters will be. * “Acquaint Marshal Suchet that hostilities will commence on the 16th, and on that day to make himself master of Montmeillan.” At the same time, he wrote to the minister of war and marine as follows:—“To the Prince of Eckmuhl (Davoust.)—Look to it, that 240 pieces of naval cannon be placed in battery by the 20th, that I may be without anxiety about the city of Paris.” Speaking of muskets, –“ They must be sent quickly, that when we are victorious I may arm with them the peasants in Belgium, Liege, &c. . Give me also a list of Belgian officers who are here. Send also a Belgian staff-officer for the suite of the general-staff. These people may become necessary.” To the minister of marine.—“I suppose that you have broken off all communication by sea, and that no person or packet-boat dare to pass any more, under any pretence.” On his arrival at Avesnes, on the 13th, he gave the following orders to Soult, the major-general of his army, and to General Drouet. “To the major-general.—Give orders for the equipages of the pontoons to repair this evening behind Solre, on the road to Beaumont. “Since General Vandamme is arrived at Beau- mont, I do not think it proper to make him return to Philippeville, which would fatigue his troops; I prefer fetting this general encamp in the first line, a league and a half from Beaumont; I shall review his troops to-morrow. The sixth corps will then be placed a quarter of a league behind. In this case, the army of the Moselle will join to- morrow near Philippeville; the detachment of cuirassiers, coming from Alsace, makes this change in the general order.” - To General Drouet.—“Give orders for the division composed of the chasseurs and red lancers to repair this evening in advance of the Solre. Let all the divisions of chasseurs likewise repair to Solre. All the grenadiers at Avesnes, the grenadiers on horse-back, and the dragoons in advance of Avesnes; each corps will have its artillery with it; the reserve artillery in advance of Avesnes.” The next day, the 14th, he wrote the follow- ing letter to his brother Joseph, at Paris. “To Prince Joseph.-Brother,--I remove Iny head- uarters this evening to Beaumont; to-morrow, i. 15th, I shall advance to Charleroi, where the Prussian army is, whº, ;i occasion a battle, l CHAP. Wi. HS15, 1392 HISTORY OF THE WARs * * BOOK XV. CHAP. VI, _*/~/ 1815. - or the retreat of the enemy. The army is fine, and the weather pretty fair; the country perfectly well disposed. I shall write this evening, if the communications are to be made on the 16th; mean time we must prepare. Adieu.” - This letter was accompanied with another to Davoust, as follows:—“To the minister at war. . —I hope to pass the Sambre to-morrow, the 15th. If the Prussians do not evacuate, we shall have a battle. Suchet must take Montmeillan, and fortify himself there. Recommend that there be 10,000 muskets at Hyons to arm the national- guards. The 300 cannon of the marine must be placed in batteries at Paris; let them be there before the 25th; Jastly, let the company of can- In OII eer —march—let them go en dili- * gence to Vincennes, on Thursday. Do not be too prodigal of muskets to the federes; we are in great want of them every where.” . . | Every thing being now ready, the French army broke up from Beaumont, at day-break, on the 15th of June, and commenced their march for the Sambre. The advance of Bonaparte was both bołd and sudden. His whole force advanced at all points by Thuin and Lopez, along both banks of the river; upon Charleroy, Marchienne-au- Pont, and Gosselies; where the first corps of the Prussian army, under General Ziethen, was sta- tioned. The 2d corps attacked the outposts of the Prussians, drove them in, and pursued them as far as Marchienne-au-Pont. At the same time, the light-cavalry of the French, following the 2d corps as far as Marchienne, turned to the right, after crossing the Sambre, and pushed along the left bank as far as Charleroy. Some severe fighting took place here; and, in conse- quence of this rapid and unexpected movement, Charleroy was taken before the Prussians had -5 prisoners. At this time, General Beaumont, Colonel Clouet, and the chief of the squadron, Willontreys, and also the lieutenant of the 10th chasseurs, deserted the imperial standards, and went over to the Prussians. The French said that the inhabitants of Belgium received them as deliverers. “The joy of the Belgians,” said they, “it would be impossible to describe. There were some villages which, on the sight of their deliverers, formed dances; and every where there is a movement which proceeds from the heart.” The actions of the 15th were but the prelude to a more extensive and sanguinary action on the following day. On the 16th, at four in the morning, the French columns which remained 'on the right bank of the Sambre put themselves in march, and passed the river, when the whole army advanced forward. The command of the left wing, consisting of the first and second corps of infantry, commanded by Generals Erlon and Reillie ; and the second corps of cavalry, con- sisting of four divisions, under the command of Count Valmy (Kellerman), was given to Marshal Ney, who arrived the evening before at head- quarters, and received orders to march by Gosse- lies and Frasnes on the road to Brussels. All the rest of the army, under the immediate command of Bonaparte, prepared to advance against Blucher. . The right wing, under the command of Marshal Grouchy, consisting of the third and fourth corps of infantry, and third of ca- valry, occupied the height in the rear of Fleurus, and were destined to march upon Sombref. The sixth corps, with the remainder of the cavalry, and all the imperial guards, advanced from Charleroy. The Prussian army was posted on the heights between Brie and Sombref, and beyond the latter place, occupying, at the same time, in great time to destroy the bridge. The French then \force, the villages of St. Amand and Ligny in advanced on Gesselies, a large town situated on the road to Brussels, with the intention of inter- cepting, at that quarter, the troops driven out of Charleroy. The Prussians retired in great con- fusion on Fleurus, where their main body was concentrated. They were attacked several times by the French advanced-guard, who afforded them no time to take any position. The presence of Bonaparte seemed to electrify the French troops. Some squadrons of his guard charged the Prussian infantry several times, in one of which his aid-de-camp, General Letort, received a mortal wound. t - The French thus far overcame all the obstacles opposed to their advance. Towards night they ceased the pursuit; and Bonaparte, leaving the third corps on the road to Namur, and the second at Gosselies on that to Brussels, returned with his head-quarters to Charleroy. The French stated, that the loss sustained by the Prussians in these engagements was 2,000 men, 1,000 of which were their front. The whole under the immediate command of Marshal Blucher, consisted of three corps, and amounted to 80,000 men. On their right was stationed a considerable force of Dutch and Belgian troops, 12 or 13,000 strong, under the command of the Prince of Orange, who, on the 15th, had repulsed an attack made by the enemy on the position of Frasnes. Such were the positions and such the strength of the con- tending armies on the 16th. We must now pro- ceed to notice the movements of the army under the Duke of Wellington. . . . . The intelligence of Bonaparte's movements reached Brussels on the evening of the 15th, at which time the Duke of Wellington, and most of his officers, were at a ball given by the Duchess of Richmond. Nothing, however, being known at which point the enemy intended to attack, orders were given to the troops in Brussels and the neighbourhood to prepare to march. On the same evening, the duke received dispatches from --- - - |-- - |- |- ： |\，|- ： º - - - · · · · -|× №.， ! №.|-， §. -： №. | |× --- KWA |- |- - №. DS - º nºmis, MI Q O IE º ：|----- IN - - º º IPR º º |- |- ---- - L - - - - --- º º OF THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 1393 Blucher, with the information that Charleroy was taken, and that the French were advancing in the direction of Fleurus. Orders were imme- diately issued for the troops to march in tiſe di- rection of Quatre Bras; and, at the same time, the cavalry, artillery, and guards, who were sta- tioned at Engien, were directed to move in the same direction. The spectacle at Brussels, as the troops were collecting and failing into their ranks, is described to have been most peculiar and impressive. It was one o’clock in the morn- ing of the 16th, when the bugle sounded, sum- moning the soldiers to their proper rendezvous. The officers had been in a bustle of preparation for the previous hours since the evening, when they received orders to hold themselves in readi- ness. Brussels was agitated and anxious in all her hearts; every house was the scene of adieus, not the less tender and sorrowful on account of the shortness of the intimacy that had preceded them. The young men that had not been very provident were in a flutter, trying all sorts of expe- dients to procure a few necessaries for the march. Relations and intimate friends, belonging to dif- ferent regiments, hurried together for an instant to shake hands and charge each other with short and confidential commissions, to be discharged by the survivor. The troops commenced their march before it was day-light. Among the first to muster in Brussels were the 42d and 92d high- land regiments : they had become great favorites in that city. They were so domesticated in the houses where they were quartered, that it was no uncommon thing to see the highland soldiers taking care of the children, or keeping the shop of his host. They thus gained on the affections of the honest Flemings, who had been so little accustomed to witness and experience such mild- ness and good behaviour in soldiers, that they doubted the valor of these troops. They were so douce (they said)—a word equally intelligible and expressive in the Flemish and Scotch languages, that they could not believe they would be a match for the ferocious soldiers of Bonaparte; and they grieved to think that men to whom they had be- come so attached, should be exposed to the almost certain destruction to which they were marahing. But the highlanders soon proved that, if they were gentle as lambs in quarters, they were fierce and unconquerable as lions in the field. They as- sembled with the utmost alacrity to the well-known martial air of “Come to me and I will give you flesh,” an invitation to the wolf and to the raven, for which they were going to prepare an ample feast. ... The hasty march was long and painful. The officers, though they knew the enemy had attacked the Prussians, did not think that they were on their road to immediate battle. But the fact was so. As early as five o’clock in the morn- ing of the 16th, some Belgian troops, under the * & command of the Prince of Weimar, which the BOOK xy. receding evening had been forced back from #. to Quatre Bras, were attacked by part of the right wing of the French army, commanded by Marshal Ney. The Prince of Weimar being hard pressed, he was forced to fall, back ; but being reinforced with another brigade by the Prince of Orange, he was enabled to regain so much of the ground that had been lost, as to command the communications, leading from Nivelles and Brussels, with Marshal Plucher. The combat then continued, without any result, till noon ; when the French were greatly reinforced, and quickly returned to the combat with overwhelm- ing numbers. The Prince of Orange himself was forced to give way, and by two o'clock had fallen back to Quatre Bras. * In the mean time, the British troops from Brussels were pushing forward to this point, with the greatest expedition. The Duke of Welling- ton remained some hours in Brussels after the troops had quitted it. He probably waited to hear news from the more distant divisions of his army, in reply to the orders sent them over-night. He then set off for the scene of action on horse- back, dressed in a grey frock coat, followed by four or five gentlemen in great military coats. In passing through a village, he observed an officer of a Scotch regiment, who, with a small party, was procuring some water for his battalion. He returned the officer's salute, and then suddenly stopped. There was a good deal of anxious, not to say troubled, thought in his countenance. He named several regiments to the officer, and asked if any thing had been heard of them? The officer replied that he had heard nothing. The duke hastily pulled out his watch,-considered for half a minute, and then, again touching his hat, rode on. He arrived on the field before the troops; at which time the Belgians were falling back. Soon afterwards the British regiments began to arrive, one by one. Each, as it arrived, marched directly into the field, and took up its position. The troops belonging to the fifth division, which consisted of two brigades; the right, composed of the 28th, 32d, 79th, and 95th regiments, under Major-general Sir James Kempt; and the left, formed by the 92d, 44th, 42d, and third battalion of the royals, under Sir Denis Park, Lieutenant- general Sir Thomas Picton commanded the whole. Never did a finer body of men than this division take the field. This division was followed by the Duke of Brunswick’s corps; and after them marched the Hanoverian infantry, and the con- tingent of Nassau. The whole consisted of about 15,000 men; and they were without either ca- valry or artillery. , Sir Thomas Picton's division, already mentioned, arrived at Quatre Bras at the moment when the enemy was about to com- mence a fresh attack, which would have put them. Chap. VI. Jºvº–0 1815. 1394 HISTORY OF THE WARS BOOK XV. CHAP. VI. *L*N*-* 1815. *r in possession of the great road to Brussels, and separated the British from the Prussian army. The troops composing this division had previously marched about twenty miles in a warm summer day; and as scarcely any water was to be found on the road, were both thirsty and weary. Little time was given to refresh themselves, before in- mense columns of the enemy, consisting of both infantry and cavalry, were seen approaching their osition. The road to Brussels, on the right- #. of the English position, was skirted by a wood, along the edge of which was a hollow way. The French were aware that if they could gain possession of this wood, they might debouche upon the Brussels road. The Prince of Orange had made every effort to defend it; but the Bel- gians under his command again gave way, and the French succeeded in occupying the post. The numbers of the enemy advancing against the British were truly formidable; but as they approached, the British line eyed them with an undaunted look, and firm resolution to conquer or perish. The enemy came on with resolution ...' fury, confident of success, and thinking only on victory; but they were met by the bayonet, and repulsed. The British regiments formed themselves into squares and remained firm. Avail- ing themselves, T. of their superiority in numbers, they again came forward with fresh troops, and increasing fury. They were again repulsed. Notwithstanding this, they still at- tempted to force their way, but in vain; and the combat continued to rage with great fury. The Duke of Wellington, soon after three o'clock, rode into that part of the field-of-battle which is close to the village of Quatre Bras. He was followed by his staff, which was not very numerous. He halted a few yards in front of the 92d regi- ment, and was exposed to a very heavy fire of round shot and grape. He spoke little or nothing. His look was that of a man quite cool, but serious. He looked intently at various parts of the field where there was firing going on, and often pulled out his watch, as if calculating on the arrival of the regiments not yet come up. He said some- thing, at one of these times, about when the ca- valry might be expected. The shot, in the mean- while, was plunging into, and along the ground, close to him. He had not been long in the field before the arm of a gentleman with whom he had just been in conversation was carried off by a ball. Shortly afterwards, the duke dismounted from his horse, and causing his staff to do the same, sat upon the ground for a short time. The regiments, as they came up, entered the field by the road near which his grace was ; the balls were perpetually flying in amongst them; one .# off the knapsack of a private from his shoulders; it went to a considerable distance, but the man ran after it, and brought it back, amidst the loud laughter of all those who saw the thing happen. The Brunswick cavalry were charged back upon this point by the French cuirassiers. The duke retired from before their charge. The French troops fought with the most desperate fury; and the attacks of the cuirassiers, in par- ticular, were most impetuous and dreadful. They surrounded the British squadrons with such te- merity, that it frequently happened that, in their defence, the squares had to charge their desperate enemies on three sides at once. But every effort of the foe was fruitless. Though they suffered severely, the British troops stood firm; and the only difficulty that their officers had was to re- strain their impetuosity, which, against such num- bers, might have proved fatal. The general wish of the soldiers was to charge the enemy with the bayonet, without waiting for his attack; but the superior judgment of their great leader com- manded it otherwise. The fire of the French was incessant and severe: that returned still more destructive. Nothing was seen in the French columns but men ...; horses tumbling over each other. It is impossible to convey an idea of the obstinacy with which the contest was maintained. Every regiment, every man did his duty. “The troops of the fifth division,” said the duke, “and those of the Brunswick corps, were long and se- verely engaged; and conducted themselves with the utmost gallantry.”—“The British guards, several regiments of infantry, and the Scotch bri- gade,” said General Alava, “ covered themselves with glory on this day; and Lord Wellington told me on the following day, that he never saw his troops behave better, during the number of years he had commanded them.” The brigade under the command of Sir James Kempt was the first which was warmly engaged. For some time they succeeded in arresting the F. of the enemy in the centre. The foe, owever, redoubled his efforts, brought forward fresh troops, and made a furious attack against this brigade, both with cavalry and infantry. The royals and 42d, who were sent to their support, came in for their full share of the business, and suffered severely. The 44th was next ordered to that point. For three hours the troops in the centre were warmly engaged, and during that time with alternate success. From half-past three till six in the evening, the enemy kept up a very heavy fire, and twice attempted to carry the right of the British position. The Brunswick troo in advance had been compelled to abandon the ost committed to their care, and were falling ack before overwhelming numbers. Fresh co- lumns advanced to their support. At this time, their brave leader was killed. He was leading on his men amidst a horrible fire of grape-shot, when his ardour carried him into the thickest of the fire. A bail passed through his bridle-hand OF THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 1395 and entered his belly. The liver was penetrated: he fell—and in ten minutes breathed his last. The fall of this brave prince, in the prime of his life, was generally regretted. The treatment which his father had received from the hand of Bonaparte, and his own misfortunes, had created a general feeling in his favor. Both himself and his troops had made a vow to wear mourning till they had avenged his father's death. The fields where he fell did so, though he did not live to see it. He terminated his life, however, on a memo- rable occasion, and before the eyes of one who could appreciate his bravery and his worth ; and whose regret, so forcibly expressed, is sufficient to hand down his name to the latest posterity with honor and applause. Their leader thus lost, his troops were compelled to give way. The enemy advanced after them, conceiving that he had gained his object. He was mistaken. The brave 92d regiment, which was posted behind a ditch, on the right of the road from Brussels to Fleurus, and in the centre of which band of he- roes the commander-in-chief was stationed, stood , ready to receive them. They allowed nearly all the Brunswick troops to pass, when they opened such a fire upon the enemy's cavalry as stretched them on the ground in numbers, and compelled the remainder to retire in disorder; and not only so, but the repulse of the cuirassiers, and the great number of wounded which were carried to the French rear, created alarm, confusion, and flight, among the numerous attendants of their army. The enemy asserts, that, in this charge, though unfortunate in its issue, a private of the 11th French regiment took one of the colours of the English di About four o'clock, however, the enemy, reinforced, returned to the charge, and, by another furious attack, endeavoured to gain the right of the British position. Again he was driven back with great loss. The conduct of every regiment at this moment was most truly British. The 79th regiment charged through and through the French line, and afterwards return- ing to its former position, repulsed the repeated desperate attacks of the enemy. It suffered se- verely. Its brave commanding officer, Colonel Douglas, who had been previously hit by three balls, was severely jº. on the knee towards the close of the day: but still he kept his post. Of the estimation in which the commander-in- chief held the conduct of that gallant body of men, it is sufficient to say, that on their colonel was bestowed two high military decorations, from those sent by the emperors of Austria and, Russia to the commander-in-chief, to be bestowed upon such officers as he conceived were best deserving of the same. Three field-officers of this regiment were also created, by their own sovereign, com- panions of the most honorable military order of **. The Royal Scots were led to the charge by that gallant officer Sir Thomas Picton. Book xv. They advanced through a corn field, the grain upon which was so high that it reached the shoul- ders of the tallest man. During this time, the enemy continued to pour the most destructive vollies of shot upon them. They, notwithstanding, surmounted all difficulties, charged and routed the columns of the enemy. They then formed in a square to resist the cavalry, who were ad- vancing against them, and, though charged by them six or seven times, they remained immove- able. The utmost efforts of the enemy were never able to make the smallest impression upon them. At one time, the gallant 42d regiment was almost overwhelmed by the fury of the tor- rent which rolled against it. They opened to the right and left, the cuirassiers went through, but they never returned. They were cut to pieces. The 42d, however, at this moment suffered se- verely. The cuirassiers came so close that they cut down some of the officers with their swords. The gallant Colonel Macara, and many other valuable officers, were, at this time, k.lled and wounded, and also a great number of men. At one period a part of the enemy's cavalry very nearly reached some guns close to Quatre Bras, and near the spot where the Duke of Wellington stood. This force, however, was immediately attacked by a battalion of young Hanoverians, and entirely cut off. The 92d regiment distin- guished itself in a particular manner. T" is heroic regiment, led on by Colonel Cameron, performed prodigies of valor. It repeatedly repulsed the enemy's columns in their most furious attacks, and with great slaughter. The 44th, 33d, and $2d, also greatly signalised themselves. The 28th charged, at one time, on three sides at once. Two sides were opposed to the cuirassiers, and one to the lancers. Both they repelled. After- wards they advanced against a column of infan- try, drove them back, and, after deploying, charged in line, and cleared the whole front of skirmishers. In this manner the combat continued for many hours without any prospect of its termination. The enemy continued to bring forward fresh troops; the British to resist their fury. The third division, and part of the first division, had by this time come up. The third division moved to the left, in order to threaten the enemy's right, and operate in favor of the Prussians, who were, at this time, engaged with Bonaparte, while a brigade of guards, and part of the first division, remained at Quatre Bras. The enemy appeared still to direct his principal efforts against the right of the British position. About seven o’clock the combat raged with the utmost fury. The fire of the French artillery was tremendous, and which was the forerunner of another most formidable attack. Through ºume" of smoke, the A Ch.A.P. VI. Jºvº-A 1815. 1396 HISTORY OF THE WARS BOOK XV. CHAP. VI. Jºvº-Z 1815. enemy was soon seen advancing with all his force for another struggle, . As they came near, the fire of the artillery slackened, and the bloody struggle began. The moment was pressing. The duke, who stood with the 92d regiment, turned to them, and said with energy, “92d, you must charge these fellows.” The order was cheerfully obeyed. They rushed against the black battalions with an ardour nothing could resist. At this mo- ment, Colonel Cameron, and three other officers of rank, were mortally wounded. In the former, his country sustained a severe loss. He was in- deed a brave man. His death roused the spirit of the highlanders to fury—they pressed the enemy with such infuriated rage, that their vast columns fled before this daring band, leaving the field covered with the dead, dying, and wounded. The 92d followed them for a mile, till they came near the main body of the enemy, and till the re-advance of the cavalry rendered it prudent for them to retire, which they did to a wood, where they remained during the remainder of the en- gagement. Meanwhile the battle raged in the centre and on the right. The enemy attempted to separate the divisions of the British army as they came up, but without success. He, however, still held the wood, which, in some measure, commanded the right of the allied position. It was of the greatest importance to obtain the possession of it. The division of the guards, under General Maitland, had newly come up, and were immediately com- manded by the Duke of Wellington to drive them from this point. They advanced to the charge, and the tirailleurs of the enemy fled before them. Driven into the wood, the enemy defended him- self with the greatest obstinacy, disputing every inch of ground, and making every tree a ram- part, from behind which he annoyed the British. It was at length cleared; but scarcely had the British troops passed it, when they were attacked by the French cavalry repeatedly, and with the greatest fury; but the guards, imitating the he- roic conduct of the 5th division, repulsed all their attacks. The enemy charged in amongst them, and were almost cut to pieces, with comparatively little loss: a square of black Brunswickers, on this occasion, behaved firmly, and occasioned the enemy great loss. Their light troops, however, advanced in such numbers, that they again ob- tained possession of the wood; but after three hours severe fighting, it was finally wrested from them; and the guards, though they sustained considerable loss, retained undisputed possession of this important post, which commanded the road to Brussels. The enemy were now in great confusion; but as Ney had left the 1st corps in reserve, he deter- mined to renew the combat; and these troops being fresh, he thought “, overwhelming the — — —== British with superior numbers. On sending for it, however, he was much mortified at finding that Bonaparte had called it away to his own aid against the Prussians. He, therefore, ordered up the reserve of the second corps to cover his broken battalions; and at length retired to his original position at Frasnes, leaving the British complete masters of the field-of-battle. The loss of the British in this action was very severe ; and as the cavalry and artillery had not come up, they fought under every disadvantage. Including the number of gallant officers, the loss amounted to 2,251 killed and wounded, and thirty-one missing. The whole, including that of the Hanoverians, Dutch, Belgians, Bruns- wickers, &c. consisted of about 5,000 men. The loss of the enemy was also very considerable, as he acknowledged it to amount to 4,200. The field-of-battle, which was confined to a narrow space, was thickly covered with the slain. The groans and lamentations of the wounded and dy- ing, to whom little relief could be afforded, was dismal and distressing, and filled the hearts of the survivors with pain and anguish. The num- bers of dead round Quatre Bras was very great. The walls of the houses were, in many places, covered with blood, which had spouted in streams from the wounded, who retired to lean against them, in order to support their dying bodies. An orchard of four acres, which was thickly planted with fruit-trees, had, in many of them, from 80 to 100 balls. In a house at Place Nay, 300 holes were made in the walls and roof, from the number of bullets which had penetrated into it. In one cellar, lay five of the imperial guards, who had been dispatched by the 79th regiment; and a well contained the bodies of twenty Frenchmen. Their putrid remains had completely spoiled the water. Indeed, all the water on this bloody field, as late as the 25th, was quite red, stagnating in puddles, and the smell from it most offensive. In this battle, every regiment in the British army was eager to distinguish itself. During the operations, a Scotch regiment was, for a consi- derable time, unemployed by any French column, though exposed to a fire of round shot. The officers, who had a complete view of the field, saw the 42d, and other battalions, warmly en- gaged in charging:—the young men could not brook the contrast presented by their inactivity. —“It will,” said they, “be the same now as it always has been l—the 42d will have all the luck of it. There will be a fine noise in the news- papers about that regiment, but the devil a word of us.” Some of their elders consoled them b assuring them of the probability that, before the day was over, they would have enough of it.” This regiment was soon afterwards called into action, and behaved with great gallantry. I was reduced to a mere skeleton; and the greater OF THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 1397 * ** number of those fine spirited youths, who ex- pressed this impatience, were laid on the field, in cold and silent lifelessness, before the evening. We must now return to the military operations between Blucher and Bonaparte. While Marshal Ney was engaged with the allies under the Duke of Wellington, Bonaparte had marched with the whole of his remaining force against the Prussian army, posted at Sombref. Marshal Blucher occupied a strong position on a line where three villages, built upon broken ground, served each as a separate redoubt, defended by artillery and infantry; his right wing occupied the village of St. Amand, his centre Ligny, and his left Sombref. The ground behind these vil- lages was considerably elevated ; a deep ravine. in front of this elevation. The villages were in front of the ravine, and masses of infantry were stationed behind each. The force with which Bonaparte advanced to the attack of the Prus- sians . never been exactly ascertained; but it probably amounted to about 100,000 men. It appears to have been Bonaparte's intention to turn the principal part of his force against the Prussian general, before he could be supported by the army under the Duke of Wellington. He calculated upon giving the Prussian army a de- cisive defeat, separating it from the British ge- neral, and forcing it back upon Maestricht. As Blucher was informed that Wellington had put some troops in motion to support him, and ex- pecting the arrival of the fourth corps of his army in the evening, he determined to give battle. On approaching the Prussian army, Bonaparte found some change in his dispositions necessary. He “changed front, the right in advance, and pivoted upon Fleurus.” . The third corps, under Van- damme, marched upon St. Amand. Girard, with the fourth corps, marched against Ligny; Grou- chy upon Sombreſ, while the reserve, or sixth corps, with the rest of the cavalry, the guards, and the cuirassiers of General Milhaud, were drawn up on the heights of Fleurus. The battle began at three in the afternoon by a furious-cannonade from the French; and nearly 200,000 men, and 500 pieces of cannon com- menced the work of mutual destruction. The first effort was to turn the right of the Prussian army. Lefol's division of Vandamme's corps attacked the village of St. Amand. The Prus- sians defended it most gallantly; but the French, charging with the bayonet, succeeded in gaining possession of it, and established themselves in the church and church-yard. As this village was the key of their right wing, the Prussians made several desperate attempts to regain it; and the combat here was peculiarly obstinate and bloody. Each side, at this point, was supported by 50 pieces of artillery. At length the village. was stormed by the Prussians and retaken; but it was recovered again by the enemy. The action meanwhile, extended along the whole line; as Bonaparte directed a vast number of troops against the third corps of the Prussian army stationed at Sombref. It was at Ligny, however, that the combat was most severe and destructive. Having been re- pulsed in endeavouring to turn the right here, the enemy attempted to force the centre of the Prus- sian army. This memorable village stands upon a small river of the same name, a tributary stream to the Sambre. It was large and solidly built, and in the centre of the Prussian line. The utmost efforts of the French were directed against this important point, and the most determined bra- very, on the part of the Prussians, was exercised to defend it. Two hundred pieces of cannon, from both sides, were directed against this devoted spot. The battle round this was terrible and bloody. It was maintained hand to hand, and man to man, for seven hours. Both sides conti- nued to bring up fresh troops, and while the con- test, from time to time, continued to rage in other parts of the line, it never ceased for one moment at Ligny. Alternate attempts were made to wrest this place from each other for upwards of four hours. “Prince Blucher, in person, sword in hand, continually led his troops to the combat.” The artillery of the enemy was planted on the right bank of the rivulet, and that of the Prussi- ans on the left bank. Each side had, behind that part of the village which they occupied, great masses of infantry, which maintained the combat, and whose ranks were continually renewed by re- inforcements, which they received from the rear and also from the heights, both on the right and on the left. The movements on the bloody field were confined to a very narrow space. The enemy stated, that the village of Ligny “was taken and re-taken several times.” But Blucher- says, “villages have often been re-taken, but here the combat continued for five hours in the villages themselves, and the movements were confined to a very narrow space.” / The charges of the cavalry were numerous, severe, and destructive. In one of these charges, on the part of the Prussians, which was led on b Blucher in person, but which proved unsuccess- ful, that brave general had a very narrow escape from either death or captivity. The enemy, in their turn, advanced. A shot struck the marshal's horse. Furious from the pain, the animal darted BOOK XV. CHAP. WI. Jºvº-Z 1815. forward, till exhausted it dropped down dead. It fell, however, upon its gallant rider, who, stunned by the fall, lay entangled under it. The Frênch cuirassiers advanced—the last Prussian horseman had passed their chief, without knowing his situation. One adjutant alone remained. He alighted beside hin, resolved to share his fate. The enemy pursuing the charge, passed rapidly 1398 history of THE wars BOOK XV. CHAP. VI. v_s^^2 1815. assistance during the day. T by without seeing the veteran chief. The Prussian cavalry returned to the charge. The enemy were driven back, and again passed him without perceiving his helpless situation; and then, and not till then, the gallant Blucher was extricated from his perilous state. “Heaven,” said the Prussian account, “ in this instance watched over us.” Blucher thus extricated, mounted a dragoon horse, and the first words he uttered were, “well, my brave fellows, let us charge them again.” In the mean time, the combat continued at all points with unabated fury. “Part of the village of St. Amand was re-taken, by a battalion commanded by the field-marshal in person.”— The recapture of part of this village, and, in consequence thereof, of a height adjoining there- to, seemed to throw a gleam of hope on the Prussian arms. From the map it appears, that Blucher was here very near separating the enemy's line, and turning the left of his main body, which was attacking him. This bright prospect was, however, but of short duration. At this moment, accounts were received that the English division, destined to support them, was violently attacked by a French corps, and that it could barely maintain itself at Quatre Bras. The fourth corps, under Bulow, had not made its appear- ance, as had been calculated upon ; and no pros- pect remained of deriving º benefit from its e Prussians “in- voked, but invoked in vain, the arrival of those succours which were so necessary.” Ligny was still held—there the combat raged with the same fury, and with an equality of success. The Westphalian and Berg regiments fought at this point. A whole company of the former fell in the court-yard of the church, and on the terrace before it lay fifty dead. Each side made a fortress of the houses occupied by them. The enemy held one end of the village, and the Prussians the other. The French were driven out four times, and as often resumed the ground which they had lost: at length the village was set on fire by the enemy, and the combatants fought amidst the burning houses. All the Prussian divisions either were or had by this time been engaged. No fresh corps remained at hand to support them. The enemy, on the other hand, continued to pour forth fresh troops to the combat. But even his strength, numerous as it was, had been nearly exhausted. “By seven o'clock,” said he, “we remained masters of all the villages situated on the banks of the ravine, which cover- ed the Prussian position.” Part of these he had obtained, but not yet all. On the heights of Bussy and Ligny the Prussian masses still remained unshaken. A desperate effort became necessary, to decide the bloody day. “Almost all the troops,” said the enemy, “had already been engaged in the villages.” How hard he - -. was pressed, and how uncertain the combat long was, appears from Ney's letter, wherein we are informed that, without informing him, the emperor took away the first corps of the army to his assist- ance, as also a division of Girard's corps, which Ney depended upon for support. The emperor must, therefore, have been very doubtful of the issue of the combat where he was, before he would venture to withdraw half of his force from Ney, without consulting him. In fact, the bravery of the Prussians proved long equal to his fiercest attacks. At St. Amand, the destruction had been so great amongst the enemy's troops, that Bonaparte was, in reality, forced to call forward, in the greatest haste, the first corps to his assistance at this point. But by the time this force arrived, the Prussians had been compelled to abandon this place. It was then sent back to Ney; but it arrived too late to render him any assistance. At Sombref, on the Prussian left, General Thielman, with the third corps, remained immoveable against all the efforts of the enemy. Bonaparte, therefore, resolved to complete his success by one of those skilful and daring manoeuvres which characterised his tactics. In the village of Ligny, which front- ed the centre of the Prussian line, he drew u the imperial-guard, which he had hitherto kept in reserve. Eight battalions of these troops formed into one solid column, supported by four squa- drons of cavalry, two regiments of cuirassiers, and the horse-grenadiers of the guard, traversed the village at the pas-de-charge, threw themselves into the ravine which separates the village from the heights, and began to ascend them. notwith- standing a dreadful fire of grape and musketry from the Prussians. Their advance, however, was not stopped, nor even in the smallest degree shaken by this fire; but, boldly coming up the heights of Bussy, they made such an impression on the masses of the Prussian line as threatened to break through the centre of their army. The combat at this moment was truly dreadful, but the impetuosity of the French grenadiers surmounted every, obstacle, and cut their way through the opposing ranks with a horrible carnage. The . division of Pecheaux, supported by the cuirassiers, having made a circuit round Ligny, came from both sides at once, unobserved, upon the main body of the Prussian force at this point, which was posted behind the houses. At the same mo- ment also the Prussian cavalry, which were posted on a height behind the village, were repulsed in repeated attacks upon the French cavalry. It was now dark. “ The movement made by the enemy,” said Blucher, “was decisive.” Neverthe- less, though thus surrounded, and in the shades of night, which heightens the idea of danger in the human mind, the Prussian columns behind Ligny did not suffer themselves to be discouraged. “Formed in masses, they coolly repulsed all the OF THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 1399 -** *--> - ------- attacks made upon them; and this corps retreated in good order upon the heights, whence it conti- nued its retrograde movement upon Tilly.” In consequence, however, of this sudden eruption of the enemy's cavalry, the artillery belonging to the Prussian army, in their precipitate retreat, got into defiles, in which they fell into disorder, and Blucher acknowledged that fifteen pieces were taken by the enemy. The Prussian army retreated during the night, and the next morning was followed by General Thielman, with the third corps, who retired upon Gembloux, where the fourth corps, under Buſow, had arrived during the night. The whole army then retreated upon the village of Wavre, where Blucher established his head-quarters. The French did not attempt to pursue them. The loss of the Prussians, in the battle of Ligny, amounted to at least 20,000 men; that of the French was also severe. Although hostilities had commenced only on the preceding day, yet, in this short space of time, upwards of 40,000 men had fallen in the three armies. Great, however, as this destruction was, it is triffling to what followed. The repulse of the enemy at Quatre Bras was of the most essential service; and, while it added the greater praise to the British troops, which effected the whole without the assistance of cavalry or artillery, against an enemy superbly provided with both, it prevented Ney, with the force under his command, from turning the right wing of the allied army as Bonaparte had calculated upon. Had this taken place, at the same moment when the Prussian army was driven from their position, it might have been attended with the most disas- trous consequences; and the two allied armies would probably have been separated from each other. But in consequence of the first corps having been withdrawn from the assistance of Ney, that officer was prevented from gaining any advantage; and he was much chagrined when he found that it had been ordered away. When Bonaparte had succeeded in his attack against the Prussians, he sent the first corps back again to Ney; but it was so late when it arrived, he could make no use of it, as the remainder of the British army had come up. Ney afterwards ac- cused Bonaparte of causing this corps to march backwards and forwards during the day without being of any service to either party ; but it is easy to find faults after errors are committed. The truth is, that both Ney and his master, before the battles of the 16th, had the most perfect confidence that their force was quite sufficient to carry all their objects into execution; but the bravery of their adversaries confounded all their calculations; Bonaparte found the Prussians braver than he expected; and, therefore, it was necessary to bring up more troops to make them yield. As he did succeed, however, without the help of that 95. diers with the bitterest animosity. corps, it was a most unfortunate circumstance for BOOK XV. him that he deprived Ney of its services; for the failure of that officer in consequence, at Quatre Bras, was unquestionably the primary cause of all those terrible disasters which followed. While the Prussian army was retreating, the the Duke of Wellington, and the army under his command, remained on the field-of-battle at Quatre Bras. The British general was here ex- posed to the same privations as the meanest sol- dier. The open field was his pillow. Fatigued and cold towards the morning, he became anxious for a fire, which, after some difficulty, the soldiers of the 92d regiment kindled. Every one was eager to render him assistance or comfort, and he seemed in these trifling instances to feel greatly the attention of the troops towards him. He, had been joined by the cavalry and artillery and the rest of the army. By the morning of the 17th, he had placed the whole in the position of Quatre Bras, and was combining his measures to attack Ney at Frasnes, when he received a dispatch from Blucher, informing him of the unfortunate result of affairs on his side. The retreat of the Prussian army rendered a corresponding move- ment, on the part of the British general, abso- lutely necessary, in order to maintain his com- munication with the Prussians. He accordingly resolved on retreating towards Brussels, which was done in the most perfect order. Such were the º of the sanguinary com- bats of Ligny and Quatre Bras, where, according to Marshal Soult, the overthrow was terrible, and the effect theatrical. The emperor had, indeed, at one point beaten, but not broken, the line, so far as to compel the allies to choose other ground to re-form it; but from that he was not able to de- rive any material advantage, and certainly none such as he had anticipated. Although the allies had found it necessary to retreat, yet he did not attempt to pursue them. Their bravery on the 16th, had taught him that he must move with caution; and it was now necessary for him to re- mould his plans, to recruit and re-organize his strength; and to be certain that, in the next en- gagement, no corps of his army should march backwards and forwards, during a whole day, doing nothing. The bravery of the British troops had, in a particular manner, baffled his views; and till they were disposed of, he could neither turn a force against the Prussian army sufficient to “crush” it, nor could he march to Brussels in safety. In the battle of the 16th, both sides fought with the utmost resolution ; but the French sol- The first and third corps of the French army had hoisted the black flag, and resolved to give no quarter to their enemies. But the animosity of the French troops was particularly ºted against the Prus- …” CHAP. VI. Jºvº-A 1815. 1400 HISTORY OF THE WARS BOOK XV. CHAP. WI. \ºveº- 1815. sians. “On the 15th, before Charleroy,” said an of- ficial account to Davoust, “several squares of Prus- sian infantry were broken by some squadrons. Of 5 or 6,000 men, who composed those squares, only 1,700 could be saved.” The Moniteur, however, comes closer and more boldly to the point. On the 16th, said that paper, “the firing of our troops against the Prussians, whose govern- ment has been the principal instigator of this un- just war, was such, that the emperor was obliged to order the recal to be beaten three times, for the purpose of enjoining the making of prisoners, and the stopping the carnage.” The policy that could dictate or tolerate such a system as this, must have been short-sighted indeed. It was an evil which was certain to work its own cure; and and through means which the heart recoils to think on. The consequence of this conduct, on the part of the enemy, was, that the anger of the Prussians was kindled to fury and retribution, stern and unrelenting; and their comrades’ blood nerved their arms and steeled their hearts to fu- ture combats. The retreat of the allied armies gave the French an opportunity, at which they are adepts, and which, at this time, was peculiarly necessary, namely, to claim great and brilliant victories; and also to anticipate the most happy and decisive results in their favor. Bulletin after bulletin was transmitted by telegraph to the interior, and to -** the shores of the ocean, to announce that the emperor “had completely beaten the united ar- mies of Wellington and Blucher.” Three of these dispatches were received at Boulogne, on the morning of the 18th. Paris was illuminated. The most extravagant joy was manifested by the friends of the emperor. The artillery was fired by hundreds. The waves of the channel heard with amazement the terrible echo; and the chalky cliffs of Albion remained in suspense and fear. The whole vanity and arrogance of the ambi- tious and thoughtless French people were again brought forward to public notice. “His majesty,” said the Moniteur, “ was to enter Brussels the day after this glorious action, in which, it is said, the safety of the general-in-chief, Wellington, is compromised.” The official accounts published by the minister at war adopted even a loftier tone. “The noble lord (Wellington) must have been confounded. There were, upon the field-of- battle, eight enemies to one Frenchman l’ Con- tinuing this strain of exultation and irony, the account proceeds:–“Whole bands of prisoners are taken. We do not know what is become of their commanders. The route is complete on this side, and I hope we shall not soon hear again of these Prussians, if they should ever be able to rally at all. As for the English, we shall see what will become of them. The emperor is there.” CHAPTER VII. Remarks upon the Plans of the allied Generals.-Marshal Grouchy sent to observe the Prussians, while Bonaparte proceeds against the British Army.—Skirmishes.—Repulse of the Enemy by the Life-guards.--Retreat of the British Army to Waterloo.—Dreadful State of the Weather.—Views of Bonaparte.—State of Brussels and its Vicinity during the Battles of Ligny and Quatre Bras- Strength of the French and allied.Armies on the Morning of the 18th.-Their Positions. IN consequence of the retreat of the British and Prussian armies, it was generally supposed that the allied commanders had been inattentive, and not sufficiently upon their guard, in allow- ing Bonaparte thus to attack them unprepared, and, as it were, in detail with the force under his direction. There is, however, little ground for this supposition; for Blucher, as we have already seen, was not off his guard. It was absolutely necessary, in order to procure sustenance to the troops, to have them in extensive cantonments. “The combined armies,” said Lord Castlereagh, “it has been found expedient to distribute where sustenance could most easily be procured. The Duke of Wellington and Prince Blucher could 2 not concentrate this force without leaving a large º of the frontier of the King of the Nether- ands open to the incursions of the French.” For this purpose Brussels, and the surrounding coun- try, was certainly the best chosen. From thence they could be removed, with the greatest celerity, to any point on the frontiers of the Netherlands. If ºr. had attacked that country from be- tween Valenciennes and Lisle, as he might have done, and as his march upon Beaumont indicated that he might attempt, then the allied troops could reach the frontiers to oppose him, as soon as he could move his army from Avesnes to that point. It was by no means improbable that the enemy would make an attempt first in that quarter; be- OF THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 1401 -------- *-* –- --------- - - *** *-* *-* * cause, by doing so, he not only had the important fortresses already mentioned to cover both flanks of his army, but he would have reached Ghent, threatened Antwerp, and cut off the line of the advance of the British supplies from England by way of Ostend. That the Duke of Welling- ton himself thought this would most probably be the first object of the enemy is very obvious, when he says, he directed the troops immediately to assemble, upon hearing of the advance of the enemy, “ and afterwards to march to their left, as soon as I had intelligence from other quarters to prove that the enemy's movement upon Char- leroy was the real attack.” The position of Brussels, therefore, was equally good, if not better, than any other that could be chosen to guard against any attack from the enemy in this direc- tion; because, from Brussels they could reach the frontiers towards Tournay and Valenciennes, as soon as they could have done the same point if assembled between Namur and Charleroy, and vice versä to the latter place, had they been as- sembled at the former. On the other hand, if it was necessary to assemble their forces on the defensive before a superior force, Brussels was the only place where it could be done. The official account, published by Prince Schwartzenberg, is very pointed upon this subject, and says, from the manner in which it was absolutely necessary to station the armies, “their union was not prac- ticable in any point except in the neighbourhood of Brussels.” It, at the same time, secured the safety of the Upper Netherlands, should the enemy have made a dash forward in that quarter. When the plans of the allies were matured, then their armies would have been collected on the oint chosen by them to assume offensive atti- tudes; but this, as yet, they were not ready for, nor was it the policy of Bonaparte to allow them to be. His business was to attack before they were prepared, unless he meant to stand upon the defensive. In attacking on the offensive, the party first ready to commence offensive operations, has the advantage of being able to choose the point he intends to attack, and consequently to come against that part of the line of his adversaries which may be least guarded. While the great plans of all the allies remained incomplete, it was well known no single army of their's would ad- vance into the enemy's country; and, therefore, the advance of the French army at some point was only what might have been anticipated; but where depended upon the will of Bonaparte. It was easy to suppose troops, should have been ready at all points—these, indeed, it was not diffi- cult to assemble in any numbers, but it was very difficult with regard to supplies and provisions for them. Before the force of the enemy, whose business it was to commence operations, it was probable that the allied commanders would—nay, it might become the height of prudence that they should recede, had it even been to a point beyond Brussels. The allies, however, though forced to retreat, had no intention to abandon that city to the enemy. On the 17th, Bonaparte having sent the third and fourth corps of infantry, under Girard and Wandamme, and the third corps of cavalry, under General Pagol, the whole amounting to about 35,000 men, and commanded by Marshal Grouchy, to follow the movements of the Prussian army to Wavre, proceeded with the remainder of his force to the position which the troops under Ney occu- pied ; but, before his arrangements were com- pleted, and his orders given for his army to ad- vance, the British troops were in full retreat, with the exception of the rear-guard, which was still at Quatre Bras. Bonaparte, thinking the British army remained in their position at this place, ad- vanced his troops in strong columns of attack against them; but when they reached the heights above the village of Frasnes, Bonaparte was sur- prised to find that the British had retreated; and that the troops against which his columns were advancing were nothing more than a strong rear- guard, which fell back as his troops advanced. He immediately ordered his cavalry to advance in pursuit; ...} his columns of infantry continued their march in the direction of Brussels. Many skirmishes took place with alternate success, until the rear of the British army arrived at Genappe. The British had to defile through the narrow streets of this village, and over the bridge which there crosses a small river, in the very face of the pursuing enemy. The cuirassiers being in ad- vance, the Earl of Uxbridge ordered the 7th hussars to charge them; but their horses were too small to produce any effect, and their swords shivered into atoms like glass, when they struck the steel armour of these men; and the regiment was forced to retire with some loss. The cuiras- siers pursued them rapidly, and took the rear- squadron prisoners. The life-guards were then ordered up to protect the hussars, and the rear of the army. The guards immediately charged, and, after a short but severe contest, the enemy retired in confusion. Several other charges took place with the same success, in which the Qxford blues greatly distinguished themselves. The re- treat was then continued without any further in- terruption by the enemy, to the heights of Mount St. John, in advance of Waterloo, a village in front of the forest of Soignies, and on the great road to Brussels, within nine miles of that city. During the whole of the afternoon of the 17th the rain fell in torrents, accompanied by dreadful thunder and lightning, as if the elements also had collected to this point all their destructive engines to engage in the mighty conflict. This state of the weather was of great advantage to BOOK XV. CHA P. VII. \ , ºvº-V 1815. 1402 history of the wars BOOK XV. CHAP. VII. Jºvº-Z 1Sl 5. the allied army; and the roads being broken up by their artillery, rendered it difficult for the enemy to pursue. It was five o'clock when the allied troops arrived at the position destined for them by their skilful commander. Bonaparte's army halted in the neighbourhood of Genappe. In the evening a short cannonade took place to- wards Hougoumont, but without any result. On the left, the Belgian troops advanced in parties in front, brandishing their arms, shouting, and firing some cannon, in token of defiance to the enemy; but to this he paid no attention. All the army of Wellington was now collected at Waterloo. The duke accordingly wrote to Mar- shal Blucher, that he was resolved to accept the battle in that place, providing that the marshal could spare two corps of his army to assist him. This the gallant veteran not only agreed to do, but promised, if necessary, to come with all his army to the assistance of the British general. At the same time he proposed, that if Napoleon did not attack the allies on the 18th, that they should, on the subsequent day, attack him with all their forces. When the evening approached, the allied soldiers, wet, weary, and hungry, took up their bivouack amidst the dripping corn, mud, and water, and in the open fields, with scarcely any covering. The ground afforded no shelter for the troops, so that generals, officers, and men, were equally exposed to the rain which was fall- ing in torrents. The French army was in a si- milar situation. The Duke of Wellington having made his arrangements for the night, established his head-quarters at a petty inn in the small village of Waterloo, about a mile in the rear of the position. The French troops had been gra- dually coming up during the evening, and occu- pied a ridge nearly opposite to the position of the English army. Bonaparte slept at the farm-house of Cailou, near Planchenoit. Thus arranged, both generals and their respective armies waited the arrival of morning, and the events it was to bring. During the greater part of the night, the thunder and lightning continued most tremendous, accompanied by a high wind, and incessant and heavy rain; but though this night was dreadful to the soldier, it must have been still more so to the wretched inhabitants of the country which the armies occupied. Obliged to abandon their humble dwellings, in despair they had fled to the deep recesses of the forest for security, and in the hope of saving their lives. The rich creps of grain, which were fast hastening to maturity, were trodden under foot, or eaten up by the cavalry, and the helpless farmer saw the labour of a whole year destroyed in a single day. Thus ended the day of the 17th. The moment was truly important; and upon a general view of the subject, not a little alarming. . After twenty-five years of misery and carnage, peace had, during the previous year, spread her wings over Europe. The nations thereof were begin- ning to taste a blessing so long unknown to them, when the sweet enjoyment vanished. Blood and destruction began again to cover those countries, from whose frontiers the fearful torrent had com- menced its course, and whose divided stream, while it beat against the rock of Gibraltar on the one hand, at the same moment, on the other hand, bared the banks of the Moskwa, and threatened the confines of Asia. The torrent again let loose, where might it stop 3 All inquired, because all were interested. A decisive victory obtained by Bonaparte over Wellington and Blucher would have roused to fresh energies the ambition of France, and would have proved of incalculable advantage to him; and what was still more to be dreaded, it would have awakened and brought forward fear and despondency to curb the exer- tions, disunite the councils, and paralize the energies of the powers of Europe. As yet, how- ever, Napoleon . only been partially successful. His great object remained yet to gain; and which, if he did not gain immediately, would have compelled him to relinquish all the advan- tages which he had previously obtained. Nu- merous reinforcements, he was well aware, were at hand to augment the armies of his opponents. Three corps of the Prussian army were on their march, and making every exertion to join their comrades. He had, therefore, no alternative but to persevere before these corps joined, or to return into France before the forces of the enemy. From the bravery of the allies, on the 16th, he must have been aware that the ob- ject which he had in view was a most ardu- ous, and even a doubtful undertaking. Ne- vertheless, he was resolved to persevere ; and believed that, however difficult it might be, still he could carry his point. His self-confidence here led him into one of those errors which had oftener than once before proved fatal to him. He calculated that he had gained much more from the bloody operations of the 16th than he really had. He believed that Blucher's army was incapable of any further resistance that could be serious, or impede him. “He believed,” said the Prussian general, “ that the Prussian army was retiring upon Maestricht.” In fact, he believed this. “The Prussians,” said the enemy “are retreat- ing upon the Meuse in great disorder.” The Duke of Wellington, therefore, alone remained, as Bonaparte conceived, to offer any serious re- sistance to his progress. He, therefore, deter- mined to attack him before he could receive any assistance from the army of Blucher. The former disposed of, he calculated he should be able to turn a sufficient force against the disor- dered remnant of the Prussian army, which he made sure of destroying altogether. Accordingly, OF THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 1403 ~~~~7- he had dispatched the army, under Marshal Grouchy, to turn the left of the Prussian army, attack its rear at Wavre, and be ready to advance upon the road to Brussels; and, in the rear of the whole, at the hour when he calculated that he should be able to force the front of both the allied armies, and completely separate them, the one from the other, should the Prussians at all at- tempt to come to the assistance of the British ge- neral. Such were his prospects—such were his schemes—calculated, as usual, upon one of those vast French plans, “which command suecess, and decide the fate of empires.” But should he be defeated? That never once entered his thoughts. The possession of the capital of the Netherlands, and the destruction of Wellington and Blucher, two of the most celebrated generals of the age, were the mighty prizes for which he imme- diately contended. Others more remote were also in his view. His tottering power to re- establish—his tarnished glory to restore, and to disorganize the general plan of his mighty and numerous adversaries, were the next objects for which he fought. No common motives impelled him on—no common energies seconded his move- ments. An army, considering its numbers, more select than any France had ever before sent to the field, stood ready, heart and soul, to second his exertions. The whole were personally and enthusiastically attached to their chief. They were also known to each other; bound together by one common feeling, and one common interest: confident in their leaders; the flower of France ; and composed of those veterans, returned from European prisons, who had formerly carried ter- ror over the continent. . . All were burning to wipe away the stains which the previous cam- paigns had heaped upon their arms; and all were eager to earn fresh laurels, honors, and re- wards. Soult here again met that general who had so often vanquished him ; who . the as- surance to prevent him from celebrating his master's birth-day in Vittoria, and the boldness to take his commanding stand upon those “proud heights which overlook their fertile vallies.” On their parts, the commanders of the allied armies were not idle. The character of Blucher, for firmness and decision, was well-known. That of Wellington, many a proud day had celebrated over the world. The position of Waterloo had been previously pitched upon by his comprehen- sive mind, as the best he could choose to cover Brussels, and to meet the fury of his formidable antagonist. The untarnished fame of Wellington was now fairly and conspicuously opposed to the ruler of France, who had long been characterized, and was still believed by many, to be the greatest captain of the age ; who, also, in the present con- test, had every thing to hope from success, and * ruin to expect from defeat. The army 96. -----------s-s-- *-** of Wellington was confident in, and proud of, their chief; but they were composed of five dif. ferent nations, scarcely known to each other. The Dutch and Belgian troops were newly raised, and in their first assay in arms. The Hano- verians, forming a fourth of the army, were all new levies, and young troops. The inferiority in numbers was much on the side of Wellington's army. The inexperience of some troops, and their being strangers to each other, was also a great drawback. Yet with these the Duke of Wellington resolved to face his skilful adversary. Europe watched the movements of each with fear and silence. Britain with anxiety and hope. The British general, and the British troops, were thus, even under very disadvantageous circumstances, pitched against the elité of France and her boasted leader: nevertheless, to use the animated lan- guage of Sir John Stewart, after the battle of Maida, the result, in this instance as in that, was “greatly and gloriously” in their favor. In the mean time, various unpleasant rumours had spread through Brussels and the surrounding country, in consequence of the retreat of the al- lied armies. After the British army had left Brussels, on the morning of the 16th; that city looked like a perfect desert. Every countenance was marked with anxiety or melancholy—ever heart was filled with anxious expectation. It was not, however, supposed that any action would take place that day. What was then the general consternation, when, about three o'clock, a furious cannonading began l—It was certainly in the di- rection the British army had taken—it came from Waterloo ! . In vain did every one ask questions which none could answer—numbers of people, in carriages and on horseback, set off towards Wa- terloo, and returned no wiser than they went, each bringing back a different story—a thousand absurd reports, totally devoid of foundation, were circulated—what was told one minute was con- tradicted the next. According to some, Blucher had been completely beaten—according to others, he had gained a complete victory ;—some would have it, that 30,000 French were left dead on the field-of-battle—others, that about the same num- ber were advancing to surprise Brussels. It was even said that the English army were retreating in confusion—but the bearers of this piece of in- telligence were received with so much indignation, and such perfect incredulity, that they were glad to hold their peace. Some said the scene of action was twenty miles off—others that it was only six. At length in- telligence came from the army, brought by an officer who had left the field after five o’clock. “The British, in their march, had encountered the enemy on the plains of Fleurus, about fifteen miles from Brussels.-The Highland regiments received the furious onset of the whole French 16 C BOOK XV. CHAP. VII. Jºvº-A 1815. 1404 HISTORY OF THE WARS BOOK XV. *. CHAP. VII. 1815. ~º-sº" army, without yielding one inch of ground. With resolute, unshaken valor, they fought to the last, and fell upon the very spot where they first drew their swords. The combat was terrible—the enemy were in much more formidable force than had been represented, and deriving confidence from their immense superiority of numbers, they fought most furiously.—Blucher was separately engaged with another division of French at some distance, and could give us no assistance. Yet this brave handful of British had undauntedly stood their ground, º every attack, and were still fighting with the fullest confidence of success.” In the words of this officer, “all was well.” Still the cannonading continued, and apparent- ly approached nearer. The French were said to be 30 or 40,000 strong. Only 10,000 British troops had marched out of Brussels—the army was unconcentrated—it was impossible that the cavalry could have come up—the principal part of the artillery were at a distance. Under such circumstances, it was impossible, even with the fullest confidence in British valor, not to feel ex- treme anxiety for the army. Unable to rest, the British visitants and citizens wandered about the park the whole evening, or stood upon the ram- parts listening to the heavy cannonade, which towards ten o’clock became fainter, and soon af- terwards entirely died away. Anxiety was now at its highest pitch—the terror and confusion of the inhabitants, when the false news arrived, which was brought by the Belgians, is thus admirably described in the spirited and intelligent account of an eye-witness. “Between twelve and one, (says the narrator) we suddenly heard the noise of the rapid rolling of heavy carriages, in long succession, passing through the Place Royale, mingled yith the loud cries and exclamations of the people below. For some minutes we listened in silence—faster and faster, and louder and louder, the long train of carriages continued to roll through the town; the cries of the affrighted people increased. In some alarm, we hastily ran out to inquire the cause of this tumult: the first person we encountered, was a scared fille-de-chambre, who exclaimed in a most piteous tone—“Les Francois sont tout pres –dans une petite demi-heure ils seront ici, (The French are close at hand, they will be here in less than half-an-hour.) Que ferons nous ! Que ferons nous ! (What shall we do? What shall we do!) il faut partir tout de suite, (let us fly directly.) Questions were in vain—she could only reiterate again and again: “The French are close at hand;’ —and then renew her exclamations and lamenta- tions. As we flew down stairs, the house seemed deserted, every room-door was open—the candles were left burning on the tables—every body had run out into the Place Royale—at the bottom of the stairs, a group of affrighted Belgians were as- sembled—consternation pictured on their faces. They could only tell us, that intelligence had been brought of a large body of French having been seen advancing through the woods to take Brus- sels, that they were within half-an-hour's march of the city, (which was wholly undefended,) and that the English army was in full retreat. “It's too true, it's too true,” was repeated on every side, ‘ and the train of artillery that was passing through (they said) was retreating !’—We had soon, however, the satisfaction of finding this was not the case, that the artillery were passing through to join the army, that they were not retreating, but advancing ; and, finding that the report of the French being within half-an-hour's march of the city, rested only on the authority of some Bel- gians, our alarm gradually subsided. Some people, indeed, took their departure—but as the French did not make their appearance, some went to bed, and others lay down in their clothes, by no means assured that their slumbers might not be broken by the entrance of the French. “ In fact, between five and six, we were roused by a loud knocking at the door, and the cries of * Les Francois somt ici—Les Francois sont ici.” Starting up, the first sight we beheld was a troop of Belgic cavalry, covered, not with glory but with mud, galloping through the town at full speed, as if the enemy were at their heels; and immediately the heavy baggage-waggons, which had been harnessed from the moment of the first alarm, set off full gallop down La Montagne de la Cour and through every street by which it was possible to effect their escape. In less than two minutes, the great square of the Place Royale, which had been crowded with men and horses, carts and baggage-waggons, was completely cleared of every thing, and entirely deserted. Again were the cries repeated, of “Les Francois sont icil—Ils s'emparent de la porte de la ville.” (The French are at the gates of the town.) The doors of all the bed-rooms were thrown open; the º: flew out with their night-caps on, scarcely alf-dressed, and looking quite distracted, running about pale and trembling they knew not whither, with packages under their arms—some carrying huge heterogeneous collections of things down to the cellars, and others loaded with their property flying up to the garrets. The poor fille-de-cham- bre, nearly frightened out of her wits, was stand- ing wringing her hands, unable to articulate any thing but “Les Francois—Les Francois!”—while the cook exclaimed, with more dignity, “...Wous sommes tous perdus !“ (We are all lost!) “In the court-yard below, a scene of the most dreadful confusion ensued; description can give but a faint idea of the scuffle that took place to get at the horses and carriages; the squabbling of masters and servants, ostlers, chambermaids, OF THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 1405 -º- coachmen, and gentlemen, all scolding at once, and swearing in French, English, and Flemish; while every opprobrious epithet and figure of speech, which the three languages contained, were exhausted upon each other; and the con- fusion of tongues could scarcely have been ex- ceeded by that of the Tower of Babel. Some made use of supplication, and others had recourse to force ; words were followed by blows. One half of the Belgic drivers refused either to go themselves, or let their beasts go, and with many gesticulations, called upon all the saints and angels in heaven to witness that they would not set out—no, not to save the Prince of Orange himself; and neither love, nor money, nor threats, nor intreaties, could induce them to alter this de- termination. Those who had horses, or means of procuring them, set off with most astonishing ex- pedition, and one English carriage after another took the road to Antwerp.” It was impossible for the people of Brussels, who were wholly ignorant of the event of the bat- tle, and acquainted only with the disadvantageous circumstances under which it had been fought, not to fear that the enemy might at least have succeeded in breaking through the British, or at least the Prussian lines; or that Bonaparte, ever fertile in expedients, might have contrived to elude their vigilance and to send a detachment, under cover of night, by a circuitous route to seize the unguarded city, the possession of which was to him of the highest importance. The news of the advance of the French—the alarming reports which had been brought in from all quarters during the night—the flight of the Belgic troops, and, above all, the failure of any intelligence from the British army, tended to corroborate this last alarm, and it seemed but too certain that the enemy were actually at hand. At length, after a considerable interval of terror and suspense, an aid-de-camp of the Duke of Wellington ar- rived, who had left the army at four o'clock, and, to the unspeakable joy of the people, this was found to be a false alarm. It had been spread by those dastardly Belgians who had been scam- pering through the town, and who had, it is sup- posed, met with some straggling party of the enemy. . It was also said, that a foraging party of French had come bravadoing to the gates of the city, summoning it to surrender. A considerable number of French, indeed, entered the town soon after ; but they were French prisoners. The duke's aid-de-camp brought the welcome informa- tion, “that the British army, though attacked by such a tremendous superiority of numbers, and under every possible disadvantage, had com- letely repulsed the enemy, and remained masters of the field-of-battle. The cavalry, or at least a considerable part of them, had come up at the close of the action, but too late to take any part in sº it; thus our infantry had sustained, during the whole of the day, the attack of the enemy's ca- valry as well as infantry. The duke expected that the attack would be renewed this morning (17th): but the army was now collected, and joined both by the cavalry and artillery, and a more decisive engagement ºnight be expected. The loss of the enemy in killed, wounded, and prisoners, had been great.” The defeat which the Prussians had sustained, could not, however, be concealed, and the Belgians were filled with consternation and dismay. The corpse of the Duke of Brunswick had passed through Brussels during the night, and his fate seemed to make a great impression upon the minds of the people. Waggons filled with the wounded began to arrive, and the melancholy spectacle of these poor sufferers increased the general despon- dency. The streets were filled with the most piti- able sights., . A Belgic soldier was seen dying at the door of his own home, and surrounded by his relatives, who were weeping over him; numerous were the sorrowful groups standing round the dead bodies of those who had died of their wounds in the way home. Numbers of wounded, who were able to walk, were wandering upon every road; their blood-stained clothes and pale haggard countenances, perhaps, giving the idea of suffer- ings much greater than the reality. Qu the forenoon of this day, (Saturday), the Duke of Wellington had fallen back about seven miles, upon Waterloo, in order to take up a position more favorable for the cavalry, and from which he could keep up the communication with Marshal Blucher, who had retreated upon Wavre. It is impossible to describe the panic that the news of this retreat spread at Brussels. No- body could convince the Belgians that a retreat and a flight were not one and the same thing; and, firmly convinced that the English had been defeated, they fully expected every moment to see them enter Brussels in the utmost confusion, with the French after them ; even the English themselves, who had the most unbounded con- fidence in the British army and its commanders, and who were certain, that if they retreated it would be with good order, steady discipline, and undaunted courage, began to fear that the im- mense superiority of the enemy had made the duke judge it prudent to fall back until joined by fresh reinforcements. It would be endless to dwell upon every fresh panic. An open town, like Brussels, within a few miles of contending armies, is subject to perpetual alarms, and scarcely an hour passed without some false reports occurring to spread general terror and confusion. Every hour only served to add to the dismay. So great was the alarm in Brussels. on the evening of the 17th, that 100 Napoleons. BOOK XV. CHAP. VII. Jºrº–W 1815. 1406 HISTORY OF THE WARS B{}OK XV. CHA P. VII. ~gº.º-Z’ 1815, were offered in vain for a pair of horses to go to Antwerp, a distance of thirty miles; and numbers set off on foot, and embarked in boats upon the canal. In the afternoon, a violent thunder-storm came on, followed by torrents of rain, which, during the whole of the night, when the army were ſaying unsheltered upon the field of Water- loo, never ceased a single moment. On the next day, the terror and confusion reached its highest point. News arrived of the French having gained a complete victory, and it was universally be- lieved. A dreadful panic had seized the men left in charge of the baggage, in the rear of the army, and they ran away with a rapidity that could not have been surpassed even by the French them- selves. The road between Waterloo and Brus- sels, which lays through the forest of Soignes, is completely confined on either side by trees; it was soon choaked up ; those behind attempted to get past those before—officers’ servants were struggling to secure their masters' baggage— panic-struck people forcing their way over every obstacle, with the desperation of fear—and a complete scuffle ensued, which might really be called a battle burlesqued, in which numbers of horses were killed, and some lives lost, not to mention the innumerable broken heads and black bruises sustained on the occasion. The road was covered with broken and over- turned waggons—heaps of abandoned baggage —dead horses, and terrified people. In some places horses, waggons, and all, were driven over high banks by the road side, in order to clear a passage. The quantity of rain that had fallen, of itself made the roads nearly impassable, and it was impossible for the wounded to be brought from the field. Certainly these Waterloo men, who came flying into Brussels on Sunday, did not cut a very glorious figure At Antwerp, though more distant from the scene of action, the consternation was nearly as great. Long rows of carriages lined the streets, filled with fugitives, who could find no place of shelter; and people of rank and fortune were glad to eat and sleep in one and the same misera- ble hole, which, at any other time, they would have disdained to enter. So great was the uni- versal anxiety, that during the whole of the 18th, though the rain was almost incessant, the great Place de Maire was crowded with people, who stood from morning until night, under umbrellas, impatiently watching the arrival of news from the army, and assailing every body who entered the town with fruitless inquiries. “Whether in Antwerp or Brussels (observes the author just cited) the hearts and souls of all were with the army. One common interest bound together all ranks and conditions of men. All other subjects—all other considerations were forgotten—all distinctions were levelled—all com- mon forms thrown aside and neglected,—ladies accosted men they had never seen before with eager questions ; no preface—no apology—no ceremony was thought of strangers conversed together like friends—all ranks of people ad- dressed each other without hesitation—every body seeking—every body giving information— and English reserve seemed no longer to exist. “It is impossible to imagine the strong over- powering anxiety of being so near such eventful scenes, without being able to learn what is really passing. To know that within a few miles such an awful contest is deciding—to hear even the distant voice of war—to think that in the roar of every cannon, your brave countrymen are falling, bleeding, and dying—to dread that your friends, even those dearest to you, may be the victims— to endure the long and protracted suspense—the constant agitation—the varying reports—the in- cessant alarms—the fluctuating hopes, and doubts, and fears—no—none but those who have felt what it is can conceive or understand it.” But to return to the movements of the contend- ing armies. Bonaparte found, upon bringing up his troops on the evening of the 17th, that it was too late, for that day, to make any attempt against the position chosen by his skilful adversary. “It would have required three hours more of day- light,” said he, “to have attacked them :” in consequence of which, he deferred the attack till the 18th. We shall here endeavour to state the amount of the French army on the morning of that day as nearly as possible. We have already stated that it consisted of 130,000 men, before the invasion of the Netherlands took place ; but when Bonaparte joined it, with his guards and other troops, on the 12th, it was increased to between 140 and 150,000 men. It was divided into five corps of infantry, and four of cavalry, and was accompanied by 300 pieces of artillery. The cavalry consisted of 25,000 men, and a finer body never entered a field. It was supposed that Bonaparte was peculiarly weak in this arm, but the reverse proved to be the case. Among the cavalry were the lancers, who were distinguished by their address, activity, and ferocity; and the cuirassiers, of whom there are said to have been nine regiments, were remarkable for the excel- lence of their appointments, and the superior power of their horses. Of the quality of this last corps we shall have occasion to notice hereafter. It is impossible to speak too highly of the French infantry in point of bravery and discipline in the field. The elité of the army consisted of the imperial guards, who were, at least, 20,000 strong. All these troops were completely armed and equipped, and supplied even to profusion with every kind of ammunition. Their loss, in the battles of Quatre Bras and Ligny, amounted to about lºymen, leaving a force of about of THE FRENch Revolution. 1407 -*. -ur- r—- *_* 130,000 on the morning of the 18th of June. Of these, however, 35,000 were with Marshal Grouchy, observing the Prussians; but there still remained 95,000 effective men to attack the Bri- Duke of York, the field battalion of Gruberha- Book xv. gen, and field battalion of Bremen, formed the first brigade of Hanoverian infantry. The field Chap. VII. battalion of Luneburg, field battalion of Botmer, sº- tish army; and some troops having joined in the morning, it was increased to 100,000. We have already noticed the amount and compo- sition of the allied army under the Duke of Wellington. Deducting the loss which it sus- tained on the 16th, and a corps which had been detached, under Prince Frederic of Orange, it was now reduced to about 70,000 or 75,000 men. As it may be interesting to many of our readers, we shall here give the formation of the different bri- gades, as well as the divisions of the British army when the campaign commenced. The Duke of Wellington had formed the whole of the force under his command, consisting of British, Dutch, and Hanoverian troops, with the contingents of Nassau and Brunswick Oels, into two great corps, which has been already mentioned. Each grand corps consisted of so imany divisions of cavalry and infantry, and each division of so many bri- gades, according to the following organization, as detailed in the general orders of the 11th of April, and subsequent dates. The second and third battalions of the 1st regiment of foot-guards formed the first brigade of British infantry, the second battalion of the coldstream-guards, and the second battalion of the 3d guards, formed the second brigade; and these two brigades formed the first division of British infantry. The first brigade was com- manded by Major-general Maitland; the second by Major-general Byng ; and the division by Major-general George Cooke. The 52d regi- ment, the 71st, and nine companies of the 95th rifle regiment, formed the third brigade of Bri- tish infantry. ' The third battalion of the 14th regiment, the 23d, and 51st, formed the fourth British brigade. The second battalion of the 30th regiment, the 23d, and second battalions of the 69th and 73d, formed the fifth brigade of infantry. The second battalion of the 38th, the 54th, 59th, and 91st regiments, formed the sixth brigade. 37th, and 81st regiments, formed the eighth bri- gade. The third battalion of the royal Scots, the 42d, or royal Highlanders, the second battalion of the 44th, and the 92d regiment, formed the ninth brigade. The 4th, or king's own, the 27th, 40th, and second battalion of the 81st regiment, removed from the seventh brigade, formed the tenth brigade, all of British infantry. The first, second, third, and fourth line batta- lions of the king's German legion, formed the first brigade of that corps. The fifth and eighth line battalions, and first and 'second light-battalions, formed the second brigade of infantry of the king's German legion. The first battalion of the Clſº The second battalions of the 25th, and militia battalion of Lalzgetter, formed the second brigade. The militia battalion of Bremen Worden, the second and third battalions of the Duke of York, and field battalion of Lauenburg, formed the third brigade. The militia battalions of Lauberg, Vorden, Osteradt, and Minden, formed the fourth brigade ; the militia battalions of Flammerler and Griffhorn formed the fifth brigade. The field battalions of Callemberg, with the militia of Hoga, Nieuberg, and Bentham, formed the sixth and last brigade of Hanoverian infantry. * * The third brigade of British infantry, com- manded by Major-general Adams, the first bri- gade of infantry of the king's German legion, commanded by Colonel de Piatt, and the third brigade of Hanoverian infantry, commanded by Colonel Halkett, formed the second division of the army, and were commanded by Lieutenant- general Sir H. Clinton. * The fifth brigade of British infantry, com- manded by Major-general Sir Colin Halkett, the second brigade of the king's German legion, commanded by Colonel Ompeda, and the first brigade of Hanoverian infantry, commanded b Major-general Kellmanzig, formed the third di- vision of the army, and were commanded by Lieutenant-general Sir Charles Alten. The fourth brigade of British infantry, com- manded by Colonel Mitchel, the sixth, com- manded by Major-general Johnston, and sixth brigade of Hanoverian infantry, commanded by Major-general Lyon, formed the fourth division of the army, which was commanded by Lieu- tenant-general Colville. The eighth brigade of British infantry, commanded by Major-general Sir James Kempt, with the ninth, commanded * by Major-general Sir Denis Pack, and fifth bri- gade of Hanoverian infantry, commanded by Colonel Vincke, formed the fifth division of the army, which was commanded by Lieutenant- . general Sir Thomas Picton. The tenth British brigade, commanded by Major-general Sir J. Lambert, with the fourth Hanoverian brigade, commanded by Colonel Best, formed the sixth division of the army, which was commanded by Lieutenant-general Sir Lowry Cole. w Lieutenant-general the Earl of Uxbridge was appointed to command the whole cavalry of the army, and the 1st and 2d life-guards, with the the royal horse-guards, blue, and king's dragoon- guards, formed the brigade of what was called the household-troops, which was commanded by Major-general Lord E. Somerset. The royal dragoons, with the Scotch greys and Inniskillen dragoons, formed the heavy brigade of cavalry, 16 D 1815, 1408 - 'HISTORY OF THE WARS BOOK XV. CHAP. VII. Jº"Neº-A 1815. 'sey Vivian. which was commanded by Major-general Sir W. Ponsonby. The 7th, 10th, and 18th hussars, formed the first British brigade of light cavalry, and was commanded by Major-general Sir Hus- The 11th, 12th, and 16th light dragoons, formed the second British brigade, and was commanded by Major-general Sir J. Vande- leur. The 13th light dragoons, 15th hussars, and 23d light dragoons, formed another British brigade of light cavalry, which was commanded by Major-general Sir C. Grant. . The 1st and 2d light dragoons and 2d hussars formed the first brigade of cavalry of the king's German legion, which was commanded by Major-general Dorn- berg, and the 1st and 3d regiments of hussars, formed the second brigade of cavalry of that corps, and was commanded by Colonel Sir F. Arentzchild. The prince-regent's hussars and Verdun hussars formed the first brigade of Ha- noverian cavalry, which was commanded by Co- lonel Esteroff, of the Hanoverian service. The first and third divisions of the infantry of the Anglo-Hanoverian army, with their artillery, and the second and third divisions of infantry, and a division of cavalry of the army of the Netherlands, with a battery of foot and another of horse-artillery, of the same army, composed the first grand corps, which, as we have already observed, was entrusted to general his royal- highness the Prince of Orange. he second and fourth divisions of the Anglo- Hanoverian infantry, and second brigade of ca- valry of the king's German legion, with the artil- lery attached to these divisions, together with the Indian brigade, and first division of infantry of the army of the Netherlands, and a battery of foot and another of horse-artillery, formed the second grand corps, commanded by Lieutenant- general Lord Hill, The reserve of the army consisted of the fifth and sixth divisions of Bri- tish infantry, with the corps of cavalry and infan- §. his serene highness the Duke of Brunswick €/S, We shall now attend minutely to the positions chosen by the contending armies on the 18th. No- thing that concerns Waterloo should be lost. Every spot should be dear to Britain, because every clod of earth is wet with the blood of her bravest sons. Every footstep attests her prowess, every object recalls to the memory of the beholder her glory and their fame. • The army under the command of his grace the Duke of Wellington was, as we have already noticed, posted about a mile in front of Waterloo, at the point where the position crossed the high roads, leading from Brussels to Charleroy and Nivelles. Its right was thrown back to a ravine near Merke Braine, which village was occupied. Its left extended to a height above the hamlet * Ter la Haye, which was likewise occupied. In front of the right centre, aud near the Nivelle road, his grace occupied the house and garden of Hougoumont, or Chateau Goumont, which covered the return of that flank; and, in front of the left centre, he occupied the farm of la Haye Sainte (the Holy Hedge). The centre occupied the vil- lage of Mount St. John. A road runs from Ter la Haye to Ohain, and the woody passes of St. Lambert, through which the Duke of Wellington kept up a communication by his left with the Prussian army at Wavre. The whole position was situated upon an eminence, and extended about a mile and a half. The army was disposed in two lines. The first line, which was composed of the choicest troops in the Duke of Wellington's army, occupied the top of the hill, and were defended on the left partly by a large ditch and hedge, which ran in a straight line from Mount St. John. The second line lay behind the brow of the hill ; and was, in some degree, sheltered from the enemy's fire. The reserve, under the command of Lord Hill, was placed in reserve on the right of the position, in front of the village of i. le-Braine, with its right resting on Braine-la- Leud. The Prussian army, which began to move at break of day, was placed as follows, viz. the fourth and second corps marched from Wavre by St. Lambert, where they were to take a position covered by the forest of Soignies, near Frischer- mont, in order to take the enemy in the rear when the moment should appear favorable. The first corps was to operate by Ohain, on the right flank of the enemy. Their line, in the evening, extended about a mile and a quarter. The French army was posted on a range of heights, in front of the army under the British general. The first corps was placed with its left on the road to Brussels, in front of the village of Mount St. John, and opposite the centre of the allied army. This corps had not been engaged on the 16th, and was consequently entire. The second corps had its right on the road to Brussels, and its left upon a small wood, within cannon- shot of the English army. The cuirassiers were in reserve behind, and the imperial guards in re- serve on the heights. The sixth corps, with the cavalry of General Detourmont, under the chief command of Count Loban, was destined to op- pose the Prussians in the rear of their right. The rest of the cavalry were with the guards, and the other two corps of the army. Over the whole position of the French army there were sixty bat- teries of cannon. The front, when extended to meet the Prussians, was about two miles and a half. With regard to the natural, strength of the res- pective positions, the reader, upon turning to the of The FRENch REvolution. 1409 --~~~~ - ** map, will perceive, from the course of the rivers, or rather rivulets, that the country occupied by the armies was the most elevated ground in those parts, and which rises from every quarter as you approach it. The whole forms numerous ridges, without any very prominent eminences; and the vallies betwixt them are intersected with ravines. For half a league in advance of Waterloo the ground invariably rises to Mount St. John. It is interspersed, as it rises, with ridges, like the waves of the sea, wave behind wave. The posi- tion occupied by the Prussians, at the close of the day, joined the British at Ter la Haye. From that place, the ridge which forms Mount St. John, turns first in a south- and then in a south-west direction, by Frischermont, towards Planchenoit. Its front, opposite the French position, rose like an amphitheatre, in several swells or ridges, each higher than the other, but all inferior in height to the ehief ridge, on which Mount St. John is situ- ated. At their foot is a valley, from whence the ground again rose, in an elevated chain, towards the position of the enemy. On the front opposite, and nearly on similar ground, with a valley be- tween the allies and them, and also between their centre and their right wing, the French army was posted. All these eminences were covered with artillery. In the valley, which lay between the positions of the French and British armies, about half-way between the two ridges, and to the right of the centre of the British, is situated the farm-house and chateau called Hougoumont, or Chateau Goumont. This was a gentleman's house, of the old Flemish architecture, having a tower and bat- tlements. It was surrounded on one side by a large farm-yard, and on the other opened to a garden, and fenced by a brick-wall, which was loop-holed by the British on the night of the 17th. The whole was encircled by an open grove of tall trees, covering a space of about three or four acres, without any underwood. This chateau, with the advantages afforded by its wood and gardens, formed a strong point d'appui to the British right wing. The Duke of Wellington had occupied this house, as also the wall and gar- night were past. den, with a detachment of guards from the se- BOOKXV. cond brigade, and a regiment of the troops of Nassau. It was a post of the utmost importance; Char-Yº. Jºvº-Z for while it was held the enemy could not ap- proach the right of the British army. The country around is generally open, groups of trees only appearing behind Frischermont, Planchenoit, Mon Plaisir, and near the so much talked of observatory. Several villages and farm-houses rose amidst those fields, which were cultivated in the highest manner, and covered chiefly with rye, at this season of the year in the utmost luxuriance of vegetation. From the in- cessant rain all the ground was very soft; and, in - some new-ploughed fields, the troops could not move without sinking to the calf of the leg. In the rear of those memorable fields lies the vast forest of Soignies, consisting chiefly of bushes, extremely tall and beautiful. hº this forest, for seve- ral miles, runs the great road from Brussels to the frontiers. In passing the position which, we have just described, the Duke of Wellington, on the preceding year, remarked, that it was a spot which he should choose were he ever called upon to defend Brussels. Little did he at that moment imagine, that he should so soon be called upon to defend Brussels; and still less could he think that it would be against such an enemy. Such was the ground, and such were the posi- tions of the contending armies, who were abeut to contend for the fate of Europe. The shades of a short, but gloomy, rainy, and uncomfortable The morning of the 18th, (Sunday) dawned. Like the night, it was cheer- less and rainy: dark and sullen clouds obscured the face of heaven, and blackened the approach of this eventful and bloody day. No sun of Austerlitz here shed his morning beams on those ranks which looked upon such omens as an infal- lible sign of victory. With the morning arose thousands who were destined never to see the dawn of another. Stiff, and almost motionless, from having slept on the open fields, and under such deluges of rain, the officers and soldiers awoke, and began to prepare for battle. 1815. j410 HISTORY OF THE WARS BOOK XV. ** CHAP. VIII. Jºvº. A 1815. CHAPTER VIII. Battle of Waterloo.—Bonaparte's Address to his Soldiers previous to the Engagement.—Attack on Hougoumont.—Bravery of the Guards.--Furious Attack on the Left Wing of the British Army. —La Haye Sainte stormed.—The Enemy repulsed.—Death of General Picton.--The Attack re- newed.—Dreadful Carnage.—Gallantry of the Inniskillen Dragoons.—Death of Sir William Ponsonby.—Attack of the Cuirassiers.-British light Cavalry forced to retire.—Gallantry of the 28th Regiment.—The Cuirassiers attacked and overthrown by the heavy Cavalry of the British.-- Gallant Conduct of Individuals in the British Army.—Second Attack upon Hougoumont.—Criti- cal Situation of the British Army.—The Prussians anariously capected.—Dreadful Attack on the Centre.—Conduct of the Duke of Wellington.—The Attacks of the Enemy described.—Movements of the Prussian Army.—Arrival of Bulow's Corps.-Bonaparte sends the sixth Corps and a part of his Guards against them.—The Prussians repulsed and separated from the British Army.— ...Attack on Wavre by Grouchy.—Desperate Attack on the Centre and Left of the British Army, by the Imperial-guards-Dreadful Slaughter on both Sides.—Victory doubtful—The Enemy charged and overthrown by the British Guards.-Arrival of the first and second Corps of the Prussian Army, with Marshal Blucher.—Advance of the British Army, headed by the Duke of Wellington, to attack the Enemy.—Total Defeat of the French.-Pursued by the Prussians.— Dreadful Carnage.—Wreck of the French Army arrive at Charleroy, followed by the Prussians.— Flight of Bonaparte to Paris.-Loss of both Armies.—Horrible Appearance of the Field-of- battle.—Names of Officers who distinguished themselves.—Anecdotes.—Remarks. It appears Bonaparte did not expect that the British would await the issue of a battle in the position they had taken up; for when the dawn- ing of the 18th of June shewed him his enemies, still on the heights, and apparently determined to maintain them, it is said he could not suppress his satisfaction ; and while he stretched his arm to- wards their position, as if to grasp his prey, he exclaimed, “ Ah! I have them, then, these Eng- lish." Afraid, however, that they would still steal away, he sent the most pressing orders to hasten up his columns from the rear, that he might com- mence the attack. The weather still continued tempestuous; but, about nine o'clock, it cleared a little, and soon afterwards the sun made his ap- pearance from amidst the dark clouds which rolled along the atmosphere. Every thing now seemed to indicate that the awful contest was about to commence. The British troops were in the act of prepar- ing their breakfast, when aid-du-camps passing through their ranks proclaimed that the enemy was moving. The troops immediately stood to their arms, and the artillery moved to the front. Before entering upon the terrible details of this day, it may not be unnecessary to state, for the better understanding the subject, that this battle may properly be divided into six great periods. The first was the impetuous attack upon the right, at Hougoumont, which lasted from eleven a.m. till one p. m. The second was the dreadful attack from the centre to the left, which lasted from one p. m. till three. The third was the tremendous attack along the whole line, but severest towards the centre, which lasted from three p. m. till past six. The fourth was the terrible attack made by the im- perial-guards, which lasted from half-past six till eight. Included in these periods also is the mur- derous combat maintained by the Prussians against the French right wing. The fifth was the gene- ral attack upon the offensive, on the part of the allies, and the attempt of Bonaparte to resist it, which lasted from eight p. m. till near ten. The sixth was the general route and pursuit, which lasted from ten p. m. till near midnight, on the part of the British, and on the side of the Prus- sians all night. In each attack arose a multipli- eity of sanguinary combats; and each were equal in their consequences to combats which, in other wars, had decided the fate of empires. The whole of the French line now appeared to be in motion; their columns formed rapidly; and a terrible cloud of cavalry and cuirassiers hung opposite the British right. From a deep column of infantry, which was afterwards known to be composed of the imperial-guard, and also ascer- OF THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 1411 Kº- tained to be the head-quarters, where Bonaparte himself was stationed; numerous officers were seen, from time to time, passing to and fro in all directions. These were carrying the necessary and definitive orders. Immediately after this, Bonaparte passed before the line, and addressed the troops, in order to encourage them to greater exertions. He reminded them of their former victories. He pointed out to them the conse- quences of defeat in the present instance. He held out to them honors and rewards; and pressed upon their minds the glory which they would gain by vanquishing the English, their ancient and most inveterate enemies, and the great cause of all the opposition against them. He asked them if they would suffer the newly-organized troops of Holland, Belgium, and the petty states of Ger- many, once their servants, to vanquish them. He told them that the flower of the British army was all lost in America, and that it was only raw troops which Wellington had with him to oppose them. Finally, he told them that a rich reward for all their toils lay before them, and was within their grasp ; and promised them their pleasure in, and the plunder of the capital of the Netherlands; for, “to-night,” said he, “we shall be in Brus- sels.” With such harangues, and such promises, did he stimulate his troops to fury. It was near eleven o’clock when the battle began, with the attack on Hougoumont. Bona- parte, upon reconnoitring, had seen the import- ance of that post, and the necessity there was for his getting possession of it. He, therefore, sent orders for Marshal Ney, who commanded the left wing of his army, to direct an attack upon it with such a force as should at once take it. That officer immediately ordered the division of infantry, commanded by Jerome Bonaparte, to advance against Hougoumont. This post was occupied, as we observed before, by a detachment of guards, from General Byng's brigade, and two brigades of artillery; these were commanded by Lieutenant-colonel M’Donald, and afterwards by Colonel Home. About eleven o’clock, the first columns of Jerome's division made their appear- ance from the ravine, or rather hollow ground, which leads down from the public-house of la Belle-Alliance to the chateau. The British artil- lery had taken up a position on the ridge of the hill in front of the line of infantry; and the mo- ment the enemy made his appearance, who were advancing with rapidity, and loud shouts of vive l'Empereur, the nine-pounders opened a tremen- dous fire upon his columns. The artillery-officers had got the range so accurately, that almost every shot and shell fell in the very centre of his masses. So great was the effect produced by this fire, that all Jerome's bravery could not make his soldiers advance; and in a moment they were as; hidden by the rising ground, from under 96. for its security to the strong wa - - ------ - cover of which they had but just emerged. This, Bookxv. which was the commencement of the action, was considered a very favorable omen by the British CHAP.-VIII, Jºvº-Z soldiers who witnessed it; and, for a short time, they were much amused with the manoeuvres of Jerome's division, and the cautious manner in which it seemed to emerge from its hiding- lace. . This state of things, however, did not last long, as the enemy were observed bringing up a powerful artillery to bear upon the guns which had so annoyed his first advance. Under the rotection of this artillery, the enemy attacked "Hougoumont with the greatest fury, and a most sanguinary combat took place. The enemy, how- ever, fought with such vigor, that the troops of Nassau-Ussingen, who lined the grove of Hou- goumont as sharp-shooters, abandoned that part of the post, and the chateau itself must have been carried but for the stubborn and desperate cou- rage of the detachment of guards. The columns of the enemy surrounded the house, and, on three sides at once, attacked it most desperately; but they were bravely repelled. Lieutenant-colonel MºDonald was obliged to fight hand-to-hand among the assailants, and was indebted to per- sonal strength, no less than courage, for his suc- cess in the perilous duty of shutting the gates of the court-yard against the enemy. Don Miguel Alava, the Spanish general, and his aid-de-camp, exerted themselves to rally the scattered sharp- shooters of Nassau. By the route of these light troops, and the consequent occupation of the wood by the French, Hougoumont was, for a consider- able time, an invested and besieged post, indebted #. and deep ditches with which the garden and orchard were surrounded, but much more to the bravery of those by whom they were maintained. The impetu- osity of the enemy's troops was incredible, and the fire of their artillery terrible. Every tree, every walk, every hedge, every avenue, were contended for with an obstinacy altogether incon- ceivable. The garrison fired through the holes which they had knocked out in the garden-walls, and the assaifants made the most desperate at- tempts to carry the post, but in vain. This part of the British line was supported by thirty pieces of cannon, which made dreadful havoc amongst the enemy. The French were killed all round to the very door of the house; but they were ne- ver able to penetrate beyond the threshold. As Hougoumont was in some degree insulated, and its defenders no longer in communication with the rest of the British army, the French ca- valry were enabled to march round it in great strength to the British right wing, which they at- tacked with great vigor. The light troops, who were in advance of the British line, were driven in by the fury of this geneº ºrge and the foreigh - 1 1815, 1412 HISTORY OF THE WARS *- ~~~~ Book XV. cavalry, who ought to have supported them, gave E: way on all sides. The black Brunswick infantry, C*** VIII, however, stood firm. • Agº" ºf 1815, They were drawn up in squares, as most of the British forces were, in this memorable battle. The Duke of Wellington, with his usual quickness, had foreseen the nature of the attack that would be made upon his line, and when the troops stood to their arms in the morning, he gave orders that they should be formed into squares of lalf battalions, and in that state to await the enemy's attack. These squares were not quite solid, but nearly so, the men being drawn up several files deep. The distance between these masses afforded space enough to draw up the battalions in line, when they should be or- dered to deploy, and they were posted with re- ference to each other much like the alternate squares upon a chess-board. It was, therefore, impossible for a squadron of cavalry to push be- tween two of these squares without finding them- selves at once assailed by a fire in front from that which was to the rear, and on both flanks from those betwixt which it had moved forward. But although this order of battle possessed every efficient power of combination for defence against cavalry, its ex- terior appearance was far from imposing. The men thus drawn up, occupied a very small space of ground. A distinguished officer, who was des- tined to support the Brunswickers, says, that when he saw the furious onset of the French ca- valry, with a noise and clamor that seemed to unsettle the firm earth over which they galloped, and beheld the small detached black masses, which, separated from each other, stood each indi- vidually exposed to be overwhelmed by the torrent, he almost trembled for the event. The Bruns- wickers, however, opened their fire with coolness, readines, and rapidity, and repulsed the attacks of the enemy. The British artillery was never in higher order, or more distinguished for excellent practice. Their fire made dreadful gaps in the squadrons of cavalry, and strewed the ground with men and horses, who were advancing to the charge. Still this was far from repressing the courage of the French, who pressed on in de- fiance of every obstacle, and of the continued and immense slaughter which was made, amongst their ranks. These cavalry attacks were gene- rally supported by artillery, who, as soon as the cavalry were repulsed, opened a most destruc- tive fire upon the British squares, being only 150 yards distant. “One fire,” says a general-officer, “ struck down seven men of the square, with whom I was for the moment; the next was less deadly, it only killed three.” Yet under such a fire, and in full view of these clouds of cavalry, who were waiting like birds of prey, to dash upon them when the slaughter should afford, the slightest opening, did these gallant troops close their files ever the dead bodies of º dead and dying * g - > * —- .*-*. ~-ºf comrades, and resist with the greatest steadiness every attack that was made against them. After the enemy had made the most desperate efforts to push back the right wing of the British army, and to establish themselves on the road to Nivelles, the battle slackened in some degree in this quarter, to rage with greater fury towards the left and centre of the British line. The enem had been foiled in every attack which he had hi- therto made, and he therefore turned his attacks to the left of the British, in order to gain the road to Brussels. This attack was made in columns of cavalry and infantry, protected by the fire of upwards of 100 pieces of artillery, which did dreadful execution. The enemy advanced with intrepidity, and charged with such resolution that it required the utmost skill of the British general to post his troops, and valor of the soldiers to resist the overwhelming numbers that were brought against them. The attempt against Hougoumont and the right was severe; but “on this point,” said Marshal Blu- cher, the enemy “attacked with fury,” intending to throw the left wing of the allied army upon the centre, and thus effect its separation from the Prussian army. The combat was of the se- verest description. La Haye Sainte was the enemy's first object. This was a large farm- house, with offices, surrounded with a high wall, and lay upon the right of the great road from Brussels to Charleroy, in front of Mount St. John, at the bottom of the ridge. The garden attached to this house, which had only a brush- wood fence, extended about fifty yards into the plain. Being a covering-point of much import- ance, the duke had occupied it with a consider- able, force of the light troops of the king's German legion. The enemy attacked this post with great fury; but it was resolutely defended. The enemy were repeatedly repulsed, but they advanced again with fresh troops, and the action was maintained with the most determined courage on both sides for a considerable time. The place, however, was at last carried, after a sanguinary contest, and all its brave defenders were put to the sword. While the combat raged with the utmost vio- lence at La Haye Sainte, the columns of the enemy pressed forward against the whole body of the British left wing, directing their efforts along this part of the line, towards the village of Mount St. John. It was about oue o’clock that the at- tack on the left became serious. Three columns, of between 3 and 4,000 men each, and forty pieces of cannon, advanced against the line on the left, where the Belgians were posted. The fifth division, a brigade of heavy dragoons, and two brigades of artillery assisted them. The com- bat was severe, and the slaughter dreadful. For about an hour, the Belgian infantry, assisted by OF THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 1413 *— ~m--ar the fire of the British artillery, arrested their progress; but, they were at length obliged to give way. The 3d royals and 44th regiments were then sent to occupy the ground which the Belgians had abandoned; but these troops, after the most gallant conduct and the greatest exer- tions, were, in about half-an-hour, also forced to yield ; and the enemy succeeded in getting to the hedge that ran in front of the position. At this moment General Pack commanded the 92d to ad- vance. “You must charge,” said he to them, “all these troops in your front; and do it your own way.” The troops answered by a loud cheer, and they advanced with a firm countenance to the charge. The enemy were panic struck with their boldness; they stood for a moment, till the British were within a few yards, when they turned to the right, and fled as fast as possible. The Scotch greys immediately followed, and did terrible execu- tion. The enemy, however, rallied, and with fresh troops renewed the attack. The French troops advanced in deep and solid columns, with loud cheers, and confident of victory. General Picton, who was with his division on the road from Brussels to Charleroy, advanced with the bay- onet to receive them. This gallant body of infantry, with their brave commander at their head, charged first the infantry and then the cavalry of their adversaries. The conflict here became close and murderous; but the intrepid bravery of this band of heroes finally succeeded in repelling the utmost strength of the enemy. Unable to withstand the shock, the French sol- diers turned and fell back in disorder, suffering at the same time a terrible loss. In this furious conflict, however, General Picton fell, mortally wounded while leading on his division to the charge. A musket-ball passing through his right temple, penetrated to the skin on the opposite side, from whence it was cut out with a razor. Upon strip- ping the body, it was found that he had been se- verely wounded on the 16th, but which he had concealed. The wound had got into such a pu- trid state, that he could not have survived its effects. On the 11th of June only he had em- barked from England, and seven days afterwards he died gloriously at Waterloo. He had served in all the campaigns of the Peninsula, and in all of which he distinguished himself, particularly at the taking of Badajoz, where he converted a feint into a real attack, and took the castle, after the troops had been repulsed in every other quarter. His division was known by the name of the “fighting division” and the “right hand of Wel- lington.” When he left England, he had a pre- sentiment that he should never return ; but “when ou hear of my death,” said he to a friend, “ you will hear of a bloody day.”—“He fell gloriously,” said his illustrious commander, “ leading his di- vision to a charge with bayonets, by which one of the most furious attacks made by the enemy upon Book xy. our position was defeated.” The enemy was not to be deterred by this re-cº whi. pulse. He immediately sent a large body of ca- >> valry to cover his infantry, and the attack com- ménced again. These attacks were sometimes carried on by cavalry and infantry intermixed, and sometimes separate. In those, however, made at this period of the day, both were employed, in which the most desperate attempts were made to drive the British from their position at the vil- lage of Mount St. John; but they were unsuc- cessful. The cannonade, at this moment, on both sides, was dreadful. The French artillery, which was led by Count d'Erlon, vomited forth ter- rible showers of grape-shot, which made fright- ful chasms in all the left of the British line, which, nevertheless, remained firm and immove- able. The British artillery also did considerable execution. It cut to pieces the masses of the ene- my's infantry and cavalry as they advanced. The French, exasperated at the loss which they sus- tained, attempted to charge the guns with their cavalry. In these charges, the artillerymen stood at their guns as long as they could, and then re- tired under the bayonets of the infantry ; and as soon as the French cavalry were driven back, they returned to their guns, and gave them a parting salute. e During all this first terrible struggle on the left, the scene, said a person who was present, was indescribably grand and terrific. The atmos- phere, for sometime, was heavy and tempestu- ous, which prevented the smoke, occasioned by the cannon and musketry, from rising ; and while both armies fought under these gloomy clouds, they served to conceal the advance of the columns of the French infantry till they were close at hand. Hence the prospect was more ter- rific. The cries of the wounded and dying— the thunder of the artillery—the vollies of mus- ketry—the bursting of shells—the noise occasioned by Congreve's rockets—the fury of the com- batants—the cries of “ Vive l’Empereur,” on the one side, and of “ Vive le Roi,” and the Bri- tish huzza, intermixed with the loud cheers of “ Scotland for ever,” from the other side, formed a scene which it is impossible to describe. The shot from the French artiliery passed over the line of the British guns, and fell into the squares of infantry behind them, and occasioned a great loss to several regiments, without their having been at all engaged. In this situation, several of the regiments expressed the greatest impatience, when the commander-in-chief appeared near them, to be allowed to charge the enemy. But this his superior judgment prevenied. “Not yet,” he replied, to the earnest solicitations of the 95th regiment—“not yet, my brave men, but you. shall have at them soon : firm a little longer.” 1815, * 1414 HISTORY OF THE WARs ** BOOK XV. CHAP. VIII. *N*_/ 1SI 5. ºw - Tºe The French army was also similarly situated with regard to the tremendous fire of their an- tagonists. Many of the rockets, in partieular, carried destruction to a great distance, passed over the front lines, and fell amidst the equipage which was placed behind on the road, which ren- dered it indispensably necessary to remove the train to a greater distance. Though repulsed in every onset, and notwith- standing the loss which the enemy had sustained, he still persevered and sent forward fresh troops to reinforce those which had been defeated. In one of these attacks, General Ponsonby charged the enemy with his brigade, consisting of the 1st dragoon-guards, the Scotch greys, and the 6th, or Inniskillen dragoons. Sir William Ponsonby led the charge at the head of the latter regiment, which cut down every thing before them; and the enemy's troops were overthrown with great loss. The enemy admitted the serious effects of this charge : for he says, the second brigade of the first division of Count d'Erlon “was charged by a corps of English cavalry, which occasioned it much loss.” . The charge, however, though successful, roved fatal to the brave Sir William Ponsonby. n returning from the charge which he had made, his horse stuck fast in a newly-ploughed field. The enemy had rallied, and were again advancing. Finding it impossible to escape from a column of lancers, he alighted, and was in the act of giving his aid-de-camp his watch and a picture, in order that these memorials might be delivered to his wife and family, when the lancers came up. Both were cut to pieces in an instant; and when his body was found it was pierced with seven lances. His brigade afterwards came up, and amply re- venged his death, and the lancers were nearly annihilated. In Sir William Ponsonby his country sustained a severe loss : he was a brave, an active, and an intelligent officer; and certainly one of the brightest ornaments to his profession. Finding all his efforts fruitless, the enemy now sent another column of cavalry against the British lines. At the head of this column marched those formidable troops named cuirassiers. These sol- diers were not only clad in armour, but were all chosen men, about six feet high. Their horses were the best and strongest which could be pro- cured; and it was necessary to have served in three campaigns, and to have been twelve years in the service, before they got into that corps. From their chin downwards to the lower part of the body they were cased in armour. The front cuirass was made bright, and in form of a pigeon's egg. The back one was made to fit the back. The inside was stuffed with a pad, and both were fitted on with a clasp. They were easy put off and on, and weighed from nine to eleven pounds each, according to the size of the man. They resisted in a great measure musket-balls, which strik- ~ury —rº- —re –rº- _º- ing against them, flew off in an oblique direc- tion. On their heads they had large massy hel- mets; and their weapons were straight long swords and pistols. These troops being brought forward, they advanced against the British line with the utmost confidence. The attack of this body of troops was tremendous, and for a considerable time every attempt that was made to repel them proved unavailing. The British light-cavalry were found to suffer cruelly in their unequal con- test with the ponderous and sword-proof cuiras- siers, and even with the lancers. They were driven back with considerable loss, and many were made prisoners. Even the German legion, so distin- guished for discipline and courage during the pe- ninsular war, were unequal, ou this occasion, to sustain their shock. They then attacked the infantry, who, notwith- standing the loss which they sustained, remained immoveable, and repelled every attack made upon them. The 28th regiment particularly distinguish- ed itself; and its colonel, Sir Philip Belson, had four horses shot under him. In this manner the engagement continued at this point upwards of an hour. Both sides behaved with the most extra- ordinary gallantry, and neither the one nor the other would yield an inch of ground. The attacks of the enemy, however, were incessant and severe; and three times was he upon the point of carry- ing the position at this point, and as often was he repelled. The cuirassiers deliberately advanced to the mouth of the British cannon. At one time they galloped along, and at another coolly walked their horses in front of the British squares, con- tinuing to look for an opening into which they might dash. But none appeared. The ranks were filled up as soon as they were broken by the enemy's fire; while with the bayonet they resisted and unhorsed these armour-equipped cavaliers. Some of these men were so bold, that they fre- quently rushed singly out of their columns, and firing their pistols in front of the British line, en- deavoured to irritate the troops so as to make them throw away their fire upon them, and that their main columns might attack with more safety. The cuirassiers repeatedly charged the 30th regiment; but they did not succeed in making the least impression. When the horsemen had passed, the regiment deployed into line, that its fire might be more extended and effectual. As soon as this was done, the word was given, “Re- form square; prepare to receive cavalry.” The cuirassiers, several times, walked round this gal- lant regiment, eagerly watching for an opportunity to dash in. Finding no opportunity of breaking this regiment, the cuirassiers marched off to try another; and having come upon the 69th, before the square was completely formed, cut down a vast number. These cavalry frequeñtly pene- trated between the squares to the very rear of the OF THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 1415 British line ; but in retiring they suffered dread- full v. - - *he crisis was important. . In order to repel these desperate attacks on the British line, Sir John Elley, now quarter-master general, was di- rected to bring up the heavy brigade of cavalry, as the other cavalry were found inadequate to the task. These consisted of the life-guards, Oxford blues, and the Scotch greys, who instantly charged, and the most sanguinary cavalry-fight ever witnessed took place. Notwithstanding the weight and armour of the cuirassiers, and the power of their horses, they proved altogether unable to withstand the shock of the heavy brigade, being literally rode down both horse and man, while the strength of the British soldiers were no less pre- eminent, when they mingled and fought hand to hand. Several hundreds of French were forced headlong over a sort of quarry, or gravel-pit, where they rolled a confused and undistinguish- able mass of men and horses, exposed to a fire which, being poured closely into them, soon put a period to their struggles. Amidst the fury of this dreadful conflict, some traces occurred of military indifference, which must be recorded. The life-guards coming up in the rear of the 95th, which distinguished regi- ment acted as sharp-shooters in front of the line, sustaining and repelling a most formidable onset of the French, called out to them, “Bravo, 95th, do you lather them, and we'll shave them.”—Many individuals distinguished themselves by feats of personal strength and valor. Among these should not be forgotten the famous Shaw, a corporal of the life-guards, well known as a pugilistic cham- pion, and equally formidable as a swordsman. It is supposed he had slain or disabled ten French- men before he was killed, by a musket or pistol- shot. Sir John Elley, who led the charge, was also distinguished for personal prowess. He was at one time surrounded by several of the cuirassiers; but, being a tall and uncommonly powerful man, completely master of his sword and horse, he cut his way out, leaving several of his assailants on the ground. Officers of rank and distinction, whom the usual habits of modern war render rather the directors than the actual agents of slaughter, were, in this desperate action, seen fighting hand to hand like common soldiers. This great movement of the enemy against the left comprehended one of the severest attacks made by him during this tremendous day. His cavalry was completely beaten off, after losing immense numbers; and of his infantry, two re- giments, the 45th and 105th, were broken, and lost an eagle and a standard, and from 2 to 3,000 prisoners. The colours of the 105th were a pre- sent from the Ex-Empress Maria Louisa. The eagle of the 45th was most superbly gilt, and inscribed with the names of Austerlitz, Jena, Friedland, and Wagram. In the struggle to take it, it was much tarnished, and covered with blood and dirt. It was a Serjeant Ewart, of the Scotch greys, who captured this trophy ; and, in effect- ing which, he first killed the bearer, then a ſancer, and, lastly, a foot soldier, who. at the moment, successively attacked him. The cui- rassiers also lost an eagle, which was taken b the royal horse-guards. The loss of the cuiras- siers was dreadful. They fell before the British ranks in heaps, and the ground was literally covered with the dead and mortally wounded. From the commencement of the action little ma- noeuvring was necessary in either army. While this tremendous struggle was going on in the centre and left of the É.i. line, the attack upon Hougoumont and the right was re- newed with greater fury than before. The enemy made the most furious attempts against Hougou- mont, in order to turn the right of the British position; but the guards disputed the wood and orchard most gallantly. | About three o'clock, when Bonaparte found that Jerome's division could not drive the guards from Hougoumont, he ordered the chateau to be set on fire. The shells from several mortars, which were brought to bear upon the houses, soon had the desired effect; but the British troops, retiring into the garden, did not yield one inch of their ground; and the only thing which he gained by this cruel measure was the destruction of some wounded British soldiers, who were too ill to be removed, and who fell a prey to the flames. At one time, the enemy had penetrated a considerable way into the wood; but the Duke of Wellington having sent a reinforcement, con- sisting of the coldstream and 3d regiment, they were driven out of it, and every subsequent strug- gle they made to re-possess themselves of it proved abortive. The conflict, however, maintained at this point was very destructive to both parties, as may be judged of by the following account, de- rived from the best authority. A British officer, sent out with twenty men, returned with one, and being again sent out with 150 returned with fifty. To gain possession of this place the enemy made vast sacrifices, but he made them in vain. Meanwhile, the attack was renewed along the whole line of the British right wing, by succes- sive columns of cavalry, who rolled after each other like waves of the sea. These were sup- ported by a most tremendous fire of artillery, which seemed to threaten to sweep every thing before it. The Belgian horse were forced to give way, and galloped from the field in great confusion. The advanced line of guns were stormed by the French. The artillerymen had received orders to retire within the squares of the infantry; and thus some pieces fell into the hands of the enemy. After ſºns these, the French 16 BO(\K XV. CH A P. \'l II. Sº"Neº-> ! 815. 1416 HISTORY OF THE WARS BOOK XV. -----------" CHAP. VIII. Q-º-º/~/ i815. cavalry rode furiously up and down among the small squares of British infantry, seeking some point where they might break in upon them. In the meantime, a brigade of horse-artillery, com- manded by Major Norman Ramsay, opened its fire upon the French cavalry, which forced them to retreat repeatedly. They again advanced with new fury. As often as they retired, the British artillerymen rushed out of the squares where they sheltered themselves, and began again to work their pieces. On the part of the French, a most wonderful degree of bravery was displayed in this part of the battle—and, on the part of the British, at least an equal degree of bravery, united with much more coolness. Two British officers of artillery, being in a square which was repeatedly charged, rushed out of it the instant the cavalry retreated, loaded one of the deserted guns which stood near, and fired it upon the horsemen. A French officer observed that this manoeuvre was repeated more than once; and, at the next retreat of his squad- ron, he stationed himself by the gun, waving his sword, as if defying the British officers again to approach it. He was, however, soon shot by a grenadier; but by this act of self-devotion, he prevented a considerable loss to his countrymen. Other French officers and men also behaved with a wonderful degree of gallantry. One officer of rank, after leading his men as far as they would follow him towards one of the squares of infantry, found himself deserted by them, and instantly rode upon the bayonets, at the same time throw- ing open his arms as if to welcome the bullet which should bring him down. The cool deter- mined courage of the British soldiers was also remarkable. “Amid the infernal noise, hurry, and elamour of the bloodiest action ever fought, the British officers were obeyed as if on the pa- rade; and such was the precision with which these men gave their fire, that the aid-de-camp could ride round each square with perfect safety, being sure that the discharge would be reserved till the precise moment when it ought regularly to be made. The firing was rolling or alternate, keeping up that constant and uninterrupted blaze upon which it is impossible to force a concentrat- ed and effective charge of cavalry. Thus, each Hittle phalanx stood by itself, like an impregna- ble fortress, while their crossing fires supported each other, and dealt destruction among . €116- my, who º attempted to penetrate the intervals, and to gain the flanks, and even the rear of these detached masses. The Dutch, Hanoverian, and Brunswick troops, maintained the same solid order, and the same ready, res- trained, and destruetive fire, as the British regi- ments with whom they were intermingled.” But though the French had hitherto not been able to break the British line, yet the situation of the latter was critical. The Duke of Wellington had placed all his best troops in front; and these had suffered so dreadfully, that it became neces- sary to bring forward troops from the second line. These were not of equal quality, and some of them were found unequal to the task. The duke himself saw a Belgian regiment give way at the instant it crossed the ridge of the hill: he rode up to them in person, halted the regiment, and again formed it, intending to lead them into the fire himself. They accordingly shouted, En avant! En avant (Forward' forward 1)—but as soon as they crossed the ridge of the hill, and again encountered the storm of balls and shells, they went to the right-about once more, and fairly left the duke 1 1 Upon this he brought up a Brunswick regiment, who kept their ground with more steadiness, and behaved very well. The battle continued to rage with the utmost fury in every part of the line; and “the British army,” as Blucher justly said, “ fought with a valor which nothing could surpass.” But the enemy renewed his attacks with such rapidity and vigor, that with whatever firmness the allied army maintained their position, it was impossible but that such heroic conduct, and such continued and immense exertions, must have had a limit. The arrival of the Prussians, therefore, who were known to be advancing to co-operate with them, was most anxiously expected. The Duke of Wellington had dispatched an officer of his staff, about two o'clock, to the head-quarters of Field- marshal Blucher, to ascertain his movements, and to know when it was probable his advance would come in contact with the enemy. Nearly four hours had now elapsed, durin which the battle had been maintained with the most determined courage and obstinacy on both sides. Yet it was little in comparison to what followed. It was three in the afternoon. Affairs became more urgent. The enemy having been baffled in every attempt which he had made upon the British lines, except the temporary success at La Haye Sainte, resolved to make some alteration in his plan of attack. He had first tried the right, then the left, and then the right again, in order to force his way; but in vain. By pressing the right wing of the allied army, he seemed to have in view to. crush it completely in the contest; and by turn- ing the army by the right, to gain the Brussels. road from " that direction ; thus throwing the whole defeated army of Wellington back in the direction of the Prussians, of whom, in the early part of the day, he seems either to have made a slight account or mone at all. If he effected this object, he not only gained the capital of the Netherlands, but cut off all the British supplies. and reinforcements advancing from Ostend. Hn this object he failed. He next made the terrible Op. THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 1417° , ºr amazing carnage. —-wr —-rº------—- attack we have related, from the centre to the British left, endeavouring, at the same time, to force the former, and to throw back the latter upon the beaten troops, and thus separate the whole from the Prussian army. Folled, however, in both objects, by the bravery and skill of his adversaries, and in a very particular manner by the defenders of Hougoumont, and the heroes on the left, he was compelled to turn his attention, without delay, to accomplish the defeat of the allied army by any means he could. The weak- est part of the British line, near the left centre, was therefore the point against which he in future directed his utmost fury. The preceding plans were daring—fitting his genius, and marks strongly the character of the man; but all his proceedings were in extremes, and consequently dangerous, when undertaken against such adver- saries as Wellington and Blucher. In order to appreciate fully the nature of this eontest, we must bear in mind, that the plan laid down by the Duke of Wellington was to act altogether on the defensive, till the arrival of the force under Blucher. It is scarcely necessary to add, the plan of the enemy was directly opposite. Their junction he could not possibly prevent, but he was determined to render them of no avail, by the defeat of the one he dreaded most, before the arrival of the other. Bonaparte had hitherto remained on an eminence néar La Belle Alliance from whence he had a clear view of the whole field-of-battle. He continued walking in deep thought, sometimes with his hands joined together, and at other times taking snuff copiously, but all the while in great anxiety. The story of his standing upon the observatory, which is a mile distant, is an idle tale. At La Belle Alliance was his station during the afternoon. “It was there,” said Marshal Blucher, “that Napoleon was during the battle; it was there he gave his orders, and that he flattered himself with the hope of victory.” From this point he contemplated the immediate and complete success of those terrible French tactics, which had so often appalled his enemies. He was, however, much chagrined when he saw some of his best troops, and his cavalry and cuirassiers, driven back, heels over head, at every onset by the British line, and with A great part of his army had aheady been engaged, except his guards, which i. the flower of his army, and who idolized adored him. He, therefore, determined to bring a part of these troops forward, and with all his cavalry, formed into masses, to make one desperate effort against the centre of the British army. Having formed his plan, the infantry and cavalry were formed into columns, and advanced rapidly to the attack, under cover of a most tre- mendous cannonade, which was directed against the whole line, but * towards the centre. The British cavalry was driven to the rear of the infantry, after sustaining several charges, in which the carnage on both sides was dreadful. The Freuch cavalry then charged the infantry, who, being in squares, repulsed them. The enemy, however, returned to the attack, and charged with both infantry and cavalry in such numbers, that it required every effort on the part of the British to resist them ; and the combat became chose and sanguinary. About 300 pieces of ar- tillery opened against the British lines, the fire from which was incessant and terrible. “It un- fortunately,” said General Alava, “made horrible ravages in our line, and killed and wounded of. ficers, artillerists, and horses, in the weakest part of the position.” The loss of the third battalion of the 1st regi- ment of guards, and the rifle battalion of the king’s German legion, was immense. Files upon files were carried out to the rear from the carnage ; the ammunition of many of the English soldiers being expended, some fell back to procure it, which, with their continual loss, quite unsteadied the line: this, at one critical moment, was only held up by main strength, the serjeants having placed their pikes in line against the men's backs, not for want of courage in the latter, for they fought most desperately, but because their thinned. ranks scarcely enabled them to withstand the over- whelming forces brought against them. Shock- ing as the slaughter was, it would have been much greater had it not been for the state of the ground, which was thoroughly soaked with rain; for although this, by preventing dust, afforded better aim to the artillerymen, many shots never rose after they had touched the ground, and none bounded so often as they would otherwise have done. The shells also frequently turned themselves, and, when they exploded, threw up the mud like a fountain. For more than three hours, the enemy continu- ed to make charge after charge, from one end of the British line to the other, in order to force it wherever he could. Victory was several times doubtful; but the Duke of Wellington was every, where present, exposed to the hottest fire, ani- mating his men. He often threw himself into the midst of the squares, in full determination to stand or fall with them. Indeed, at this period of the battle, he exposed his person with a free- dom which, while the positions of the armies and the nature of the ground rendered it inevitably necessary, made all around him tremble for that life on which it was obvious that the fate of the battle depended. There was scarcely a square but he visited in person, encouraging the men by His presence, and the officers by his directions. , Many of his short phrases are repeated by them as if they were possessed of a talismanic effect: While he stood in the centre of the high road, in BOOK, XV. CHAP. VIII. Jºzº 1815. 1418 History of THE WARs BOOK XV. CHAP. VIII. Jºvº-Z 1815. zºr" front of Mount St. John, several pieces were le- velled against him, distinguished as he was by his suite, and the movements of the officers who came and went with orders. The balls repeatedly grazed a tree on the right hand of the road, which tree now bears his name. “That is good prac- tice,” observed the duke to one of his suite, “I think they fire better than they did in Spain.” Riding up to the 95th, when in front of the line, and then expecting a formidable charge of ca- valry, he said, “Stand fast, 95th, we must not be beat—what will they say in England?” On another occasion, when many of the best and bravest men had fallen, and the event of the ac- tion seemed doubtful to those who remained, he said, with the coolness of a spectator who was beholding some well-contested sport, “ Never mind, we'll win the battle yet.” To another re- giment, then closely engaged, he used a common sporting expression, “Hard pounding this, gen- tlemen, let's see who will pound longest.” Still the French persevered; and, though re- pulsed in every point, continued their attacks with such impetuosity, that the squares began to assume the appearance of a great reduction of numbers. One general officer was under the necessity of stating that his brigade was reduced to one-third of its numbers, that those who remained were exhausted with fatigue, and that a temporary re- lief, of however short a duration, was a measure of peremptory necessity. “Tell him,” said the duke, “what he proposes is impossible. He, and I, and every Englishman on the field, must die on the spot which we now occupy.”—“It is enough,” returned the general ; “I, and every man under my command, are determined to share his fate.” In order to give our readers a better idea how this dreadful conflict was carried on, it may be proper to explain, at one view, how the attacks of the enemy were made. In general, the whole French artillery first advanced in front, towards the British lines, pouring a most destructive fire of grape-shot and shells into them. Its approach was close indeed. This artillery played upon the British squares, at the distance of 150 paces (375 feet.) Next succeeded the tremendous charges of cavalry and cuirassiers; and, lastly, the bold and determined attacks of the close co- lumns of infantry. These repelled, the enemy retired behind their guns, which again advanced, while the cavalry and infantry re-formed, and prepared to renew the onset in the same order. To separate the British army—to break through the centre, and to crush their firm battalions, the enemy made the most astonishing and reiterated efforts. Six times, from two o'clock to seven, said the Austrian official report, did Bonaparte make the attempt with equal courage, and as often was he driven back; no troops but the English, said the same important document, could have resisted such attacks. As the wave impels the wave, so column propelling column advanced to the attack, while the artillery and the mortars scattered des- truction along the British line. The French ca- valry repeatedly attacked Échelon of squares after échelon, and were repulsed ten or eleven times with immense loss. One mass was no sooner re- pulsed and broken, than another took up its place. The British squares remained immoveable; and nothing could shake them. The battle was maintained, on both sides, with inconceivable violence. The fire of the artillery and the attacks of the cavalry were so terrible, and so severe, that the allied troops absolutely looked upon the present attacks of the infantry as a breathing time from their unparalleled toils. The anxiety of their illustrious chief for the sufferings of his gallant comrades became great. “I saw him,” said a person who was present, “pull out his watch several times, calculating, no doubt, when the Prussians would arrive.” Would to God,” it is said he was heard to exclaim, “Would to God that night or Blucher would come.” Blucher, in the mean time, was not idle; but his army had great and unforeseen difficulties to encounter before a junction with the British could be effected. The fourth corps, as we have al- ready observed, had been in motion since four o'clock in the morning. Blucher himself, weary and unwell from the dreadful crush which he had received on the 16th, was in bed when he receiv- ed the intelligence that the duke was attacked. He instantly arose, followed his army; and, putting himself at the head of the first corps, hastened to the field-of-battle. The cross-roads in that part of the country through which they had to pass were, from the late incessant rains, almost impassable. It was half-past eleven o’clock before the fourth corps arrived at St. Lambert, whither it was immediately followed by the second corps. The Prussians experienced considerable difficulty in passing the defile of St. Lambert, and this, added to the badness of the roads, re- tarded their march some hours, so that it was past four o'clock in the afternoon before two brigades only of the fourth corps arrived at the covered position which was assigned them. The decisive moment was come : there was not an instant to be lost; and General Bulow resolved to com- mence the attack with what forces were come up. The Prussians, therefore, immediately advanced towards Planchenoit, against the enemy’s right wing. Bonaparte, however, did not lose his pre- sence of mind. He had been aware of a move- ment of this description, and had endeavoured to guard against it. From a letter intercepted on the preceding evening, he learned that 15,000 Prussians were to arrive on his right. The rest of the Prussian army he seems not to have thought º º º - º - - - - - A - ſae º - 7. ſº s L º - (G ------- º-o-º-º-º-º-º-º: N |- ）：|- |-|-N ^ ： ſae， … -- |-|-|- - ---- |-:： （） ſae， - |-Œ º - º º - ºn tº ºº - MI º - - - - - º º - - - º OF THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 1419 of; and, no doubt, considered that it would be fully occupied with the French troops under Mar- shal Grouchy. Therefore, when the small body of Prussians appeared on his right, he immedi- ately sent his reserve, or sixth corps, under Count Lobau, against them; and a most sanguinary contest commenced at this point. The Prus- sians fought with uncommon courage, and the most dreadful animosity; and the tarnish which their arms had sustained on the 16th, they were resolved, if possible, to wipe away. The conflict, on this side, continued long uncertain ; while the battle with the British army raged with the same violence as ever. Bonaparte still had the strongest º of succeeding in beating the British army. “ These English,” said he, “are devils, yet, though they fight bravely, they must give way soon.” Marshal Soult, however, who had some eause to know these devils better, told him that such an event as their giving way was not proba- ble. “And why not?” said Napoleon, rather pee- vishly. “Because,” said Soulf, “they will rather be cut to pieces.” Napoleon, however, continued to think otherwise; and, notwithstanding the de- lay which he had already experienced, he observed, jesting, that “ he should yet be in Brussels time enough for supper.” He brought up fresh troops, and the battle every moment became more bloody. In the mean time, the contest on the left of the British was so severe, that for some time all that the Prussians could do was to maintain their osition. More Prussian troops, however, came into line, and more were still advancing; General Bulow's force soon amounted to 30,000 men, and the second corps were hastening to join them. Bona- parte, therefore, without relinquishing his object in front, found it necessary to send General Du- hesme with the young guard, and several batta- lions of the reserve, to this part of the line. These troops making a vigorous attack upon the Prussians, forced them back with considerable loss; and having made themselves masters of Ter la Haye, Pappelotte, and Frischermont, se- parated the Prussians from the British army. Bonaparte now determined to improve his sue- cess by following up the attack upon the centre of the British army. He had observed the de- struction which his artillery had made in the British line; and about six in the evening he made a most vigorous attack upon the centre, with the whole cavalry of his guard. These suc- ceeded in penetrating to the top of the ridge, and took the artillerv which was in front. The Duke of Wellington, however, who was at this point, immediately charged them with three battalions of British (the 42d and 95th regiments, it is said) and three battalions of Brunswickers, and cºlled them, in a moment, to abandon the artillery. unable to withdraw them, nor did the French Notwithstanding, the British were Book xy. dare to advance to recover them. At this time, Chap. viii. the Earl of Uxbridge (now Marquis of An... •N-2 glesea) made some brilliant charges with the ca- valry of household-troops, and repelled the ene- my. Two battalions of the old guard were cut to pieces. The Earl of Uxbridge, in directing one of the charges, cried out, “Now for the honor of the household-troops; they will add to themselves new laurels;” and, turning to the Duke of Wellington, he said, “We shall know whether our household-troops are not more than a match for their invincibles.” . Captain (now Major). Kelly, of the life-guards, in a charge, encountered the colonel of the 1st regiment of cuirassiers; and, by one blow, he cleaved his helmet through, * cut his head half asunder. Falling, the captain dismounted after him, and tore off the epaulet from his regimentals, as a tro- phy. Upon the return of the regiment from re- pelling the cuirassiers, the Duke of Wellington and the Earl of Uxbridge gave them thanks for their extraordinary bravery; and the earl, ad- dressing Captain Kelly, said, “I particularly noticed you—it was well done, and I shall re- port you for promotion.” It was now near seven o’clock in the evening, and the battle still raged in every part of the line. Of the Prussian army, only the fourth corps had as yet come up. Marshal Blucher, with the first corps, as he was approaching the scene of action, received, about six o'clock, intelligence from General Thielman that he had been attacked, and was hard pressed at Wavre by a formidable force of the enemy, and “who were already disputing with him the possession of the town.” Marshal Blucher, however, notwithstanding that his rear was thus threatened with a superior force, with that presence of mind which characterises a great ge- neral, turned his attention to the more immediate objects in front; sensible that if the danger at this point was removed, that which menaced Wavre would give him no uneasiness. Blucher observed, that he “ did not suffer himself to be disturbed by this news; it was on the spot where he was, and no where else, that the affair was to be decided.” He, therefore, directed General Thielman to do the best he could, and not to look to him for any immediate assistance. The moment, indeed, was critical. Had Blucher he- sitated for one half-hour, the most fatal con- sequences must have ensued; but instead of en- deavouring to secure his rear, he continued to advance with his columns to the assistance of the British army. General Thielman, thus left to himself, was obliged to maintain an unequal contest with the Trench troops, under * Grouchy, atWavre I *. 1815. 1420 * HISTORY OF THE WARS BOOK XV. Ch.A.P. VIII. <^^2 -1815. *. We must here attend to the operations of these two generals, as they formed a part, and no mean part, of the battle of Waterloo. If General Thielman, when attacked by Grouchy, had yield- ed or given way early on that important day, Bulow's corps would have been taken in the rear, as Bonaparſe calculated that it would be, almost as soon as it was engaged. Indeed, Bonaparte relied much upon the diversion which he sup- posed Grouchy was making in the Prussian rear, and he expected that he would have come up and decided the day, as General Desaix did at Marengo. Marshal Soult had transmitted an order to Grouchy, on the evening of the 17th, to proceed with the third and fourth corps of infan- try, under Generals Girard and Vandamme, and the third corps of cavalry, under General Pajol, towards the Dyle, in order to throw himself in the rear of the Prussian army, which, at that time, Bonaparte conceived to be disorganized and incapable of much resistance. Grouchy ac- cordingly marched with this force, consisting of about 35,000 men, by St. Lambert, and on the right bank of the Dyle. On the 18th, he fell in with the third corps of the Prussian army, under Thielman, which had suffered least in the battle of the 16th, and a severe engagement immediately commenced. The French carried that part of the town of Wavre situated on the right bank of the Dyle, after much resistance. he enemy, however, after he had gained this point, found considerable difficulty in passing the river; and 'General Girard, in endeavouring to carry the mill of Bielge, was wounded in the breast by a ball. The mill, however, could not be carried; and without which, the river could not be crossed. Grouchy was aware of the march of Bulow's corps to the assistance of the Duke of Wellington, and was therefore eager to proceed against it. His orders were urgent, and his object most import- ant. “Impatient,” said he, “ to co-operate with the army of your majesty on that important day, I detached several corps to force the passage of the Dyle, and to march against Bulow.” General Vandamme continued the attack on the town of Wavre and the mill of Bielge; and Grouchy, having arrived at Limale, passed the river, and, after an obstinate struggle, carried the heights. In Wavre, and Bielge, however, the Prussians remained immoveable against all the efforts of the enemy; and by the time the heights were carried, it was so late that nothing more could be done that day. Thus Thielman, though much inferior in numbers, was enabled, by the difficult nature of the country, interspersed with defiles, woods, and ravines, to oppose an obstinate re- sistance to the enemy; but what was of still greater importance, it kept all Grouchy's force from the point where it was so much wanted; A- —r and though the distance was only about twelve miles, it was, in the words of Ney, the same to the rest of the French army as if he “had been 100 leagues from the field-of-battle.” In the mean time, the battle continued to rage on the heights of Mount St. John with as much fury as ever. The allied army remained firm at their post, without wavering for a moment, against every effort of overwhelming and furious numbers, led on by a skill which was of the first order, and by a spirit which neither relented nor melted at the sight of human suffering or blood. The car- nage in both armies was dreadful ; and the mo- ment appeared critical. Many of the British soldiers despaired of victory; but, like their ge- neral, made up their minds to die where they stood. At this time, the fifth division was re- duced from 6,000 to 1,800 men, and these sta- tioned in that part of the line against which the rincipal attacks of the enemy were directed. he 92d regiment was reduced to less than 200 men. The Duke of Wellington still cºntinued near the centre, from whence he could see the whole field-of-battle. Some Brunswick troops were stationed near him. Hougoumont, with its gallant defenders, defied all the shells, balls, bayonets, and swords, of the enemy. Nothing could move them. All persenal feeling was for- got in the enthusiasm of the moment, and each individual throughout the British line fought as if all depended upon his individual exertions. The French troops acted from a similar impulse. Bonaparte, however, and his army, were in a critical situation, from which there scarcely re- mained a chance of escaping without total des- truction. As yet, indeed, he thought things went on well. He had succeeded in repulsing the Prussian troops under Bulow, and thinking Grouchy was now near at hand to attack them in the rear, he determined to make one desperate effort against the left centre of the British army, near the farm of La Haye Sainte, and decide the day in his favor. For this purpose, he brought forward the reserve of his guards, amounting to about 15,000 men. These troops, the élite of his army, had always been considered invincible, and only brought forward to decide the fortune of such tremendous days and the fate of kingdoms. Bonaparte having formed his resolution, the guards prepared to advance to the attack. At the same moment, he dispatched instructions to every part of the line, that the movement, which was to decide the victory in his favor, was taking place, and commanding a simultaneous move- ment against the whole line of the British army. Every thing being how ready for the final attack, Bonaparte addressed his guards, and told them, that by his previous attacks he had destroyed the greater part of the British cavalry and infantry, OF THE FRENCH 1421, REVOLUTION, *-*-*-ā. Jºs- *…--—- and that the artillery alone remained, which they were to attack with the bayonet. He then led them to the rise of the hill, and pointing to the causeway, exclaimed, “There, gentlemen, is the road to Brussels.” The guards immediately raised a shout of Vive l’Empereur, which was distinctly heard by the British, and induced them to believe that the emperor himself was coming against them. Bonaparte, however, desired Mar- shal Ney to head them. These veteran warriors, so long esteemed the first troops in Europe, ad- .# across the plain which divided the two armies, with a firmness which nothing could ex- ceed; and though the grape and cannister-shot from the British artillery made dreadful havoc in their ranks, they were never disconcerted for a single moment. In their advance to the charge, the imperial-guard rallied the broken and dispirit- ed troops. The French army resumed its vigor, and the combat was renewed along the whole line. The artillery on both sides made a terrible carnage. Although the foreign troops in the British army acted with great resolution and much ardour, yet it was not to be expected that many of them who, as yet, had never witnessed a con- test of this kind, could stand against the flower of the French troops, led against them by con- summate skill, and in formidable masses. Of this the Duke of Wellington was well aware; and, therefore, he took the precaution to support each body of them by English infantry, all disposed in such a manner as to succour the point threat- ened. Meanwhile the imperial-guard continued to advance against the British line, under cover of the fire of their artillery. They charged a body of Brunswickers who attempted to arrest their progress, and drove them back with great slaughter. The moment was critical. The Duke of Wellington, from the extraordinary loss of men, was obliged to bring up the last of his re- serve, and to withdraw his artillery into the se- cond position. Victory now hung in the balance in such a manner, that, to all appearance, a grain would have turned the scale. The British line had to sustain the most impetuous attacks from the enemy; and one time the victory appeared more than doubtful. The duke was aware of the importance of the moment. Let slip, it could never return. He rallied the Brunswick troops, and speaking “ to them with an ascendancy which every great man possesses,” said, “my brave men, we must not be beat.” He put himself at their head, and charging the enemy again re- stored the combat. The duke at this time ex- posed himself to every kind of personal danger. The infantry of the allied army remained firm against the repeated charges of the enemy. A battalion of Hanoverians, under Colonel Von Ompteda, repelled a formidable column in an attempt to break through the centre. The Prince of Orange and the Belgian troops conducted themselves with the greatest gallantry, being in that part of the line which Marshal Ney attacked in person. In this attack the prince was wound- ed by a ball in the shoulder, which obliged him to be removed from the field. The Nassau troops also fought bravely, and every part of the line resisted the enemy's rage. In some places they approached within forty paces, and, in others, twenty yards of the British artillery, which open- ed a dreadful fire upon them. . The French, however, continued to fight with great resolution, notwithstanding the numbers which fell in their ranks at every fire, and which they closed u with the greatest coolness. The first brigade of guards, and a Dutch brigade, made a dreadful slaughter amongst them, and more than 300 fell at this point. Before the 92d, 42d, and the Scotch reys, the ground was covered with dead. The 2d, although reduced to less than 200 men, charged a column of the imperial-guards; and being followed and supported by the greys, the whole was nearly cut to pieces. The carnage was dreadful. The imperial-guard, however, once more advanced to the attack, covered b their artillery. As soon as they reached the ridge, the British foot-guards, who had lain on the ground for the purpose of avoiding the fire of the enemy's artillery, were now ordered to rise. The duke had watched their approach; and when they were within 100 yards of his men, he ex- claimed, “ Up, guards, and at them.” They needed no second bidding. In an instant they sprang up; and, assuming the offensive, rushed upon the attacking columns with the bayonet. This body of the É.i. guards had been pre- viously disposed in line, instead of the squares which they had litherto occupied; but the line was of unusual depth, consisting of four ranks in- stead of two. “You have stood cavalry in this order,” said the general, “and can therefore find no difficulty in charging infantry.” In charging, they gave a well-directed volley, and then three cheers. This charge even the imperial-guard could not stand against; and those undaunted troops, who, at one time, considered themselves the conquerors of the world, were obliged to give way. In this attack the British and French guards were, for the first time, fairly opposed to each other. The shock for a moment was dread- ful. The enemy refused to take or give quarter, and the carnage was horrible; at last the whole of their ranks were broken, all discipline was at an end, and they began to give way in the utmost confusion. The tirailleurs of the imperial-guard gallantly attempted to cover their retreat, and, for a short time, did considerable execution among the British; but being charged by a body of ca- valry, they fled in disorder. Thus terminated the last dreadful effort which | BOOK XV. CHAP. VIII. 1815. 1422 HISTORY OF THE WARS BOOK X W. CHAP. VIII. *_s^^_/ 1815. the enemy had in his power to make against the British line. In this attack the dead of the French guards, without exaggeration, lay in sec- tions, men and horses º From this no- ment the spirit of the French soldier was fairly broken ; the cries of Vive l'Empereur were si- lenced; and sorrow, shame, and terror, chained their tongues. Bonaparte, with grief, beheld the field-of-battle covered with the bodies of his best troops, and on the exertions of whom were placed his firmest and his last reliance. Marshal Ney, who had witnessed many severe battles, declared that he had never witnessed such a scene of car- nage as the field at this moment exhibited. To re- animate the troops, when leading them to the last attack, Bonaparte had recourse either to a direct falsehood, or else he must have been grievously and culpably ignorant of his situation. He caused to be circulated throughout the army that Grouchy had arrived, and was overwhelming the Prussian rear. “At seven in the evening,” said Ney, “after the most dreadful carnage I ever witnessed, Ge- neral Labedoyere came to me with a message from the emperor, that Marshal Grouchy had ar- rived on our right, and was attacking the left of the united English and Prussian army. This General (Lj continued he, circulated this intelligence to animate the troops.” While this last attack was going on against the British line, the whole of the fourth corps, and a part of the second corps of the Prussian army, had successively come up, attacking, as they arrived, the right wing of the French with the greatest impetuosity. Marshal Blucher had also joined with the first corps. The head of this corps reached Ter la Haye soon after seven o'clock, and immediately attacked and drove the enemy from that place, and also from Pappelotte, and Frischermont, and completely opened the com- munication between the British army and the fourth corps, which had before been separated. At this extremity of the allied line were stationed the troops of Nassau, whose uniforms were so much like those of the French that the Prussians mistook the former for the latter, attacked them with the utmost fury, and drove them from their post, before discovering their error. The Prus- sians which had now arrived on the right of the French army amounted to 40,000 men. The Duke of Wellington beheld with satisfac- tion the firm and determined advance of the Prussians against the right wing of the enemy, which was giving way every moment. The Prus- sian artillery formed one tremendous roar, from Ter la Haye to Planchenoit. “There goes old Blucher at last, and like himself.” exclaimed the duke. With the eye of the eagle when in search of his prey, he now perceived that the victory was his. He saw Napoleon's laurels withering upon his brows; and with his characteristic de- * cision and energy, he seized that fortunate mo- ment. He had particularly noticed the confusion in which the enemy had retired from his last at- tack, and also that the march of General Bulow by Frischermont upon Planchenoit and la Belle Alliance had begun to take effect. He imme- diately ordered . whole line of infantry, sup- ported by the cavalry and artillery, to advance against the enemy. At the same time, he put himself at the head of the foot-guards; and having addressed a few words to them, to which they replied with a general hurrah, he led them on with his hat in his hand. The whole army ad- vanced with the greatest intrepidity up the oppo- site heights, nothwithstanding the fire of the enemy from 150 pieces of cannon. So impetuous and furious was this attack, that all idea of quar- ter, on either side, was for some time out of the question; and the contest thus became a perfect massacre. The enemy's position was soon car- ried ; and their artillerymen having deserted their guns, the whole army fled in the utmost confusion. Entire columns threw down their arms and cartouch-boxes, in order to escape the better; and 150 pieces of cannon, with their am- munition, fell into the hands of the conquerors. What added to the confusion of the enemy, the Prussian corps, under General Zeithen, with which Marshal Blucher was, charged the right flank of the enemy, near the village cf Smouhen, at the same time that the Duke of Wellington attacked them in front. The right wing of the French army was broken in three places. The battle at this point was for a short time most sanguinary. Officers of all ranks exposed them- selves like the meanest soldier. General Gneise- nau, the chief of Blucher's staff, had first one horse killed by a cannon-ball, and then another twice wounded by musket-balls. His sabre was once beat out of the scabbard, and once shot to pieces. Previous to the engagement on this day, Bona- parte had carried along with him a farmer, of the name of Lacoste, as a guide, to point out to hir the country. This man related, º, when Bona- parte saw the Prussian troops advancing, and supposing them to be the troops of Grouchy, he desired an officer to inform him whose columns these were that advanced towards the right? “Prus- sian,” was the reply. It struck him like the head of Medusa. A death-like paleness, for a molment, overspread his countenance, and anguish rung his heart. It is remarkable, that this attack of the Prussians was never mentioned by him. He felt sore at having committed himself so far as to place his army in such a situation. In the intoxi- cation of anticipated success, he had totally neg- lected all the usual means of providing against defeat and its consequences : he had no resource to retreat upon ; no strong place behind which OF THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 1423 *——-º-º-º-º- ſº t ſº *. his broken army could rally. Indeed, he seems to have given no directions to his generals respect- ing what was to be done in case he were to be defeated. He had literally set his all upon the hazard of a die. Although the French army was now in one mass of confusion, the means of retreat was not yet cut off. They still held the village of Plan- chenoit in their rear, with a part of the old guard in reserve. The Prussians advanced against them; and the ground for the attack was ex- tremely favorable. It rose like an amphitheatre, so that the Prussian artillery could open from the summit of a great many heights, which rese gra- dually above each other. The old guard, how- ever, stood firm to the last; but the place was at length stormed. The slaughter was dreadful ; for the Prussians were so exasperated, that they neither gave nor sought quarter. From this mo- ment the route was general and complete; and the road soon became choaked with fugitives, equipages, cannon, and wrecks of every descrip- tion. The commanders, of all ranks, were sepa- rated from their corps, and hurried along with the multitude. In vain did Bonaparte make an effort to rally his troops, by bringing up some battalions of the young and old guard, which had not yet been engaged; but it was useless. Inti- midated by the confusion around them, over- powered by the recoiling friend and advancing foe, they soon yielded to the alarming torrent. Emperor, princes, generals, officers, and soldiers fled in dismay, and in the utmost alarm and ter- ror. The soldiers of the waggon-train cut the traces of their horses, the artillerymen fled from their guns, the officers of the highest rank were hurried away and lost in the crowd ; and not a single battalion existed, behind which another could rally. Cavalry, infantry, and artillery, rushed pell-mell upon each other, and became blended in one mass of confusion. The dragoons rode over the foot-soldiers; and trampled them to death. A complete panic had spread itself throughout the field-of-battle. The cavalry and infantry of the allies pursued them rapidly; and for about five miles the ground was covered with the dead bodies of Frenchmen only. At the farm-house of La Belle Alliance the slaughter was prodigious. The French made a battery of the garden-wall, by making holes through it. All the trees in the orchard were stripped by the bullets. Every house, and every hole, was found full of dead and dying French- men. The Duke of Wellington met Marshal Blucher at the small public-house at this place, where they cordially embraced, and congratulated reach other apon their glorious and decisive suc- cess. The British army having been warmly en- gaged for upwards of nine hours, and exhausted with fatigue and hunger, was now halted, the 97. * Prussian general promising to continue the pur-BOOK XV. suit during the night. Before halting, the British columns gave the flying enemy three cheers. any thing had been wanting to raise the spirits of the Duke of Wellington's army, or to exalt the glory of Britain, at this important moment, it was found in the conduct of the Prussians. In the pursuit, when they came in contact with the British columns, they made way for them to take the lead; and when the British halted for the night, the Prussians, as they passed their bi- vouacks, stopped for a moment and played “God save the king.” . About half-past nine, Marshal Blucher assembled the whole of his superior of ficers, and gave orders for them to send every man and horse in pursuit. The van of the Prus- sian army accelerated its march, and the French army being pursued without intermission, became absolutely disorganized. The Prussians, taking advantage of this dreadful confusion, attacked with their cavalry and heightened the disorder. Nature seemed to conspire for the destruction of the enemy. The weather had cleared up, and the night was beautiful and serene. The moon shone bright through the clear midsummer sky, and directed the march of the Prussians towards their enemies. The situation of the French army was indeed become deplorable. No words can paint their distress. From this moment their si- tuation disarms all resentment and awakens only pity. Their menacing aspect was gone ; and their glory was set in blood. On all hands the roads, the fields, the woods, the streams, were covered with dead and dying Frenchmen. The officers that escaped stated that the horrors they expe- rienced in their flight from Moscow, were far un- equal to those which surrounded and accompanied them from Waterloo to the Sambre. The Prus- sian army being comparatively fresh, continued to pursue them with the most unwearied perse- verance. In vain they attempted to snatch one moment's repose. They were driven from nine bivouacks at the point of the sword. They then attempted to defend themselves in the villages or isolated houses; but they were immediately driven from them, cut down, or made prisoners, and hundreds were consumed in the flames of the barns set on fire in these conflicts. Not only on the high road, but for 100 feet in breadth on each side of it, paths were made where every thing was beat down and covered with dead and wounded. The road was in many places blocked up by artillery, and the military waggons, endea- vouring to escape, were in many places driven sixteen abreast on the causeway. During this disastrous retreat Bonaparte ran great danger of being taken prisoner. When the last battalions of the guard were overthrown, he was hurried away with them, surrounded on all sides by the troopſH" allies, into a cyder- 6 If Chap. VIII. 1815. 1424 HISTORY OF THE WARS BOOK XV. CHAP. VIII. Jºvº. " 1815. **- -ºr wºrrºr--º-º-º- zº: orchard, near the farm of Caillou. There he was met by two cavaliers of the guard, who con- ducted him cautiously through the Prussian par- ties that were scouring the country ; but who, fortunately for him, were all employed in stopping and plundering the equipages. hen the wreck of the French army arrived at Genappe, a part of the troops seemed resolved to halt for the night, and the entrance into the town was barricadoed with broken waggons and gun- carriages, and a few guns were planted in the principal streets. Impressed with some idea of security, after these preparations, the houses were filled in a moment with the hungry and fatigued, in search of food and repose. They had not halted above half-an-hour when the advance of the Prussian cavalry was heard. The enemy, for a short time, opened a brisk fire of musketry and artillery : but the Prussians having brought up some cannon, the place was stormed, and a dreadful slaughter ensued. The French soldiers ceased resistance; and suffered themselves to be cut down like cattle. Generai Duhesme was cut down at the gate of an inn by a Brunswick hus- sar. Upwards of 800 French were killed in Ge- nappe. They were quite panic-struck, and fled from this place, leaving every thing they had. From this point the flight, if possible, became more disorderly than ever. Arms, knapsacks, every thing was thrown away. Here Bonaparte escaped with great difficulty. The waggons and baggage were so closely wedged together that it took an hour and a half for Bonaparte, and about 150 of his staff, to get through them. So close were his pursuers, that, in escaping from his car- riage, he was obliged to defend himself with his pistols; and scarcely had he quitted his seat, when the vehicle, with six beautiful horses which drew it, fell into the hands of the vic- tors. So great was his haste to escape, that in it he left his hat, his sword, his magnificent embroidered state-mantle, and the perspective glass with which he surveyed the battle, all of which fell into the hands of Blucher himself. His seal-ring, all his jewels and equipage, fell into the hands of the Prussian soldiers. All the or- ders with which he had been invested, and those which he usually wore, were also taken; amongst which was the Prussian order of the black eagle, with the motto, “ every man his own,” and which the issue of this day bid fair to confer on many. His baggage, many fine Arabian horses, his ſi- brary, were also taken ; and, along with these, whole bales of revolutionar proclamations, ad- dressed to the Belgians, º, dated on the 19th, from the palace of Lacken. Mounted on horse- back, he left Genappe, and with his followers proceeded in the utmost haste to the frontiers. Notwithstanding the darkness of the night, he was frequently recºgnize, by the soldiers, who knew him from his pye-bald horse, his grey great- coat, and who whispered to each other as he assed them, “Look . There is the emperor.” º. these words seemed to alarm him, and he accordingly quickened his pace to get forward. From Genappe the Prussians continued to pursue the wrecks of his wretched army. It was conti- nued till the next day was far advanced, the whole march “being but one continued chace, either in the corn-fields or the houses.” The whole period was employed by the Prussians only in firing and cutting them %. for no se- rious resistance could be attempted, . At every footstep cannon, equipages, arms, and accoutre- ments, fell into their hands. Before day-light sixty pieces of cannon fell into the hands of the Prussians. “ The causeway,” said Blucher, “presented the appearance of an immense ship- wreck ; it was covered with an innumerable uantity of cannon, caissons, carriages, ba €, . Hå wreck of every kind.” %. #; men, partly without arms, and carrying with them only twenty-seven pieces of their numerous ar- tillery, the remains of the whole army, and that in complete disorder, passed through Charleroy on the forenoon of the 19th. About five in the morning Bonaparte, with about fifty companions, passed the Sambre at this place. Here he took some refreshment, the first for twenty-four hours. The Prussians advanced with unremitting ardour. The French army fled before them with increas- ing confusion. When they came to Charleroy, the crowd upon the bridge became so great that Bonaparte placed a company with fixed bayonets upon it, in order to stop the fugitives. The at- tempt was vain. These troops were overpowered, and then it was impossible to stop the torrent. The Prussians found nine cannon and 100 caissons, abandoned by the enemy, in this place. Twenty- seven pieces only passed the bridge, and of these six pieces more were left between Charleroy and Sobre-le-Chateau. At Charleroy, Bonaparte left the direction of his remaining troops to Soult; and getting into a carriage, set out for Paris, taking the road by Rheims and Soissons. The fugitives having once effected their pass- age across the Sambre, thought they might ven- ture to halt, and had established bivouacks in the meadows and orchards on its right bank, when an alarm was given that the Prussians were ap- proaching : without waiting for any orders, with- out destroying the bridge, or even reconnoitring, they renewed their disorderly flight. The whoſe started at once, and every one provided for him- self, without knowing whither to direct his steps. At a short distance from Charleroy there are two roads, one leading to Avesnes, and the other to Philippeville. No directions having been given to them, the fugitives divided themselves into two parties, the most numerous of which took the OF THE FRANCH Ríº.VOLUTION, 1425 --~ *:----~~~~ road by which they had before advanced, while the other took a direction, towards the left, and marched on Philippeville. Numbers of stragglers, without any other design than that of avoiding the pursuit of the Prussians, threw themselves into the surrounding woods. Thus the army be- came more and more dispersed, till at length scarcely 20,000 men remained, and a great part of these were without arms. Meanwhile Marshal Grouchy, ignorant of the fate of the rest of the army, still continued in the neighbourhood of Wavre, Early in the morning of the 19th, he was attacked in the position in which we left him, by Thielman ; but, after a se- were contest, be succeeded in compelling that gene- ral to abanden Wavre and the mill of Bielge, and to fall back upon the rest of the Prussian army. At the same time, Grouchy continued to advance; and had arrived in front of Rozierne, ready to march upon Brussels, when a Freiich officer brought him the account of the loss of the battle of Waterfbo. He then found himself in a truly perilous situation; but after much difficulty, and some loss, he succeeded in effecting his escape from Wavre to Namur. Here he was attacked by the Prussians, and, after a severe conflict, compelled to abandon the place, and make the best of his way to Dinant, where he arrived on the 20th, with about 25,000 men, having thus lost in the various actions 10,000 men. The loss of the French army, in the battle of Waterloo, (without including that of Grouchy at Wavre,) in, killed, wounded, and prisoners, amounted to, ät least, 60,000 men. Such a vic- tory, however, could not be gained without great loss on the part of the allies. The loss of the British, Hanoverians, Belgians, &c. and Prus- sians, was little short of 30,000 on this important day. The field-of-battle on the next morning resented a most melancholy scene. About 40,000 dead, all of whom had been stripped na- ked, and perhaps the same number of wounded, whom, as yet, it had been impossible to remove, lay crowded into a narrow space. Near 25,000 horses, dead or wounded, lay mixed with their former riders, and increased the horrors of the scene. It was not so much the ghastly wounds which had deprived them of life, which disfigured their mangled remains. But these had been farther trampled by the cavalry, crushed by the artillery, and torn to pieces by the continued showers of bullets, which the latter vomited forth over these positions. The number of dead upon the field-of-battle, said an eye-witness, could not be numbered. It presented, on the morning of the 19th, said one who saw it, a spectacle like a vast army asleep. According to the most accu- rate accounts which can be procured, the total number burnt or buried on these fatal fields amounted to 40,000. For many days several * --m-m- thousand carriages, and many peasants from the B66k xy. surrounding countries, even as far as Mons, were : employed in burning or burying the dead. The CHAP. VIII. task was not only loathesome, but dangerous; \*º- and the Prussians were absolutely forced to comi- pel them at the point of the bayonet. To avoid infection from their corrupting remains, the pea- sants first dug large pits, and then, by means of large hooks, dragged the bodies into them. The country, for several miles, presented the appear- ance of one continued groupe of hillocks, so thickly was its surface covered with large graves, in which hundreds of the bodies of men and horses were thrown together. In one acre of ground a beholder counted forty graves thus filled with dead. The weather having become dry after their burial, the wet mould, which had not been thrown over them to a sufficient depth, cracked from the heat, and opening, shewed, in some places, their ghastly remains. Notwith- standing the burning and the burying the dead, for several weeks after the battle, the smeh from their putrid carcasses was insufferable, and a pestilential gale continued to be wafted over the surrounding country from this theatre of death. For many days the number of carrion flies which "fed on the dead bodies was "dreadful, and most annoying to those who visited the spot. It is said that some soldiers absolutely lost their rea- son from the remembrance of this dréadful scène. The diameter of the principal part of this field of blood was about two miles; wherein every thing was totally destroyed. The dead were ab- solutely lying in ranks, and horses grouped in heaps with their riders. All the wells, and all the water in the neighbourhood, for many days after the battle, were red with blood, and became putrid from the number of dead bodies found in them. The churches in the surrounding villages were filled with dead and dying. Every village, every hamlet, all the ravines, corn-fields, and forests, were filled with wounded soldiers, who had crawled to these places for shelter, and whom, even when they were seen, it was, for several days after, found impossible to remove. It" was as late as the Thursday following before all the wounded then discovered could be removed. “On the 21st,” says one who visited the field-of-battle, “I saw, in one groupe of wounded, thirty-six out of seventy-three who had lost an arm or a leg, besides flesh-wounds;” while the roads, even on the 25th, were covered with waggon-loads of wounded, shrieking with pain. On the morning after the battle, numbers of the wounded were seen raising themselves up amongst the heaps of dead, and imploring from the visitors, some a mouthful of water; others, that the beholders might put an end to their miseries. Every road, in every part of the country for thirty miles round, was full of wounded soldiers, wandering about in 1815. 1426 history of THE wars * * BOOK XV. * CHAP. VIII. Jºvº-2 1815. the extremes of agony and want. The Dutch and Belgians exerted themselves to reach their homes, and the French their own country. After a damp day, on the 18th, the night became clear and chill, which had a fatal effect on the wound- ed. Thousands perished for want of timely me- dical aid. Many were found in cottages and ob- scure retreats, their bodies become half putrid from the severity of their wounds, yet still in life. Thousands were cut off in the extremes of hunger and distress. At the end of ten, twelve, and fifteen days, there were found, in bye-corners, wounded men who had preserved life by gnawing the flesh from the dead bodies of their dead com- rades, or of horses that chanced to be near them. Others, slightly wounded, were found several days after the battle, on the field, using the French cui- rasses as frying pans to dress their scanty meals. Even in the rear of the allied position, such scenes of distress were numerous. From Water- loo to Brussels, the road, for nine miles, was so choaked up with scattered baggage, that the wounded could with difficulty be brought along. The way was lined with unhappy wretches who had crept from the field; and many, unable to proceed, lay down and died. Holes, dug by the side of the road formed their graves, while their tattered garments and accoutrements covered the surrounding lands. In Brussels alone, more than 23,000 wounded were assembled, where they were treated with the utmost kindness and atten- tion. The people, in crowds, went out to meet them with, ºiº. bandages, &c. . The principal families, and women of rank, supported them with eyery necessary, and frequently admi- nistered to their wants with their own hands. The treatment, however, of the French prisoners, by the peasantry were different. These were: treated with harshness; and these poor, creatures now felt the severest want and neglect. By the Bri- tish only were,they treated with humanity. These were seen, though wounded themselves, binding up the wounds of their enemies. What a contrast in their conduct Every thing on these fields, for a great extent, was laid waste. For five miles round, the country appeared like a sandy waste covered with hills and heaps of slain. The corn- fields were so beaten that they resembled stubble, The ground was completely ploughed up by the bullets and, the feet of horses, and cut into trenches by the wheels of the artillery. Scarcely a clod of earth but was wet with the best blood of Britain and of Prussia, and with the fiercest blood of France. At Hougoumont, every tree in the wood seemed as if blighted, and were pierced with cannon-bullets. Some were pierced with twenty. Their branches were broken off and destroyed. Immense graves and dreadful heaps of ashes, the remains of burnt bodies, marked this fatal spot. Broken swords, shattered helmets, torn epaulets, and sabre sashes, bathed in blood, shewed how furious and how destructive the bat- tle had here been. Mixed with these were seen the flaring red poppy, rearing its head amidst the fresh dug mould, while the sweet little wild-flow- er, “Forget me not,” unconcious of the ruin near it, in a few days began to spread its beauties round the warriors’ grave. Soldiers’ caps, pierced with many a ball, belts, helmets, cuirasses, tat- tered cloathes, cartouch-boxes, military decora- tions, crosses of the legion of honor, French novels, German testaments, packs of cards, letters from lovers to the objects of their affection, from arents to their children, mangled bodies, legs, . in the helmets intended to protect them, and arms, strewed in fearful confusion, lay along these bloody fields. Besides the loss of men, and all the best horses which Bonaparte had for ca- valry, the French army lost above 300 pieces of cannon, 500 caissons, all their baggage, and al- most all their arms. Such were the consequences, in part, of Napoleon's escape from Elba ; and such the third page of that terrible sheet, on which, according to the Moniteur, in March pre- ceding, “ the emperor had just written the finest page of history, and to which the annals of the world afford no comparison.’’, The present page indeed, in blood and its results, stands unparal- leled in the annals, of the world. The sheet of Napoleon's political life to which it belonged was nearly full. The last page alone remained. The consequences of Waterleo filled it. . . Amongst the heroes, who signalized, themselves on this glorious day, on whom Wellington be- stowed praise, and, whose loss he mentioned with regret, are the following names, with which the public had long been familiar. Major-general Coke, who was severely, wounded, Major-general Maitland, and Major-general Byng. Lieutenant- general Sir H. Clinton, Major-general Adam, Lieutenant-general Charles Baron Alten, who were severely wounded. Colonel Ompteda, Co- lonel Mitchell, Major-general Sir James Kempt, and Sir Dennis Pack; Major-general Lambert, Major-general Lord E. Somerset, Major-general Sir William Ponsonby, Major-general Sir C. Grant, Major-general Sir H. Vivian, Major-ge- neral Sir O. Vandeleur, Major-general Dornberg, and General Lord Hill. . Colonel Sir G. Wood, Colonel Smith, Adjutant Major-general Barnes, who were wounded; and Quarter-master-general Colonel Delancey, who was also severely wound- ed in the middle of the engagement, and after- wards died. Lieutenant-colonel Lord Fitzroy Somerset, who was severely wounded; Lieutenant- colonel the honorable Sir Alexander Gordon, who died of his wounds. General Kruse, of the Nassau service, General Trip, and General Van- hope, the latter commanding a brigade of infan- try belonging to the King of the Netherlands. of THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 1427 wº- The Russian General Pozzo de Borgo, the Aus- trian General Baron Vincent, the Prussian Ge- neral Muffling, and the Spanish General Alava, also distinguished themselves greatly. The lat- ter general, so well known in the peninsular war, was the Spanish minister to the court of the Ne- therlands; and being at Brussels at the time, he joined the hero he admired, and was close beside him throughout the day. The Prince of Orange also particularly distinguished himself; and until he received a severe wound in the right shoulder, he was never absent from the post of danger. Henry, Earl of Uxbridge (now Marquis of An- glesea) was also noticed for his extraordinary gallantry on this memorable day. During the whole of the engagement, his exertions were great and unremitting, while his example was most animating. Scarce a squadron charged but he was at their head; and wherever the cavalry could be of service, there he led them.' Though exposed to the hottest of the fire, he had escaped unhurt; but almost the last shot which the enemy fired shattered his right knee and deprived him of a leg. Few general officers escaped untouched, and many eommanding-officers fell. Every officer on the personal-staff of the Duke of Wellington was either killed or wounded. Among these were Lieutenant-colonels Gordon and Canning. The former officer was earnestly and affectionately re- monstrating with the duke, that he was exposing his invaluable life more than any private soldier, when he was struck by a musket-ball and instant- ly fell. Colonel Canning had been sent by the duke with some important orders to a distant part of the line, and was returning, when a grape-shot struck him in the breast. As he fell, his friend, Lord March, hastened to his assistance. The colonel, with difficulty, raised himself up, and eagerly inquired whether the duke was yet safe. Being answered in the affirmative, he exclaimed, “God bless him ſ” and then seizing the hand of Lord March, said, “God bless you,” and expired. He had accompanied the Duke of Wellington as aid-de-camp during the whole of the peninsular war. , Colonel Ferrier, of the 1st foot-guards, fell, after leading his regiment eleven times to the charge. Lord Hill's coolness and determined bravery never shone more conspicuous than on the 18th of June; though, from commanding the reserve, his exertions were not so much called for on this as on many former days. All the above officers, and many others, signalized themselves on this glorious day. To particularize every indi- vidual who distinguished himself would be im- possible, as “there is no officer nor description of troops,” said the Duke of Wellington, “ who did not behave well.” Every regiment in the British army signalized itself in this memorable battle. The conduct of the Scotch greys was particularly noticed, and praised by Bonaparte himself, who frequently BOOK. xv. exclaimed, as he saw them beat some of his best soldiers, “What superb troops l’” • ** The 42d, CHAP. VIII. 79th, and 92d, though dreadfully reduced in Sºº- numbers, both in Picton's and other severe at- tacks, here shewed the same courage and skill which they did at Quatre Bras. The 30th and 73d regiments, placed in a part of the line expos- ed, in a particular manner, to the attacks of the cuirassiers, suffered severely. In an attack by the cuirassiers against Sir Colin Halket's brigade, the enemy attempted a ruse de guerre, by the commanding officer advancing and lowering his sword to General Halket. Several officers im- mediately called out, Sir, they surrender; but Sir Colin was not to be duped. He justly sus- pected an offer of surrender to a body of infantry, fixed to the spot, in a defensive position, by a j. of cavalry, who had the option of galloping .# with all the plain open behind them. “Be firin, and fire,” said he to his officers. The volley sent the cuirassiers, as usual, about : and while the balls rung against their armour, a laugh of deri- sion, which arose in the British line, added to their mortification. At the close of the battle, the brave Général Halket received a ball in his cheek, which carried away the palate, and inca- pacitated him fröm tasting any food. The con- duct of the guards exceeded all praise. ‘The 52d and 71st regiments, when in pursuit of the young guard, suddenly separated, and, running in an oval, met again at a considerable distance, and thus cut off several thousand prisoners. Late in the day, a very affecting circumstance occurred in General Halket's brigade. Two officers, who were not on terms of good understanding with the others of the regiment to which they belonged, for having opposed some expensive regulations in the mess, owing to their having families, and also two sisters to support, had, from being thus in a manner placed by themselves, formed the most intimate friendship. Towards the evening, the one jocosely said to the other, “I always told you they would never, hit me.” Scarcely had he spoken these words, when he was shot dead, to the inexpressible grief of his friend, who stood for some moments motionless ; and then, rushing to the body, threw himself beside it, exclaiming, “Oh, my friend—my only friend " Even at this moment the scene drew tears from the eyes of every beholder. The gallant Colonel Delan- cy, who fell by the side of the Duke of Welling- ton, when he found that his wound was idortal, would not allow the surgeons to take up their time with attending to him. He was carried to Brussels, where he expired. He had been mar- ried only three weeks before, to a beautiful and deserving woman. Colonel Miller, of the guards, when dying, requested that they would bring the colours of his regiment ºf 1st foot-guards; and 1815. 1428 HISTORY OF THE WARS BOOK XV. CHAP. VIII. Jºvº-Z 1815. hilt of his sword so bruise *- Tsº after beholding them, he requested that they might be ...; over him till he died. Captain Curzen, Lord Scarsdale’s son, met his fate with similar spirit. Falling from his horse, he said to his friend, Lord March, who was near him, “Good bye, March;” and afterwards seeing him animating his corps, he exclaimed, though in the last stage of life, “Well done, March.” Colonel Halket, a brother of the general, made a dash at a French general, who had advanced in front of his men, giving them orders, and brought him off in the full view of his astonished followers as a risoner. A highland . had the basket | that he could not get his hand out till he got the aid of a blacksmith. The humanity of two French officers in this battle deserve to be noticed. The honorable Colonel Ponsonby, of the 12th light dragoons, fell in the first of the three charges of the light horse, soon after the commencement of the action. His wounds were desperate, and he was lying in a helpless state, when a lancer, probably to as- certain the fact of his existence, in the barbarous manner of all soldiers, plunged his lance at his shoulder, which penetrated to his lungs; meaning, as it was supposed, afterwards to plunder him, when an advance of another corps drove him away. In this state he lay for a considerable time, with several severe wounds, and suffering great agony, particularly from thirst. At length his situation was noticed by a French officer, who lay severely wounded at some distance, and, with great difficulty, crept towards him, and presented a pocket-pistol to his mouth, when he was at the last gasp, and from which he drank some kind of spirit. From this humanity, Colonel Ponsonby attributed his strength to i. through his suffer- ings. After his recovery, he made every endea- vour to find this officer, that he might return his rateful acknowledgements. Colonel Hervey, of the 14th, was in a charge of the light, cavalry, when he found himself opposed to a French of. ficer, who was proceeding to make a cut at him, when perceiving the colonel had but one arm, he dropt his sword, exclaiming, he would never use his sword against a man thus situated. In this instance, also, the gallant colonel was not able to find his noble opponent. The close of the battle was destructive to many British officers. Sir Francis D'Oyley, of the 1st foot-guards, fell in the very last charge to which his regiment was led, and at the moment when the enemy, was breaking and preparing to fly. Colonel Fitzgerald, of the lifeguards, likewise fell, as he was cheering his men to pursue the enemy. We have already mentioned the gallant conduct of the Marquis of Anglesea, and of his being wounded by almost the last shot that was fired. This nobleman, on the 17th, when the British army were retreating, was in the rear of *— the last troop of cavalry, when, looking behind him, he observed a French regiment formed across the road to charge. He instantly turned round, and alone galloped back towards the enemy, waving his hat to his soldiers, who had advanced some way on their retreat, and were at a considerable distance from their general. Ma- jor Kelly, of the horse-guards, was the first per- son to join his lordship at full gallop, and these two heroes remained alone for a minute or two, close in front of the French, who stirred not, amazed, as it would seem, by the gallantry which they witnessed. The regiment soon came up, and charging, the enemy were forced to retire. The British army, at Waterloo, exceeded all its former exploits; and all the laurels which they had previously gained were here wove in- to one immortal wreath to adorn their brows. The merits of the British soldiers, on this occa- sion, were properly appreciated: and the prince- regent extended solid rewards to every rank and every individual. Every regiment which had been present was iſ...} from thenceforth to bear the word “Waterloo" upon their colours; all the privates were to be borne upon the mus. ter-rolls and pay-lists of their respective corps as Waterloo-men, and every Waterloo-man allowed to reckon that day's work as two years service in the amount of his time for increase of pay, or for a pension when discharged. The subaltern officers were, in like manner, to reckon two years’ service for that victory; and a regulation was inade, that henceforward the pensions granted for wounds should rise with the rank to which the officer attained. A medal was also given to each of the survivors, of the same materials for officers and men, that, they who had been companions in danger, might also wear the same badge of honor. At the sight of this noble appendage, their parents, friends, and future offspring will re. joice, and their foes lament with sorrow. France will long remember it with mourning and an- guish; and the name of Waterloo, for a century to come, will make her daughters weep and her sons tremble. Deep, indeed, and severe are the wounds of grief in the bosoms of surviving friends, for those who have fallen in this glorious battle; and lasting will be the sorrow round the banks of the Thames, the Shannon, the Forth, and the Oder. In many a town, and in many a villa the tear of affection will flow on the 18th of June. But while a British heart can feel a glow of plea- sure at the thought of its country's security and honor, so long will this grief be softened by the recollection of the day wherein those for whom they mourn were taken away from them. For the relief of the wounded, and of the relatives of the shain, a subscription was immedietely com- menced in England, in which the munificent charity of Great Britain and its dependencies far 6 * OF THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 1429 -*** exceeded all its former exertions. A committee of distribution was appointed, and in a short time upwards of 400,000l. sterling was cheerfully raised for the purpose of administering to the ne- cessities of the wounded, and to the comfort of the orphans and widows of the dead. To the memory of Generals Picton, and Ponsonby, the British legislature decreed the erection of monu- ments, in the repository of her mighty dead, where Nelson lies, who at Trafalgar gave Bri- tain the undisputed empire of the ocean; as the cause of their death, at Waterloo, gave her de- cidedly the preponderance in the scale of Europe. It is a curious fact, that as near as a land en- #." can approach to one at sea, that the attle of Waterloo was the battle of Trafalgar in every thing but victory reversed. The mode of attack by Napoleon was as near as possible si- milar to that followed by Nelson; and the man- ner in which the British troops were drawn up in lines and squares was similar to that in which Villeneuve drew up the French fleet in a double line, but so placed that in breaking through be- tween two ships in the front line, the vessel which did so came full on a broadside of a ship in the second, and in this situation remained ex- posed to the fire of both lines. But that pru- dent plan was rendered of no avail, by Nelson coming down in two diverging lines, each of which, as it came near, separated and broke through at every point. Similar to the French ships were the British squares placed at Water- loo ; and similarly Bonaparte attacked, with the numbers in his favor. The conduct of the foreign troops in the Bri- tish army, engaged in this battle, was most con- spicuous and exemplary. The Hanoverians and Brunswickers greatly distinguished themselves. The Prussians also well performed their part in this great engagement ; and the Duke of Wel- lington, with the liberality of an honorable mind, in his public dispatches, made the fullest ac- º of their services. “I should not,” said he, “do justice to my feelings, or to Marshal Blucher and the Prussian army, if I did not at- tribute the successful result of this arduous day to the cordial and timely assistance I received from them. The operation of General Bulow upon the enemy's flank was a most decisive one; and even if I had not found myself in a situation to make the attack which produced the final re- sult, it would have forced the enemy to retire, if his attacks should have failed, and would have prevented him from taking advantage of them, if they should unfortunately have succeeded.” To Wellington himself there was wanting but this combat to crown the glory which he had al- ready earned on the field of danger. He stood from this moment confessedly the first general of wº- *— *-*-* an age where all are brave, and wherein thou- sands are conspicuous. His conduct on this me- morable day, as a general, as a soldier, and as a man, will live the theme of the admiration and applause of every succeeding age. As a general, Waterloo has made him immortal. It was abili- ties and resources of the highest order he had here to oppose him. He swept those from the face of the political world in a moment, without a vestige being left to shew that such things had ever been. As a soldier, he was often seen ral- lying broken battalions, and leading them to the charge, amidst the greatest danger. The nature of the ground was such that to obtain a full view of the enemy there was no avoiding the imminent risks which this great man ran during the whole day. His i. men endeared to him by their long services, in the career of victory, and by their personal devotion to him, fell, killed or wounded, one after another. Of those who accompanied him, his old friend, the Spanish Ge- neral Alava, was the only one who was untouched, either in his person or, his horse. At one mo- ment, when the duke was very far advanced, ob- serving the enemy's movements, one of his aids- de-camp ventured to hint that he was exposing himself too much; the duke answered, with his noble simplicity, “I know I am, but I must die, or see what they are doing.” With his telescope in his hand, in the midst of every danger, he stood and surveyed the extent of that dreadful field, with as much calmness and self-possession as an astronomer would view the satellites of Jupiter. His eye beheld every thing.—While the motions of the enemy were yet in embryo he forestalled them, and through the dark columns of smoke, that concealed their advance, he anti- cipated every movement of the foe. Like the genius of the storm, upborne on its wings, he was seen riding about, repelling the attack of conflicting elements, and directing his thunders to burst where they should be most fatal. In ad- dition to the particulars already related, at a most critical moment, he put himself at the head of the 95th regiment, charged and drove back the most advanced of the enemy. At another time a select party of French cavalry cut their passage through the line where he was, and very nearly succeeded in taking him prisoner. As a man, he wept for the loss of the former companions of many a bloody field, and days of former glory and dan- ger. “I cannot express,” said he, in a letter to the brother of Sir Alexander Gordon, “ in ade- quate terms, the grief which I feel in contemplating the loss which we have sustained, in the death of so many valued friends. The glory of such ac- tions afford no consolation to me, and I cannot suggest it as a consolation to you; but a result so decisive will, in all probability, be followed by * BOOK XV. CHAP. VIII. \-ºvº. 18t 5, 1430 HISTORY OF THE WARS BOOK XV. CHAP. VIII. Q-º- ~/ 1815. same words. an early attainment of the just object of our wishes and exertions, and this may afford some consolation for our loss.” That the French army, and their chief, fought with the greatest bravery, is a fact undeniable and just. The bravery and enthusiasm of the latter were never more conspicuous than at Wa- terloo, and never were so severely defeated. The plans of their leader, to accomplish the object which he had in view, were skilfully laid ; but considering the abilities of his opponents, and his own peculiar situation, they were most hazardous and dangerous. They were, however, all in cha- racter of the man, and also of the nation. But his faults, as a general, does not take away from the personal bravery of himself and his troops. All exposed themselves in the most resolute manner; and the prisoners said they never saw the em- peror expose himself so much ; that he seemed to court death, in order not to outlive a defeat fraught with such fatal consequences to him. The idle stories about his cowardice on this day de- serve no attention. They are the tricks of some vain Frenchmen, who want to make it appear that their countrymen were defeated solely be- cause their leader was unworthy of his troops. It would be doing an act of great injustice to those who conquered him, to give any credence to such stories. At Waterloo he was worthy of his troops. His vanity at the commencement of the battle, and despair at the end, made him ex- pose himself more than he had done in any other action. He afterwards. indeed, forsook the troops, but not till they durst face their foes no longer. During the engagement, they fought with the most determined courage, and at last sealed with , their blood their attachment to their chief. It is a fact, that they marched to the combat shouting “ Vive l'Empereur,” and that when wounded and maimed they returned from the field shouting the It is also certain, that even in the hospitals, sinking under their wounds and disease, they continued to chaunt the same strain, and to give the strongest marks of attachment to their leader. Nay, many days after, even on the field- of-battle, many were found as dead, but who were no sooner roused from their state of insensi- bility, than they saluted their hearers with the same words. As Mr. Simpson passed through the hospitals at Antwerp, one man was pointed out who had tossed his own amputated arm in the **. ---ºmº air with a feeble shout of “ Vive l’Empereur !” Another, at the moment of the preparations to take off his leg, declared that there was something he knew of would cure him on the spot, and save his limb and the operator's trouble. When asked to explain this wild remark, he said, “A sight of the emperor.” The amputation did not save him. He died in the surgeon's hands, and his last words, steadfastly looking on his own blood, were, that he would cheerfully shed the last drop in his veins for the great Napoleon. A third was undergoing, with matchless steadiness, the extrac- tion of a ball from his left side. In the middle of the operation he exclaimed, “An inch deeper, and you will find the emperor l’” It was not so much the loss of men, of cannon, and of reputation, great as these were, which at Waterloo was the greatest loss to Bonaparte. These might have been replaced; but the loss was of a more irrecoverable kind. In the words of Count Lobau, who was taken prisoner, this dread- ful day deprived Napoleon of almost every one, who, in France, were personally attached to him. But bravely as the French troops fought, and skilful as their leader was, so much the more praise and greater honor is due to those who beat them. “Never,” said the Duke of Wellington, in a letter to a relative, “ was I in a harder- fought battle; never was I obliged to exert myself so much, and never was I so near being beaten.” This frank acknowledgment, while it gives his enemies praise, confers on him additional glory. Such were the immediate, important, and deci- sive results of the terrible battle of Waterloo. The victories of Cressy and Agincourt, achieved by British prowess, twice before settled the fate of France. The triumph of Waterloo, won chiefly by the same means, decided not only the fate of France but of Europe. There is no pos- sibility of lessening or disguising the humiliation and defeat which France received on this day. In one battle, Britain dealt to her a blow that went to her heart. Nothing that was done by her to either Prussia, or Austria, or Spain, or Portugal, was so severely disgraceful to the van- quished, as that which befel himself. Waterloo sent her reeling and tumbling backwards to a throne which she had sworn to defend—from which she held the boldest language ; and yet before which, we shall presently see, hot an arm was raised up in its defence. OF THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 1431 CHAPTER IX. Official Accounts of the Battle of Waterloo.—Additional Particulars-State of Brussels during the Engagement. DEpoRE we follow Napoleon to Paris, we think it our duty to present the reader with the official documents of this great and glorious battle. gº’ THE ENGLISH ACCOUNT. Waterloo, June 19th, 1815. My Lord, Bonaparte having collected the first, second, third, fourth, and sixth corps of the French army, and the imperial-guards, and nearly all the cavalry, on the Sambre, and between that river and the Meuse, between the 10th and the 14th of the month, advanced on the 15th, and at- tacked the Prussian posts at Thuin and Lobez, on the Sambre, at day-light in the morning. I did not hear of these events till the evening of the 15th, and I immediately ordered the troops to prepare to march ; and afterwards to march to their left, as soon as I had intelligence from othel quarters to prove that the enemy's move- ment upon Charleroy was the real attack. The enemy drove the Prussian posts from the Sambre on that day; and General Ziethen, who commanded the corps which had been at Charle- roy, retired upon Fleurus; and Marshal Prince Blucher concentrated the Prussian army upon Sombreſ, holding the villages of St. Amand and Ligny in front of his position. The enemy continued his march along the road from Charleroy towards Brussels, and on the same evening, the 15th, attacked a brigade of the army of the Netherlands, under the Prince de Weimar, posted at Frasne, and forced it back to the farm-house on the same road, called Les Quatre Bras. The Prince of Orange immediately reinforced this brigade with another of the same division, under General Perponcher, and in the morning early regained part of the ground which had been lost, so as to have the command of the com- munication leading from Nivelles and Brussels with Marshal Blucher's position. In the meantime, I had directed the whole army to march upon Les Quatre Bras, and the fifth division, under Lieutenant-general Sir Tho- mas Picton, arrived at about half-past two in the day, followed by the corps of troops under the Duke of Brunswick, and afterwards by the con- tingent of Nassau. At this time the enemy commenced an attack upon Prince Blucher with his whole force, ex- cepting the first and second corps; and a corps of cavalry under General Kellerman, with which he attacked our post at Les Quatre Bras. The Prussian army maintained their position with their usual gallantry and perseverance, against a great disparity of numbers, as the fourth corps of their army, under General Bulow, had not joined, and I was not able to assist them as I wished, as I was attacked myself; and the troops, the cavalry in particular, which had a long dis- tance to march, had not arrived. We maintained our position also, and com- pletely defeated and repulsed all the enemy's at- tempts to get possession of it. The enemy re- peatedly attacked us with a large body of infantry and cavalry, supported by a numerous and pow- erful artillery ; he made several charges with the cavalry upon our infantry, but all were repulsed in the steadiest manner. In this affair, his royal highness the Prince of Orange, the Duke of Brunswick, and Lieutenant-general Sir Thomas Picton, and Major-general Sir James Kempt, and Sir Dennis Pack, who were engaged from the commencement of the enemy's attack, highly distinguished themselves, as well as Lieutenant- general Charles Baron Alten, Major-general Sir C. Halket, Lieutenant-general Cooke, and Ma- ior-generals Maitland and Byng, as they succes- sively arrived. The troops of the fifth division, and those of the Brunswick corps, were long and severely engaged, and conducted themselves with the utmost gallantry. . I must particularly men- tion the 28th, 42d, 79th, and 92d regiments, and the battalion of Hanoverians. Our loss was great, as your lordship will per- ceive by the enclosed return ; and I have parti- cularly to regret his serene highness the Duke of Brunswick, who fell, fighting gallantly, at the head of his troops. Although Marshal Blucher had maintained his position at Somh ref, he still found himself much weakened by the severity of the contest in which he had been º and, as the fourth corps had not arrived, he determined to fall back, and concentrate his army upon Wavre; and be marched in the night after the action was OWel'. This movement of the marshal's rendered ne- cessary a corresponding one on my part; and I retired from the farm of Quatre Bras upon Ge- BOOK XV, CHAP. IX. • \_ºvº/ 1815. 1432 HISTORY OF THE WARS |BOOK XV. CHAP. IX. 1815. nappe, and thence upon Waterloo the next morn- ing, the 17th, at ten o’clock. The enemy made no effort to pursue Marshal Blucher. On the contrary, a patrole, which I sent to Sombref in the morning, found all quiet, and the enemy's videttes fell back as the patrole advanced. Neither did he attempt to molest our march to the rear, although made in the middle of the day, excepting by following, with a large body of cavalry brought from his right, the ca- valry under the Earl of Uxbridge. e This gave Lord Uxbridge an opportunity of charging them with the 1st life-guards, upon their debouche from the village of Genappe, upon which occasion his lordship has declared himself to be well satisfied with that regiment. The position which I took up, in front of Wa- terloo, crossed the high roads from Charleroy and Nivelles, and had its right thrown back to a ravine near Merke Braine, which was occupied; and its left extended to a height above the hamlet Ter-la-Haye, which was likewise occupied. In front of the right centre, and near the Nivelles road, we occupied the house and garden of Hou- goumont, which covered the return of that flank; and, in front of the left centre, we occupied the farm of La Haye Sainte. By our left we com- municated with Marshal Prince Blucher, at Wavre, through Ohain, and the Marshal had romised me that in case we should be attacked É. would support me with one or more corps, as might be necessary. he enemy collected his army, with the excep- tion of the third corps, which had been sent to observe Marshal Blucher, on a range of heights in our front, in the course of the night of the I7th and yesterday morning; and at about ten o'clock he commenced a furious attack upon our post at Hougoumont. I had occupied that post with a detachment from General Byng's brigade of guards, which was in position in its rear; and it was for some time under the command of Lieu- tenant-colonel Macdonald, and afterwards of Colonel Home ; and I am happy to add, that it was maintained throughout the day with the ut- most gallantry by these brave troops, notwith- standing the repeated efforts of large bodies of the enemy to obtain possession of it. This attack upon the right of our centre was accompanied by a very heavy cannonade upon our whole line, which was destined to support the repeated attacks of cavalry and infantry oc- casionally mixed, but sometimes separate, which were made upon it. In one of these, the enemy carried the farm-house of La Haye Sainte, as the detachment of the º battalion of the legion which occupied it had expended all its ammuni- tion, and the enemy occupied the only communi- cation there was with them. k -s -- The enemy repeatedly charged our infantry with his cavalry, but these attacks were uniformly unsuccessful, and they afforded opportunities to our cavalry to charge, in one of which, Lord E. Somerset's brigade, consisting of the life-guards, royal horse-guards, and 1st dragoon-guards, high- ly distinguished themselves; as did that of Ma- gor-general Sir W. Ponsonby, having taken many prisoners and an eagle. These attacks were repeated till about seven in the evening, when the enemy made a desperate ef. fort with the eavalry and infantry, supported by the fire of artillery, to force our left centre near the farm of La Haye Sainte, which, after a severe contest, was defeated; and having observed that the troops retired from this attack in great con- fusion, and that the march of General Bulow's corps by Frischermont upon Planchenoit and La Belle Alliance, had begun to take effect; and as I could perceive by the fire of his cannon, and as Marshal Prince Blucher had joined in person, with a corps of his army to the left of our line by Ohain, I determined to attack the enemy, and immediately advanced the whole line of infantry, supported by the cavalry and artillery. The at- tack succeeded in every point; the enemy was forced from his position on the heights, and fled in the utmost confusion, leaving behind him, as far as I could judge, 150 pieces of cannon, with their ammunition, which fell into our hands. I continued the pursuit till long after dark, and then discontinued it only on account of the fatigue of our troops, who had been engaged during twelve hours, and because I found myself on the same road with Marshal Blucher, who assured me of his intention to follow the enemy throughout the night; he has sent me word this morning, that he had taken sixty pieces of can- non belonging to the imperial-guard, and several carriages, baggage, &c. belonging to Bonaparte, in Genappe. I propose to move, this morning, upon Ni- velles, and not to discontinue my operations. Your lordship will observe, that such a des- perate action could not be fought, and such ad- vantages could not be gained, without great loss; and, I am sorry to add, that our's has been im- mense. . . In Lieutenant-general Sir Thomas Picton, his majesty has sustained the loss of an officer who has frequently distinguished himself in his service; and he fell, gloriously leading his division to a charge with bayonets, by which one of the most serious attacks made by the enemy on our position was defeated. The Earl of Uxbridge, after having success- fully got through this arduous day, received a wound, by almost the last shot fired, which will I am afraid, deprive his majesty for some time of his services. OF THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. I'433 f —º- *~~~ His royal-highness the Prince of Orange dis- tinguished himself by his gallantry and conduct till he received a wound from a musket-ball through the shoulder, which obliged him to quit the field. § It gives me the greatest satisfaction to assure your lordship, that the army never, upon any oc- casion, conducted itself better. The division of guards, under Lieutenant-general Cooke, who is severely wounded, Major-general Maitland, and Major-general Byng, set an example which was followed by all ; and there is no officer, nor de- scription of troops, that did not behave well. I must, however, particularly mention, for his royal-highness's approbation, Lieutenant-general Sir H. Clinton ; Major-general Adam; Lieute- nant-general Charles Baron Alten, severely wounded; Major-general Sir Colin Halket, se- verely wounded; Colonel Ompteda; Colonel Mitchele, commanding a brigade of the fourth division; Major-generals Sir James Kempt and Sir Dennis Pack; Major-general Lambert; Ma- jor-general Lord E. Somerset; Major-general Sir W. Ponsonby; Major-general Sir C. Grant, and Major-general Sir #. ivian; Major-general Sir O. Vandeleur ; Major-general Count Dornberg. I am also particularly indebted to General Lord Hill, for his assistance and conduct upon this, as upon all former occasions. The artillery and engineer departments were conducted much to my satisfaction by Colonel Sir G. Wood, and Colonel Smyth; and I had every reason to be satisfied with the conduct of the adjutant-general, Major-general Barnes, who was wounded, and of the quarter-master- general, Colonel Delancy, who was killed by a cannon-shot in the middle of the action. This officer is a serious loss to his majesty's service, and to me at this moment. I was likewise much indebted to the assistance of Lieutenant-colonel Lord Fitzroy Somerset, who was severely wound- ed, and of the officers composing my personal staff, who have suffered severely in this action. Lieutenant-colonel the honorable Sir Alexander Gordon, who has died of his wounds, was a most promising officer, and is a serious loss to his ma- jesty's service, General Kruse, of the Nassau service, like- wise conducted himself much to my satisfaction, as did General Trip, commanding the heavy bri- gade of cavalry, and General Vanhope, command- ing a brigade of infantry of the King of the Ne- therlands. * General Pozzo di Borgo, General Baron Vincent, General Muffling, and General Alava, were in the field during the action, and rendered me every assistance in their power. Baron Vin- cent is wounded, but I hope not severely; and General Pozzo di Borgo received a contusion. I should not do justice to my feelings, or to Marshal Blucher and the Prussian army, if I did not attribute the successful result of this ar- duous day to the cordial and timely assistance re- ceived from them. The operation of General Bulow upon the enemy's flank, was a most decisive one; and, even if I had not found myself in a situation to make the attack which produced the final result, it would have forced the enemy to retire, if his at- tacks should have failed, and would have pre- vented him from taking of them, if they should unfortunately have succeeded. I send, with this dispatch, two eagles, taken by the troops in this action, which Major Percy will have the honor of laying at the feet of his royal highness—I beg leave to recommend him to your lordship's protection. I have the honor, &c. (Signed) WELLINGTON. THE PRUSSIAN ACCOUNT. It was on the 15th of this month, that Na- poleon, after having collected, on the 14th, five corps of his army, and the several corps of the guard between Maubeuge and Beaumont, com- menced hostilities. The points of concentration of the four Prussian corps were Fleurus, Namur, Ciney, and Hannut; the situation of which made it possible to unite the army in one of these points in twenty-four hours. On the 15th, Napoleon advanced by Thuin, upon the two banks of the Sambre, against Charleroy. General Ziethen had collected the first corps near Fleurus, and had, on that day, a very warm action with the enemy, who, after having taken Charleroy, directed his march upon Fleurus. General Ziethen maintained himself in his position near that place. Field-marshal Blucher intending to fight a great battle with the enemy as soon as possible, the three other corps of the Prussian army were consequently directed upon . Sombref, a league and a half from Fleurus, where the second and third corps were to arrive on the 15th, and the fourth corps on the 16th. Lord Wellington had united his army between Ath and Nivelles, which enabled him to assist Field-marshal Blucher in case the battle should be fought on the 15th. _* June 16th-Battle of Ligny.—The Prussian army was posted on the heights between Brie and Sombref, and beyond the last place, and oc- cupied with a large force the villages of St. Amand and Ligny, situated in its front. Mean- time only three corps of the army had joined ; the fourth, which was stationed betwee: Liege and Hannat, had been delayed in its march by several circumstances, and was not yet come up- Nevertheless, Field-marshal Blucher resolved to give battle, Lord Wellington having already put Book xv. esºsºs ºs--- Cha P. IX. Jºº- 1815. 1434 History of THE wars BOOK XV. CHAP. IX. 1815, wº- in motion to support him a strong division of his army, as well as his whole reserve stationed in the environs of Brussels, and the fourth corps of the Prussian army being also on the point of ar- riving. º The battle began at three o'clock in the af. ternoon. The enemy brought up above 130,000 men. The Prussian army was 80,000 strong. The village of St. Amand was the first point attacked by the enemy, who carried it, after a vigorous resistance. He then directed his efforts against Ligny. It is a large village, solidly built, situated on a ri- vulet of the same name. It was there that a con- test began which imay be considered as one of the most obstinate recorded in history. Villages have often been taken and retaken; but here the com- bat continued for five hours in the villages them- selves; and the movements forwards or back- wards were confined to a very narrow space. On both sides fresh troops continually came up. Each party had, behind the part of the village which it occupied, great masses of infantry, which maintained the combat, and were continually re- newed by the reinforcements which they received from their rear, as well as from the heights on the right and left. About 200 cannon were di- rected from both sides against the village, which was on fire in several places at once. From time to time the combat extended along the whole line, the enemy having also directed numerous troops against the third corps; however, the main contest was near Ligny. Things seemed to take a favorable turn for the Prussian troops, a part of the village of St. Amand having been retaken by a battalion commanded by the field-marshal in person; in consequence of which advantage, we had gained a height, which had been abandoned after the loss of St. Amand.—Nevertheless the battle continued about Ligny with the same fury. The issue seemed to depend on the arrival of the English troops, or on that of the fourth corps of the Prussian army; in fact, the arrival of this last division would have afforded the field-marshal the means of making, immediately, with the right wing, an attack, from which great success might be expected : but news arrived that the English division destined to support us was violently at- tacked by a corps of the French army, and that it was with great difficulty it had maintained it- self in its position at Quatre Bras. The fourth corps of the army did not appear, so that we were forced to maintain alone the contest with an army greatly superior. The evening was much ad- vanced, and the combat about Ligny continued with undiminished fury, and the same equality of success; we invoked, but in vain, the arrival of those succours which were so necessary; the danger became every hour more and more ur gent; all the divisions were engaged, or had al- ready been so, and there was not any corps at hand able to support them. Suddenly a division of the enemy's infantry, which, by favor of the night, had made a circuit round the village with- out being observed, at the same time that some regiments of cuirassiers had forced the passage on the other side, took in the rear the main body of our army, which was posted behind the houses. This surprise on the part of the enemy was de- cisive, especially at the moment when our caval- ry, also posted on a height behind the village, was repulsed by the enemy's cavalry in repeated attacks. Our infantry posted behind Ligny, though forced to retreat, did not suffer itself to be dis. couraged, either by being surprised by the enemy in the darkness, a circumstance which exagge. rates in the mind of man the dangers to which he finds himself exposed, or, by the idea of seeing itself surrounded on all sides. Formed in masses, it coolly repulsed all the attacks of the cavalry, and retreated in good order upon the heights, whence it continued its retrogade movement upon’ Tilly. In consequence of the sudden irruption of the enemy's cavalry, several of our cannons, in their precipitate retreat, had taken directions which led them to defiles, in which they neces- sarily fell into disorder; in this manner, fifteen pieces fell into the hands of the enemy. At the distance of a quarter of a league from the field- of-battle the army formed again. The enemy did not venture to pursue it. The village of Brie re- mained in our possession during the night, as well as Sombref, where General Thielman had fought with the third corps, and whence he, at day-break, slowly began to retreat towards Gembloux, where the fourth corps, under General Bulow, had at length arrived during the night. The first and second corps proceeded in the morning behind the defile of Mount St. Guibert. Our loss in killed and wounded was great; the enemy, how- ever, took from us no prisoners, except a part of our wounded. The battle was lost, but not our honor. Our soldiers had fought with a bravery which equalled every expectation; their fortitude remained unshaken, because every one retained his confidence in his own strength. On this day Field-marshal Blucher had encountered the greatest dangers. A charge of cavalry, led on by himself, had failed. While that of the enem was vigorously pursuing, a musket-shot strue the field-marshal's horse: the animal, far from being stopped in his career by this wound, began to gallop more furiously till it dropped down dead. The field-marshal, stunned by the violent fall, lay entangled, under the horse. The enemy's cuirassiers, following up their advantage, advanc- ed; our last horseman had already passed by the field-marshal, an adjutant alone remained with him, and had just alighted, resolved to share his g of THE FRENch RevoluTION, 1435 fate. The danger was great, but heaven watched! over us. The enemy, . their charge, passed rapidly by the field-marshal without see: ing him: the next moment, a second charge of . our gavalry having repülşed them, they again passed by him with the same precipitation, not erceiving him any more than they had done the #. time. Then, but not without difficulty, the field-marshal was disengaged from under the dead horse, and he immediately mounted a dragoon horse. On the 17th, in the evening, the Prussian army concentrated itself in the environs of Wavre. Napoleon put himself in motion against Lord Wellington upon the great road leading from Charleroy to Brussels. An English division maintained, on the same day, near Quatre Bras, a very severe contest with the enemy. Lord Wellington had taken a position on the road to #j. having his right wing leaning upon Braine-la-Leud, the centre near Mount St. Jean, and the left wing against La Haye Sainte. Lord Wellington wrote to the field-marshal, that he was resolved to accept the battle in this position, if the field-marshal would support him with two corps of his army. The field-marshal promised to come with his whole army; he even proposed, in case Napoleon should not attack, that the allies themselves, with their whole united force, should attack him the next day. This may serve to shew how little the battle of the 16th had disorganized the Prussian army, or weakened its moral stre.gth. Thus ended the day of the 17th. Battle of the 18th-At break of day the Prus: sian army again began to move. The fourth and second corps marched by St. Lambert, where they were to take a position, covered by the forest, near Frichermont, to take the enemy in the rear when the moment should appear favorable. The first corps was to operate by Ohain, on the right flank of the enemy. The third corps was to follow slowly, in order to afford succour in case of need. The battle began about ten o’clock in the morning. The English army occupied the heights of Mount St. Jean, that of the French was on the heights before Planchenoit; the former was about 80,000 strong; the enemy had above 130,000. In a short time, the battle became ge- neral along the whole line. It seems that Napo- leon had the design to throw the left wing upon the centre, and thus to effect the separation of the English army from the Prussian, which he be- Hieved to be retreating upon Maestricht. For this purpose he had placed the greatest part of his reserve in the centre, against his right wing, and upon this point he attacked with fury. The English army fought with a valor which it is im- possible to surpass. The repeated charges of the old guard were baffled by the intrepidity of the Scotch regiments; and at every charge the French SS. cavalry was overthrown by the English cavalry. Book xv. ut the superiority of the enemy in numbers was too great; Napoleon continually brought forward Chaº Pº. considerable masses, and with whatever firmness the English troops maintained themselves in their position, it was not possible but that such heroic exertions must have a limit. It was hº ast four o’clock. The excessive difficulties o .. passage by the defile of St. Lam- bert had considerably retarded the march of the Prussian columns, so that only two brigades of the fourth corps had arrived at the covered posi- tion which was assigned to them. The decisive moment was come; there was not an instant to be lost. The generals did not suffer it to escape. They resolved immediately to begin the attack with the troops which they had at hand. General Bulow, therefore, with two brigades and a corps of cavalry, advanced rapidly upon the rear of #. enemy's right wing. The enemy did not lose his presence of mind; he instantly turned his re- serve against us, and a murderous conflict began on that side. The combat remained long uncer- tain, while the battle with the English armyºstill continued with the same violence.’’ $ Towards six o'clock in the evening, we receiv- ed the news that General Thielmän, with "the third corps, was attacked near Wavre; by a very considerable corps of the enemy, and that they were already disputing the possession of the towii. The field-marshal, however, did not suffer himself to be disturbed by this news; it was on the spot where he was, and no where else, that the affair was to be decided. A conflict continually sup- ported by the same obstinacy, and kept up by fresh troops, could alone ensure the victory; and if it were obtained here, any reverse sustained near Wayre was of little consequence. The co- lumns, therefore, continued their movements. It was half an hour past seven, and the issue of the battle was still uncertain. . . The whole of the fourth corps, and a part of the second, under General Pirch, had successively come up. The French troops fought with desperate fury; how- ever, some uncertainty was perceived in their movements, and it was observed that some, pieces of cannon were retreating. At this moment, the first columns of the corps of General Ziethen ar- rived on the points of attack, near the yillage of Smouhen, on the enemy's"right flank, arid' in- stantly charged. This moment decided the de- feat of the enemy. His right wing was broken in three places; he abandoned his positions. Our troops rushed forward at the pas de charge, and attacked him on all sides, while, at the same time, the whole English line advanced. Circumstances were extremely favorable to the attack formed by the Prussian army; the ground rose in an amphitheatre, so that our artillery could freely open its fire from the summit of a great 16 L sº • f. J 1815. 1436 HISTORY OF THE WARS BOOK XV. CHAP. IX. v_s^^_/ 1815. *- ºr- many heights which rose gradually above each other, and in the intervals of which, the troops descended into the plain, formed into brigades, and in the greatest order; while fresh corps con- tinually unfolded themselves, issuing from the forest on the height behind us. The enemy, however, still preserved means to retreat, till the village of Planchenoit, which he had on his rear, and which was defended by the guard, was, after several bloody attacks, carried by storm. From that time the retreat became a rout, which soon spread through the whole French army, and in its dreadful confusion, hurrying away every thing that attempted to stop it, soon assumed the ap- earance of the flight of an army of barbarians. t was half-past nine. The field-marshal assem- bled all the superior officers, and gave orders to send the last horse and the last man in pursuit of the enemy. The van of the army accelerated its march. The French being pursued without in- termission, was absolutely disorganized. The causeway presented the appearance of an im- mense shipwreck; it was covered with an innu- merable quantity of cannon, caissons, carriages, baggage, arms, and wrecks of every kind. Those of the enemy who had attempted to repose for a time, and had not expected to be so quickly pur- sued, were driven from more than nine bivouacks. In some villages they attempted to maintain themselves; but as soon as they heard the beat- ing of our drums, or the sound of the trumpet, they either fled or threw themselves into the houses, where they were cut down or made pri- soners. It was moonlight, which greatly favored the pursuit, for the whole march was but a con- tinued chase, either in the corn-fields or the houses. At Genappe the enemy had entrenched himself with cannon and overturned carriages: at our approach we suddenly heard in the town a great noise and a motion of carriages; at the entrance we were exposed to a brisk fire of musketry; we replied by some cannon-shot, followed by a hur- rah, and, an instant after, the town was ours. It was here that, among many other equipages, the carriage of Napoleon was taken; he had just left it to mount on horseback, and, in his hurry, had forgotten in it his sword and hat. Thus the affairs continued till break of day. About 40,000 men, in the most complete disorder, the remains of the whole army, have saved themselves, retreating through Charleroy, partly without arms, and car. rying with them only twenty-seven pieces of their numerous artillery. The enemy in his flight has passed all his for- tresses, the only defence of his frontiers, which are now passed by our armies. At three o'clock Napoleon had dispatched from the field-of-battle a courier to Paris, with the news that victory was no longer doubtful: a few hours after, he had no longer any army left. We have not yet an exact account of the enemy’s loss; it is enough to know that two-thirds of the whole were killed, wounded, or prisoners: among the latter are Generals Monton, Duhesme, and Com- pans. Up to this time about 300 cannon, and above 500 caissons, are in our hands. Few victories have been so complete; and there is certainly no example that an army, two days after losing a battle, engaged in such an action, and so gloriously maintained it. Honor be to troops capable of so much firmness and va- lor In the middle of the position occupied by the French army, and exactly upon the height, is a farm called La Belle Alliance. The march of all the Prussian columns was directed towards this farm, which was visible from every side. It was there that Napoleon was during the battle; it was thence that he gave his orders, that he flattered himself with the hopes of victory; and it was there that his ruin was decided. There, too, it was, that by a happy chance, Field-marshal Blucher and Lord Wellington met in the dark, and mutually saluted each other as victors. * In commemoration of the alliance which now subsists between the English and Prussian na- tions, of the union of the two armies, and their reciprocal confidence, the field-marshal desired that this battle should bear the name of La Belle Alliance. By the order of Field-marshal Blucher, General GNEISENAU. THE BELGIAN ACCOUNT. Head quarters, JWivelles, 17th June, 1815, Two in the JMorning. Very early on the morning of the 15th, the Prussian army was attacked in its position, which it abandoned, and retired from Charleroy by Gos- selies, as far as the environs of Fleurus. As soon as I was apprised of this attack, I gave the ne- cessary orders to the corps of troops under my command. In consequence of what took place in the Prussian army, the battalion of Orange Nassau, which, together with a battery of light artillery, occupied the village of Frasné, were attacked at five o’clock in the evening of the 15th. These troops maintained themselves in their po- sition on the height of this village, called Quatre Bras, and at a shert distance from the road. The skirmishing ceased upon this point at eight o'clock in the evening. As soon as I was informed of this attack, I gave orders for the third division, as well as to two English divisions, to move upon Nivelles; and to the second, to maintain the position of Quatre Bras. Only a part of the second division was enabled to move thither immediately, in con- sequence of the brigade, under the orders of Major-general Byland, not being able to leave .* OF THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 1437 sº- -ºr- i.e. prior to the arrival of other troops at that a Cé. p The firing of the tirailleurs commenced at five o'clock yesterday morning on this point, and was kept up on both sides until mid-day, without any result. About two o'clock the attack became much more severe, especially on the part of the cavalry and artillery. The brigade of light cavalry, un- der the command of General Van Merlen, was not able to come up before four o'clock; previous to which time I had no cavalry to oppose to the enemy. Seeing of how great importance it was to preserve the position on the heights of the road called Quatre Bras, I was fortunate in main- taining them against an enemy who was, in every respect, superior to me in force. Having been attacked by the two French corps, commanded by Generals d'Erlon and Reille, and having succeeded in checking them, the Duke of Wellington had time enough to as- semble a sufficient force to foil the projects of the enemy. The result of this attack has been, that after a very obstinate contest, which lasted till nine o'clock in the evening, we not only checked the enemy, but even repulsed him. The Prussian army, which was also attacked yes- terday, maintained its principal position; and there is no doubt that Napoleon, with very considerable forces, will direct an attack upon the whole line. Our troops bivouacked upon the field-of- battle, whither I shall immediately proceed, in expectation of the probability that Napoleon will endeavour to execute to-day the project of yes- terday. The Duke of Wellington has concen- trated, upon this point, as many troops as he was able to collect. I experience a lively pleasure in being able to announce to your majesty, that your troops, and the infantry and artillery in particular, fought with great courage. Circumstances having prevented my reeeiving the reports from the different corps concerning their loss, I am unable to acquaint you with it: but I shall have the honor of doing it as soon as possible. (Signed) WILLIAM PRINCE or ORANGE. Brussels, June 22, 1815. After the battle of the 16th, of which I had the honor of giving an account to your majesty on the 17th, at two in the morning, from the head- quarters at Nivelles, the Duke of Wellington, keeping his line with the Prussian army, made a movement in the morning, the result of which was, that the army found itself in position upon the heights in front of Waterloo, where it bivou- acked ; the enemy's cavalry, which followed the movements of the army, was, in different attacks, repulsed with loss by the British cavalry. – a —dº *– -v- -i – -º-º: On the 18th, at day-break, we discovered the enemy in our front: at ten o'clock he shewed a disposition to attack. The army of Bonaparte was composed of the first, second, third, fourth, and sixth corps, the imperial-guards, nearly the whole of his cavalry, and a train of artillery, consisting of many hundred pieces of cannon. About eleven o’clock the enemy unmasked a small battery, under the cover of the fire of which his tirailleurs advanced against our right wing, and, immediately after, his attack was directed against a farm surrounded with copse wood, which was situated a short way in front of this wing, and on the left of the road leading to Nivelles. The enemy made the most furious but fruitless attacks to possess himself of this farm. At noon, the cannonade became violent; and before half-past twelve the battle was extended along the whole line. The French repeatedly attacked our two wings; but as their principal object was to pierce the right of our centre, they employed all their means to accomplish it. Some columns of the enemy’s cavalry advanced boldly against us; but, notwithstanding the inconceivable violence with which they renewed their attacks, from three o'clock in the afternoon until the end of the bat- tle, they never succeeded in making our line waver. The enemy was constantly repulsed, as well from the fire of the squares as by the charges of our cavalry: it is impossible to depict to your majesty the fury with which they fought, espe- cially during the last six hours. 2 I was unfortunate in not being able to see the end of this glorious and important battle, having received, half-an-hour before the defeat of the enemy, a ball through my left shoulder, which compelled me to quit the field-of-battle. It is with the most lively satisfaction that I am able to inform your majesty, that your troops, of all arms, have fought with the greatest cou- rage. In the charges of cavalry, the brigade of carabineers attracted particular notice. The di- vision of Lieutenant-general Chassé was not en- gaged until late; and, as I was not personally able to quit the centre, I had placed it, for the day, under the orders of General Lord Hill, com- manding the second corps of the army. I have heard that this division hikewise conducted itself with much bravery, and that Lieutenant-general Chassé, as also the two commanders of brigades, very satisfactorily acquitted themselves of their dutv. £ano, at this moment, make any detail to your majesty of the loss we have sustained, not having received the returns. I am obliged, ne- vertheless, with the most profound regret, to state that it is considerable. I have charged my adjutant, Van Hooft, to transmit this report to your majesty. I take the BOOK XV. CHAP. IX. ~ºvº-Z 1815. 1438 Histony OF THE WARs, BOOK X w.” CRAP. IX. Jºvº-A 1815. ** Jr. : --- liberty of recommending him to your favorable consideration. (Signed) WILLIAM Paince of ORANGE. HANOVERIAN ACCOUNT. By General Alten. The troops broke up from their cantonments on the night of the 15th, and proceeded towards Genappe. The hereditary Prince of Orange, under whose command my division had been placed, took a position at Quatre Bras, at the in- tersection of the roads from Mons to Namur, and from Charleroy to Brussels. f The French had divided their force, and at- tacked Marshal Blucher and the Duke of Wel- lington on the same day.—As soon as the inten- tion of the enemy was perceived, a position was assigned to us between Quatre-Bras and Sarte a Maveline, with our right wing at the former vil- lage, and the latter occupied by our left. Our troops marched to their position under a most vio- lent cannonade from the enemy.—The wood of Bossu, on the right of Quatre Bras, was the scene of the most obstinate contention, and was carried and retaken several times. The cannonade from both armies was very severe. The principal efforts of the enemy were di- rected against our left wing, and the battalion of Luneburg was detached to drive him out of the village of Pierremont in our front. The com- mission was executed by Lieutenant-colonel Klenke with great courage and skill, the village was carried, and our troops maintained them- selves in it, notwithstanding the incessant and furious attacks of the French.-The enemy's in- fantry now advanced in great force, against whom I º: the battalion of Grubenhagen, Osna- burch, and Bremen, with the artillery of the Ger- man legion. The French were repulsed, and re- tired in confusion. The enemy's cavalry now made several des- perate charges on our right, but the determined bravery of our troops prevented them from being broken. The landwehr of Luneburg, under Colonel Von Romdohr, particularly distinguished itself in this affair. It permitted the cuirassiers to approach within thirty paces, and then poured on them a steady and well-directed fire, by which they were driven back with great loss. We successfully maintained our position, but the Prussians having sustained a severe check on our left, we were compelled to fall back upon Genappe on the 17th. In effecting this move- ment, my division formed the rear-guard.—The enemy presenting themselves in great force in the afternoon, we continued our retreat to Mont St. Jean, on the road to Brussels. The army of the Duke of Wellington was concentrated here, with the left wing at the vil- —- adºm. ~ lage of Frichemont, and the right on the road from Brussels to Nivelles. The road from Ge- mappe to Brussels intersected the centre, where my division was posted. The second light bat- talion of the king's German legion occupied the farm of La Haye Sainte, in front of the left of my position. A º of Hanoverian yagers, and two companies of English guards, were posted at the chateau of Hougoumont, and a small wood before it, and in front of the right wing. The infantry of the Prince ; Orange was so placed that the battalion might form into squares, or deploy into line, as circumstances might re- quire; and a sufficient space was left between them for the manoeuvres of the cavalry and ar- tillery, which were posted in the rear. General Hill, with the reserve, was at Merke Braine, and covered the road from Nivelles to Brussels, and beyond this road were some corps of cavalry to observe the motions of the enemy. At one o'clock the enemy's riflemen attacked the wood in front of our right, and a severe con- test ensued. This position was of great import- ance; and could the enemy have carried it, and gained possession of the beights, our right flank would have been endangered. Strong columns of infantry, supported by artillery, advanced up- on this position, which was bravely defended by the British guards. The battle now beeame general through the whole line. A numerous artillery was di- rected upon the centre, under cover of which an immense column of infantry advanced upon the road of Genappe, but it was repulsed by the se- cond light battalions, the eighth battalion of the line of the German legion, and the battalion of Luneburg. . The French cavalry next advanced with such impetuosity as to drive in our light troops, and penetrate to the brow of the hill among the squares. This ground they maintained, not. withstanding every opposition, till the British ca- valry came up, and completely repulsed them. he fire of artillery now became more tre- mendous, and was continued with a violence which the oldest soldiers never before witnessed. The attacks of the French infantry and Aavalry were incessant, and directed on various points.- Bonaparte was resolved to pierce the centre, and open for himself a way to Brussels. He every moment advanced nearer to us, and continually brought up fresh troops. His artillery played on our squares at the distance of 150 paces; but not a single battalion yielded, the dead were thrust aside, and the ranks immediately closed. Some of the regiments waited, not to receive the attack, but rushing on the enemy, repulsed him in dis. order. At length, weakened by so many repeated and murderous attacks, and several of the batta- OF THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 1439 *-*.*.*.*.*. zºº. * * * Aºtº- wr---- **- …mºm. lions being nearly cut to pieces, my division was compelled to fall back, but it retired in good or- der, and cheerfully advanced again at the com- mand of the Duke of Wellington. That ilkus- trious hero was an eye-witness of our conduct; he was uniformly found where the danger was most imminent, and the Prince of Orange dis- played a valor worthy of his noble ancestors; it was against his division that the principal efforts of the main body of the army, led on by Bona- parte in person, were directed. At this critical moment, the Prussian general, Von Bulow, hastened to our assistance with thirty thousand men, and attacked the enemy in his flank. The day was soon our own. The enemy fled in every direction, and abandoned the greater part of his artillery. Two hundred pieces of cannon and several eagles were taken; and al- though the number of prisoners cannot yet be ac- curately stated, it amounts to several thousands. The glory of these two days has been pur- chased with the loss of the greater part of our most distinguished officers, among whom are Co- lonels Von Ompteda, Du Plat, Von Wumb, and Von Langrehr. The battalions of Bremen, Lu- neburg, Verden, Grubenhagen, and the Duke of York, deserve the highest praise. A favorable report has also been made to me of many of the brigades of landwehr.— That of Osnaburgh, under Count Munster, fought against Napoleon's imperial-guard, and threw them into confusion. SPANISH ACCOUNT, Supplement to the JMadrid Gazette of Thursday, 13th July, 1815.-The lieutenant-general of the royal armies, Don Michael de Alava, minister plenipotentiary of his majesty in Holland, has addressed to his excellency Don Pedro Cevallos, first secretary of state, the following letter: Most excellent sir-The short space of time that has intervened between the departure of the last post and the victory of the 18th, has not al- lowed me to write to your excellency so diffusely as I could have wished; and although the army is, at this moment, on the point of marching, and I also am going to set out for the Hague, to deliver my credentials, which I did not receive till this morning; nevertheless, I will give your excellen- cy some details respecting this important event, which, possibly, may bring us to the end of the war much sooner than we had any reason to expect. I informed your excellency, under date of the 16th instant, that Bonaparte, marching from Maubeuge and Philippeville, had attacked the Prussian posts on the Sambre, and that, after driving them from Charleroy, he had entered that city on the 15th. On the 16th, the Duke of Welſington ordered his army to assemble on the point of Quatre Bras, 9.S. where the roads cross from Namur to Nivelles, BOOK XV. and from Brussels to Charleroy; and he himself proceeded to the same point at seven in the CHAP. IX. \, ºvº morning. On his arrival, he found the hereditary Prince of Orange, with a division of his own army, holding the enemy in check, till the other divi- sions of the army were collected. By this time, the British division, under Ge- neral Picton, had arrived, with which the duke kept up an unequal contest with more than 30,000 of the enemy, without losing an inch of ground. The British guards, several regiments of infantry, and the Scotch brigade, covered themselves with glory on this day; and Lord Wellington told me, on the following day, that he never saw his troops behave better during the number of years he had commanded them. The French cuirassiers suffered very consi- derable loss; for, confiding in their breast-plates, they approached so near the British squares, that they killed some officers of the 42d regiment with their swords; but those valiant men, without giving way, kept up so strong a fire that the whole ground was covered with the cuirassiers and their horses. In the mean time, the troops kept coming up, and the night put an end to the contest in this Quarter. During this time Bonaparte was fighting with the remainder of his forces against Marshal Blu- cher, with whom he had commenced a bloody action at five in the afternoon ; from which time, till nine in the evening, he was constantly re- pulsed by the Prussians, with great loss on both sides. But, at that moment, he made his cavalry charge with so much vigor, that they broke the Prussian line of infantry, and introduced disorder and confusion throughout. f Whether Bonaparte did not perceive this circumstance, or that he had experienced a great loss; or, what is more probable, that Marshal Blucher had re-established the battle, the fact is, that he derived no advantage whatever from this affair, and that he left the Prussians quiet during the whole of the night of the 16th. Lord Wellington, who, by the morning of the I7th, had collected the whole of his army in the position of Quatre Bras, was combining his mea- sures to attack the enemy, when he received a dispatch from Marshal Blucher, communicating to him the events of the preceding day, together with the incident that had snatched the victory out of his hands; adding, that the loss he had experienced was of such a nature, that he was forced to retreat to Wavre, on our left, where the corps of Bulow would unite with him, and that on the 19th he would be ready for any affair he might wish to undertake. 16 M 1815. 1440 HISTORY OF THE WARs BOOK XV. CHAP. IX. • */~/ 1815. *—ºr- ºr- —r— * Y-p In consequence"of this, Lord Wellington was obliged immediately to retreat, and this he effect- ed with so much skill, that the enemy did not dare to interrupt him. He took up a position on j. in front of the great wood of Soignés, as he had previously determined, and placed his head-quarters in-Waterloo. I joined the army on that morning, though I had received no orders to this effect, because I believed that I should thus best serve his majesty, and, at the same time, fulfil your excellency’s directions; and this determination has afforded me the satisfaction of having been preserft at the most important battle that has been fought for many centuries, in its consequences, its duration, and the talents of the chiefs who commanded on both sides, and because the peace of the world, and the future security of all Europe, may be said to have depended on its result. The position occupied by his lordship was very good; but towards the centre it had various weak points, which required good troops to guard them, and much science and skill on the part of the general-in-chief. These qualifications were, however, sufficiently found in the British troops and their illustrious commander; and it may be asserted, without offence to any one, that to them belongs the chief part, or all the glory of this memorable day. On the right of the position, and a little in advance, was a country-house, the importance of which Lord Wellington quickly perceived, be- cause the position could not be attacked on that side without carrying it, and it might therefore be considered as its key. The duke confided this important point to three companies of the English guards, under the command of Lord Saltoun, and laboured during the night of the 17th in fortifying it as well as possible, covering its garden, and a wood which served as its park, with Nassau troops, as sharp- shooters. At half-past ten, a movement was observed in the enemy's line, and many officers were seen coming from and going to a particular point, where there was a very considerable corps of in- fantry, which we afterwards understood to be the imperial-guard; here was Bonaparte in person, and from this point issued all the orders. In the mean time, the enemy's masses were forming, and every thing announced the approaching combat, which began at half-past eleven, the enemy attack- ing desperately with one of his corps, and, with his usual shouts, the country-house on the right. The Nassau troops found it necessary to aban- don their post; but the enemy met such resist- ance in the house, that though they surrounded it on three sides, and attacked it with the utmost bravery, they were compelled to desist from their 4. ~ y -*=rm, 5*- enterprise, leaving a great number of killed and wounded. Lord Wellington sept fresh English troops, who recovered the wood and garden, and the combat ceased for the present on this side. The enemy then opened a horrible fire of ar- tillery from more than 200 pieces, under cover of which Bonaparte made a general attack from the centre to the right, with infantry and cavalry, in such numbers that it required all the skill of his lordship to post his troops, and all the good qua- lities of the latter to resist the attack. General Picton, who was with his division on the road from Brussels to Charleroy, advanced with the bayonet to receive them; but was un- fortunately killed at the moment when the enemy, appalled by the attitude of this division, fired, and then fled. The English life-guards then charged with the greatest, bravery, and the 49th and 105th French regiments lost their respective eagles in this charge, together with 2 or 3,000 prisoners. A column of cavalry, at whose head were the cuirassiers, advanced to charge the life-guards, and thus save their infantry; but the guards re- ceived them with the utmost valor, and the most sanguinary cavalry fight that ever was witnessed now took place. The French cuirassiers were completely beaten, in spite of their cuirasses, by troops who had no defence of the kind ; and they lost one of their eagles in this conflict, which was taken by the heavy English cavalry called the royals. Intelligence now arrived that the Prussian corps of Bulow had reached St. Lambert, and that Prince Blucher, with another corps, under the command of General Thielman (Ziethen), was advancing with all haste to take part in the coin- bat, leaving the other two in Wavre, which had suffered much in the battle of the 16th, at Fleurus. The arrival of these troops was absolutely neces- sary, in consequence of the forces of the enemy, being now more than triple ours, and our loss having been horrid during an unequal combat, from half-past eleven o’clock in the morning till five in the afternoon. Bonaparte, who did not believe them to be so near, and who reckoned upon destroying Lord Wellington before their arrival, perceived that he had fruitlessly lost more than five hours, and that in the critical position in which he would soon be placed, there remained no other resource but that of desperately attacking the weak part of the English position, and thus, if possible, beat the duke before his own right was turned and at- tacked by the Prussians. Henceforward, therefore, the whole was a repetition of attacks by cavalry and infantry, sup- ported by more than 300 pieces of artillery, which made horrible ravages in our line, and killed OF THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 1441 wºrw-w —er- and wounded numerous officers, artillerists, and horses, in the weakest part of the position. The enemy, aware of this destruction, made a charge with the whole cavalry of his guard, which took some pieces of cannon that could not be withdrawn; but the duke, who was at this point, charged them with three battalions of Eng- lish and three of Brunswickers, and compelled them in a moment to abandon the artillery, though we were unable to withdraw them for want of horses; nor did they dare to advance to recover them. * * At last, about seven in the evening, Bona- parte made a last effort; and, putting himself at the head of his guards, attacked the above point of the English position with such vigor, that he drove back the º, who occupied part of it; and, for a moment, the victory was unde- cided, and even more than doubtful. The duke, who felt that the moment was most critical, spoke to the Brunswick troops with that ascendancy which every great man possesses, made them return to the charge; and, putting himself at their head, again restored the combat, expos- ing himself to every kind of personal danger. Fortunately, at this moment, he perceived the fire of Marshal Blucher, who was attacking the enemy’s right with his usual impetuosity; and the moment of decisive attack being come, the duke put himself at the head of the English foot- guards, spoke a few words to them, which were answered by a general hurrah, and his grace him- self leading them on with his hat, they eagerly rushed forward to come to close action with the imperial-guard. But the latter began a retreat, which was soon converted into absolute flight, and the most complete route ever, witnessed by military men. Entire columns, throwing down their arms and cartouch-boxes, that they might escape the better, fled in the utmost disorder from the field, and abandoned to us nearly 150 pieces of cannon. The route at Vittoria was not com- parable to this, and it only resembles it, inasmuch as, on both occasions, the French lost all the train of artillery and stores of the army, as well as all the baggage. The duke followed the enemy as far as Ge- nappe, where he found the illustrious Blucher, and both embraced in the most cordial manner, on the principal road to Charleroy; but finding himself in the same position with the Prussians, and that his army stood in need of rest after so dreadful a struggle, he left to Blucher the charge of following up the enemy, who promised that he would not leave them a moment of rest. He is new pursuing them, and yesterday at noon he had reached Charleroy, whence he intended to proceed at night, and continue the chase. This is the substance of what took place on —k. -º- this memorable day; but the consequences of the Book XV. affair are too evident for me to detain you in stat- ing them. Bonaparte, now tottering on his usurped throue, without money and without troops to recruit his armies, has received a mortal blow, and, accord- ing to the language of the prisoners, no other resource is left him, “than to cut his own throat.” It is said that he had never been known to expose his person so much, and that he seemed to seek death, that he might not survive a defeat fraught with such fatal consequences to him. I informed your excellency, under date of the 16th, that his manoeuvre appeared to me ex- tremely daring in the face of such generals as Blucher and the duke. The event has fully jus- tified my prediction. For this reason, I conceive, that his executing it has arisen merely from des- pair, at the appearance of the innumerable troops who were about to attack him on every side, and in order to strike one of his customary blows be- fore the Russians and Austrians came up. His military reputation is lost for ever; and, on this occasion, there is no treason on the part of the allies, nor bridges blown up before their time, on which to throw the blame; all the shame will fall upon himself. Numerical superiority, superiority of artillery, all was in his favor; and his having commenced the attack, proves that he had sufficient means to execute it. In short, this talisman, whose charm had so long operated on the French military, has been completely dashed to pieces. Bonaparte, has for ever lost the reputation of being invincible; and henceforward this character will belong to an honorable man, who, far from employing this glorious title in disturbing and enslaving Europe, will convert it into an instrument of her felicity, and in procuring for her that peace which she so much requires. The loss of the British is dreadful, and of the whole military staff the duke and myself, alone remained untouched in our persons and horses. The Duke of Brunswick was killed on the 16th, and the Prince of Orange, and his cousin, the Prince of Nassau, aid-de-camp to the Duke of Wellington, received two balls. The Prince of Orange distinguished himself extremely; but, unfortunately, although his wound is not danger- ous, it will deprive the army of his important services for some time, and possibly he may lose the use of his left arm. Lord Uxbridge, general of cavalry, received a wound at the close of the action, which made the amputation of his right leg necessary : this is an irreparable loss, for it will be difficult to find another chief to lead on the cavalrv with the same courage and skill. CHAP. IX. ~ºvº–ſ 1815. 1442 history of THE wars BOOK XV. car. IX. Jºvº-Z 1815. -º- The duke was unable to refrain from shed- ding tears on witnessing the death of so many brave and honorable men, and the loss of so man friends and faithful companions. Nothing but the importance of the triumph can compensate for a loss so dreadful. This morning he has proceeded to Nivelles, and to-morrow he will advance to Mons, whence he will immediately enter France. The weather cannot be better. I cannot close this dispatch without stating to your excellency, for the information of his majesty, that Capt. Don Nicholas de Minuissir, of Doyle's regiment, and of whom I before spoke to your excellency, as well as of his destination in the army, conducted himself yesterday with the greatest valor and propriety. He was wound- ed when the Nassau troops were driven from the garden, yet he rallied them, and led them back to their post. During the action, he had a horse wounded under him; and, by his former conduct, as well as by his behaviour on this day, he merits from his majesty some proof of his satisfaction. This officer is well known in the war-office, as well as to General Don Josef de Zayas, who has duly appreciated his merits. God preserve your excellency many years, &c. (Signed) MIGUEL de ALAVA. Brussels, 20th of June, 1815. P.S. The number of prisoners cannot be stated, for they are bringing in great numbers every mo- ment. There are many generals among the pri- soners; among whom are the Count de Lobau, aide-de-camp to Bonaparte; and Cambrone, who accompanied him to Elba. RUSSIAN ACCOUNT, Copy of a Letter from General Count Pozzo di Borgo to his Eacellency Prince Wolkonsky. I have had the honor of giving your excellency an account of the advantageons action which the Duke of Wellington had fought on the 4-16th of June, at the place called Les Quatre Bras. The movement of Prince Blucher having induced his grace to remove his head-quarters to Waterloo, on the 5-17th, he took a position in advance of that place, at the point where the great causeway from Brussels to Namur crosses that which leads to Braine-la-Leud. Though the ground is open, and without any remarkable feature, it rises almost insensibly up- on this point, to the distance of half a league. At the right extremity of the front of this elevation, there is a farm, consisting of a stone house, of a surrounding wall, and of a wood intersected by natural hedges and ditches. . It was upon this ground that the duke resolved to expect the ene- my; he placed his batteries, occupied the farm * and the garden, and drew up his army along the eminence, protected by its height from the ene- my’s fire. The army being composed of different troops, he took the precaution to support each of them by English infantry, all disposed in such a manner as to be able to succour the point threatened. On the 6-18th, towards noon, the French army, commanded by Bonaparte, began the attack; his first efforts were directed against the farm of which I have made mention; after several at- tempts he succeeded, at about half-past one o'clock, in dislodging a part of the troops from it. The duke hastened to the spot, and ordered two battalions to retake it, and to defend themselves there to the last extremity. His orders were punctually executed. The enemy then directed two strong columns against our centre. The Duke of Wellington in person led some battalions of infantry against these columns, and Lord Uxbridge conducted the cavalry. They attacked at the point of the bayo- net; the French were overthrown, and their ca- valry broken (culbutée). In this charge, one eagle, a standard, and about 1,200 prisoners were taken. The victorious troops instantly returned to their positions, and re-formed their line. The attack on the farm did not cease; the enemy penetrated to it, but was never able to es- tablish a footing there. Bonaparte, seeing that he could not obtain any advantage, manoeuvred with all his cavalry, and a part of his infantry, against our right, tried to out-flank it with 17,000 cavalry, and began by a most vigorous attack. The duke made his dispo- sitions in consequence; the cavalry of both armies charged; the squares of infantry remained im- moveable, and repulsed every attack: this attempt of the enemy was baffled. At last, about six o'clock, he repeated another attack upon our centre, and succeeded in getting as far as the eminence. The duke caused him to be attacked, overthrew him, pursued him, and the route be- came general. Prince Blucher had announced, that he would march against the right of the French. On the advance, the two field-marshals met each other, about half-past eight in the evening. The army of Lord Wellington did not exceed 50,000 actually engaged. The enemy was far su- perior, especially in cavalry. . The Prince Royal of Orange is wounded in the shoulder; it is hoped that he will recover. Lord Uxbridge has had a thigh fractured. Sir Thomas Picton is killed. The duke's head-quarters will be at Nivelles this evening. He is gone to Brussels to make up his dispatches (pour faire son ea:pedition). P. S. Just as I am going to seal my letter, news is brought that 300 cannon are already OF THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 1443 -º-ºr º-º-º- ºrº ºr *** taken, and also the equipages of Bonaparte, and prisoners innumerable. AUSTRIAN ACCOUNT. Head-quarters of the Allied Sovereigns, Heidelberg, June 21, 1815. General Baron Pincent having been disabled from writing, in consequence of the Wound he re- ceived in the Battle of Waterloo, the Austrian Government gave Publicity to the following .Account of the JMilitary Events on the 15th, 16th, 17th, and 18th of June, in the JWether- lands, and of the great Victory obtained over Bonaparte and the French Army, by the Duke of Wellington and Prince Blucher. On the 12th of June, in the morning, at three o'clock, Napoleon Bonaparte left Paris, and, tak- ing the road by Soissons, Laon, and Avesnes, arrived at Maubeuge on the 13th, in the evening. Soult, as major, went before him on the 9th, by the way of Lisle, as also Jerome Bonaparte, Marshal Mortier, and the guards. All the dis- posable troops, between the North Sea and the Maese, were collected in five corps d’armée, be- tween the Sambre and the Meuse; 150,000 men, of whom 25,000 were cavalry, with sixty batteries of cannon, were destined to a grand attack, which was to force Marshal Blucher over the Meuse, and the Duke of Wellington towards Flanders. Even the corps of General Girard, which was stationed about Metz, was made to approach by way of Sedan, in order, in case of need, to serve &S a rese!"We, It was, evidently, the internal situation of France that induced Bonaparte to the hazardous step of staking the very #. of his strength against two generals who were fully equal to him. In the first place, it was only on the field-of-battle that he could become again perfect master of the army, whose creature he was become, and which combined in itself many discordant elements; in the second place, the first, as unimportant, as tumultuous sittings of the new representatives of France, which are before the public in the jour- nals, shewed the internal contradiction and the danger of his position so very clearly, that he could no longer hesitate to remove his throne from the capital to the camp. Thus it happened, that he opened the cam- º just at the moment when the Russian troops ad entered into the line of the great force col- lected upon the Rhine, and when, therefore, no connected system of resistance was possible, ex- cept from the centre of France, and when the most fortunate result of his attacks could have no other effect than that of removing him still farther from the solution of the problem which was, in fact, before him. According to accounts just received from the Netherlands, hostilities began there on the 15th 98. s=-----s --→ ~~~~~ -- -º-º- -* *-*-* ~ * -- *-*-* instant. days, collected all his forces between the Sambre and the Meuse, and had assembled five corps d’armée, put his columns in motion on the 15th, upon both banks of the Sambre, hoping to sur- prise the Prussian army in its cantonments, and, by a rapid advance, perhaps, to hinder the differ- ent corps from concentrating themselves, and also to prevent the union of the Prussian army, under Prince Blucher, with that under the Duke of Wellington. As the two armies were cantoned, with all their troops, at the extreme frontiers of the enemy, their union was not practicable in any point except in the neighbourhood of Brussels. To keep in view this main object, namely, mutual union, and to direct their operations accordingly, was the determination of the two illustrious com- manders; and it was happily attained on the 17th, amidst continual and very bloody, battles, by the valor of their troops, and by fresh proofs of their talents. The following, according to the state- ments of the couriers, who have just arrived, is . a summary of these events. On the 15th, at half-past five in the morning, the posts of the Prussian first corps, under Gene- ral Von Ziethen, upon both sides of the Sambre, were attacked, and the points of Thuin and Charleroy were taken, after an obstinate resist- ance from the troops which were stationed there. ‘This general, according to his instructions, re- treatéd fighting, and took a position at Fleurus. Field-marshal Prince Blucher, who had his head- quarters at Namur, assembled at Sombref the second corps, which was lying in the neighbour- hood. The Duke of Wellington assembled his troops about Soignes and Braine le Comté. The enemy pushed his posts, this day, to Genappe, in order to interrupt the communications between the two armies. This induced the Duke of Weh- lington to place his reserve, on the morning of the 16th, at Quatre Bras, in order to approach on his side the Prussian army, and, by thus forc- ing the enemy to employ a part of his force against the English army, to afford all the aid he could to Prince Blucher. The three corps of the Prus- sian army collected, on the forenoon of the 16th, had the following position. On the right wing, the village of Brie; before the front, St. Amand; on the left wing, the village of Ligny; the third corps at Point du Jour. y Ón the 16th, in the forenoon, he advanced his columns beyond Charleroy, and soon commenced an attack upon Prince Blucher—against whom he directed his chief force. His strength was es- timated at 120,000 foot, and 22,000 cavalry. It consisted of the first, second, third, and fourth corps of the French army, the guards, and the TeSeryeS, The fourth Prussian corps, which was cantoned in the neighbourhood % Fºss, had found it ims. The enemy, who had, in the last few Book XV. Ch A P. IX. 1815. 1444 HISTORY OF THE WARS BOOK XV. CHAP. IX. Jºvº-M 1815. possible to join the others. The Prussian army was, therefore, far inferior in strength to the ene- my. However, it was a considerable mass, and all depended on maintaining the ground with this, in order to give the more remote corps, as well of the Duke of Wellington as of the Prussian army, time to come up. Prince Blucher, inti- mately persuaded how important this was, re- solved to accept the battle, notwithstanding the superiority of the enemy. About three o'clock in the afternoon, large masses of the enemy at- tacked the village of St. Amand. After a resist- ance which cost the enemy very dear, it was taken; recovered again by the Prussian troops, again taken º the enemy; stormed, for the third time, by the Prussians, and, at last, each party remained in possession of one half of it, se that the part called Little St. Amand, and La Haye, remained in the occupation of the Prussian army. It was now five o'clock. The enemy directed his attacks against the village of Ligny, when a com- bat began that was still more murderous than the former. The village lies on the rivulet Ligny; the enemy had his artillery upon the heights on the further bank; that of the Prussians was planted on the heights upon the hither bank. Amidst alternate attempts to take it from each other, one of the most bloody conflicts recorded in history continued here for four hours. Prince Blucher in person, sword in hand, continually led his troops again to the combat. The battle was, at last, j. the village remained here, also, half in the possession of each party. Thus the day deqJined; it was between eight and nine in the evening, when the enemy brought forward his masses of cavalry to attain his object, namely, to cut off the communication of the Prussians with the English army. This induced Field- marshal Blucher to withdraw his army by way of Tilly to Wavre, in order to join the fourth corps of the Prussian army, and to form an immediate junction with the Duke of Wellington. The English army had been engaged, on this day, with Marshal Ney, and the French cavalry, under General Kellerman ; and on that side also the battle had been extremely bloody. The Duke of Wellington had been able to bring up only a part of his troops. However, the enemy had gained no ground, and, at nine o’clock in the morning of the 17th, the duke was still on the field-of-battle, and regulated his thovement to join with the Prussian army, in such a manner 'hat his army was, on the 18th, at Waterloo. The momentary interruption of the communi- cation between the two allied armies, was the cause that the movement of the Prussian army upon Wavre was not known to the duke till the 17th, in the morning. By this battie of Blucher's the Duke of Wellington haſ gained time to collect his army; and, on the 17th, in the forenoon, it * stood at Les Quatre Bras. At ten o'clock he put it in motion, and made it take up a position with the right wing, upon Braine-la-Leud, and the left upon La Haye. The enemy, on his side, followed the same evening, with large masses, to within a cannon-shot of the camp. In this position, the duke was induced not to decline the battle, if Prince Blucher would ap- proach nearer to him. Prince Blucher accepted the proposal, in case the enemy, as it was to be expected, should fall with all his forces on the Duke of Wellington. He resolved, in this case, to march his army, by the way of St. Lambert, into the enemy's flank and rear. Early in the morning of the 18th, the fourth corps marched for this purpose through Wavre. It arrived at half- past eleven at St. Lambert, and was followed by the second, and then by the first corps. As the third corps was on the point of follow- ing, it was attacked close to Wavre, by a cor of the enemy, which Bonaparte had detached thither to observe the Prussian army. Prince Blucher left General Thielman, with the third corps, to oppose it, and keeping his mind con- stantly fixed on the grand object, turned all the rest against the mass of the enemy. * Towards eleven o'clock, the enemy developed from La Belle Alliance, his attacks upon Mount St. Jean (Hougoumont is probably meant), which was the most important point of Wellington's po- sition, and was occupied by 1,000 infantry. A massy wall was raised there as a defence, and two successive violent attacks of the enemy, each with six battalions of infantry, were repulsed. Now Bonaparte advanced his cavalry, and undertook a general attack on the duke's whole line. This also was repulsed. But the smoke of the cannon and musketry was, for a long time, prevented from rising by a heavy tempestuous air, and concealed the approach of the columns of infantry, which were all directed against the centre. Fresh at- tacks of cavalry were designed to employ the English infantry, till the French came up, and no infantry less practised, and less cool than the English, could have resisted such attacks. The first French attack, of this description, was repulsed about two o'clock; but Bonaparte re- newed it five or six times, till about seven o’clock, with equal courage. The English cavalry, of the king's household-troops, led on by Lord Ux- bridge, made, about six o'clock, some very bril- liant attacks, and cut to pieces two battalions of the old guard, into whose masses they penetrated. About this time, the extraordinary loss of men, and the necessity of bringing the reserves into the line, made the situation of the Duke of Wel- lington critical. Prince Blucher, however, had advanced with the fourth corps, over Lasne and Aguiers, and, about five o'clock, his first-cannon- shot were fired from the heights of Aguiers. He 6F THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 1445 extended his left wing towards the Chassée of Genappe, in order to make his movement quite decisive. Bonaparte, upon this, threw some masses of his infantry upon La Haye, Pappelotte, and Frischermont, of which he made himself mas- ter; by which the armies of Blucher and Wel- Iington were separated. Prince Blucher had, however, at an earlier period, directed the first corps from St. Lambert, over Ohain, to strengthen the duke's left wing ; and the head of this corps reached La Haye about seven o'clock, took this village without much resistance, advanced in masses, and restor- ed the communication with the fourth corps; up- pn which it advanced, along with it, against La Belle Alliance, in order to disengage the Duke of Wellington, who was still occupied by a heavy fire of musketry along his whole line, and had been obliged to withdraw his artillery into the second position. When the enemy saw himself taken in the rear, a flight commenced, which soon became a total route, when the two allied armies charged the enemy on all sides. Field-marshal Blucher, who was the nearest to Genappe, under- took the pursuit of the enemy, as the two com- manders met at La Belle Alliance about nine in the evening. f *... About eleven at night Prince Blucher reached Genappe: the enemy made a fruitless attempt to maintain himself there ; he was instantly over- thrown. Prince Blucher made his army march the whole night, in order incessantly to break all the enemy's masses that were still together: when the courier came away on the 19th, 300 cannon and powder-waggons were already taken, as well as Bonaparte's field-equipage. Thus, by the aid of Providence, by the una- nimity and bravery of the two allied armies, and by the talents of their generals, was obtained one of the greatest and most decisive victories record- ed in history. The loss of the allies on these bloody days of the 15th, 16th, 17th, and 18th of June, may amount to 30,000 men killed and wounded. Among the superior officers of the English army killed, were the Duke of Brunswick Oels, Generals Picton, Ponsonby, and Fuller, the duke's aids-de-camps, the Colonels Gordon and Canning; wounded, the quarter-master-general of the , army Delaney, General Sir Barnes, the Prince-royal of the Netherlands, Lord Fitzroy Somerset, the hereditary Prince of Nassau Weilburg (slightly), and of the Duke of Wellington's suite, the Aus- trian general, Baron Vincent, the Russian gene- ral, Count Pozzo di Borgo, and almost all the duke's aids-de-camps. º The loss of the Prussian army, on the 18th, is not mentioned, no reports having been made. On the 15th and 16th, there were, among the killed, Colonel Von Thielman; wounded, Generals Von Holzendorf and Juergass, and of the suite of Prince Blucher, the English Colonel Harding, and several aids-de-camps. On the 16th, the prince's horse fell under him, pierced with balls, at the moment of an attack of cavalry, a part of which rode over him. . The contusions thereby occasioned, in the thigh and shoulders, did not, however, hinder him from leading on his troops in person, in the battle of the 18th. On the 19th, the field-marshal had his head- quarters already at Charleroy, and was pursuing the enemy with his accustomed ardor. Several French generals and officers came ever after the battle, and their number was increasing every moment. y FRENCH ACCOUNT. Battle of Ligny-under-Fleurus.-Paris, June 21.-On the morning of the 16th the army occu- pied the following position :- The left wing, commanded by the Marshal Duke of Elchingen, and consisting of the first and second corps of infantry, and the second of cavalry, occupied the positions of Frasné. The right wing, commanded by Marshal Grouchy, and composed of the third and fourth corps of infantry, and the third corps of cavalry, occupied the heights in rear of Fleurus. The emperor's head-quarters were at Charleroy, where were the imperial-guard and the sixth corps. The left wing had orders to march upon Les Quatre Bras, and the right upon Sombref. The * advanced to Fleurus with his reserve. he columns of Marshal Grouchy being in march, perceived, after having passed Fleurus, the enemy's army, commanded by Field-marshal Blucher, occupying with its left the heights of the mill of Bussy, the village of Sombref, and extending its cavalry a great way forward on the road to Namur; its right was at St. Amand, and occupied that large village in great force, having before it a ravine which formed its position. The emperor reconnoitered the strength and the positions of the enemy, and resolved to attack immediately. . It became necessary to change front, the right in advance, and pivoting upon Fleurus. - - * General Vandamme marched upon St. Amand, General Girard upon Ligny, and Marshal Grou- chy upon Sombref. The fourth division of the second corps, commanded by General Girard, marched in reserve behind the corps of General Vandamme. The guard was drawn up on the heights of Fleurus, as well as the cuirassiers of General Milhaud. 4 p 3 * , At three in the afternoon these dispositions were finished. The division of General Lefol, forming part of the corps of General Vandamme, ** BOOK XV. Cha P. IX. Jºzº 1815. 1446 HISTORY OF THE WARS BOOK XV. CHAP. IX. ~~~/. 1815. was first engaged, and made itself master of St. Amand, whence it drove out the enemy at the point of the bayonet. It kept its ground during the whole of the engagement, at the burial-ground and steeple of St. Amand; but that village, which is very extensive, was the theatre of various com- bats during the evening ; the whole corps of General Vandamme was there engaged, and the enemy fought there in considerable force. General Girard, placed as a reserve to the corps of General Vandamme, turned the village by its right, and fought there with his accustomed valor. The respective forces were supported on both sides by about fifty pieces of cannon each. On the right, General Girard came into action with the fourth corps, at the village of Ligny, which was taken and re-taken several times. Marshal Grouchy, on the extreme right, and General Pajol, fought at the village of Sombref. The enemy shewed from 80 to 90,000 men, and a great number of cannon. At seven o’clock we were masters of all the villages situated on the bank of the ravine which covered the enemy's position; but he still occu- pied with all his masses the heights of the mill of Bussy. The emperor returned with his guard to the village of Ligny; General Girard directed Gene- ral Pecheux to debouch with what remained of the reserve, almost all the troops having been en- gaged in that village. Eight battalions of the guard debouched with fixed bayonets, and behind them four squadrons of the guards, the cuirassiers of General Delort, those of General Milhaud, and the grenadiers of the horse-guards. The old guard attacked with the bayonet the enemy's columns, which were on the heights of Bussy, and in an instant covered the field-of-battle with dead. The squadron of the guard attacked and broke a square, and the cuirassiers repulsed the enemy in all directions. At half-past nine o'clock we had forty pieces of cannon, several carriages, colours, and prisoners, and the enemy sought safety in a precipitate re- treat. At ten o’clock the battle was finished, and we found ourselves masters of the field-of-battle. General Lutzow, a partisan, was taken pri- soner. The prisoners assure us, that Field-mar- shal Blucher was wounded. The flower of the Prussian army was destroyed in this battle. Its loss could not be less than 15,000 men. Our’s was 3,000 killed and wounded. On the left, Marshal Ney had marched on Les Quatre Bras with a division which cut in pieces an English ". that was stationed there; but being attacked by the Prince of Orange, with 25,000 men, partly English, partly Hano- verians in the . of England, he retired upon his position at *; There a multiplicity of combats took place; the enemy obstinately en- deavoured to force it, but in vain. The Duke of Elchingen waited for the first corps, which did not arrive till night; he confined himself to maintaining his position. In a square attacked by the 8th regiment of cuirassiers, the colours of the 69th regiment of English infantry fell into our hands. The Duke of Brunswick was killed. The Prince of Orange has been wounded. We are assured that the enemy had many persons and generals of note killed or wounded. We es- timate the loss of the English at from 4 to 5,000 men. On our side it was very considerable; it amounts to 4,200 killed or wounded. The com- bat ended with the approach of night. Lord Wellington then evacuated Les Quatre Bras, and proceeded to Genappe. In the morning of the 17th, the emperor re- paired to Les Quatre Bras, whence he marched to attack the English army : he drove it to the entrance of the forest of Soignes with the left wing and the reserve. The right wing advanced by Sombref in pursuit of Field-marshal Blucher, who was going towards Wavre, where he ap- peared to wish to take a position. At ten o’clock in the evening the English army occupied Mount St. Jean with its centre, and was in position before the forest of Soignes : it would have required three hours to attack it; we were therefore obliged to postpone it till the next day. The head-quarters of the emperor were esta- blished at the farm of Caillou, near Planchenoit. The rain fell in torrents. Thus, on the 16th, the left wing, the right, and the reserve, were equally engaged, at a distance of about two leagues. Battle of Mount St. Jean. At nine in the morning, the rain having some- what abated, the first corps put itself in motion, and placed itself with the left on the road to Brussels, and opposite the village of Mount St. Jean, which appeared the centre of the enemy's position. The second corps leaned its right upon the road to Brussels, and its left upon a small wood, within cannon-shot of the English army. The cuirassiers were in reserve behind, and th guards in reserve upon the heights. The sixth corps, with the cavalry of General D'Aumont, under the order of Count Lobau, was destined to }. in the rear of our right to oppose a russian corps, which appeared to have escaped Marshal Grouchy, and to intend to fall upon our right flank; an intention which had been made known to us by our reports, and by the letter of a Prussian general, enclosing an order of battle, and which was taken by our light troops. The troops were full of ardor. We esti- of THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 1447 ñ– * lº wº- mated the force of the English army at 80,000 men. We supposed that the Prussian corps, which might be in line towards the right, might be 15,000 men. The enemy's force then was up- wards of 90,000 men; ours less numerous. At noon, all the preparations being terminat- ed, Prince Jerome, commanding a division of the second corps, and destined to form the extreme left of it, advanced upon the wood, of which the enemy occupied a part. The cannonade began. The enemy supported with thirty pieces of can- non the troops he had sent to keep the wood. We made also, on our side, dispositions of artil- lery. At one o'clock Prince Jerome was master of all the wood, and the whole English army fell back behind a curtain. Count d'Erlon then at- tacked the village of Mount St. Jean, and sup- ported his attack with eighty pieces of cannon, which must have occasioned great loss to the English army. All our efforts were made on the opposite eminence. A brigade of the first divi- sion of Count d'Erlon took the village of Mount St. Jean; a second brigade was charged by a corps of English cavalry, which occasioned it much loss. At the same moment a division of English cavalry charged the battery of Count d'Erlon by its right, and disorganized several pieces; but the cuirassiers of General Milhaud charged that division, three regiments of which were broken and cut up. It was three in the afternoon. The emperor made the guard advance to place it in the plain upon the ground which the first corps had occu- pied at the outset of the battle; this corps being ready in advance. The Prussian division, whose movement had been foreseen, then engaged with the light troops of Count Lobau, spreading its fire upon our whole right flank. It was ºãº, before undertaking any thing elsewhere, to wait for the event of this attack. Hence all the means in reserve were ready to succour Count Lobau, and overwhelm the Prussian corps when it should have advanced. This done, the emperor had the design of lead- ing an attack upon the village of Mount St. Jean, from which we expected decisive success; but, by a movement of impatience, so frequent in our military annals, and which has often been so fatal to us, the cavalry of reserve having perceived a retrograde movement made by the English, to shelter themselves from our batteries, from which they had suffered so much, crowned the heights of Mount St. Jean, and charged the infantry. This movement, which, made in proper time, and sup- ported by the reserves, must have decided the day, made in an isolated manner, and before the affair on the right was terminated, became fatal. Having no means of countermanding it, the enemy shewing many masses of cavalry and in- fantry, and our two divisions of cuirassiers being [. *—a-— — — — fº- 3– • * ** --~~~ *~~~~~~~ ** º engaged, all our cavalry ran at the same moment to support their comrades. There, for three hours, numerous charges were made, which ena- bled us to penetrate several squares, and to take six standards of the light infantry, an advantage out of proportion with the loss which our cavalry experienced by the grape-shot and musket firing. It was impossible to dispose of our reserves of in- fantry until we had repulsed the flank attack of the Fº corps. This attack always prolong- ed itself perpendicularly upon our right flank. The emperor sent thither General Duhesme, with the young guard, and several batteries of reserve. he enemy was kept in check, repulsed, and fell back—he had exhausted his forces, and we had nothing more to fear. This was the moment that indicated an attack upon the centre of the enemy. As the cuirassiers had suffered by the grape-shot, we sent four battalions of the middle guard to protect them, to keep the position, and, if possible, disengage and draw back into the plain a part of our cavalry. Two other battalions were sent to keep them- selves en potence upon the extreme left of the di- vision, which had manoeuvred upon our flanks, in order not to have any uneasiness on that side- the rest was j in reserve, part to occupy the eminence in rear of Mount St. Jean, and part upon the ridge in rear of the field-of-battle, which formed our position of retreat. In this state of affairs, the battle was gained ; we occupied all the positions which the enemy had possessed at the outset of the battle. Our cavalry having been too soon and ill employed, we could no longer hope for decisive success; but Marshal Grouchy having learned the move- ment of the Prussian corps, marched upon the rear of it, ensured us a signal success on the next day. After eight hours’ fire and charges of in- fantry and cavalry, all the army saw with joy the victory gained, and the field-of-battle in our power. At half-after eight o’clock the four battalions of the middle guard, who had been sent to the ridge on the other side of Mount St. Jean, to support the cuirassiers, being greatly annoyed by the grape- shot, endeavoured to carry the batteries with the bayonet. At the end of the day, a charge di- rected against their flank, by several English squadrons, put them in disorder. The fugitives re-crossed the ravine. were near at hand, seeing some troops belonging to the guard in confusion, believed it was the old guard, and, in consequence, fled in disorder. Cries of All is lost, the guard is driven back, were heard on every side. The soldiers even pretend that, on many points, ill-disposed persons cried out, Sauve qui peut. However this may be, a complete panic at once spread itself throughout the wholefield-of-battle, and the troops threw them- selves in the greate ºrder on the line of Several regiments which: BOOK XV, Chap. IX. Jºvº-A 1815. 1448 HISTORY OF THE WARS Book xy. CHAP. IX. usºvº-2 1815. --- communication; soldiers, cannoneers, caissons, all pressed to this point; the old guard, which was in reserve, was infected, and was itself hurried along. In an instant, the whole army was nothing but a mass of confusion; all the soldiers, of all arms, were mixed péle-méle, and it was utterly impossi- ble to form a single corps. The enemy, who per- ceived this astonishing confusion, immediately attacked with their cavalry, and increased the disorder; and such was the confusion, owing to night coming on, that it was impossible to rally the troops, and point out to them their error. Thus terminated the battle, a day of false ma- noeuvres was rectified, the greatest success en- sured for the next day, yet all was lost by a moment of panic terror. Even the body-guard, drawn up by the side of the emperor, was disor- ganized and overthrown by an overwhelming force, and there was then nothing else to be done but to follow the torrent. The parks of reserve, all the baggage which had not repassed the Sam- bre, in short, every thing that was on the field-of- battle, remained in the power of the enemy. It was impossible to wait for the troops on our right; every one knows what the bravest army in the world is when thus mixed and thrown into confu- sion, and when its organization no longer exists. The emperor crossed the Sambre at Charleroy, at five o'clock in the morning of the 19th. Phi- lippeville and Avesnes have been given as the points of re-union. Prince Jerome, General Mo- raud, and other generals, have there already ral- lied a part of the army. Marshal Grouchy, with the corps on the right, is moving on the lower Sambre. * The loss of the enemy must have been very great, if we may judge from the number of stand- ards we have taken from them, and from the re- trograde movements which they have made ;- ours cannot be calculated till after the troops shall have been collected. Previous to the con- fusion which took place, we had already expe- rienced a very considerable loss, particularly in our cavalry, so fatally, though so bravely, engag- ed. Notwithstanding these losses, this brave ca- valry constantly kept the position it had taken from the English, and only abandoned it when the tumult and disorder of the field-of-battle forced it. . In the midst of the night, and the ob- stacles which encumbered their route, it could not preserve its organization. The artillery was, as usual, covered with glory. The carriages belonging to the head-quarters re- mained in their ordinary, position: no retrograde movement being judged necessary. In the course of the night they fell into the enemy's hands. Such was the result of the battle of Mount St. Jean, so glorious for the French armies, and yet so fatal. 6 * journey. I arrived, on the 12th, at —º .A Letter from the Prince of the Moskwa (Marshal JWey) to his Eacellency the Duke of Otranto. M. le Duc,-The most false and defamatory reports have been publicly circulated for some days, respecting the conduct which I have pur- sued during this short and unfortunate campaign. The journals have repeated these odious calum- nies, and appear to lend them credit. After hav- ing fought during twenty-five years for my coun- try, after having shed my blood for its glory and independence, an attempt is made to accuse me of treason, and maliciously to mark me out to the people, and the army itself, as the author of the disaster it has just experienced. Compelled to break silence, while it is always painful to speak of oneself, and particularly to repel calumnies, I address myself to you, Sir, as the president of the provincial government, in order to lay before you a brief and faithful relation of the events I have witnessed. On the 11th of June, I received an order from the minister-of-war to repair to the imperial head-quarters. I had no command, and no information upon the force and composition of the army. Neither the emperor nor his minister had given me any previous hint,’ from which I could anticipate that I should be employed in the present campaign ; I was conse- quently taken unprepared, without horses, with- out equipage, and without money, and I was obliged to borrow the necessary expenses of my aon, on the 13th at Avesnes, and on the 14th at Beaumont. I purchased, in this last city, two horses from the Duke of Treviso, with which I proceeded on the 15th to Charleroy, accompanied by my first aide-de-camp, the only officer I had with me. I arrived at the moment when the enemy, attacked by our light troops, was retreating upon Fleurus and Gosselies. The emperor immediately ordered me to put myself at the head of the first and second corps of infantry, commanded by Lieutenant-generals d'Erlon and Reille, of the divisions of ſight ca- valry of Lieutenant-general Pire, of the division of light cavalry of the guard, under the command of Lieutenant-generals Lefebvre Desnouettes and Colbert, and of two divisions of cavalry of Count Valmy, forming altogether eight divisions of in- fantry and four of cavalry. With these troops, a part of which only I had, as yet, under my imme- diate command, I pursued the enemy, and forced him to evacuate Gosselies, Frasne, Millet, and Heppiegnies. There I took up a position for the night, with the exception of the first corps, which was still at Marchiennes, and which did not join me until the following day. On the 16th, I was ordered to attack the Eng- lish in their position at Les Quatre Bras. We advanced towards the enemy with an enthusiasm. difficult to be described. Nothing could resist OF THE FRENCH REVOLUTION, 1449. ~’ -*-* fºa .*. -- —amº our impetuosity. The battle became general, and victory was no longer doubtful, when, at the mo- ment that I intended to bring up the first corps of infantry, which had been left by me in reserve at Frasne, I learned that the emperor had disposed of it without acquainting me of the circumstance, as well as of the division of Girard, of the second corps, that be might direct them upon St. Amand, and to strengthen his left wing, which was warm- ly engaged with the Prussians. The shock which this intelligence gave me confounded me. Having now under my command only three divisions, in- stead of the eight upon which I calculated, I was obliged to renounce the hopes of victory; and, in spite of all my efforts, notwithstanding the intre- pidity and devotion of my troops, I could not do more than maintain myself in my position till the close of the day. About nine o'clock, the first corps was returned to me by the emperor, to whom it had been of no service. Thus 25 or 30,000 men were absolutely paralyzed, and were idly paraded, during the whole of the battle, from the right to the left, and the left to the right, without firing a shot. I cannot help suspending these details for a moment to call your attention to all the melan- choly consequences of this false movement, and, in general, of the bad disposition during the whole of the day. By what fatality, for example, did the emperor, instead of directing all his forces against Lord Wellington, who would have been, taken unawares, and could not have resisted, con- sider this attack as secondary 3 How.could the emperor, after the }. of the Sambre, con- ceive it possible to fight two battles on the same day? It was to oppose forces double ours, and to do what the military men who were witnesses of it can scarcely yet comprehend. Instead of this, had he left a corps of observation to watch the Prussians, and Inarched with his most powerful masses to support me, the English army would, undoubtedly, have been destroyed between Les Quatre Bras and Genappe; and that position, which separated the two allied armies, being once in our power, would have afforded the emperor an opportunity of outflanking the right of the Prus- sians, and of crushing them in their turn. The general cpinion in France, and especially in the army, was, that the emperor would have bent his whole efforts to annihilate first the English army; and circumstances were favorable for the accom- plishment of such a project: but fate ordered it otherwise. On the 17th, the army marched in the direction of Mount St. Jean. On the 18th, the battle commenced at one o'clock, and though the bulletin, which details it, makes no mention of me, it is not necessary for me to say that I was engaged in it. Lieutenant. general Count Drouet has already spoken of that battle in the chamber of peers. accurate, with the exception of some important facts which he has passed over in silence, or of Char. IX. and which it is now my Jºvº which he was ignorant, duty to disclose. About seven o'clock in the evening, after the most dreadful carnage which I have ever witnessed, General Labedoyere came to me with a message from the emperor, that Marshal Grouchy had arrived on our right, and attacked the left of the united English and Prus- sians. This general-officer, in riding along the lines, spread this intelligence among the soldiers, whose courage and devotion remained unshaken, and who gave new proofs of them at that moment, notwithstanding the fatigue with which they were exhausted. What was my astonishment, I should rather say indignation, when I learned, immedi- ately afterwards, that so far from Marshal Grou- chy having arrived to our support, as the whole army had been assured, between 40 and 50,000 Prussians were attacking our extreme right, and forcing it to retire I Whether the emperor was deceived with regard to the time when the marshal could support him, or whether the advance of the marshal was re- tarded by the efforts of the enemy, longer than was calculated upon, the fact is, that at the mo- ment when his arrival was announced to us, he was still only at Wavre upon the Dyle, which to us was the same as if he had been a hundred leagues from the field-of-battle. A short time afterwards I saw four regiments of the middle guard advancing, led on by the emperor. With these troops he wished to renew the attack, and to penetrate the centre of the enemy. He or-. dered me to lead them on. Generals, officers, and soldiers, all displayed the greatest intrepidity; but this body of troops was too weak long to resist the forces opposed to it by the enemy, and we were soon compelled to renounce the hope which this attack had for a moment inspired. General Friant was struck by a ball at my side, and I myself had my horse killed, and fell under it. . The brave men who have survived this terrible battle will, I trust, do me the justice to state, that they saw me on foot with sword in hand during the whole of the evening, and that I was one of the last who guitted the scene of carnage at the moment when retreat could no longer be prevented. At the same time, the Prussians continued their offensive movements, and our right sensibly gave way: the English also advanced in their turn. There yet remained to us four squares of the old guard to protect our retreat. These brave grenadiers, the flower of the army, forced successively to retire, yielded ground foot by foot, until finally, over- powered by numbers, they were almost completely destroyed. From that moment the retrograde movement was decided, and the army formed nothing but a confused mass. There was not, His narration is BOOK XV. 1815. 1450 His TORY OF THE WARS BOOK XV. × - -—º. *- however, a total rout, nor the cry of Sauve qui eut, as has been calumniously stated in the bul- CHAP. IX- {. As for myself, being constantly in the rear- *_s^vº-2 - 1815. guard, which:I followed on foot, having had all my horses killed, worn out with fatigue, covered with contusions, and having no longer strength to: walk, I owe my life to a corporal who supported me in the march, and did not abandon me during tion. was either killed or taken prisoner. the retreat. At eleven at night I met Lieutenant- general Lefebvre Desnouettes; and one of his of ficers, Major Smidt, had the generosity to give me the only horse that remained to him. In this manner I arrived at Marchienne-au-Pont at four o'clock in the morning, alone, without any officers of my staff, ignorant of the fate of the emperor, of whom, before the end of the battle, I had en- tirely lost sight, and who, I had reason to believe, General Pamphile Lacroix, chief of the staff of the second corps, whom I found in this city, having told me that the emperor was at Charleroy, I supposed that his majesty intended to place himself at the head of Marshal Grouchy’s corps, to cover the Sambre, and to facilitate to the troops the means of ral- lying near Avesnes; and, with this persuasion, I proceeded to Beaumont; but parties of cavalry following us too closely, and having already in- tercepted the roads of Maubeuge and Philippe- ville, I became sensible of the total impossibility of arresting a single soldier on that point to op- pose the progress of the victorious enemy. I con- tinued my march upon Avesnes, where I could obain no intelligence concerning the emperor. In this state of things, having no intelligence of his majesty, nor of the major-general, the dis- order increasing every instant, and, with the ex- ception of some veterans of the regiments of the guard and of the line, every one pursuing his own inclination, I determined to proceed immediately to Paris by St. Quentin, and disclose, as quickly as possible, the true state of affairs to the minister- of-war, that he might send some fresh troops to meet the army, and rapidly adopt the measures which circumstances required. At my arrival at Bourget, three leagues from Paris, I learned that the emperor had passed through that place at nine o'clock in the morning. Such, M. le Duc, is a faithful history of this ca- lamitous campaign. $ I now ask those who have survived that fine and numerous army, how I can be accused of the disasters of which it has been the victim, and of which our military annals furnish no example. I have, it is said, betrayed my country—I who, to serve it, have shewn a zeal which I have per- haps carried too far; but this calumny is not and cannot be supported by any fact or any presump- Whence have these odious reports, which spread with frightful rapidity, arisen # If, in the inquiries which I have made on this subject, I # ~º 2-º- ~4– had not feared almost as much to discover as to be ignorant of the truth, I should declare that every circumstance proves that I have been basely deceived, and that it is attempted to cover, under the veil of treason, the errors and extravagancies of this campaign; errors which have not been avowed in the bulletins that have appeared, and against which I have in vain raised that voice of truth which I will yet cause to resound in the chamber of peers. I expect from the justice of your excellency, and from your kindness to me, that you will cause this letter to be inserted in the journals, and give it the greatest possible publicity. I renew to your Excellency, &c. Marshal Prince of the Moskwa. Paris, June 26th, 1815. Marshal de Grouchy’s Account of the Affair at avre, Dinant, June 20th, 1816.-It was not till after seven in the evening of the 18th of June that I re- ceived the letter of the Duke of Dalmatia, which directed me to march on St. Lambert, and to attack General Bulow. I fell in with the enemy as I was marching on Wavre. He was immediately driven into Wavre, and General Vandamme's corps at- tacked that town, and was warmly engaged. The portion of Wavre, on the right of the Dyle, was carried, but much difficulty was experienced in debouching on the other side. General Girard WaS ...ii by a ball in the breast, while en- deavouring to carry the mill of Bielge, in order to pass the river, but in which he did not succeed, and Lieutenant-general Aix had been killed in the attack on the town. In this state of things, being impatient to co-operate with your majesty's army on that important day, I detached several corps to force the passage of the Dyle, and march against Bulow. The corps of Vandamme, in the meantime, maintained the attack on the Wavre, and on the mill, whence the enemy showed an intention to debouch, but which I did not con- ceive he was capable of effecting. I arrived at Limale, passed the river, and the heights were carried by the division of Wichery and the caval- ry. Night did not permit us to advance further, and I no longer heard the cannon on the side where your majesty was engaged. I haſted in this situation until day-light. Wavre and Bielge were occupied by the Prussians, who, at three in the morning of the 18th, attacked in their turn, wishing to take advantage of the diffi- cult position in which I was, and expecting to drive me into the defile, and take the artillery which had debouched, and make me repass the Dyle. Their efforts were fruitless. The Prus- sians were repulsed, and the village of Bielge taken. The brave General Penney was killed. General Vandamme then passed one of his OF THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 145 || ** -y divisions by Bielge, and carried with ease the heights of Wavre, and along the whole of my line the success was complete. I was in front of Rozierne, preparing to march on Brussels, when I received the sad intelligence of the loss. of the battle of Waterloo. The officer . who brought it informed me, that your majesty was retreating on the Sambre, without being able to indicate any particular point on which I should direct my march. I ceased to pursue, and began my retro- grade movement. The retreating enemy did not think of following me. Learning that the enemy had already passed the Sambre, and was on my flank, and not being sufficiently strong to make a diversion in favor of your majesty, without com- promising the army which I commanded, I march- ... ed on Namur. At this moment, the rear of the columns were attacked. That of the left made a retrograde movement sooner than was expected, which endangered for a moment, the retreat of the left; but good dispositions soon repaired every thing, and two pieces which had been taken were recovered by the brave 20th dragoons, who besides took an howitzer from the enemy. We entered Namur without loss. The long defile which extends from this place to Dinant, in which only a single column can march, and the embar- rassment arising from the numerous, transports of wounded, rendered it necessary to hold for a considerable time the town, in which I had not the means of blowing up the bridge. I intrusted the defence of Namur to General Vandamme, who, with his usual intrepidity, maintained him- self there till eight in the evening; so that no- thing was left behind, and I occupied Dinant. The enemy has lost some thousands of men in the attack on Namur, where the contest was very obstinate; the troops have performed their duty in a manner worthy of praise. (Signed) DE GRouchy. A number of private letters from British officers, containing a variety of interesting particulars of the battle of Waterloo, having been sent to their friends in England, we shall select a few most worthy of notice. Ea:tract of a Letter.from an Officer to his Friend ** in Cumberland. “On the 15th of June, every thing appeared so perfectly quiet that the Duchess of rº. gave a ball and supper, to which all the world was invited: and, it was not till near ten o’clock at night, that rumours of an action having taken lace between the French and Prussians were circulated through the room in whispers: no cre- dit was given to them, however, for some time; but when the general officers, whose corps were in advance, began to move, and when orders were given for persons to repair to their regiments, 99. mond - º matters then began to be considered in a different BOOK XV. light. At eleven o’clock the drums beat to arms, and the fifth division, which garrisoned Brussels, after having bivouacked in the park until day- light, set forward towards the frontiers. On the road we met baggage and sick coming to the rear; but could only learn that the French and Prussians had been fighting the day before, and that another battle was expected when they left the advanced-posts. At two o'clock we arrived at Genappe, from whence we heard firing very dis- tinctly; half an hour afterwards we saw the French columns advancing; and we had scarcely taken our position when they attacked us. Our front consisted of the third and fifth divisions, with some Nassau people, and a brigade of cavalry, in all about 13,000 men; while the French forces, according to Ney's account, must have been im- mense, as his reserve alone consisted of 30,000, which, however, he says, Bonaparte disposed of without having advertised him. The business was begun by the first battalion of the 95th, which was sent to drive the enemy out of some corn-fields, and a thick wood, of which they had possession : after sustaining some loss, we suc- ceeded completely; and three companies of Bruns- wickers were left. to keep it, while we acted on another part of the line: they, however, were driven out immediately; and the French also got possession of a village which turned our flanks. We were then obliged to return, and it took us the whole day to retake what had been lost. While we were employed here, the remainder of the army were in a much more disagreeable situation; for, in consequence of our inferiority in cavalry, each regiment was obliged to form a square, in which manner the most desperate at- tacks of infantry and charges of cavalry were re- sisted and repelled; and, when night put an end to the slaughter, the French not only gave up every attempt on our position, but retired from their own, on which we bivouacked. I will not attempt to describe the sort of night we passed— I will leave you to conceive it. The groans of the wounded and dying, to whom no relief could be afforded, must not be spoken of here, because, on the 18th, it was fifty thousand times worse. 1But a handful of men laying in the face of such superior numbers, and being obliged to sleep in squares for fear the enemy's dragoons, knowing that we were weak in that arm, might make a dash into the camp, was no very pleasant reverie to soothe one to rest. Exclusive of this, I was annoyed' by a wound I had received in the thigh, and which was become excessive painful. I had no great coat, and small rain continued falling until late the next day, when it was succeeded by torrents. Boney, however, was determined not to give us much respite, for he attacked our picquets at two in the morning; some coinpanie- 16 P war. IX. Jºvº-A 1815. 1452 HISTORY OF THE WARS BOOK XV. CHAP. IX. vº"Nº-2 1815. of the 95th were sent to their support; and we continued skirmishing until eleven o’clock, when the duke commenced his retreat, which was co- vered by Lord Uxbridge. The blues and life- guards behaved extremely well. “The whole of the 17th, and, indeed, until late the next morning, the weather continued dreadful, and we were starving with hunger, no provision having been served out since the march from Brussels. While five officers, who composed our mess, were looking at each other with the most deplorable faces imaginable, one of the men brought us a fowl he had plundered, and a hand- ful of biscuits, which, though but little, added to some tea we boiled in a camp-kettle, made us rather more comfortable; and we huddled up to- gether, covered ourselves with straw, and were soon as soundly asleep as though reposing on beds of down. I awoke long before day-light, and found myself in a very bad state altogether, being completely wet through in addition to all other ills. Fortunately I soon after this found my way to a shed, of which Sir And. Barnard (our com- mandant) had taken possession, where there was a fire, and in which, with three or four others, I remained until the rain abated. About ten o’clock the sun made his appearance, to view the mighty struggle which was to determine the fate of Eu- rope; and, about an hour afterwards, the French made their dispositions for the attack, which commenced on the right. The duke's dispatch will give you a more accurate idea of the ground, and of the grand scale of operations, than I can do; and I shall therefore confine myself to de- tails of less importance, which he has passed over. “After having tried the right and found it strong, Bonaparte manoeuvred until he got forty pieces of artillery to º on the left, where the fifth division, a brigade of heavy dragoons, and two companies of artillery, were posted. Our lines were formed behind a hedge, with two com- panies of the 95th extended in front, to annoy the enemy's approach. For some time we saw that Bonaparte intended to attack us; yet as nothing but cavalry were visible, no one could imagine what were his plans. It was generally supposed that he would endeavour to turn our flank. But all on a sudden, his cavalry turned to the right and left, and showed large masses of infantry, who advanced up in the most gallant style, to the cries of “ Vive }}. !” while a most tre- mendous cannonade was opened to cover their approach. They had arrived at the very hedge behind which we were—the muskets were almost muzzle to muzzle, and a French mounted officer had seized the colours of the 32d regiment, when poor Picton ordered the charge of our brigade, commanded by Sir James Kempt. When the French saw us rushing through the hedge, and heard the tremendous huzza which we gave, they wanting in either scale to turn the balance. turned; but instead of running, they walked off in close columns with the greatest steadiness, and allowed themselves to be butchered without any material resistance. At this moment, part of Ge- neral Ponsonby's brigade of heavy cavalry took them in flank, and, besides killed and wounded, nearly 2,000 were made prisoners. Now Bona- parte again changed his plan of attack. He sent a great force both on the right and left; but his chief aim was the centre, through which lay the road to Brussels ; and to gain this he appeared determined. What we had hitherto seen was mere boys’ play’ in comparison with the tug of war’ which took place from this time (three o'clock), until the day was decided. All our army was formed in solid squares—the French cuiras- siers advanced to the mouth of our cannon—rush- ed on our bayonets; sometimes walked their horses on all sides of a square to look for an opening, through which they might penetrate, or dashed madly on, thinking to carry every thing by desperation. But not a British soldier moved; all personal feeling was forgotten in the enthusiasm of such a moment. Each person seemed to think the day depended on his individual exertions, and both sides vied with each other in acts of gallan, try. Bonaparte charged with his imperial-guards. The Duke of Wellington led on a brigade con- sisting of the 52d and 95th regiments. Lord Uxbridge was with every squadron of cavalry which was -ordered forward. Poor Picton was killed at the head of our division, while advancing. But, in short, look through the list engaged on that day, and it would be difficult to point out one who had not distinguished himself as much as another. Until eight o'clock the contest raged without intermission, and a feather seemed only At this hour, our situation on the left centre was desperate. The fifth division, having borne the brunt of the battle, was reduced from 6,000 to 1,800. The sixth division, at least the British part of it, consisting of four regiments, formed in our rear as a reserve, was almost destroyed, without having fired a shot, by the terrible play of artillery, and the fire of the light troops. The 27th had 400 men, and every officer but one su- bāltern, knocked down in square, without moving an inch, or discharging one musket; and at that time I mention, both divisions could not oppose a sufficient front to the enemy, who was rapidly advancing with crowds of fresh troops. We had not a single company for support, and the men were so completely worn out, that it required the greatest exertion, on the part of the officers, to keep up their spirits. Not a soldier thought of giving ground ; but victory seemed hopeless, and they gave themselves up to death with perfect indifference. A last effort was our only chance. The remains of the regiments were formed as * OF THE FRENCH REVOLUTION." ---, --- - - - - -º-º. —--------- .*— -------- * 1453 well as the circumstances allowed; and when the French came within about forty paces, we set up a death-howl, and dashed at them. They fled in-. mediately, not in a regular manner as before, but in the greatest confusion. “Their animal spirits were exhausted, the panic spread, and in five minutes the army was in complete disorder; at this critical moment firing was heard on our left, the Prussians were now coming down on the right flank of the French, which increased their flight to such a degree, that no mob was ever a greater scene of confusion; the road was blocked up by artillery; the dragoons rode over the infantry; arms, knap- sacks, every thing was thrown away, and “sauve qui peut,” seemed indeed to be the universal feeling. At eleven o’clock, when we halted, and gave the pursuit to Blucher's fresh troops, 150 pieces of cannon and numbers of prisoners had fallen into our hands. I will not attempt to de- scribe the scene of slaughter which the fields presented, or what any person possessed of the least spark of humanity must have felt, while we ºf the dreadful situation of some thousands of wounded wretches who remained without as- sistance through a bitter cold night, succeeded by a day of most scorching heat; English and French were dying by the side of each other; and I have no doubt hundreds who were not dis- covered when the dead were buried, and who were unable to crawl to any habitation, must have pe- rished by famine. For my own part, when we halted for the night, I sunk down almost insensi- ble from fatigue; my spirits and strength were completely exhausted. I was so weak, and the wound in my thigh so painful from want of atten- tion, and in consequence of severe exercise, that after I got to Nivelle, and secured quarters, I did not awake regularly for thirty-sia, hours. Extract of a Letter from an Officer in the Guards. “June 21, 1815–Assured of my safety, you will doubtless be anxious for an account of the three eventful days I have witnessed ; and there- fore I lose no time in gratifying your curiosity, particularly as I am aware of your desire to be informed of every thing relating to your friends the guards. We were suddenly moved from Enghien, where we had remained so many weeks in tranquillity, on the night of the 15th instant, or rather the morning of the 16th, at three o'clock." We continued on our march through Braine-le- Comte (which had been the Prince of Orange's head-quarters), and from thence on to Nivelle, where we halted, and the men began making fires and cooking. During the whole of this time, and as we approached the town, we heard distinctly a constant roar of cannon; and we had scarcely rested ourselves, and commenced dressing the rations, which buyeen served out at Enghien, * when an aid-de-camp from the Duke of Welling- Book xv. ton arrived, and ordered us instantly under arms, and to advance with all speed to Les Quatre Bras, where the action was going on with the greatest fury, and where the French were making rapid strides towards the object they had in view, which was to gain a wood, called “Bois de Bossu ;’ a circumstance calculated to possess them of the road to “Nivelle, and to enable them to turn the flank of the British and Brunswickers, and to cut off the communication between them and the other forces which were coming up. The order was, of course, instantly obeyed ; the meat which was cooking was thrown away ; the kettles, &c. packed up, and we proceeded, as fast as our tired legs would carry us, towards a scene of slaughter, which was a prelude well calculated to usher in the bloody tragedy of the 18th. “We marched up towards the enemy, at each step hearing more clearly the fire of musketry; and as we approached the field of action, we met constantly waggons full of men, of all the various nations under the duke's command, wounded in the most dreadful manner. The sides of the road had a heap of dying and dead, very many of whom were British : such a scene did, indeed, demand every better feeling of the mind to cope wiiii its horrors; and too much cannot be said in praise of the division of guards, the very largest part of whom were young soldiers, and volunteers from the militia, who had never been exposed to the fire of an enemy, or witnessed its effects. During the period of our advance from Nivelle, I suppose nothing could exceed the anxiety of the moment, with those on the field. The French, who had a large cavalry and artillery (in both of which arms we were quite destitute, excepting some Belgian and German guns), had made dreadful havoc in our lines, and had succeeded in pushing an immensely strong column of tirail- leurs into the wood I have before mentiomed, of which they had possessed themselves, and had just began to cross the road, baving marched through the wood, and placed affairs in a critical situation, when the guards luckily came in sight. The moment we caught a glimpse of them we halted, and, having loaded and fixed bayonets, advanced, the French immediately retiring; and the very last man who attempted to re-enter the wood, was killed by our grenadiers At this in- stant, our men gave three glorious cheers, and, though we had marched fifteen hours without any thing to eat and drink, save the water we pro- cured on the march, we rushed to attack the enemy. This was done by the first brigade, con- sisting of the second and third hattalions of the 1st regiment; and the second brigade, consisting of the second battalion of the coldstream aud 3d regiment, were formed as a reserve along the chaussée. As we entered the wood, a few noble CHAP. IX. ~~~/ 1815. 1454 HISTORY OF THE WARS BOOK XV. CHAP. IX. Jºº-2 1815, y fellows, who sunk down overpowered with fatigue, lent their voices to cheer their comrades. The trees were so thick that it was beyond any thing difficult to effect a passage. we saw the enemy behind them, taking aim at us; they contested every bush, and at a small rivulet running through the wood, they attempted a stand, but could not resist us, and we at last succeeded in forcing them out of their possessions. The moment we endeavoured to go out of this wood, (which had naturally broken us), the French ca- valry charged us; but we at last found the third battalion, who had rather skirted the wood, and formed in front of it, where they afterwards were in hollow square, and repulsed all the attempts of the French cavalry to break them. Our loss was most tremendous, and nothing could exceed the desperate work of the evening ; the French in- fantry and cavalry fought most desperately, and, after a conflict of nearly three hours (the obstinacy of which could find no parallel, save in the slaugh- ter it occasioned), we had the happiness to find ourselves complete masters of the road and wood, and that we had at length defeated all the efforts of the French to outflank us and turn our right, than which nothing could be of greater moment to both parties. General Picton's superb division had been engaged since two o'clock p.m. and was still fighting with the greatest fury; no terms can be found sufficient to explain their exertions. The fine brigade of Highlanders suffered most dread- fully, and so did all the regiments engaged. The gallant and noble conduct of the Brunswickers was the admiration of every one. I myself saw scarcely any of the Dutch troops; but a regiment of Belgian light cavalry held a long struggle with the famous cuirassiers, in a way that can never be forgotten; they, poor fellows, were nearly ah cut to pieces. These French cuirassiers charged two German guns, with the intent of taking them, to turn them down the road on our flank. This charge was made along the chaussée running from Charleroy to Brussels, the guns were placed near the farm, houses of Les Quatre Bras, and were loaded, and kept till their close arrival. Two companies (I think of Highlanders), posted behind a house and dung-hill, who flanked the enemy on their approach, and the artillery received them with such a discharge, and so near, as to la (with an effect like magic) the whole head of the column low, causing it to fly, and be nearly all destroyed. We had fought till dark; the French became less impetuous, and, after a little can- nonade, they retired from the field. Alas! when we met after the action, how many were wanting among us; how many who were in the full pride of youth and manhood had gone to that bourn from whence they could return no more ' I shall now close my letter; and in my next will endea- vour to give you some description of the 18th ; As we approached, for to add to this account now would be to harrow up your mind with scenes of misery, of which those only who have been a witness can form an adequate idea.” Village of Gommignies, June 22, 1815.- “Having completed our day's march, I once more take up my pen, and after giving you some of the leading features of the 17th, shall do my best to relate to you, as far as lies in my power, the most striking incidents of the glorious day of Waterloo. At day-break, on the 17th, we were again under arms, having snatched a hurried re- pose to our wearied limbs, on the ground near- which we fought. Uncertain as to the movements of the enemy, or whether they purposed renewing their attack, we were in a state of anxious sus- pense: and the skirmishing at intervals in our front, made us expect that something was about to be done; during all this time we were em- ployed, by parties, in bringing in our wounded companions, whom the darkness had the night before prevented our finding, and in doing our best to be ready for any thing that might occur, and in assuaging, as well as we could, the suffer- ings of those around us. We succeeded in find- ing the bodies of our four officers, Captains Grose and Brown, Ensigns Lord Hay and Barrington, who were killed: and had the melancholy satis- faction of paying the last tribute of respect to their remains. They were buried near the wood, and one of our officers read the service over them. Never did I witness a scene more imposing; those breasts which had, a few hours back, boldly en- countered the greatest perils, did not now disdain to be subdued by pity and affection; and if the ceremony wanted the real clerical solemnity due to its sacred character, it received an ample equivalent in this mark of genuine regard, and the sincerity with which we wished them a more immortal halo than that which honor will confer. The whole night was occupied in getting up the cavalry and artillery; and report said, that the Duke of Wellington had it in contemplation to become, in his turn, the assailant; be that as it may, we were ordered to fall back by the Char- lery road through Genappe, to our position of Waterloo. I will not invite you to accompany us on our march, which was only marked by fa- tigue, dust, heat, and thirst. After halting for a short time, to ascertain our actual position, we marched to it, and were greeted by one of the very hardest showers of rain I ever remember to have seen, which lasted nearly half an hour—it then ceased. The whole afternoon was taken up by the various divisions getting to their respective posts, and making active preparations for the ex- pected attack on the morrow. Our position was a very compact one; the extreme left resting on Ter la Haye, the left centre on La Haye Sainte, and the right centre on Hougoumont; and the OF THE FRENCH REVO LUTION. 1455 * .nº- * -- -------- —r-º- extreme right was thrown back to a certain de- gree, in consequence of a ravine, which would otherwise have laid it open to the enemy. “We were posted near Hougoumont, into which the four light companies of the division of guards, under Colonel M*Donald and Lord Saltouns, were thrown. The house had a large garden at- tached to it, laid out in the Dutch fashion, with parallel walks and high thick hedges, and was surrounded by an orchard. As the army fell back, the enemy's cavalry attacked the rear, and there were constant skirmishes and charges of cavalry during the day. Towards seven o’clock in the evening, the French cannonaded Hougou- moht and our position for near an hour and a half, and were answered by the guns on the top of the hill in our front. We were moved back a little distance to get out of the exact range of the shot, and after continuing, during the time I have above mentioned, eagerly awaiting a further develope- ment of their attack, the firing ceased, and we continued till the morning in the situation we now held. The weather, which had hitherto been showery, became settled into a decided and heavy rain, which continued in actual torrents the com- plete night through, accompanied by a gale of wind and constant thunder and lightning. Such a night few have witnessed; it was one that ima- gination would paint as alone fit for the festival of the daemons of death, and for the fates to com- plete the web of those brave souls whose thread of life was so nearly spun. After such a sight of horrors and contending expectations, the dawn . of any kind of day was welcome; it seemed, how- ever, with difficulty to break through the heavy clouds which overhung the earth, and appeared so slowly, that it seemed as if nature reluctantly lent her light to assist at the scene of carnage and distress which was to mark the history of this eventful day. Our artillery, which had the night before so admirably answered the fire of the French guns, was all placed on the heights in our front. is here necessary for me to remark, that uar position comprehended the two roads from Charleroy and Nivelle to Brussels, which united at the village of Mount St. Jean, and formed rather an acute angle. The Prince of Orange's corps composed the first line, with the whole artillery in its front, and Lord Hill's corps the right flank and second line. “About a quarter past eleven o'clock a.m. the battle commenced, by the French making a most desperate and impetuous attack upon Hougou- mont, against which, as well as La Haye Sainte, they directed their most furious efforts during the whole day. Hougoumont, however, appeared to be the principal object they had in view, sinee its possession would have uncovered our flank, and have afforded them a rhost fatal advantage over ºne; in a word, had it been lost, nothing as ºr -º-º-º- ***-* short of its being retaken at any rate could have Book xv. repaired the misfortune. The French opened upon us a dreadful cross-fire, from 300 pieces of artillery, which was answered with a most uncommon prac- tice from our guns; but, to be just, we must own that the French batteries were served in a manner that was terrible. During this period, the enemy pushed his troops into the orchard, &c. &c. and after its being contested for some hours, he suc- ceeded in : our men to nothing but the house itself. Every tree, every walk, every hedge, every avenue, had been fought for with an obsti- nacy almost unparalleled; and the French were killed all round, and at the very door of the house, to which, as well as a hay-stack, they succeeded in setting fire; and though all in flames over their heads, our brave fellows never suffered them to penetrate beyond the threshold; the greatest part of the wounded on both sides were, alas, #. burned to death !—In consequence of this success on the part of the French, the coldstream and 3d regiment were ordered into the wood, from whence they drove the enemy; and every subsequent struggle they made to re-possess themselves of it É. abortive. The places of these two batta- ions of guards were supplied º two of our gal- lant friends, the black Brunswickers, who seemed, like salamanders, to revel in the smoke and flames. The second and third battalions of the first regiment were formed with the two battalions of Brunswickers into hollow squares, on the slope and summit of the hill, so as to support each other; and in this situation we all lay down, till between three and four o'clock p. m. in order to avoid the storm of death, which was flying close over our heads, and at almost every moment car- rying destruction among us; and it is, you will allow, a circumstance highly creditable to those men, to have lain so many hours under a fire which, for intensity and precision, was never, I believe, equalled; with nothing else to occupy their attention, save watching their companions falling around them, and listening to their mourn- ful cries. It was about the time I have just named, that the enemy, having gained the orchard, com- menced their desperate charges of cavalry, under cover of the smoke which the burning houses, &c. had caused; the whole of which the wind drifted towards us, and thus prevented our ob- serving their approach. At this period the battle assumed a character beyond description interest- ing, and anxiously awful. Bonaparte was about to use against us an arm which he had never yet wielded but with success. Confidently relying upon the issue of this attack, he charged our ar- tillery and infantry, hoping to capture the one and break the other, and, by instantly establishing his own infantry on the heights, to carry the Brussels road, and throw our line into confusion, These cavalry, selected for their tried gallantry 16 Q wº {'h AP. IX. Jºvº 1815. 1456 HISTORY OF THE WARS BOOK XV. CHAP. IX. Jº"Nº 1815. and skill (not their height or mustachios), who were the terror of Northern Europe, and had never et been foiled, were first brought up by the third łºń. of the 1st regiment. Never was British valor and discipline so pre-eminent as on this oc- casion ; the steady appearance of this battalion caused the famous cuirassiers to pull up, and a few of them, with a courage worthy a better cause, rode out of the ranks, and fired at our people and mounted officers, with their pistols, hoping to make the face of the square throw its fire upon them, and thus become an easy prey; but our men, with a steadiness no language can do justice to, defied their efforts, and did not pull a single trigger. The French then made a sudden rush, but were received in such a manner, and with a volley so well directed, as at once to turn them ; they then made an attempt on the second battalion and the Brunswickers with similar success; and, astonished at their own failure, the cool intrepi- dity of their opponents, and the British cheers, they faced about. This same game was played in succession by the imperial horse-guards and Polish lancers, none of whom could at all succeed in breaking our squares, or making the least im- pression upon them whatever. During their at- tacks, our cavalry rushed out from between the squares, and carried havoc through the enemy's ranks, which were nearly all destroyed. I cannot here resist relating an anecdote of Major Lloyd, of the artillery, who, with another officer (whose name I could not learn), was obliged to take re- fuge in our square at the time these charges were made, being unable to continue longer at their posts. There was a gun between our battalion and the Brunswickers, which had been drawn back; this Major Lloyd, with his friend, discharged five or six times at the French cavalry, alternately loading it and retiring to the square, as circum- stances required. We could see the French knocked off their horses as fast as they came up, and one cannot refuse to call them men of singu- lar gallantry; one of them, indeed, an officer of the imperial-guards, seeing a gun about to be discharged at his companions, rode at it, and never suffered its fire to be repeated while he lived. He was at length killed by a Brunswick rifleman, and certainly saved a large part of his regiment by this act of self-devotion. Thus discomfited, Bonaparte renewed his cannonade, which was destructive to a degree, preparatory to an attack of his whole infantry. I constantly saw the noble Duke of Wellington riding backwards and for- wards, like the genius of the storm, who, borne upon its wings, directed its thunders where to burst. He was every where to be found, encou- raging, directing, animating. He was in a blue coat, and a plain cocked hat, his telescope in his hand; there was nothing that escaped him, no- thing that he did not take advantage of, and his w-r- sº- lynx’s eyes seemed to penetrate the smoke, and forestall the movements of the foe. How he escaped, that merciful power alone can tell who vouchsafed to the allied arms the issue of this pre-eminent contest; for such it is, whether consi- dered as an action by itself, or with regard to the results which it has brought about. Upon the cavalry being repulsed, the duke himself ordered our second battalion to form line with the third battalion, and, after advancing to the brow of the hill, to lie down and shelter ourselves from the fire. Here we remained, I imagine, near an hour. It was now about seven o'clock. The French in- fantry had in vain been brought up against our line, and, as a last resource, Bonaparte resolved upon attacking our part of the position with his veteran imperial-guard, promising them the plun- der of Brussels. Their artillery covered them, and they advanced in solid column to where we lay. The duke, who was riding behind us, watch- ed their approach, and at length, when within a hundred yards of us, exclaimed, “ Up, guards, and at them again!”. Never was there a prouder moment than this for our country or ourselves. The household-troops of both nations were now, for the first time, brought in contact, and on the issue-of their struggle the greatest of stakes was placed. The enemy did not expect to meet us so soon; we suffered them to approach still nearer, and then delivered a fire into them, which made them halt ; a second, like the first, carried hun- dreds of deaths into their mass; and, without suffering them to deploy, we gave them three British cheers, and a British charge of the bay- onet. This was too much for their nerves, and they fled in disorder. The shape of their column was tracked by their dying and dead, and not less than 300 of them had fallen in two minutes to rise no more. Seeing the fate of their compa- nions, a regiment of the tirailleurs of the guard at- tempted to attack our flank; we instantly charged them, and our cheers rendered any thing further unnecessary, for they never awaited our approach. The French now formed solid squares in their rear, to resist our advance, which, however, our cavalry cut to pieces. The duke now ordered the whole line to move forward: nothing could be more beautiful. The sun, which had hitherto been veiled, at this instant shed upon us, in de- parting rays, as if to smile upon the efforts we were making, and bless them with suggess. As we proceeded in line down the slope; the regi- ments on the high ground on our flanks were formed into hollow squares, in which-manner they accompanied us, in order to protect us from ca- valry—the blow was now struck, the victory was complete, and the enemy fled in every direction : his déroute was the most perfect ever known; in the space of a mile and a half along the road, we found more than thirty guns, besides ammu- of THE FRENch REvolution. 1457 wº-wºr--ºr- zºº---------a --~~ nition-waggons, &c. &c. Our noble and brave coadjutors, the Prussians, who had some time since been dealing out havock in the rear of the enemy, now falling in with our line of march, we j. and let them continue the pursuit. Bona- parte fled the field on the advance of the Prus- sians, and the annihilation of his imperial-guard, with whose overthrow all his hopes perished. Thus ended the day of “Waterloo.’, The skill and courage of our artillery could not be exceed- ed. The brigade of guards, in Hougoumont, suffered nothing to rob them of their post: every regiment eclipsed its former deeds by the glories of to-day; and I cannot better close this than by informing you, that when we halted for the night, which we did close to where Bonaparte had been during a great portion of the battle, and were preparing our bivouack by the road side, a regi- ment of Prussian lancers coming by halted and played “God save the King,” than which no- thing could be more appropriate or grateful to our feelings; and I am sure I need scarcely add that we gave them three heartfelt cheers, as the only return we could then offer.” Eatract from a Letter by an Officer in the Guards. “On the evening of the 15th; we heard that the French were passing the frontiers, and we re- ceived orders to hold ourselves in readiness to march; at two o'clock we received, our orders to march, and were off at three. We passed through Braine-le-Comte, and proceeded to a bivouack near Nivelle. While we were setting ourselves down, an order came to move immediately to the Ieft through Nivelle—having passed it, we heard the firing very close, and soon met many wounded Belgians coming in., At five o’clock, General Maitland galloped up, and ordered, the grenadiers to drive the French out of a wood; and, in about half an hour, we perfectly cleared it. When we opened at the end of the wood, the enemy threw in a most tremendous fire; of round and grape- shot, from which we found it necessary to retire. We got out of the wood in another part, and they immediately advanced columns to attack us, which deployed very, regularly, and drove us a short way back... . However, we advanced again, and they gave way, and retired to their guns. They then advanced upon us, and having driven us back a second time, their cavalry attempted to charge; but a square of black Brunswickers brought them up, while we were nimbly slipt into the wood on our right, lined the ditches, and paid them handsomely. Our loss was very severe, and we found great difficulty in forming our line again. At last we effected it with the third battalion of our regiment, and then we drove every thing be- fore us. We kept possession of the wood all night. The Prussians and French had been engaged from two o'clock in the morning, in the position of Fleurus; and the former had been driven back. BOOK XV. - The French then tried to get possession of the road to Brussels. They had a severe contest with the Dutch and one of our divisions, and had suc- ceeded in driving the Dutch oat of a wood, (Bossu I think it is called). We arrived at the very mo- ment, the French skirmishers were appearing. We dashed in and cut them up properly, though our loss was severe. Out of eighty-four I had only forty-three left in my company. At night the remains of the battalion bivouacked at the head of the road, and during the night we re- ceived a strong reinforcement. They call this the action of Quatre Bras (where two high-roads cross). In the morning of the 17th, the enemy made no further attempt against us; and as the Prussians had retired during the night, we did the same very leisurely about eleven o'clock, tak- ing up a position in front of a village called Wa- terloo, at a point where the high-road or chaussée to Brussels crosses that from Nivelle to Namur. Here we remained quiet through the night, ex- cépt that it rained more furiously than I ever ex- perienced, even in Spain. We were quite wet through, and literally up to the ancles in mud. The cavalry were considerably engaged during the day of the 17th, but the {. could not make much impression against their heavy-armed opponents. The life-guards behaved most nobly, and carried every thing before them. The morn- ing of the 18th dawned full of expectation of something decisive being done, “But first I must give you some idea of our position. It ran from the Brussels chaussée to the right, about a mile and a half in length, and then turned very sharply to the right, and crossed the chaussée from Nivelle to Namur, which two chaussées cross each other, so that they were nearly in a quarter-circle (like an open fan, the two outside sticks being the chaussées). “At the turn and at the bottom of a slope was a farm and orchards called Hougoumont. This was the key of our positions, and in front of our centre. On this point the most serious attack was made. * “At twelve o’clock the columns of the enemy moved down from the heights which they had oc- cupied during the night, and our artillery began to cannonade them most furiously, which their ar. tillery returned; and it is said that 300-pieces were in use that day. The British infantry were drawn up in columns under the ridge of the po- sition. We were at the turn or knuckle with two battalions of Brunswickers. The 3d regiment of uards were in columns in front of the turn, and the coldstream at the farm-house. The light, in- fantry of the division were to defend the orchard and small wood next to it. The third division were in squares to the left of our squares, and under cover of the ridge. CHAP. IX. Jºvº 1815, 1458 HISTORY OF THE WARs BOOK XV ammºmºmºs Cnxiº. IX. Auºvº-' l815. “Unfortunately for us, during the cannonade, the shot and j. which passed over the artil- lery fell into our squares, and I assure you I ne- ver was in a more awful situation. Colonel Cook (who commanded the battalion) was struck with a grape-shot as he sat on the ground next to me. #. enemy now made an attack with infantry and cavalry on the left, in hopes of carrying the chaussée to Brussels; but the artillery-guns cut them to pieces every time they advanced. They then attempted to charge the guns with cavalry; but the squares of infantry kept up so smart a fire that they could never reach our guns, though the artillerymen were obliged to leave them to get out of our fire. When the enemy found the attempt fail on this point, he ordered an attack on the farm-house, which it was necessary for him to possess, in order to turn the right of our position. There it was that the serious struggle commenced. Two companies of light infantry, under Lord Saltoun, disputed the wood and or- chard most gallantly, but were at last obliged to retire under cover of the house, when the enemy were charged by the light infantry of the second brigade (the coldstream and 3d) and driven back with great loss. At this period the coldstream entered the house which the enemy set on fire by shells, but did not entirely consume it. The enemy were foiled in two repeated attempts, and were each time severely cut up by the artillery. When they failed in their attacks upon our squares, the cavalry rushed out from between our squares, and cut them up most desperately. When he found these efforts vain, he began his attack upon the centre. He first endeavoured to carry the guns with his cavalry, which came u most gallantly ; but our squares sent them to the right-about three times in great style. I never saw any thing so fine, the cavalry rushing out and picking up the deserted cannon. After these failures he brought up his garde impériale, just opposite to our brigade, which had formed in line on their advancing. We were all lying under shelter of a small bank, as they covered their ad- vance with a most terrible fire of grape and musketry. Bonaparte led them himself to the rise of the hill, and told them ‘that was the way to Brussels : we allowed them to approach very near—when we opened so destructive a fire that there were soon above 300 of them upon the ground, and they began to waver. We instantly charged, but they ran as fast as possible. The Duke of Wellington observing this crisis, brought up the 42d and 95th, taking the enemy in flank, and leading them himself quite close up. The enemy's column was entirely dispersed. After this we were again annoyed with grape and mus- ketry, which obliged us to retire. On fronting, we saw another heavy column of the ‘chasseurs ; la guarde impériale. We immediately started at Af ---- * , ~. double-quick time to meet them; but they had had such a proper reception just before, that they never let us come near them; and when they turned, the route became general. We ran on as fast as we could, and the cavalry started after them. We got about two miles that evening, taking ourselves thirty pieces of cannon. Nothing could be more complete and decisive. Most for. tunately the Prussians came on the field at this mo- ment, and pursued the enemy through the night. “Captain Erskine having been wounded, was taken prisoner, and brought before Bonaparte, who wished to see him—Bonaparte asked him who commanded the cavalry He was told Lord ºf: “Is it not Paget 2' replied Bona- parte: he was then informed the same person was meant, but that an alteration bad taken place in the name by the death of his father. He then asked who was commander-in-chief, and was told the Duke of Wellington—“No, not him, he is indisposed from a fail from bis horse on the 14th.” In this manner was the conversation continued for some time; from which it was quite evident Bonaparte knew the force of the different posi- tions, and of the commanders of them, and showed generally a perfect knowledge of our de- tail. Upon some difficulty in the conversation, one of his aides-de-camp, who spoke English well, interpreted, and he, it appeared, had been in London about ten days before. On the conver. sation being ended, a surgeon was ordered to attend him; he was then placed, with another officer, under three guards—on retiring they were ut to quarters, which happened to be the cock- |. of a house, from whence, on the following morning, they looked secretly, and saw the whole of the French army march to their positions; knowing the disparity of force, he trembled to think of the result; and noticing particularly the enthusiasm and devotion of the troops—in this state of anxiety, they silently waited some hours, fearing every moment to hear the crisis; at length they heard a great bustle of men and horses; upon coming nearer, they discovered them to be #.. all is now lost, victory is gained, and these are the messengers On coming to view, they found them flying French; then was their joy superior to their former dejection; but in their helpless situation, they dare not show themselves, as they certainly would have been shot from wan- tonness and cruelty—but after some little time the black Brunswickers came riding through; they then ventured out of their lurking-places, and joined their comrades: it is to be observed that their guards had long left them.” Eatract of a Łetter from an Officer in the Horse- g guards. “On the morning of the 16th, about two o'clock, the route came, and we (the 2d life-guards) OF THE FRENCH REVOLUTION, 1459 -h- -- wº-T-T-s:- marched from Murbecke at seven ; and after a very long day's march, passed through Braine le Comte and Nivelles, at which last place we heard a cannonade. As our army was then engaged with, the French, we proceeded at a brisk, trot, for several miles on the road from Nivelles, and halted for the night in a wheat-field. Next morn- ing, our men were drawn up in a line of battle fronting the wood where the French had retired; but they would not venture to attack us. Lord Wellington by a ruse de guerre, however, drew them from the wood, by a rapid retreat, for a few miles towards Brussels; which brought the French exactly on the spot where he wished to fight them, and where he might bring his cavalry into play. While retreating, we were overtaken by a imost violent thunder-storm and a heavy rain, which rendered us very uncomfortable. During the retreat, the 1st life-guards charged some of the French lancers, and almost cut them to pieces. We were drawn up to give them a second charge, but they would not stand it. This even- ing we bivouacked in a piece of boggy ground, where we were mid-leg up in mud and water. About eleven o’clock the grand action commenced. We were very soon called into action, and charg- ed the French cuirassiers of the imperial-guard, whom we almost cut to pieces. A second charge of the same kind left but few of them; but we suffered very much ; we have with the regiment, at present, about forty men. We know of forty- nine wounded, so that the rest must be either killed or prisoners. Lieutenant-colonel Fitzgerald was killed soon after the first charge. Captain Irby was taken prisoner as his horse fell with him in returning from the charge; he has since made his escape, and joined us; but they have stripped him of his sword, watch, and money, and j' nearly taken his life. The heaviest fire was directed against the household-brigade the whole of the day; and it is astonishing, how any of us escaped. At the conclusion of the battle, we were masters of the field, and only one officer of the 2d life-guards, with two corporals and forty privates, remained. There was no officer of the 1st regiment, all, or most of them, having been dismounted. The command of the two re- giments for the night was given by Lord Somer- set to the remaining officer of the 2d. Colonel Lygon had one horse shot under him towards the conclusion of the battle, and the horses of several of our officers were wounded. Lord Wel- lington was with the brigade the greater part of the day, during which time I saw him repeatedly. He seemed much pleased, and was heard to ob- serve, towards the evening, to the general officer near him, that it was the hardest battle he had ever fought, and that he had seen many charges, but never any to equal the charges of the heavy brigades, particularly the household. We made in all four charges; viz. two against cavalry, and BOOK xv. two against the imperial-guards.” Extract from a Letter by an officer in the Light- dragoons. “That previous to the horse-guards’ charge, on the 18th, his regiment was ordered to attack a body of lancers and cuirassiers, on whom they could make no impression: that numbers of men having fallen, they were forced to retreat, when the French were ordered to charge in their turn, and from the superior weight of the horses and men, and their species of armour and weapons, he had the mortification to see them cut down num- CHAP. IX. *N*/ 1815. bers of his regiment : that, being in the rear, he soon received himself so desperate a shock from one of the lancers as to plunge himself and horse into a deep ditch, with such violence that the horse never got out alive, while he being thrown, fortunately escaped with life, though immersed in, and covered with, mud and water: that in his fall, the lancer attempted to run him through, but in the collision luckily missed his aim, and only tore away part of the flesh of the arm ; that finding himself in the midst of the enemy, he had offered an officer to surrender, but who declined taking charge of him then, and ordered him to an adjacent field, where were several others under similar circumstances ; that he had the mortifica- tion to witness from thence the overthrow of numbers of the men during their retreat, but at last, to his great satisfaction, saw the heavy bri- gade advance to the charge, who, in their turn, overthrew every thing in their way, literally roll- ing both men and horses of the French over to a considerable distance, by the tremendous force of their charge, and cutting down all before them. Seeing the face of affairs to be changed, he con- templated upon an escape: and having commu- nicated his idea to a brother officer near him, they together made for another part of the field, and had hardly gained the summit of a steep bank, when, looking back, they observed a small French detachment enter the field, and cut down, in cold blood, all the prisoners there, waiting for the orders of their captors, to the number of thirty or forty, while only himself and companion escaped.” 92d Regiment. “The 92d, forming one of the regiments of the first brigade along with the Scots º 42d, and 44th, was suddenly ordered to Brussels, on the 15th, at night—after which they marched thirty miles, and came up with the enemy about two or three o'clock on the 16th, and immediately marched into the field; but as the first division was only there with some Brunswickers, the 92d was ordered to take position in a ditch, to cover the guns and cavalry, as the junior regiment: 16 R a 1460 History of THE wars. *— * * Book xv. in the mean time, the other part of the division went a little to the left, to check the French in- Cº. º. fantry passing that way. The situation of this *sºvºs/ 1815. regiment was most unpleasant for upwards of an hour, but possessed of an ample view of seeing all that was going on, although exposed very much to the enemy's guns, at this period, from the duke and staff being just in front of the regiment; and, at this point, all the reinforcements, passed to their stations. Very many of the duke's staff were then wounded. At this time the French cavalry began to attack a village; the Brunswick cavalry, then in front of the 92d, went to meet them: not being in sufficient strength, the Bruns- wickers retired upon the 92d, in some confusion; we could not then give any help—the French cut down a great many of their rear men, and dismounted two guns. The Brunswickers passed round the right flank, intermingled with French; as soon as they were cleared, the regiment fired. The grenadiers being wheeled back on the road which lined the ditch, we lined, to enable them to fire as the French passed—the others to fire ob- liquely on the road—on those following the Bruns- wickers, the volley separated the front charge from the rear by the gap which we made, nothing was seen but horses and men tumbling over each other—the rear of the enemy retreated, and the front dashed through the village, cutting down all stragglers. The enemy's charge being repelled, we now prepared to charge, against a body of cavalry nearly in motion, supported by infantry— * Come on my old 92d, was the word from the Adjutant-general Barnes—he then jumped from the ditch, and we charged beautifully; Colonel Cameron led the regiment; the enemy's fire was severe: we then moved from behind a house, and passed the corner of a garden parallel to the road, when a volley was given by a column on the right, which was retreating to the wood—this fire killed our gallant Colonel Cameron, and did con- siderable execution.” This column kept the re- giment five minutes before the garden could be cleared, to advance to the lines—the fire was now dreadful, and the regiment suffered much : the French at length retreated up to the side of the wood, still, however, keeping up a tremendous fire. The 92d had by this separated itself from the line, and not more than fifty left, when a regi- * Lieutenant-colonel Mitchel then took the command of the regiment, was soon wounded and carried off the field, resigning the command to Captain Holmes, the senior officer present; Cap- tain Holmes was soon after wounded and carried off. Captain Dugald Campbell then took the command, and he was soon wounded and carried off; the command thus devolved on the next se- nior officer present. $. ment of guards was sent to its relief—the men afterwards retired behind the houses, when the loss was found to be twenty-eight officers and 270 men. The guards, however, were not allowed to keep possession of the position we had now gained five minutes. t “In the afternoon of the 18th, the regiment, which was then reduced to about 200 men, found it, necessary to charge a column of the enemy which came down on them, from 2 to 3,000 men ; they broke into the centre of the column with the bayonet, and the instant they pierced it, the Scotch greys dashed in to their support, when they and the 92d eheered and huzzaed “Scotland for ever.” By the effort which followed, the enemy to a man were put to the sword or taken priseners, after which the greys charged through the enemy's second line, and took the eagles. “It was, perhaps, the most destructive battle ever fought. The loss fell almost entirely on our division, which, along with the Brunswick troops and some Prussians, was the only one up for the first two hours. The three Seotch regiments are nearly annihilated Ours had only six officers who escaped and some are so, dangerously wounded, as to give little hope of their recovery. We were amply revenged, however, and gave the French a lesson, which they will not soon forget: but they are so strong on this point, that, notwith- standing our giving them such a drubbing, his grace found it necessary to occupy a better posi- tion by retiring about a league and a half in the rear. He expected another attack, but it did not take place; and this gave time to Lord Hill and Blucher to operate upon the enemy's flanks, which obliged him to retrograde. His grace was strong enough to repel any attack that might be made upon him. “You would be astonished how we could have borne the fatigue which we suffered. We marched from Brussels at one in the morning, and arrived at three o'olock in the afternoon at the place of action, having marched nine leagues. We were engaged in five minutes after, and continued so till night. I was wounded about half-past eight, when I was obliged to walk six miles to the nearest village, where I lay in pain, and sleepless, till day-Hight. I was again obliged to walk to Brussels, seven leagues, not being able to bear the motion of a waggon. The exertion has done me no good. I am indeed surprised that I was able to stand it out. The poor fellows who had escaped bivouacked in the field, without tents or baggage—last night the same—and it has rained incessantly. I am unable to give you the parti- culars of the action—it was altogether brilliant and decisive. The Highlanders and royals, in partieular, behaved admirably. Our regiment was charged º a body of cuirassiers of the guard, and we gave them a noble peppering, e also OF THE FRENCH REVOLUTHON. 1461 . ------------, ---- - - - -ºs----------------—— -- - charged a column of infantry, which we dispersed; on getting behind some hedges, they rallied, and i gave usaterrible fire. It was here that our regiment suffered most. Cameron, our gallant colonel, and four other officers, fell almost at the same instant —this was about six o'clock. We drove them, however, from all the hedges, and advanced upon two guns, which began to open upon us with grape. These we also drove from two different positions. The French suffered prodigiously; but our cavalry and artillery not being up, we could do no mere than repel their attack. “The courier arrived in the Duke of Bassano's carriage. Our regiment was again engaged, and suffered severely. There is scarcely one officer left. Never was there a sight so touching, so extraordinary, as this town presents; the people in crowds going out to meet the wounded with refreshments, bandages, &c.—all the women em- F." in the kindest offices. I returned to the ouse of my former landlord, where I am treated as if I were his own brother. The French pri- soners are treated by the populace in the most violent manner; the escort can with difficulty protect them from being attacked. From an Officer to his Father (written on the Field-of-battle), dated Les Quatre Bras, 19th June, 1815. “England has to thank the talents of her con- summate general, and the bravery of the allied troops under his command, their steadiness and great endurance of privation; for yesterday's victory is equalled by none of modern days, except Leipsig, “On the 14th, the French army transferred the seat of war from its own territory to that of the allies, by crossing the frontier in the direction of Fontaine St. Eveque, and moving in large masses on Charleroy and Fleurus. During the 16th, they succeeded in getting possession of these places, and in moving their whole army on the road from Charleroy to Brussels, with the intention of sepa- rating the English from the Prussian right, and car- rying consternation to that city. The guards moved from Enghien at three o'clock in the morning of the 16th, to Braine le Comte, then to Nivelles, and from thence, (making altogether twenty-seven miles march) to Les Quatre Bras—a point where four cross-roads meet, one leading from Charle- roy to Brussels, immediately on our march. We found that we had come at the critical moment, when the enemy were actually in possession of a * large wood, commanding all four roads, and cut- ting off our cºmunication with Marshal Blueher. he third division had been driven from the wood, and the guards were ordered to re-take it. The enemy's tirailleurs retired as we advanced, till, at length, we passed the wood, and found ourselves " Tº" " -- *-**----------------------- - - - in the presence of an immense body of French Book xv. cavalry ready to charge. From the difficulties of the ground, we could not manoeuvre, and retired Chap, IX., , Jº"V*_0 into the wood; the cavalry charged in after us, did us no harm, and were all cut to pieces: but their light troops advanced in such numbers, as to oblige us to evacuate the wood at ten o’clock, af. ter four hours' hard fighting, till night closed the business. We lost here, in the first brigade, Lord Hay, Barrington, Brown, and Cross, killed ; Askew, Adair, Miller, Streatfield, Townsend, Stuart, Croft, Fludyer, and Luthel, wounded. I received a contusion in my right instep from a musket-shot, and a bayonet scratch over the eye; but neither of any consequence. At night, we bivouacked on the road; and in the morning of the 17th, retired on the Brussels road, to preserve our communication with the Prussians, who had been separately attacked, and had retired on the 16th, in the same direction. Lord Wellington took up a position with his whole army near Braine º, Leud, his right resting on the village of Waterloo, covering the approach from Charle- roy ; his left extending beyond, and covering the approach from Nivelles—the whole position twelve miles from Brussels, and covering it in those di- rections. The night of the 17th was a miserably wet picquet bivouack for me, the rain falling in torrents. At noon, on the 18th, the French made the most desperate attack with artillery, cavalry, and tirailleurs ever witnessed. Our defence was equal- ly terrible. The whole line was formed in squares and battalions; not one man fell back; the whole stood firm. The French cavalry repeatedly attacked Échelon of squares after échekon, and were repulsed ten or eleven times with immense loss. Our squares stood in the face of shot, shells, and every thing else, which caused great de- struction, without our being able to return a shot. At eight o'clock, the enemy moved forward his old guard, who were received by the first brigade of guards, and a Dutch brigade, with Saltoun at their head, with such a fire that they took to their heels—their whole army fled in the greatest dis- order, and was followed in sweeping lines, as fast as the lines could move. Our cavalry cut them to pieces. The abandoned guns, carriages, knap- sacks, and muskets, choaked up the ground, and for five miles, in which we followed thein last night, the field was covered with the bodies of French- men only. . The Prussians beat them in another attack of the same sort the same day, and took Napoleon's carriage and baggage. Napoleon com- manded the army opposed to the Duke of Wel- lington, and both were in the field together. We are just going to move off in pursuit. I have not faken my clothes off, or changed, since I left Enghien ; and den’t know when I shall. I ne- wer was better in my life. On the 18th, we lost t ty 1815. 1462 HISTORY OF THE WARs W . . C. * BOOK XV. Chap. IX. Jºvº 1815. Doyly and Pardoe, killed.—General Cooke, Lieu- tenant-colonel Cooke, Stables, Lutterell, Batty, and Ellis wounded.” From a Correspondent at Brussels. “After the action of the 18th, which was un- commonly obstinate and bloody, both armies re- tired a few miles. The French occupied a large wood near Genappe; the English took up a strong position, with a village called Waterloo in their centre (which was head-quarters), about thirteen miles from Brussels, having the fine forest of Soigné, which extends from thence to the very gates of Brussels, in their rear. The Prussians, under General Bulow, were posted on the left of the Anglo-Belgic army, having the small town of Wavre for their head-quarters. All Saturday, the 17th, both sides were busy prepar- ing for the terrible contest. A cannonade was kept up at intervals. The weather was sultry, with heavy showers and much thunder and light- ning. The British artillery and cavalry (the want of which was severely felt on the 16th), had now come up, with the 27th, and some other fresh re- giments. The ground being unequal, the little hills and swells were furnished with cannon. These preparations continued till about noon of Sunday the 18th, when the French debouched from their coverts, and were astonished, but not daunted, to find us so well prepared to receive them. They made their attack with more than their usual impetuosity, attempting to cut our line, and turn our left wing ; in which, if they had succeeded, they would have separated us from the Prussians. To effect this, they made the most astonishing and reiterated efforts, column propel- ling column, whilst their artillery and mortars scattered destruction along our whole line. They, in fact, did succeed in breaking up some of our squares of infantry, notwithstanding the most he- roic acts of courage that ever were displayed in any battle. But the enemy's columns were shaken; his men could no longer be made to stand; and his officers fought "º. by their soldiers, like men in despair. At this critical moment, the grand and general charge was made. Our brave fellows poured down on the enemy with irresisti- ble force ; and, about nine o'clock, the French gave up the well-fought field, and retreated about six miles, leaving the ground thickly strewed with killed and wounded, arms, cannon, and baggage. How our great hero of the battle escaped being killed or taken is wonderful, as he was never ex- posed so much before. He was seen with his spy-glass viewing the manoeuvres of the field, with the same sang-froid and self-possession that an astronomer might be supposed to view the sa- tellites of Jupiter; while showers of balls and shells flew about him, with evident direction, and *— which killed and wounded several of his staff. A select party of French cavalry cut their passage through our line of infantry, and were near suc- ceeding in taking him prisoner. At one critieal time, when our lines and squares were wavering, Lord Wellington himself, at the head of the 95th, charged and drove back the most advanced of the enemy. “The feats of particular regiments were also remarkable. The 28th formed into a square, re- ulsed the repeated efforts of the cuirassiers to reak through them. The 73d did the same; it repulsed every thing until its flanks were opened by showers of grape. * & “The three #ind regiments, the 42d, 79th, and 92d, already thinned in the action of the 16th, and of which they bore the brunt, were now re- duced to complete skeletons.—Such was also the state of the 44th after the action. Nor were the acts of the cavalry less meritorious, particularly the heavy brigade. The charge was led by the 6th or Inniskillen dragoons, with Lord Ponsonby at their head. They cut down every thing be- fore them, and overturned the French chasseurs like nine-pins. It is said they actually made 3,000 prisoners. They were followed up with equal intrepidity by the guards, the Scotch greys, and the 1st dragoon-guards: but to enumerate the particular deeds of each would require the historic page tö contain them. Suffice it to say, that all the British did their duty in the most exemplary manner, as they never fail to do; nor shall I tar- nish so brilliant a battle by making any remarks on corps who might not have been so steady. As to the enemy, it is but justice to say, his courage and conduct equalled, if not surpassed, the finest of his former exploits. It would be unworthy in us to wish to elevate our own character by tra- ducing our enemies. For by how much his va- lor shall have been conspicuous, by so much the more glory will they have acquired who have beat him. History will have a fine and just sub- ject of praise in that of his royal-highness the hereditary Prince of Belgium. Towards the close of the day, when our lines were bending, he was at the head of his people, cheering and exciting them, amidst the hottest fire; in doing which, his royal-highness received a musket-ball in his left arm, which ultimately lodged in the shoulder.” Eatract of a Letter from a German Officer. “July 16.—I have visited the field-of-battle. The sleep of the dead is sound. On the spot where this day month thousands thronged and fought, where thousands sunk and bled, and groaned, and died, there is now not a living soul, and over all hovers the stillness of the grave. “In Ligny, 2,000 dead were buried. Here fought the Westphalian and Berg regiment. OF THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 1463 Ligny is a village built of stone, and thatched with straw, on a small stream which flows through flat meadows. In the village are several farm- houses, inclosed with walls and gates. Every farm-house the Prussians had covered with a fortress. The French endeavoured to penetrate through the village by means of superior numbers. Four times were they driven out. At last they set on fire the farm-houses in the upper end of the village with their howitzers; but the Prussians still kept their ground at the lower end. A whole company of Westphalian troops fell in the court- yard at the church; on the terrace before the church lay fifty dead. “In the evening, the French surrounded the village. The Prussians retired half a league; the position was lost; and it is incomprehensible why the French did not follow up the advantage they had obtained, and again attack the Prussians in the night. “This was on the 16th. The same day a French column marched by the high-road of Charlerov to Brussels. “At Quatre Bras they found the Duke of Brunswick and the Prince of Orange. Here the battle was as hot as at Ligny. The duke let himself be carried away by his ardour into the fire of small arms; a musket-ball went through his bridle-hand, and entered the belly; the liver was penetrated ; he fell, and breathed his last in ten minutes. His sufferings were short. “At the inn by the cross-roads at Quatre Bras, the contest was the hottest. Here are the most graves. The wounded reeled into the inn-yard, Jeaned against the walls, and then sunk down. There are still the traces of the blood on the walls, as it spouted forth from the wounds with depart- ing life. “Where the battle was, the fields are com- F. trodden down for a circuit of about a eague. On both sides of the high-road ways are made about 100 feet broad, and you can still follow the march of the battalions in all directions through the fine fields of maize. “On the 18th, the battle was renewed four leagues nearer Brussels, on both sides of the high road. The spot is a plain sprinkled with hillocks. The diameter of the field-of-battle may be about a league and a half. Bonaparte placed himself near the farm-house of Mount St. Jean, on a rising ground, whence he could overlook the whole. Beside him was one Lacoste, a Walloon, who now lives near the hamlet of Belle Alliance, and who was, employed as a guide. This man told me as follows :-When the Prussians came out of the wood of Frischermont, Bonaparte observed them with his glass, and asked one of his adjutants who they were. The latter, upon looking through his glass, replied, “ they are the Prussian co- 100. lours.” That moment his face assumed a chalky BoöK xv. whiteness, as if the ghost of the sainted Queen of Prussia had appeared to him, whom he perse- char. Ix. cuted to death. He said nothing, but merely ºvº- once shook his head. “When he saw that the battle was lost, he rode off with his general-staff and the above guide. He had told Lacoste, that he wished to be con- ducted by a bye-road to Charleroy. “Genappe is an open market-town, a league and a half from the field-of-battle, through which runs the Dyle, a small stream. At the lower end of Genappe lies an iron-forge, which it drives. A quarter of a mile lower lies the village of Ways, at which there is a bridge. An officer had arrived at ‘. about five in the afternoon, with orders to withdraw the baggage. He had already con- sidered the battle as lost, because the reserves had been brought into the fire. When the flight became almost universal, the military waggons were driven sixteen abreast on the causeway. In the narrow Genappe they were wedged in to- gether, and Lacoste relates that it took an hour and a half to get through them. It was half-past twelve at night before they got out of the town, with 150 horses of the staff. I asked him why he did not take Bonaparte by the bridge of Ways, where nobody passed; he replied—º I was not aware of this road.” “Thus, with all the maps of the war depôt, with all the engineer geographers, who, with their repeating circles, can set off the geographical position of places even to a second, Bonaparte, and with a large staff, here depended on the ig- norance of a peasant, who did not know that there was a bridge over the Dyle at Ways. People talk a great, deal of military skill and military science, while often in the decisive moments the whole depends upon the knowledge of a very COIT, IIl Old IIlain. “In the village of Planchenoit, the fourth of a league from Belle Alliance, the guards were post- ed. The principal house in the village is nearly burnt down. It is inhabited by a very intelligent farmer, of the name of Bernhard. He, like the others, had fled on the day of battle; but wit- messed, on an opposite height, the combat be- tween Bulow and the French reserve, and could give a very good description of it. He carried me to the key of the position opposite Frischer- mont. . He told me that the peasant who guided Bulow's army resolved not to come out of the wood at Frischermont, but to descend into the valley lower down, and to penetrate by Planche- noit, nearly in the rear of the French reserves. “Then, said he, “we shall take them all.’ The pe. riod was truly most critical when the Prussians came to the attack. Wellington was hard pressed, all his reserves were already in action, he was al- 16 S 1815. 1464 HISTORY OF THE WARS BOOK XV. Chap. IX. *N*-* liš15. *– ready compelled to withdraw some of his artillery, and a countryman from the vicinity of Braine la Leud told me, that he saw some of the army (as he expressed it) en débandage. Bonaparte was probably only waiting for the moment when, with his guards, he could decide the day. We shudder when we reflect that, at this important moment, all depended on the local knowledge of a single peasant. Had he guided wrong, had he led them into the hollow way through which the cannon could not pass, had Bulow's army come up an hour later, the scale had probably descended on the other side. Had Bonaparte been victorious, and advanced to the Rhine, the French nation would have been intoxicated with victory, and with what they call the national glory, and a levy en masse would have been effected throughout France. “How great soever the number of killed and wounded in the battle may be, yet as compared with the amount of the armies engaged, it may generally be pronounced moderate. However murderous our artillery are, yet their operation is inconsiderable, as relative to the great mumber of rounds. At the battle of Leipsic, probably only about one in the hundred of cannon and cartridge- balls fired took effect. The battle of Waterloo was more sanguinary from the smallness of the field-of-battle. Probably every sixth man fell in it. “The disorder of a battle generally first origi- nates with the run-aways, who fly from an impres- sion that all is lost, and who bawl this out to others in order to excuse their Öwn flight. Al- though the Prussian army, on the 16th, retreated only half a league from Ligny, yet shoals of fu- gitives passed through Liege and Aix-la-Chapelle, spreading universal alarm. I fell in with some of them twenty-five leagues from the field-of-battle; they ºã. that the French were within a mile of Brussels, and their light-troops already in the suburbs. On the 18th, so early as five in the aſ- ternoon, French run-aways came to the inn at Quatre Bras, who had fled from the field even at the time when circumstances seemed very favor- able to them. sº “ The idea of being cut off operates very strongly upon men; should it get possession of the mass, then all order is lost, and the army destroys itself. Hence may be explained the great defeat of the French on the 18th. In Genappe, there was nothing but pell-mell confusion, and they suffered themselves to be cut down like cat- tle. In Genappe, eight hundred lay on the spot. General Duhesme, who commanded the rear- guard, was cut down by a Brunswick hussar, at the gate of an inn.-‘The duke fell yesterday, and thou shalt also bite the dust: so saying, the black hussar cut him down. The fury of the Brunswickers no longer knew any bounds. “Wellington's army consisted chiefly of young regiments. What supported them was the confi. dence which they had in the talents of their general. . “The Belgians and Dutch, by the common Victory in which they participated, have been Pretty well amalgamated and fraternised. Besides, the nation feels itself honored by its brave prince.” Eatract of a Letter from an Officer of the 6th, or Inniskillen Dragoons. “Brussels, 21st June, 1815–Hostilities com- menced on the 16th, by an attack on the Prus- sian advanced-posts. Our army was put im- mediately in motion, and, after two affairs, we retired to our position fourteen or fifteen miles from hence, and covering the great road to this place. - Our right rested on a hill, our centre on another more advanced, forming part of the circumference of a circle; the left I did not see. The attack commenced on the right, but was soon transferred, with great fury, to the centre. The enemy attacked in three solid columns of immense depth, supported by cavalry and artillery. Our infantry received them in line : behind the in- fantry, was General Ponsonby's brigade of cavalry, consisting of the 1st dragoons, the greys, and In- niskillens:–when the infantry had given their fire, we charged through intervals which the in- fantry made for us, in open column of half squa- drons, and completely upset the enemy's three ..massy columns, not leaving a man. General Pon- sonby and Colonel Hamilton of the greys being killed, the command of the brigade devolved upon me:—nothing could be finer than their conduct, or more successful. Our strength before the ac- tion was 1,050; after it, about 100; but man had been sent to escort prisoners. In j, wounded, &c. we lost about two-thirds. The enemy reiterated his attacks on the centre with fresh troops, but without success. He then made a most desperate attack on the right, where my small brigade of 100 men was called to charge about 400 cavalry, supported by artillery and squares of infantry. I was told that every thing depended on our exertions—it was in leading my miserable remains that I received my wound. The charge was not successful ; indeed, almost every man and horse was knocked down. Such butchery was never beheld—the day was long doubtful, but the fortunate arrival of the Prussians decided it.” Letter from Prince Bernhard of Saxe Weimar to his Father. * Pivouac near Waterloo, in the Wood between Brussels and Genappe, June 19th, 1815.-" Dear Father, Thank God, I am still alive and have escaped unhurt from two bloody battles. The 6F THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 1465 first was on the 16th of June, the second was yes- terday. I beg, when you read this, to take Fer- rari's map in your hand. For four weeks I was in cantonments in Genappe, with the regiment of Orange Nassau, of which I am. colonel. On the 15th, I was appointed brigadier of, the se- cond brigade of the division of Perponcher; iny predecessor had had the misfortune to break his ieg. Besides my two battalions of Orange Nas- sau, I now had under my command three batta- lions of the Duchy of Nassau; when my brigade was 4,000 strong —to-day I have not 1,200 left —On the 15th, the French fell upon the Prussian army, and pressed it very much. , My brigade continued on the left wing of the Dutch army, the headquarters of which were at Braine:fe- Comte—my division lay in Nivelles. A battalion of Nassau were at Frasne, and also a battery of Dutch horse-artillery. When the Prussians re- treated towards Fleurus, the post at Frasne was attacked and driven back. The infantry threw itself into a wood on the right, and the artillery retired fighting to Quatre Bras. , At this import: ant post. I had drawn my brigade together, and cannonaded the enemy, whom I succeeded in keeping off. I maintained this post through the whole night. Towards morning, on the 16th, I was reinforced by a battalion of Dutch yagers, and a battalion of militia. Soon after arrived my ge- neral-of-division and the Prince of Orange. With the latter I went to the out-posts, and by this or- der undertook a reconnoisance, with a battalion and two cannon. Towards noon, the enemy showed strong columns, and began to cannonade us. It is said he had three corps of his army en- gaged against us on this day. We had only five battalions to oppose to him, and the skirts of a wood to defend to the utmost. “The Dake of Wellington himself was present at the beginning of the action ; I kept my ground a long time against an enemy thrice my number, and had only two Belgic cannons to protect my: self with. The enemy took the point of a wood opposite me, and incommoded my left flank. I, without loss of time, took some volunteers, and two companies of Dutch militia, and recovered my wood at the point of the bayonet; I was at the head of the storming parties, and had the ho- nor to be one of the first in the wood. In cut- ſing away some branches, I wounded myself with my sabre very slightly in the right leg, but was not a moment out of battle —it is, in fact, not worth while to mention this wound ; I write to you about it only that you and my good mother imay not be alarmed by exaggerated and foolish reports. While I manfully defended my wood, the enemy drove back our left wing as far as Quatre Bras. It was on this occasion that the brave Duke of Brunswick was killed by a ball, which entered his breast. Strong columns of in- fantry turned my right flank; I asked for orders BOOKXV. how to act, but received none. When I saw my- self surrounded on all sides, and my people had Chaº, Pº expended all their ammunition, I retreated in good order through the wood to the neighbourhood of Hautain le Val. The Hanoverian division Alten supported me, and recovered the wood, but lost it again; at last it was forced by the English with great loss, and maintained through the night. I bivouacked for the night in the wood. The Prussians retreated this day to Wavre, and on account of this retreat, we were obliged to retire to the position near Mount St. Jean, between Genappe and Brussels; this was done on the 17th; we were obliged to bivouac for the night upon a very muddy soil, in the most dreadful rain. Yes- terday about ten o’clock began the decisive battle, which was completely gained towards evening b Wellington over Napoleon in person. A hundred and sixty cannon are the fruit of this bloody vic- tory. I commanded on the left wing, and was charged to maintain a village and a position. With a great loss of men I succeeded. The victory was still doubtful, when, about four o'clock, the Prussians, under Generals Bulow and Ziethen, arrived upon our left flank, and decided the bat- tle. Unhappily, the Prussians who were to sup- port me in my village, mistook my Nassauers, whose uniform is still very French, though their hearts are true German, for Frenchmen, and made dreadful fire upon them. They were driven from their post, and I rallied them a quar- ter of a league from the field-of-battle. My ge. neral-of-division, whose first brigade was wholly destroyed, is now with me. I must conclude, be- cause I have just received orders to proceed to Nivelles in pursuit of the enemy. Farewell, dear father; salute my mother, my sister-in-law, my brother, and all my friends; and be assured that I will do every thing to be worthy of you. “The Colonel and Brigadier, “ BERNHARD OF SAxE WEIMAR.” Extract of a Letter from Serjeant Ewart, of the Scots Greys, who took a French Eagle. “The enemy began forming their line-of-battle about nine in the morning of the 18th : we did not commence till ten. I think it was about eleven when we were ready to receive them. They began upon our right with the most tre- mendous firing that ever was heard, and I can assure you, they got it as hot as they gave it ; then it came down to the left, where they were received by our brave Highlanders. No men could ever behave better; our brigade of cavalry covered them. Owing to a column of foreign troops giving way, our brigade was forced to ad- vance to the support of our brave fellows, and which we certainly did in style ; we charged through two of their columns each about 5,000; 1815. I 466 OF THE WARS HISTORY BOOK XV. CHAP. IX. *N*L/ 1815. -*m- it was in the first charge I took the eagle from the enemy; he and I had a hard contest for it; he thrust for my groin—I parried it off and eut him through the head; after which I was at- tacked by one of their lancers, who threw his lance at me, but missed the mark, by my throw- ing it off with my sword by my right side; then I cut him from the chin upwards, which went through his teeth; next I was attacked by a foot- soldier, who, after firing at me, charged me with his bayonet-- but he very soon lost the combat, for I parried it and cut him down through the head; so that finished the contest for the eagle. After which I presumed to follow my comrades, eagle and all, but was stopped by the general, saying to me, “You brave fellow, take that to the rear: you have done enough until you get quit of it;” which I was obliged to do, but with great reluctance. I retired to a height, and stood there for upwards of an hour, which gave a general view of the field, but I cannot express the hor- rors I beheld: the bodies of my brave comrades were lying so thick upon the field, that it was scarcely possible to pass, and horses innumerable. I took the eagle into Brussels amidst the accla- mations of thousands of the spectators that saw it.” The following particulars of the battle of Wa- terloo are taken from a French work, said to have been written by an eye-witness. e “It was a dreadful night. The rain fell in tor- rents, and was most oppressive to the troops, bi- vouacked as they were in the midst of mire, and not having had time to construct any temporary shelter. “ Day-light having appeared, the French took their arms, and were surprised to perceive that the English not only remained where they had been the night before, but appeared as if resolved to defend their position., Bonaparte, who had been afraid that they would escape during the night, was much pleased at finding them when he awoke, and not being able to restrain his transport, said to some persons near him at the moment he dis- covered the enemy: “Ah, I have them, then— these English !’ “Without further consideration, and with that imprudent eagerness which constitutes one of his characteristics, he summoned the columns which had halted in the rear, and without gaining any in- formation, without knowing either the position Or strength of the enemy, without ascertaining that the Prussian army was sufficiently kept in check by General Grouchy’s corps, he resolved on an immediate attack. “Scarcely were the French troops formed, when Bonaparte, who had taken his station on a hill not far from the farm-house at which he slept, sent orders to begin the attack. He walked to and fro with his arms folded over his breast, at a –et-a- short distance from his staff. The weather was stormy, and continued so through the day. To- wards noon, the first discharge of cannon took place from the French line, and a large body of riflemen were dispatched to begin the action. A strong force was sent to carry Mount Saint Jean at the point of the bayonet, while the cavalry on the wings debouched and made a charge at the places which appeared to be least defended. The result of the manoeuvre was awaited with impa- tience, its success being considered certain; but this was retarded by the obstinate efforts which the English made to hold the villages that cover- ed their wings. -> “The points, at which the two English wings had taken their station, having been carried, the French army passed the ravine, and approached the positions, which vomited a deluge of balls and grape-shot upon them. The charges, which had been ordered, were immediately executed. A most formidable column advanced towards Mount Saint Jean, where a desperate struggle ensued.— The French cavalry darted forward, at the same time, to seize the artillery, but was assailed in its turn by the cavalry of the enemy, and the carnage on both sides was horrible. Neither one side nor the other would yield an inch of ground. Fresh columns advanced, the charges were renewed, and the position was thrice on the point of being forced; but thrice, after performing prodigies of valor, the French were arrested in their progress. “They now began to exhibit symptoms of he- sitation and inquietude. Several dismounted bat- teries were put into retreat. A considerable num- ber of wounded soldiers were detached from the main body, and spread alarm as to the issue of the battle. Profound silence had succeeded to the acclamations and cries of joy with which soldiers, certain of marching to victory, had before been rending the air. With the exception of the in- fantry of the guard, all, the troops were engaged and exposed to a most destructive fire. The ac- tion continued with unabating violence, yet with- out any decisive result. “It was near seven o’clock when Bonaparte, who had till then remained on the hill, from which he clearly saw all that was passing, contemplated with a look of ferocity the hideous scene of but- chery beneath him. The more numerous the dif- ficulties which occurred, the more obstinate did he appear. He was indignant at obstacles which he had so little foreseen, and far from thinking that it was wrong to sacrifice an army, which placed unbounded confidence in him, he incessantly sent fresh troops, with orders to charge and force their way in spite of every resistance. He was several times told, that appearances were bad, and that the troops were exhausted; but his only answer was, “ Forward, forward l’ “A general sent information, that he could not …* OF THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 1467 maintain his position on account of being dread- fully annoyed by a battery, and asked what he was to do. “To take the battery,’ said Bonaparte, turning his back on the aid-de-camp. “An English officer, who was wounded and made a prisoner, was brought to him. He made several inquiries, and almong the rest, what was the strength of the English army. The officer told him that it was very strong, and would almost immediately be reinforced by 60,000 men. “So much the better,’ said he; “the more we meet, the more we shall conquer.” He dispatched several messengers with dispatches, which he dictated to a secretary, and repeated many times, in a tone of distraction, “The victory is mine—remember to say that.' He was at this period, when all his at- tempts had been abortive, that information was brought to him of Prussian columns debouching on his right flank, and threatening his rear; but he would not believe these reports, and constantly answered, that these º Prussian troops were no other than those of General Grouchy. It was not long, however, before he was undeceived, by the violence of the enemy's attack. Part of the sixth corps was sent to sustain this new shock, until Grouchy’s corps arrived, which was every minute expected. The Prussian corps, which now appeared in the field at so critical a juncture, was that of General Bulow. “Bonaparte, without altering his resolution in any degree, was of opinion that the moment was come to decide the day. He formed for this pur- pose, a fourth column, almost entirely composed of the guards, and directed it at the pas-de-charge on Mount Saint Jean, after having dispatched in- structions to every point, that the movement, on which he thought victory to depend, might be se- conded. The veterans marched up the hill with the intrepidity which might be expected of them. The whole army resumed its vigor, and the com- bat was resumed througout the line. The guards made repeated charges, and were as often repulsed. Overpowered by an irresistible discharge of artil- lery, which seemed every moment to increase,these invincible grenadiers saw their ranks constantly thinned ; but they closed together with perfect coolness, and advanced into the heat of the fray, without intimidation. Nothing arrested their pro- gress but death, or the severest wounds. “The hour of their defeat, however, was come. Enormous masses of infantry, supported by an immence force of cavalry, to which the French could oppose no resistance, as their own was en- tirely destroyed, poured down upon them from all sides, with a degree of fury which made all idea. of quarter, on either part, out of the question. “It was in vain that Bonaparte attempted to make a final effort, by bringing into action some battalions of the guards, which had not yet been employed, and which he himself headed. All was 100. / useless. Intimidated by what passed around them, and overpowered by numbers, this feeble reserve soon yielded, and with the rest fied back like a torrent. The artillerymen abandoned their can- non; the soldiers of the waggon-train cut the traces of their horses; the infantry, the cavalry, and every other species of soldiery, formed one con- fused intermingled mass, partly flyiug along the road, and partly across the field. The generals were lost in this crowd; the corps had no longer any regular commander, and not a single battalion existed behind which the rest could attempt to rally. Even the guards, who had hitherto been BOOK XV. Chap. IX. Jºvº-Z 1815. the very bulwark of the army, and the terror of the enemy, were dispersed among the multitude, the jºir of which was ificreased by the dark- ness of the night. “The fugitives, painfully pressed by an over- whelming foe, ran rapidly over the two leagues which separates Genappe from the field-of-battle, and at length reached this small place, where the greater number trusted they should be able to pass the night. In order to oppose some obstacles. to the enemy, they collected carriages on the road, and barricadoed the entrance to the principal street. A few cannon were collected into the form of a battery; bivouacks were formed in the town and its environs, and the soldiers went into the houses for the purpose of finding an asylum and food; but scarcely were these dispositions made when the enemy appeared. The discharge of cannon, of their part, spread universal alariº among their downcast enemies. All fled again, and the retreat became inore disorderly than © Were - “At this time every one was ignorant of Bona- parte's fate, for he had suddenly disappeared. The general report was, that he had fallén in the heat of the battle. This intelligence being con- veyed to a well-known general, he replied in the words of Megret, after the death of Charles XII. at Frederickstadt, “Then the tragedy is ended.” (Voila la piéce finie.) Others said, that while making a charge at the head of his guards, he hād been dismounted and taken prisoner. The same uncertainty prevailed as to Marshal Ney, and most of the principal officers. . . . . . “A great number of persons affirmed that they had seen Bonaparte pass through the crowd, and that they knew him by his grey great-coat and horse. This proved to be the fact. When the last battalions of the guards, which he Jed into action, were overthrown, he was carried away with them, and surrounded on all sides by the enemy. He then sought refuge in an orchard adjoining to the farm of Cailon, where he was afterwards met by two officers of the guards, who were, like him, endeavouring to elude the enemy. To them he made himself known, and they passed together over the plain, upon which were scattered various 16 T 1468 HISTORY OF THE WARS BOOK XV. CHAP. IX. Jºzº. A 1815. *-*. - --- Prussian parties. These, however, luckily for the fugitives, were employed in plundering the cap- tured equipage.” During the dreadful day of the 18th, the ut- most alarm prevailed at Brussels. The arrival of wounded and fugitives from both armies spread the most gloomy reports, which it was impossible to counteract. The retreat of the al- lied armies, during the 17th, though it satisfied them that their greatest fears were groundless, still did not restore confidence. If such was their fears on the 16th and 17th, the 18th doubled their alarm, and increased their terror. The thunder of the cannon was distinctly and incessantly heard. Cowards fled from the field, and spread the re- port that the French had carried all before them, and were advancing with rapid steps to Brussels, which they were resolved to pillage and destroy. Dismay was at its height! All ranks, and both sexes, mixed together in the streets and in the squares, waiting, in the extreme of expectation and anxiety, for intelligence from the army. The wounded began to arrive in crowds—bad reports spread wider and faster, when at length the heavy baggage of the army under Wellington was seen passing through the city, and taking the road to Antwerp. The feelings of the people were wound up to a pitch of the deepest sorrow. They had then no doubt that the French had gained a decisive victory. “We are all lost,” was the general cry which spread from mouth to mouth, and filled the city with mourning. They were not aware of the firmness or the prudence of the British general. Whatever might happen, he was pre- pared for it. The utmost confusion now prevail- ed in the city; and from thence to Waterloo the scene was still worse, the road presenting a spec- tacle, as if in reality filled with the wreck of a flying army. Caissons were blown up and bag- gage plundered. , Hundreds fled from Brussels in the direction of Antwerp and Malines. The in- habitants, indeed, at one time, seemed in general determined to leave the town. Every thing was put in requisition in consequence; and the flight and terror became general and distressing. Each thought only on himself: and passed, without re- gard, or almost regret, numbers of the unhappy sufferers, who, wounded in the previous battles, joyful tidings reached Brussels, late at nig were marching the same road, or lying exhausted in every direction. Arrived at Antwerp, many did not even conceive themselves safe there, but fled in crowds to Holland. But no words are equal to describe accurately this terrible scene of confusion, alarm, and sorrow. Similar also were the scenes in the rear of the French army towards the close of the day of the 16th, near Quatre Bras; and still more so on the evening of the 18th, beyond La Belle Alliance. At length the i. and Antwerp next morning, that the French were to- tally defeated. A delirium of joy filled the minds of those so shortly before sunk in terror and dis- may. Confidence was quickly restored; and the anxious population rushed out in crowds to meet and welcome the wounded of their great deli- verers. Amongst these, the wounded of the Scotch regiments were peculiarly the objects of their regard. The people sought for them with avidity, and received them with transport. At Antwerp nothing could exceed the attention of all ranks to the wounded. The hospitals were constantly crowded with gentlemen and ladies, who personally administered to their wants, dis- tributing clean shirts, bread, wine, coffee, tea, milk, and fruit of all sorts. In these hospitals were wounded men both of the French and Bri- tish. Amongst the former, a scene, characteris- tic of their unfeeling brutality, was frequently witnessed. The wounded were seen mimicking and turning into ridicule the various contortions of the last efforts of expiring nature in their dy- ing comrades | What a race indignation is a term too light to apply against them. At Ant- werp, also, were many of the British soldiers who had been wounded in the battle of the 16th, par- ticularly of the 42d regiment. A scene truly characteristic took place amongst them when the news of the decisive victory arrived. . These brave veterans, though dreadfully wounded and maimed, forgot for a moment all their sufferings, and were seen limping along in the streets, “In the garb of old Gaul, with the fire of old Rome, waving their bonnets, and exclaiming in this movement, which came from the heart, “Boney’s beat! Boney’s beat! Huzza Huzzal Huzza Boney's beat l” tº- OF THE FRENCH H EVOLUTION. 1469 CHAPTER X. The Services of the Duke of Wellington rewarded by Parliament.—Thanks voted to him and to JMarshal Blucher and the Armies.—National Monument for the Victory voted.—Biographical JVotices of the Duke of Brunswick and Sir Thomas Picton. VARIous rumours regarding a battle between the allies and Bonaparte, in the Netherlands, reached England some days before official in- telligence of the victory of Waterloo arrived; but when that intelligence was received, and especially when it was ascertained that the victory was one of the most splendid, and certainly the most decisive, that had ever been gained in any age or country, it was welcomed by every expression of national con- gratulation; and private mourning for the nu- merous losses in the field was scarcely noticed in the general triumph. On the 22d of June the prince-regent sent a message to both houses of parliament, recommending to them “to enable his royal-highness to grant such additional provision to field-marshal the Duke of Welling- ton, as shall afford a farther proof of the opinion entertained by parliament of the Duke of Wel- lington's transcendant services, and of the grati- tude and munificence of the British nation.” Parliament, never backward at such a call, una- nimously concurred in a vote for adding the suin of 200,000l. to former liberal grants, by which its sense of his extraordinary merits had been de- monstrated. When this message was read in the house of lords, the Earl of Liverpool said he had one or two facts to relate. He was one of the trustees of the grant already voted to the Duke of Wel- lington. It was stipulated, that out of the sum given, 100,000l. were to be applied towards pro- curing a mansion fit to commemorate the nation’s gratitude for the distinguished services of his grace: but it was soon found to be absolutely impossible, with such a sum, to erect a house in any degree adequate to the intended object. Every man, as soon as he heard the account of the recent victory, a victory which he had no he- sitation in saying was unequalled in the history of this country, anxiously inquired whether no other proof of the nation’s gratitude could be be- stowed besides the thanks of parliament? Could the house, under such circumstances, hesitate to furnish to the duke the means of supporting his exalted rank? . In the house of commons, Mr. Whitbread said, he cordially agreed in the grant. He conceived that the Duke of Wellington had done more than had been achieved by any other human being than himself. If we had read of such achieve- ments in history as having been performed ten centuries ago, we would almost discredit the story. He had understood that, during the battle, the Duke of Wellington had repeatedly thrown himself into the centre of a square that was at- tacked, thus placing the most entire confidence in the valor of the soldiers that composed it. They also felt the same confidence in him, and the inestimable value of that commander whose life was entrusted to their defence. Although honor was the best reward for such distinguished services, yet as the Duke of Wellington had already reached the climax of human honor, the house had no way to show its gratitude but by a grant of money. The conduct of the British army in all its parts had never been surpassed by any other troops. As to the opinions, however, which he entertained about the justice of the war, they rested upon principles º could not be altered by the accidental circumstances of victory or defeat. The thanks of both houses were afterwards voted to the Duke of Wellington, and to many officers of distinction in his army, and to Mar- shal Prince Blucher, the Prussian army, and the allied troops under the duke’s command. On this occasion, Earl Bathurst, on moving the thanks in the house of lords, said, he was aware that their lordships must be eager to discharge the debt of gratitude to the duke, who had now so gloriously relieved them from the anxiety which all must have felt for some time past. The cam- paign was begun by Bonaparte himself. He had not, for this time at least, to accuse the seasons, nor the defection of those from whom he expect- ed support. He could not say that he was obliged to commence the battle by those to whose mea- sures he was compelled to yield, contrary to his own better, judgment. It was completely his own act and choice. Under these circumstances he had failed. His attacks were repulsed; the order was reversed—he was attacked in his turn. His boasted genius shrunk under the ascendancy of a mightier genius, and the result was the con- plete overthrow of the French army. On the evening of the 15th the duke received intelli gence that the Prussians had been attacked, and the forces were immediately ordered to advance. The Prussians were driven from their posts with loss. On the 16th, General Picton's division, with the Duke of Brunswick’s corps and the BOOK XV. Chap. X. Seº"Vºf 1815. 1476 HISTORY OF THE WARs BOOK X \'. CHAP. X. Jºvº-V 1815, Nassau regiment, were attacked at Genappe. The battle lasted the whole of the day. The Prussians were hikewise attacked, and Bonaparte claimed a victory over both ; but, it was clear that the Prussians maintained their position. But the Prussians having lost 16,000 men on that occasion, from their refusing to take, quarter, and a great proportion of their forces not having yet come into line, it was deemed by Prince Blucher pru- dent to retire. In consequence of this, the Duke of Wellington also retired to Waterloo. This position was a very strong one. The enemy at- tacked our troops in that position on the 18th, with the whole of his army, except one corps, which was left to observe the Prussians. They fought with that intrepidity for which the nation is dis- tinguished, but they were met with a resolution and firmness in which the British forces are not outrivalled by any nation. In the course of this desperate contest, the duke performed the duties of military officers of all ranks. . As a command- er-in-chief, as a general of division, as colonel of a regiment, he exerted himself in encouraging the troops to maintain their resistance to the re- peated and desperate attacks of the enemy. To- wards the close of the day, Bonaparte himself, at the head of his guards, made a desperate charge upon the British guards, and the British guards instantly overthrew the French. The battle lasted nearly nine hours, and at length our troops repulsed these desperate attacks by forces infinitely superior in number. Here then the battle ended, as far as concerned the attacks of the enemy. But the Duke of Wellington, with. his accustomed promptitude and decision, obser- ving that the retreat of the enemy was attended § confusion, he ordered the whole of those of his troops who had not suffered, to move upon the enemy. The troops advanced, attacked the enemy, drove them from the heights, and, put them completely, to the rout. He continued the pursuit till the troops, overcome with fatigue, could proceed no farther, and then, the Prussians were left to follow up the victory. The conse- Auences of this victory, as far as he could at pre- sent state them, were these :—about 5,000 prison- ers had arrived at Brussels—2,000. were on pa- role, and more were expected to be brought in ; and, besides this, a great quantity of ammunition and baggage was taken. He was not then speak- ing of what was accomplished by the Prussians during the pursuit, as no regular account of it had, as yet arrived. An achievement of such magnitude could not be performed without great loss. It had been wisely ordained by Providence that we should taste neither of joy nor of grief unmixed, and the price at which this victory was aimed, must teach us to check our exultation. ut who could recollect, without admiration and sorrow, the stern and manly virtue of Sir Thomas Picton, the firm and amiable character of Sir H. Ponsonby, or the heroic character of the Duke of Brunswick, who, having refused to be included in the armistice at Wagram, and tra- versed hostile Germany with his little band, had at length here terminated his life in a manner so worthy of his own conduct and the race from which he sprung 3 The Duke of Wellington himself had written a private letter to the Earl of Aber- deen, with intelligence of his brother's death. In looking at the list of the wounded, their lord- ships found the name of the brave Earl of Ux- bridge, who had headed every charge of cavalry himself. They would also see the name of that gallant youth the hereditary Prince of Orange, who º shed his blood in defence of the Nether- lands, and thereby acquired a better title to those dominions than inere formalities could afford. It remained for him to advert to the conduct of Mar- shal Blucher and the Prussians. The Duke of Wellington had expressed, in strong terms, the assistance which he had received from the Prus- sians. Without that assistance, though the attack of the enemy would not have succeeded, he could not in his turn have made that attack on the enemy which had terminated in his complete rout and overthrow. Prince Blucher himself, worn out with the constant exertions, had retired to bed; but as soon as he received intelligence that the Duke was attacked, he rose and headed a corps to assist the British. He hung all night on, the rear of the enemy, and no doubt sº revenged the fate of those brave Prussians who had fallen in the battle of the 16th, by their re- fusal to take quarter. In the house of commons, Lord Castlereagh prefaced his motion for a vote of thanks, by ob- serving, that it would be qonfessed that whatever. the former fame of the Duke of Wellington might have been, yet, in all the various occur-. rences of his life, in all, those great, achievements which, he had performed, lº. had called. for the thanks of the house, he had neven before, attained to a height of glory like the present.— And in all the great events which, he had been, engaged in, and those scenes that he had witnes- sed, it had never before fallen to the lot of the illustrious commander to render, so great, a ser-. vice to his country, so extensive a benefit to the world.—There was, in the present vigtory an ae- knowledged, pre-eminence over all those that had preceded it: but when we looked at its influence and combination, in which is bound up all the interests of the civilized world, it was almost imr. possible to conceive an idea adequate to its mag- nitude and importance.—The position of ºf lied army, previously to the late one, was a very, peculiar one, and without meaning to impute. blame, or to suppose any neglect of security, he must say that the circumstance of the armies not. OF THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 1471 being actually engaged in hostilities, necessarily led to a distribution of force for the more conve- nient obtainment of subsistence for so large an army. The whole line of troops destined to act upon France not being equally advanced, it was ... not the interest of the allies to become the assailants; the army, therefore, which was to act upon the offensive, making its point of union the point it chose for an attack, must have a great advantage over an army situated as the allied ar- my was ; and yet it was impossible to alter that position; for if Marshal Blucher and the Duke of Wellington had concentrated their forces, they must have left open a long line of country at the mercy of the enemy, who might have made use of such a lapse for the most important ends: and, therefore, not imputing any neglect of jº. tion to the commander, it must be evident that the attacking army would have the advantage. With such a force on the frontiers of France, it was with Bonaparte a great object to attack it in some powerful point before the combined powers were all perfectly ready for operations; and, accordingly, he had acted with all the deci- sion of character and energy of mind that he was known to possess, and as soon as he could leave Paris he joined his army, and directing it to the north commenced his operations. In considering the nature and extent of the forces engaged, he must observe, that of the ten corps d’armée which France possessed, the five which were complete were united under Bonaparte, together with his guard and other cavalry. These troops had certainly maintained their ancient character; and one fea- ture of the victory was, that it had been gained over the best troops of France, and that too at a moment when they displayed all their ardour, and when their conduct even surpassed all that they had before performed. Although this force did not amount to less than 130 or 140,000 men, the flower of the French army —That was a re- gular and disciplined army even before the Bour- bons quitted France, and for which since the re- turn of Bonaparte, every thing had been done to make it effective; it was the force which had been selected and combined to act upon the nor- thern frontier. To particularize the conduct of any part of the allied army, would be invidious, where all had acquitted themselves with nearly equal bravery; but he might be allowed to say, that except the British part, (who themselves were only such as the country could spare at a time when a strong detachment of our veteran troops had been sent to America) nearly the whole was a green army: the allies, particularly the Dutch, Belgians, Hanoverians, and troops of Nassau, were chiefly young soldiers: and deducting the absent corps, consisting of 25,000, under Prince Frederick, and the other corps distributed along * º to the northward, there was not in action a greater number than 64,000 men, to support the attack of the whole French army. He fully felt what we owed to the illustrious Prussians, who were ready to support the British army, and enabled them to make that movement, without which the duke could not have obtained such an advantage over a superior force. The effort he made was crowned with success; and with his energy of mind, and example of person, it was certain that much would be effected.—But from that example it was dreadful to reflect on the risks to which his valuable life was exposed; in fact, such was the dauntless activity, that he was much more exposed than any private soldier, who could only bear the hazard of a single spot; but the duke was every where, at least wherever dan- ger was —Under the circumstances in which the duke found himself at the end of the day, when the French had been repulsed, and Marshal Bu- low advanced, he put himself in motion and at- tacked the French ; their lines did not resist, as ours had done: he forced the second line, routed their whole army, and took more than half the artitlery of their army and its ammunition.—It was impossible to attempt to predict what would be the result of this victory; but this much was certain, that the Duke of Wellington had been enabled to follow the enemy with an army that had been either fighting or marching the whole day before. The French had attacked with their usual temerity: by this he did not mean to cen- sure them ; Bonaparte was justified in his at- tempt; he had been driven back; but if he could have succeeded, the effect would have been fully equal to the sacrifice made to obtain the object. A motion being afterwards made by Lord Castlereagh for an address to the prince-regent, that he would be pleased to give directions for a national monument in honor of the victory at Waterloo, and in commemoration of those who gloriously fell in achieving it, the same was una- nimously agreed to. We shall devote the remainder of this chapter to biographical notices of two of the most dis- tinguished officers who fell in the battles of the 16th and 18th of June. Frederick William, Duke of Brunswick-Wol- fenbuttle, Oels, and Bernstadt, who was killed on the 16th, was the fourth and youngest son of -Charles William Ferdinand, the late reign- ing Duke of Brunswick-Wolfenbuttle, who died on the 10th of November, 1806, at Ottensen, near Altona, in consequence of the wound which he received at the unfortunate battle of Jena. He was doubly allied to the illustrious house which sways the British sceptre—his mother being the sister of our beloved monarch, and his sister the wife of the heir-apparent to the throne. He was born on the 6th of October, 1771, and re- ceived the same eduºas his second and third 16 BOOK XV. CHAP. X, ~ºvº * 815. 1472 HISTORY OF THE WARS BOOK XV. CHAP. X. Jºvº 1815. gººsºº" -wrv--wr-ºr- wºrm- A- brothers, who were not much older than himself, till the military profession, for which he was destined, required a course of instruction particularly adapted to that object. e In 1785, he was nominated successor to his uncle, Frederick Augustus, Duke of Oels and Bernstadt, in case he should die without issue; an arrangement which was confirmed by Frede- rick the Great, and his nephew Frederick Wil- liam II. as sovereigns of Silesia. The prince soon afterwards went to Lausanne, accompanied by M. Langer, who held the situation of librarian at Wolfenbuttle, and who had, a few years before, attended his brother, the . prince, to the same place. After a residence of about two years in Switzerland, the prince immediately commenced his military career. He was appointed captain in the regiment of infantry then in garrison at Magdeburgh, commanded by Lieutenant-general Langefeld, governor of that place, who died in 1789; a regiment which previously had for its chief the prince's great uncle, the hero of Crevelt and Minden. The prince, who devoted himself with the greatest assiduity and zeal to the duties of his pro- fession, was rapidly promoted. . In 1790, at the early age of nineteen, he was invested with the ºrand order of the black eagle. In the war with #. which commenced in 1792, the prince ac- companied the Prussian army. He gained expe- rience; and the military talents and intrepidity which he more and more developed, were .*. cuously displayed by him on every occasion. This courage, this buoyant sense of youthful energy, which banished every idea of personal danger, impelled him, in several instances, beyond the bounds of prudence. On the 27th of November, in the last-mentioned year, he incurred the most in- minent danger of his life, in a skirmish which took place in the village of Etsch, near Wurbel. . He there received two wounds, and it was a consider- able time before he recovered from their effects. The treaty concluded at Basle on the 5th of April, 1795, again gave repose to the Prussian army. Prince Frederick William, after being for some time commander of the regiment of Thadden, at Halle, and afterwards of Kleist's regiment, at Prenzlau, was, in 1800, promoted to the rank of major-general. The latter regiment had long dis- , tinguished itself in the Prussian army, and, under the conduct of the prince, who bestowed on it the most assiduous attention and many sacrifices, con- firmed the character and reputation which it had acquired. On the 1st of November, 1802, he received, at Carlsruhe, the hand of the Princess Mary Eliza- beth Wilhelmina, grand-daughter of the Grand. Duke of Baden. The prince and his consort seemed to have been created expressly for each other; and their mutual felicity was augmented —- —w- ~ by the birth of two sons, on the 30th of October, 1804, and the 25th of April, 1806. His uncle, Frederick Augustus, dying on the 8th of October, 1805, he succeeded to the duchies of Oels and Bernstadt. The following year was marked by the breaking out of the war with Prussia. . The duke was attached to the corps commanded by General Blucher, which, after the most astonishing exertions, and the most obstinate resistance, was obliged to submit to the law of ne- cessity. The capitulation of Lubeck put an end to the duke's military career for this war; and the circumstances of the times, with the peculiar re- lations resulting from them, induced him to apply for his dismission from the Prussian service. The unexpected decease of his eldest brother, the hereditary-prince, in the month of September of the same year, and the agreement concluded by him with his two brothers, called him, on the decease of his father, to the government of the pa- trimonial dominions; which, however, he held.but for a short time, Brunswick being by the treaty of . incorporated with the kingdom of West- alla, p After this reverse, the duke resided chiefly at Bruchsal, in Baden; and here he was doomed to. experience a misfortune that afflicted him still more severely. On the 20th of April, 1808, he lost his amiable consort, and with her fled all his happiness. . In the flower of her age, having not yet attained her 26th year, this excellent princess, wife, and mother, after being delivered of a still- born daughter, was removed to a better life. After her death little or nothing was known .."; him. On the rupture between Austria and France, in April, 1809, the duke was in Bo- hemia, where he was endeavouring to raise an in- dependent corps of black hussars. More fortu- nate than Schill, who had already perished at Stralsund, the duke began his new military career by making an incursion into the kingdom of Sax- ony, in conjunction with a corps of Austrian troops. They were, however, obliged to evacuate Leipsic and Dresden on the approach of a considerable force, composed of Dutch and Westphalians. The Duke of Brunswick Oels, and General Am Ende, retired from Dresden in a western direction, to- wards Franconia, into which the Austrians had penetrated from Bohemia in considerable force, under the command of Lieutenant-field-marshal Kienmayer. The armistice concluded at Znaym, in consequence of the battle of Deutsch Wa- gram, terminated the contest in that country also, and deprived the duke of the co-operation of the Austrian troops. They evacuated Dresden, which they had a second time occupied, and withdrew beyond the Bohemian frontiers. Meanwhile the Duke of Brunswick had like- wise evacuated some of the places of which he had taken possession, but still remained in the OF THE FRENCH REVOLUTION, 1478 Erzgebirge, without being pursued either by the Saxons or Westphalians. For some time he ap- peared undecided whether he should join the Austrians in Bayreuth, or adopt a different plan. It is not, however, improbable, that he proceeded farther to the west, as his advanced-posts are said to have been seen near Fulda, in order to mis- lead his adversaries in respect to his real inten- tions. Be that as it may, the unfortunate events in the course of July fixed his resolution. He determined to quit Germany, where fortune did not seem to'smile on the cause which he had es- poused, and to conduct his corps to the English, of whose great preparations for an expedition to the continent the foreign papers were at that time so full. The difficulties which opposed the execution of this undertaking were innumerable. It was not till he had travelled a space of near 300 miles that he could hope to reach the coasts of the German Ocean. His route lay through countries which were not wholly destitute of hostile troops. The current accounts stated the corps of the Duke of Brunswick to have been completely dispersed and annihilated; the inhabitants of Leipsic were, therefore, not a little surprised, when, at three in the morning of the 26th of July, he entered that city with 1,900 men, 700 of whom were cavalry, after a smart action before the in- ner gates. It is not unlikely that the duke had reason to be dissatisfied with something which had occurred during his former occupation of this city; for a contribution, though a very moderate one, amounting to no more than 15,000 dollars, was imposed; and this, we believe, was the only requisition of the kind made by the duke during his whole march. His men also exercised the right of retaliation on several persons who had given them cause of offence during and after their retreat. / On the 27th of July, the duke arrived at Halle, and, with unparalleled celerity, pursued his route by way of #. to Halberstadt, which place Colonel Count Wellingerode, grand-marshal of the palace to the king of Westphalia, entered with the 5th regiment of foot, on the afternoon of the 30th of July. The same evening, the duke's corps appeared before the gates with six pieces of cannon. The enemy, though destitute of cavalry and artillery, made an obstinate re- sistance, but was at length overpowered, after a bloody conflict, which was continued for some time in the streets of Halberstadt. The duke, who had fought in the ranks of his black hussars, invited his officers to table, (to which he was often accustomed to sit down in public,) where he was surrounded by such a concourse of people, that he was frequently obliged to request them to stand back. He appeared simply dressed in the uniform of his corps, and without any other de- Book xv. coration than the order conferred on him by the Prussian monarch. He now directed his course towards his native city. Late in the evening of the 31st of July he entered Brunswick, on whose ramparts, wrap- º in a cloak, he passed the night. What must ave been the feelings of the prince, when he beheld the palace, once the residence of his il- lustrious ancestors, his own cradle, and the theatre of his juvenile years; when he traversed the streets, in which his parent had so often been seen, attended by crowds of happy mortals, who awaited the father of his people, to pay him the eloquent tribute of grateful tears; when he en- countered the anxious and timid looks of those who once hoped to see the prosperity and glory of their country augmented by him, whom alone, from among his three sons, his aged father had deemed worthy to be his successor These were, perhaps, the most painful moments experienced by this high-spirited prince, since the sable ge- nius of Auerstadt eclipsed the splendor of the house of Welfs. Fate seemed to show him once more the happy land to which he was the right- ful heir, to make him the more keenly sensible of his loss. The reflection that he had returned to a country which once was his, and which he once hoped to leave to his hopeful offspring, as a fugitive, to whom those lips which ought to have sworn fealty scarcely durst address the accents of compassion, must have wrung his heart. He, nevertheless, retained sufficient strength of mind to conduct himself with exemplary moderation ; and, amidst the gloom of his feelings, he was not abandoned by the light of wisdom. If he could not confer happiness, neither would he involve others in his own calamity; but, in a proclama- tion, magnanimously recommended to his be- loved countrymen to be obedient to their pre- sent rulers. The duke durst not take any long repose at Brunswick, as he was closely pressed on all sides. The Westphalian general, Reubel, concentrated 4,000 men of his division at Ohoff; General Gratien had set out with a Dutch division from Erfurt, and was approaching the coasts of the German ocean; while Lieut.-gen. Ewald, with a corps of Danish troops, crossed from Gluckstadt over the Elbe, into the Hanoverian territory, to cover the banks of that river. General Reubel was nearest to the duke, who, in his rapid retreat, had daily actions with the advanced-guard of the Westphalian troops. That which was fought in the afternoon of the 1st of August, at Oelper, near Brunswick, and in which the duke's horse was killed by a cannon-ball, was the eleventh since the commencement of his retreat in Saxony. The next morning he quitted his native city; and . CHAP. X. *Jºvº-J 1815, 1474, HISTORY OF THE WARS --- CHAP. X. <-º"Nº-A 1815. wr the movement which he now made caused it to be generally supposed that he was proceeding to Zell. Thither the troops under Reubel, and others, ac- cordingly directed their course. The duke, how- ever, suddenly made his appearance at Hanover, which he entered on the morning of the 3d of August; and, in the afternoon, pursued his route by way of Neustadt to Nieuburgh, where he ar- rived early the next day. Here he crossed the Weser. He broke down the bridges behind him, and reached Hoya on the 4th. . . In this manner he hastened along the left bank of the Weser, while part of his corps, in order to make a false demonstration, turned off to Bremen. On the evening of the 5th, this detachment possessed it- self of the gates of the city, and hastily departed the next day to rejoin the corps. - The duke, meanwhile, continued his march through the duchy of Oldenburg, and through Delmenhorst, where he passed the night between the 5th and 6th of August; and it appeared as if he was directing his course towards, East Friese- land, with a view to embark on the coast of that province. This opinion, however, proved erroneous; for, crossing the Hunta, a small stream which dis- charges itself into the Wezer at Huntebruck, he seized the corn-ships, which had been lying inac- tive for years at Elsfleth. In these vessels he embarked his men in the night of the 6th, and by force procured a sufficient number of hands to navigate them, the surrounding district being chiefly inhabited by sea-faring people. On the morning of the 7th, the duke hoisted the English: flag, set sail, and the following day reached Heli- goland, with part of his corps. That island he quitted on the 11th, and with his faithful follow- lowers proceeded to England. On the retreat of the French armies from. Ger- many, in 1813, he returned to his dominions; and, after the return of Napoleon from. Elba, was the first of the German princes who joined the allies. Lieutenant-general Sir Thomas Picton, who was killed in the battle of Waterloo, began his military career in the year 1771, when he obtained an en- signcy in the 12th regiment of foot, which was stationed at Gibraltar from 1773 to 1778, at which time he was promoted to a company in the 75th regiment. While this regiment was in quarters at Bristol, a mutiny broke out (in 1783), which, from the daring conduct of the men, threatened to be, productive of the most serious consequences. Captain Picton was at this period. the senior of. ficer, and it required all that intrepidity of mind and energy of conduct which marked every action of his private life, to restore order in the regiment. For his behaviour on this arduous and perilous oc- casion he received a notification of his sovereign's approbation, through Field-marshal Conway, then commander-in-chief. - - The 12th regiment was reduced soon after; when Captain Picton, now placed upon half-pay, retired into the bosom of his family in Pembroké. shire, the birth-place and residence of his ances- tors, who had lived there for centuries, beloved and respected by the whole country. Soon after the commencement of the revolutiouary war, in 1794, he embarked for the West Indies; where he was soon distinguished by the commander-in- chief on that station, Sir John Vaughan, who pro- moted him to a majority in the 68th regiment, and appointed him his own aide-de-camp. On closer acquaintance, the superior merits of Major Picton becameºso apparent to his general, that he made him deputy-quarter-master-general; which ap- pointment gave him the rank of lieutenant-colonel; and in this. department, as in every other which he filled in the course of his life, he acquitted him- self in such a manner,the most honorable to him- self, and the most useful to the service. On the appointment of General Knox to the head of that department, Lieutenant-colonel Picton proposed to return to Europe, but was induced to remain, at the request of Sir Ralph Abercrombie, who ar- rived in the West Indies, in 1796, and who kindly expressed a hope “to give him an opportunity of returning in a way more agreeable to . Sir Ralph Abercrombie was not a man of words, be took Picton with him on the expedition to Sante Lucie; and, to render his sense of this officer's therits gonspicuous to the whole army, he declared, in public orders, “that all orders coming through Lieutenant-colonel Picton should be considered as the orders of the commander-in-chief.” On the capture of this island Sir Ralph, wholly unsolicit- ed, recommended Picton for the lieutenant-colo- nelcy of the 68th regiment. The campaign was closed by the reduction of St. Vincent by storm; after which Picton accompanied his commander to England. The ensuing campaign of 1797 was productive of a circumstance from which more anxiety, un- easiness, and persecution resulted to Colonel Pic- ton, than from any other circumstance of his life. In the month of February he attended Sir Ralph Abercrombie on his expedition to the Spanish set- tlement at Trinidad; and, on its reduction, Sir Ralph, without solicitation on his part, appointed him governor of the island. He did more—for, when Picton made his acknowledgments for this fresh proof of his commander's friendship for him, Sir Ralph nobly and truly observed, “Colonel Pic- ton, if I knew any officer who, in my opinion, could discharge the duties annexed to this situation bet- ter than you, to him would I have given it; there are no thanks due to me for it.” But Colonel Picton strongly felt the difficulties of his new si- tuation; he knew that, under the Spanish go- vernment, all discipline, subordination, and order OF THE FRENCH REVOLUTION, 1 475 - –º-º-º- ** --- — — —- -*— -*. had disappeared; that the island had become a refuge for all outcasts from the other settlements of the West Indies; and that it was infested, in short, by a profligate banditti of all nations, who acknowledged no law, and who subsisted on de- predation and plunder. He, º applied to his commander, to know by what law he was to govern this mixed multitude of new subjects. —The answer was, by Spanish law, wherever it will apply; and, in unforeseen cases, and con- sequently such as are unprovided for by any set- tled rule, by your own judgment and good sense. It would be wholly incompatible with the bre- vity necessary to be observed in a sketch like this, to take even a cursory view of Colonel Picton's government in this ill-fated island; suffice it to observe, that he gained the esteem and received the applause of every man of principle and pro- º in the island; while none were his enemies ut those who dreaded his justice or envied his fame. In an evil hour the British colonel associated with him, in the government of the island, the Bri- tish naval commander on the station, and Colonel Fullarton. This was, as might naturally have been expected, and as certainly was designed by one of the parties, the origin of disputes and the source of anarchy. It is well-known that Fullar- ton, on his return to England, preferred charges against Picton, which were taken into consider- ation by the privy-council, and gave rise to a pro- secution that lasted for several years. No pains were spared to sully his character, to ruin his for- tunes, and to render him on object of public in- dignation. A little strumpet, by name Louisa Caldron, who cohabited with a petty tradesman in the capital of Trinidad, let another paramour into his house (of which she had the charge) during his absence, who robbed him, with her knowledge and privity, of all he was worth in the world. The girl was taken before the regular judges of the place; who, in the course of their investigation, ascertained the fact that she was privy to the rob- bery, and therefore sentenced her, in conformity with the laws of Spain, then prevalent in the is- land, to undergo the punishment of the picquet (the same as is adopted in our own regiments of horse ;) but, as it was necessary that this sentence should receive the governor's confirination before it could be carried into effect, a paper, stating the necessity of it, was sent to the government-house, and the governor, by his signature, conveyed his assent to the judges. . The girl was accordingly picqueted; when she acknowledged the facts above-stated, and discovered her accomplice. That the life of this girl was forfeited by the laws of every civilized country, is a fact that will not ad- Init of dispute; yet clemency was here extended to her, and she was released, having suffered only the punishment above stated; which was so slight, 100. that she walked a considerable distance to the BOOK XV. prison, without the least appearance of suffering, immediately after it was inflicted. But what was Caar. x. the return for the lenity of the governor ? He was Jºv-2 ° accused by Colonel Fullarton of having put this girl (whom he had never seen), to the torture, con- trary to law; and the caricaturists of Enghaud were enlisted in the service of persecution. After a trial, which seemed to have no end, after an expence of 7,000l. which must have com- pleted his ruin, had not his venerable uncle, Ge. neral Picton, defrayed the whole costs of the suit; while the expenses of his prosecutor were all paid by the government, his honor and justice were º on the firmest basis, and to the perfect satisfaction of every upright mind. The whole details of this prosecution, and of all the circum- stances preceding and attending it, will be found in the pages of the Anti-jacobin Review for 1806; with an appropriate extract from which, written at a subsequent period, we shall close our brief re- marks on this subject:— “In the important operations of the siege of Badajos, and its subsequent capture by storm, the whole of the officers and men employed conduct- ed themselves with such consummate skill and bravery that it would be highly presumptuous in a public writer to raise any distinction between them. But the readers of this review will readily pardon us for indulging a feeling of self-gratula- tion, in contemplating the conduct of an officer, whom we, from a pure regard for justice and for truth, contributed to rescue from the impetuous current of public prejudice which was let loose against him, and from the destructive effects of popular clamor, to which he had been most un- justly consigned. We opposed, to the polluted but furious torrent, a firin ranſpart of truth; we met the senseless but outrageous clamor with the commanding voice of justice. The law, at length, in tardy reparation of his injuries, pro- claimed the innocence and vindicated the honor, which, from the beginning of the contest, we had plainly descried and boldly defended; we had descried, even in the representations of his ene- mies, and in the conduct which formed the ground of their charges against him, indisputable proofs of that manly, honorable, and resolute spirit which has since been unequivocally dis- played in the field of glory, to his own honor, and to the advantage of his country.” When a British army was sent, in 1809, to rescue Holland from the hands of the French, Major-general Picton commanded a brigade, and was at the siege of Flushing, of which town he was appointed governor after its surrender. He there rendered every possible service to the sick and wounded soldiers, and to the inhabitants themselves; for his humanity was always as con- spicuous as his º, During his stay at 1815. 1476 Hist'ORY OF THE WARs --- Tº -º-º: ==-EF- R- - T- º BOOK XV. Walcheren, he caught the fever, to which all are C**. X. lubrious island. 1815. subject who are doomed to reside on that insa- He came home lil, enfeebled, and enaciated ; with a body reduced by disease, but with a mind and spirit unsubdued. Judicious medical treatment, with the aid, first, of the Cheltenham, and afterwards of the Bath waters, fortunately restored him to his health, to his friends, aid to his country. Before, however, he was perfectly recovered, he was again called into active service in Portugal, where he coin- manded the third division of the British army; a division soon remarkable and remembered for its distinguished zeal, celerity, and courage; ani- mated, as it was, with the spirit of its gallant commander. . At the siege of Badajos, General Picton distinguished bimself in a peculiar man- ner; he was directed to make a feigned attack on a castie which commanded, in a certain de- gree, the ramparts of the fortress; but he very soon perceived the practicability of taking this castle; and, therefore, with a decision peculiar to his character, he converted the feigned into a real attack, and hoisted the British flag on the wall of the castle, to the equal surprise and joy of the army : and to this bold manoeuvre was the reduction of the fortress principally owing. Previous to the battle of Salamanca, General Picton became so ill as to be obliged to resign, for a time, the command of his division, which, on that day, was entrusted by Lord Wellington to the care of the late gallant Sir Edward Pa- kenham, who bravely led it into vietory. Before the battle of Vittoria, Picton was sufficiently re- covered to resume the command; and, in that bat- tle, his division acted in a manner which ex- cited at once the surprise and admiration of the whole army. For nearly four hours did it alone sustain the unequal conflict, opposed to a vast su- periority of force. From the mature of the ground the rest of the army became witnesses to this animating scene; they beheld, with feelings more easily conceived than expressed, the truly heroic efforts of this gallant band; they saw the general calm, collected, and determined, leading them on in the face of danger, and amidst a shower of cannon and musket-balls. Nothing could appal, nothing could resist men so resolute and so led ; they subdued every obstacle, bore down all opposition, and spread death, consterna- tion, and dismay through the enemy's ranks. The army and the ceuntry did him justice, though his services on this occasion were isot fully appre- ciated, either in the dispatches of the commander- in-chief, or in the subsequent regulations of the government. General Picton continued with this army; was engaged at the battles of the Pyrenees and of Tou- House, and did not quit it till nothing remained to be done. At the close of the war, rewards were dis- - -i- tributed, though with an unequal and an undis- criminating hand, to the general officers who had distinguished themselves during its continuance. By a strange departure from custom, seniority obtained the preference. Some were promoted to a peerage, who had no opportunities of distinguish- ing themselves, and who had acquired no distinc- tion ; while General Picton, who had rendered the most signal services, who had gained the noblest distinction, was left untitled and unbonored; for the only title which he enjoyed he received after the capture of Badajos. That be would have graced the peerage no one can doubt; that he was not raised to it was a subject of astonish- ment to every one. The coloneley, however, of the 12th regiment of foot, being before become vacant by the death of his uncle, General Pic- ton, it was given, not to him, indeed, for an of. ficer of more distinguished merit, of greater ex- perience, and of longer service—a relative of the regent's friend, Lord Moira, claimed and re- ceived the appointed merit; but he was recom- mended by his royal-highness the commander-in- chief, who knows how to feel, to appreciate, and to reward merit, to the prince for the colonelcy of the 77th regiment, vacated by the other ap- pointment. º When the present war broke out, in consequence of Bonaparte's escape from Elba and return to France, a command was offered to General Pic- ton in the Duke of Wellington's army, by the secretary at war. But the general declined it, in the supposition that, from the appointment of the duke to be generalissimo of the combined ar- mies, in the Netherlands, he would himself be placed under the command of some other officer; at the same time, he declared his readiness to go, provided the Duke of Wellington himself should express a wish to have him. Soon after, the duke signified his earnest desire to have General Picton with him; the general, accordingly, went, with a full conviction on his mind that he should never teturn. In the battle of the 16th of June, in which he was opposed to Ney, with a very inferior force, and wholly destitute of artil- lery, he sustained a most unequal contest during the greater part of the day; and, though he ne- cessarily suffered much, from the repeated attacks of a superior force, he gallantly maintained his ground. It was in this action that he received the wound from a nausket-ball, which he conceal- ed most studiously from all but his own servant, who dressed it as well as he could, and who had positive injunctions not to reveal it to any one. The general knew that this was only a prelude to a decisive battle which must soon take place, and at which he was resolved to be present. On the 18th of June, at the ever-memorable battle of Waterloo, the division of Pictou, and its brave commander, so long the terror of the OF THE PRENCH REVOLUTION. 1477 French, nobly sustained the character it had so dearly earned. It was placed, purposely, by the discerning eye of the Duke of Wellington, in a most important position, which it defended against every attack of the enemy. It was in repelling one of these attacks, on which the fate of that eventful day materially depended, that General Picton received a cannon-ball in the breast, which instantly terminated his glorious career, and stretched him a lifeless corpse on the field of victory. Thus did one of the best and bravest officers in the British service meet the death he courted, in the 58th year of his age, and 44th of his service. To pourtray the military charac- ter of this distinguished officer, to trace its pe- culiar features, and to mark its particular excel- lencies, far exceed the ability of the feeble hand that has sketched this brief memoir. His private character combined all that was amiable with all that was magnanimous; kind, benevolent, and humane, his soul revolted alike from every thing that was unjust, and every thing that was cruel and oppressive. In his friendship he was ardent, sincere, and constant ; his charity was extensive; his generosity knew no bounds but his ability; merit and distress never sued to him in vain. He was always more º, confer than willing to receive obligations. During the prosecution in- stituted against him in England, the inhabitants of Trinidad, anxious to manifest their esteem for his character, and to display their sense of his meritorious conduct as their governor, assembled and voted him a sum of five thousand pounds sterling. It was with the utmost difficulty that a friend, whom he consulted on the subject, could prevail on him to accept this tribute of gratitude; and a fire having consumed Port D’Espagne -& -** some time after, the general, with an eagerness Book xy. that evinced his uneasiness under the weight of obligation, instantly subscribed the five thousand pounds towards the relief of the sufferers. After his death, his aid-de-camp, Captain Ty- ler, conveyed his body to Brussels, preparatory to his intended interment in that city; but the Duke of Wellington, under whom General Pic- ton, had long fought and bled, ordered Captain Tyler to convey it to England, to be buried by the government in Westminster-abbey. But dif. ficulties were raised; the ministers searched for precedents, but could not find any, and had not the resolution to make one. They need not have feared that every year would have supplied a Picton ; and, if it had, they might surely have conjectured that the public would not have grudged the expense of his funeral. So it was, however; and the warmth of sentimental gene. rosity was chilled by the cold dull forms of office. The remains of General Picton, therefore, were consigned to a family-vault at Bayswater; and were attended to their last home by a long train of mournful friends. Even the request of the Duke of Wellington would, it was imagined, have been amply sufficient to justify the ministers in al- lotting a place to his departed colleague in a public repository for the bones of heroes and of sages. The man who gained the battle of Waterloo, and de- cided the fate of a kingdom, ought surely to have commanded a compliance with his request, even were it unreasonable ; and a precedent, sanction- ed by his name, would never have been called in question by the country : but where his request was only to do honor to the memory of an officer who had done honor to his country—to anticipate a refusal was impossible—to receive it revolting. CHAP. X. vºvº 1815. 1478 HISTORY OF THE WARS BOOK XVI. CHAP. I. v_s^^_/ 1815. BOOK XVI. CHAPTER I. •Arrival of Bonaparte at Paris–State of Parties there.—Council of Ministers.—Interesting Con- versation.—Proceedings of the two Chambers.--Abdication of Napoleon.—His Address to the French Nation.—Debates in the Chambers.-Provisional Government appointed.—Napoleon II. proclaimed.—Deputation sent to solicit Peace from the allied Armies. BonAPARTE, after his flight from Charleroy, on the 19th of June, proceeded rapidly on his way to Paris; where he arrived about nine o'clock in the evening of the 20th. During his ab- sence, the different parties into which the mi- nistry and chambers were divided had not been idle; but as long as Napoleon was at the head of the armies, they found it impossible to accomplish any thing prejudicial to his interests. \ Fouche appeared to be at the head of one of the parties. Another party wished the Duke of Orleans to be at the head of the government. A considerable number were attached to the prin- ciples of La Fayette, and desired a republican form of government. There were very few roy- alists in either chamber. The majority of the chambers, however, were certainly not friendly to Bonaparte, and were only waiting to know the event of the campaign, in order, to shew them- selves. Bonaparte, before he joined the army, had diligently watched the formation and designs of these parties, and had had several conferences with his brother Lucien and some friends, res- pecting the measures that would be advisable to adopt in case he should meet with any disasters in the field; but nothing was finally determined upon, although Lucien was of opinion, that if the emperor was unfortunate, he should make use of his constitutional privilege and dissolve the chambers, and thereby deprive his enemies of the ower of injuring him. The inhabitants of Paris had passed two days in painful surmise and trembling expectation; but, in the afternoon of the 20th, it began to be whispered that affairs were not going on well, and that the army had sustained some terrible disasters. Every one hastened towards the Thuilleries, anxiously enquiring what was the news. The most alarming reports were circu- lated, and the whole city was in the utmost confusion. Late in , the evening, three car- riages, covered with dust, entered the courts of the palace of the Elysée, and the gates were immediately closed behind them. The crowd pressed forward to see who were in them. General Drouet descended from the first, and advancing to a friend that stood by, took him by the hand and said, “we are all done for l’” The third carriage now drew up, in which was Na- poleon. He alighted, and rushing up the stairs, entered the apartments of the palace, without speaking a word, or looking at a single person. As he approached the door of the saloon he sud- denly stopped, and casting a look of anguish on Drouet, exclaimed, “Dishonored disgraced : ” He then threw himself on a sofa, and rising again, he entered his cabinet. Having taken some refreshment, which was a little soup, he or- dered his secretary, M. St. Didier, to write to the Duke of Bassano (Maret.) and to the Count Regnault de St. Jean D'Angeley, requiring their immediate presence. . He again threw himself in his clothes on the sofa, and ordering one of his pages to wake him as soon as the ministers ar- rived, fell asleep. In the interval, an interesting interview took place between M. St. Didier and General Drouet, during which Drouet gave St. Didier the following particulars of the battle of Waterloo:— r “After the first advantages, at Charleroy,” said the general, “ and the brilliant affair of Fleurus, we lost every thing, from two evident of the FRENch REvolution. 1479 **. -*- **** *m-...-- causes, to which a third might be added, which was more strongly felt, but not so well proved. The first of these causes is the inflexibility of the emperor, who, at the end of two days of victory, was desirous of astonishing the world, of giving confidence to France, and spreading consterna- tion over Europe, by a third decisive triumph. This was a sublime but frantic project, which must necessarily enthrone the conqueror in the opinion of the world, or, if vanquished, lead him to a scaffold:—a project which was seen into by the "prudent Wellington, and which he discon- certed by leading on its heroic and extravagant author to the very gulf in which his power, his influence, and almost his very glory, were to ex- pire. In reality, the third battle, which we call the battle of Mount St. Jean, from the name of the village which was the principal scene of action, and which the enemy will call the battle of Wa- terloo, from another village occupied by the English, or that of La Belle Alliance, from the name of a castle which was occupied as the head-quarters of Blucher:—this third action, after balancing the victory by turns, which made it, (if I may use the expression) fly backward and forward from the French colours to those of the allies, from noon till eight in the evening, has demonstrated how the negative quality, patience, could disconcert the combinations of a rash and impetuous general. Here then is the second cause of our defeat. The prudent conqueror of Salamanca, of Thoulouse, of Vittoria, by a ma- noeuvre worthy his immortal genius (though it was purchased with the loss of some of his choicest troops.) constrained the fiery victor of the Pyramids, of Marengo, of Austerlitz, of Fried- land, of Jena, to lower his humbled laurels be- fore those whom he had so often vanquished. I shall attribute the third cause of our defeat to intrigue, to corruption, to treason. These, united together, have produced mistrust, misintelligence, fear, and disorder. History will search into these sources, which I can but point out; but to which the allies (whose bravery I am neverthe- less very ready to admit), and above all the pri- vate enemies and the personal competitor of Bo- naparte, undoubtedly owe their success. Let them make haste to secure their triumph, and to make the best use of their victory, for the lion is not dead, but only wounded.” When the ministers arrived, and Napoleon awaked, the night was far advanced. As the se- cretary placed himself at the table, to take notes of the proceedings, Napoleon remarked his pale- ness and agitation. “What!” said he, “Drouet has been informing you of the affair. An evil which may be repaired is not a great one, and, even if it were irreparable, we should submit with becoming resignation. Sit down and write.” 101. The bulletin of the battle of Mount St. Jean Book. XVI. was now drawn up. Napoleon dictated the greater Part of it, and then gave it to Regnault to correct. The emperor now paced the room with rapid strides, biting his nails, and taking snuff every moment. The correction of the bulletin was finished. Maret had a cold and reserved air; Reg- nault was more affected. He stood at the table, unconsciously drawing lines with his pencil on the bulletin which lay before him. Now and then he raised his eyes, and regarded Napoleon with a . look of anxiety, pity, and affection. The emperor continued to pace the room with more rapid steps; at length he suddenly stopped. “Wellſ this bul- letin ** he exclaimed. “Here it is corrected,” answered the count. * Let us see,” said the emperor. Regnault began to read it. The emperor fre- quently interrupted him. “It was gained! it was gained 1 The victory was mine.” When the bulletin was concluded, he added, with a sigh, “It is lost and with it my glory.” Count Regnault.—“You can oppose fifty vic- tories against one defeat.” The Duke of Bassano.—“This defeat is deci- sive ; the emperor is right.” The Emperor.—“They are not accustomed to conquer; they will abuse their victory.” he Duke.—“ Those to whose cowardice Wellington's bravery has given a triumph, are more your enemies than the English and Prus- sians.” The Count.—“ The republicans will lament, but they will endeavour to profit from the circum- stance.” The Emperor.—“They will do well; at least, the glory and liberty of the country will remain untouched. If the royalists should prevail, it is only from their being supported by the strangers.” The Duke.—“ The courage of the royalists is in the head of Wellington and in the arm of Blucher.” The Count.—“That which is most pressing is to stop Wellington and Blucher.” . The Duke.—“How? the army no longer exists, and the frontier is uncovered.” The Count.—“The frontier is uncovered, but the army exists; nothing more is requisite than to rally it.” he Emperor.—“ The army will rally of itself; we must re-organise it, and repair its losses.” The Duke.—“Can Soult and Grouchy?” The Emperor.—“Grouchy is an honest but weak man; Soult has given pledges.” The Count.—“The army will re-organize itself, but the brigades are iºlete." I you depend on Marshals CHAP. H. Jºvº-V 1815. 1480 History of THE wars BOOK XVI. CHAP. I. ~~~~ 1 815. *:-" The Emperor.—“Let the ministers be con- voked forthwith. I wish the chambers to be made acquainted with every thing this very night.” The Duke.—“The parties are about to put themselves in motion.” i The Count.—“ The parties, in motion for a considerable time past, are about to recognise each other, to measure their strength, and to make attempts.” The Emperor.—“So much the better : their masks will fall off, and the public will know them; as for me, I have long since.—Call the ministers. A report must be drawn up :-the truth must be told. If all patriotism, if all honor, be not dead, will the chambers refuse me men and money?” The Duke—“They will speak of sparing the º and the engine, when the house is on re.” t The Count.—“A dictatorship has been foolishly objected to. It is the measure which, at this day, would save every thing.” The Emperor.—“I have commenced a consti- tutional monarchy.—Convoke the ministers.” The Duke.—“No dictatorship ! but at the same time no indignities!—If we are attacked we will defend ourselves.” The Emperor—“Ah, my old-guard ' will they defend themselves like thee?” Regnault now took his leave, but Maret re- mained with the emperor, who, notwithstanding his fatigue, gave audience to Cambacéres, Decrés, - Caulincourt, and the two Carnots, who hastened to him as soon as they heard of his arrival, and eagerly proffered their services. The dictatorship was again discussed. Some of the ministers were of opinion that something should immediately be done, and urged Napoleon to dissolve the cham- bers, and proclaim himself dictator. His brother Lucien insisted upon the measure, as indispensa- bly necessary, as he knew the parties would set themselves to work, the moment they heard of the extent of the disasters, to overturn the throne; but Napoleon would not consent. The danger of the chambers proceeding to extre- mities against him, and even depriving him of the crown, was hinted. To this he would not listen for a moment. He affirmed that the thing was impossible; and that they could not so soon forget the oath which they had taken to him. At all events, the truth should be fairly told them; he would put their fidelity and pa- triotism to the test, and he did not doubt that he should afterwards be able to foil, any attempt which they might make against him. In the mean time the chambers met. Anxiety and fear sat on every countenance. The funds sunk five per cent. M. de la Fayette being made acquainted with what was agitating at the palace, repaired immediately to the chamber of repre- —r- —t- sentatives; and the president having taken the chair, he mounted the tribune. “Gentlemen,” said he, “for the first time, dur- ing many years, you hear a voice which the old friends of liberty may yet recognize. The country is in danger, and you alone can save it. “The sinister reports which have been circu- lated during the last two days are unhappily con- firmed. This is the moment to rally round the national colours—the tri-coloured standard of 1789,-the standard of liberty, equality, and pub- lic order. It is you alone who can now protect the country from foreign attacks and internal dissentions. It is you alone who can secure the independence and the honor of France. “Allow a veteran in the sacred cause of free- dom, and a stranger to the spirit of faction, to submit to you some resolutions, which the dan- gers of the present crisis demand. I am assured that you will feel the necessity of adopting them: “Art. I. The chamber declares that the inde- pendence of the nation is menaced. II. “The chamber declares its sittings perma- nent. All attempts to dissolve it shall be consi- dered high-treason. Whosoever shall render himself culpable of such an attempt shall be con- sidered a traitor to his country, and condemned as such. f. III. “The army of the line and the national- guards who have fought, and still fight, for the liberty, the independence, and the territory of France, have merited well of the ceuntry. IV. “ The minister of the interior is invited to assemble the principal officers of the Parisian national-guard, in order to consult on the means of providing it with arms, and of completing this corps of citizens, whose tried patriotism and zeal offer a sure guarantee for the liberty, prosperity, and tranquillity of the capital, and for the in- violability of the national representatives. V. “The minister of war, of foreign affairs, of police, and of the interior, are invited to repair to the hall of the assembly.” These propositions were adopted without delay. “In a few moments, gentlemen,” said a member, “ the chamber might be dissolved.” The reso- lutions were then transmitted to the house of peers, and directed to be circulated through all the departments. In the house of peers, Carnot, the minister of the interior, appeared with a message from the emperor, informing them, that upon his arrival the emperor had “convoked a council of minis- ters;” that after having destroyed the elite of the Prussian army at Fleurus, the army had fought a great battle “ two days after,” within four leagues of Brussels; that the allied army had been “beaten throughout the day, and six English standards taken.” That the day was decided, when, upon the proach of night, “ some disaffected per- OF THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 1481 ------ --- sons spread an alarm,” which the presence of his majesty could not recover; the consequences of which had been, “disasters which could not be ar- rested.” That the army was assembling under the walls of Avesnes and Philippeville; and, in short, that his majesty had returned to Paris, to confer with his ministers, in order to supply the army with materiel, and to consult the chambers about what measures were necessary in the present emergency. At this moment, the message from the house of representatives was received, which was immediately read. Silence succeeded the reading of this last message. Thibadeau proposed a secret committee to consider the message. La- tour Maubourg insisted that it should be public. After some discussion, wherein Boissy d’Anglas stated, that it was absurd, “when the country was in danger, and the national independence me- inaced,” to delay business by attending to forms, “applicable only to ordinary times;” it was re- solved to take the message into immediate consi- deration. Resolutions, similar to those voted in the other house, were immediately agreed to. Count Regnault St. Jean d'Angeley having been sent with a message from the emperor to the chamber of representatives, similar to that sent to the other house, informed them, that just as he left the council, a Moniteur, con- taining the bulletin of the battle, was put into his hands, “Read the bulletin,” exclaimed some of the members; but this was decided against, as being an indirect way of obtaining that informa- tion from the ministers which they were to de- mand from the ministers. Time passing, and the ministers not making their appearance, great im- patience was expressed on that account. A mem- ber moved that the chiefs of the national-guard be sent for, and that it be armed, and that the mi- misters should, a second time, be invited, (com- manded, commanded, cried several members,) to repair to the hall. A second message was sent;- “Had your first message commanded them,” said a member, “you would have been obeyed.” It was then proposed to appoint a commander to the national-guard, but which was negatived by a call for the order of the day. It was pro- posed to suspend the sitting, “ No! no!” exclaimed the members. At length the minis- ters appeared, and Davoust, as minister-of-war, informed them that it was reported, by “dis. affected persons,” that the emperor had direct- ed him to march a body of troops to surround the assembly. He assured them that it was false, and that the account proceeded from the same source as that which asserted that General Tra- vot was returned from La Vendée to Paris. This aecount quieted their fears, and was received with applauses. Thus terminated the meetings on the first day =s*-sº * * after the accounts of the battle of Waterloo had BOOK XVI, reached them. These, however, were only the public acts. In secret there were springs in mo- tion which were to produce still more extraordi- nary and important deliberations and events. Meanwhile, the citizens of Paris anxiously awaited the result of the impending struggle; and vast numbers assembled on the walls, on the quays, and on the Boulevards. The whole popu- lation of the suburbs was in motion, and as they were known to be in the interest of Bonaparte, a violent commotion was expected. The chambers, however, had taken the necessary precaution of assembling the national-guards, under General Turosnel, who immediately adopted measures for preventing any tumult in the capital. On the evening of the 21st, the following order of the day was issued by the general to the national- guards. “Weighty circumstances require active service on the part of the national-guard. The lieu- tenant-general, second in command, trusts that it will display that character of wisdom and firm- ness which it has manifested at all times, by pre- venting agitators from disturbing, under any pre- text, the tranquillity of the capital, at the moment when the chambers are deliberating on the means of saving the country, and it is necessary that their deliberations should be calm; in conse- quence, the posts of the national-guard there shall be doubled, and the service shall last there for twenty-four hours, as at all the other posts. “The chiefs of legion will hold in reserve, in every district of mayoralty, fifty men, commanded by a captain, ready to proceed wherever they may be required, and furnish patroles, day and night, destined to disperse all groupes whatever: the na- tional-guard will recollect how much this service, performed with zeal and intelligence, has con- tributed, at critical moments, to prevent the eala- mities which could not fail to result from the shock of parties. * “The members of the national-guard are also invited not to quit their uniforms when employed about their own affairs; they know that this, with- out fatiguing them, has the advantageous effect of exhibiting the guard every where in readiness to repress disorder, and to collect promptly a force sufficient to put down mischief. “All the general posts must send out patroles day and night to secure tranquillity, dissipate as- semblages, and arrest agitators. “The lieutenant-general, second in command, confides to the zeal and patriotism of the national- guards the execution of all these measures. (Signed) “ Count DURosNEL.” We shall now return to the proceedings at the palace. Soon after the departure of Count Reg- CHAP. I. 1815. 1482 HISTORY OF THE WARS BOOK XVI. CHAP. i. Jºvº-2 1815. *— -ºr --- --sº-sº- nault St. Jean d’Angeley, Fouche arrived, and professed his deep regret at the events that had occurred, and his unshaken fidelity and affection. He tried to calm the agitation of the emperor; and assured him the evil was not irremediable. He asserted that the parties were tranquil, and meditated no design against his person or autho- rity, and that he might confidently rely on their zealous co-operation in re-organizing the army and defending the country. He therefore op- posed the dismissal of the chambers, and the as- sumption of the dictatorship, as measures which were perfectly unnecessary, and which would occasion much dissatisfaction and disgust. Bo- naparte very much doubted these assertions of Fouche; but having expressed his determination to adhere to the forms of the constitution, and to respect the existence and privileges of the cham- bers, he rather abruptly dismissed the minister. He, however, appointed a meeting of the council at eight o'clock, when the state of the public feeling might be discussed, and the necessary measures adopted. It appears that the object of Fouche, in this business, was to gain time; and to accomplish this it was necessary to delude and impose upon Bonaparte, by a false report of the state of parties. Bonaparte, however, had re- ceived a correct report of the proceedings of the different parties during his absence, and of their present intentions and strength, from an agent of the private police which he had himself esta- blished. . When Fouche was gone, he mused a little, and then exclaimed, “Everything is, accord- ing to him, tranquil, and, I have only to speak to obtain all that I can desire. Which then is right, this report or he? Ah ! Fouche is a traitor: I have long suspected, long known him. I will, I must believe this report, which accords so well with what I anticipate, and which has never de- ceived me.” The Princess Hortensia was next introduced to him, and remained in conversation with him a considerable time. She had always been a particular favorite with Bonaparte, and i. supposed to have considerable interest with III.], At eight o'clock the ministers again assembled in council. Napoleon having joined them, the question of the dictatorship was resumed. Lu- cien said, it was the only means of averting from his brother the disgrace which his enemies were preparing, and would also save the country. This, however, was opposed by Fouche and Car- not. Count Regnault supported it, and Decres and Davoust were inclined to the same opinion; but the resolutions of the chambers having now reached them, with a summons from the repre- sentatives, requiring the attendance of the minis- ters, the council broke up without coming to any determination. -º-º: In the evening, an extraordinary meeting took lace at the palace, composed of the ministers fing departments; the ministers of state; the president, and four members, of the chamber of peers; the president, and four vice-presidents, of the representatives; the heads of the civil and military authorities of Paris, and some state- councillors, peers, representatives, and citizens, who were invited by Napoleon. On the arrival of the emperor, who was at- tended by his brothers, all the assembly rose. He saluted them respectfully, after which the members re-seated themselves, and a profound si- lence succeeded. At length Napoleon attempted to speak. He was pale and agitated, and evi- dently laboured under much distress. At first he spoke in a low and almost unintelligible tone, and his sentences were imperfect and disjointed: but by degrees he became calm, and master of him- self. He acknowledged the full extent of the disasters which the army had experienced, and confessed that he had now no resource but in the affection, fidelity, and zeal of his people. He therefore intreated the advice of the assembly as to the measures which it was necessary to adopt. Count Regnault then addressed the assembly in a long speech. “The glory of France,” said he, “is in the army. Her honor depends on the restoration of our losses. Her liberty and inde- pendence are connected with the strength of her defenders. The safety of the country consists in their number, their discipline, and their exploits. A great reverse is to great souls but a salutary warning. Let us turn to the triumph of principles, that misfortune which at first sight may appear to compromise them. If victory has ceased to crown our standards, are there not other palms besides those which are sprinkled with blood. The olive of peace may still flourish upon our menaced frontiers; but that it may bear perma- ment fruit it must be planted by heroic hands. Already does the army rally; but our astonished eagle, afflicted at the absence of its defenders, de- mands that we should fill up those glorious va- cancies which unheard-of sacrifices have made in their ranks. Will you refuse to recruit with heroes this heroic army? By enlarging its battalions, or, at least, by filling them up with devoted men, you will second the public enthusiasm—you will crown the wishes of the nation. Far, however, be from us the desire of revenge. The only conquest for which we fight is that of peace; but in order that we may not be compelled to beg it on our knees, it is necessary that the number of our soldiers should correspond with their courage. A nation defeated, but which never will be utterly van- quished, should not present the reed of peace, but when leaning upon the massive club of her combats. I conclude with moving, that the OF THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 1483 chambers make an appeal to French valor, whilst the emperor is treating of peace in the most steady and dignified manner.” La Fayette next rose, and spoke as follows:– “In love for my country, and ardent wishes to save it from the dangers which threaten to over- whelm it, I will not yield to the last speaker. The sincerity of his patriotism I am not disposed to doubt; but it is with pain that I am compelled to say, that the measures which he proposes would hasten and aggravate the calamities that we ail deprecate. The fine army with which our north- ern frontiers were covered is no more. It can oppose no effectual resistance to the hordes of foreigners who have already passed our borders, and whose course is marked with devastation and blood. It is under the walls of Paris alone that our scattered troops will be able to unite, and dispute with the enemy the possession of the ca- pital of the empire. * “Of the issue of the contest I should not be doubtful. At the voice of their government, and to defend the liberty, the integrity, and the inde- pendence of his country, every Frenchman would fly to arms, and the invaders would be chased from our soil with sad discomfiture. But though the triumph would be certain, the contest would be long and dreadful. Our fruitful fields would be laid waste, and our rivers run with blood. Is it necessary to expose our country to these calamities 3 Is it necessary to fill it with wi- dows and orphans? Are there no means by which peace may be obtained without compromis- ing our honor 3 “The last speaker has proposed that pacific overtures should be made to the allies; that while an appeal is made to French valor, the emperor should treat for peace in the Ihost dignified man- ner. But with what prospect of success will he, or can he, treat? Have not our enemies pledged themselves to a line of conduct which, adopted when the issue of the contest was uncertain, and while all France appeared to have rallied round the emperor of their choice, will not be readily abandoned now that victory has clowned their ef- forts & “Mingled sentiments of affection and respect prevent me from being more explicit. There is but one measure which can save the country, and if the ministers of the emperor will not advise him to adopt it, his great soul will reveal it to him.” This speech was received with much disappro- bation by those attached to the court, but was ap- plauded by many of the opposite party. Bona- e received it with a smile of disdain. The Duke of Bassano, in expressing his in- dignation, proposed that all who for twelve years had made parts of different factions, and whose 101. common object was the dethronement of Napoleon, should be placed under the surveillance of a more severe police. “Cause those chiefs to be unished,” said he, “who from Paris, fºom La Vendée, from Lisle, from Toulouse, from Mar- seilles, and from Bourdeaux, feed the hopes of the court of Ghent, and the animosity of Europe, which they have determined to unite in one co- alition. Exclude their accomplices of greatest influence from public functions. Watch over the inferior agents with more strictness, and you will have produced the double effect, of disconcert- ing the foreign enemy, and of strengthening the government and its friends. Had this measure been adopted, a person who now hears me, and who well understands me, would not smile at the misfortunes of the country, and Wellington would not be marching to Paris.” Violent, murmurs from the opposition-party followed this insinuation; and, although the duke attempted to explain what he said, they would not hear him. The discussion continued several hours, during which Count Larijuinais and M. Constant supported the sentiments of M. La Fayette. At the close, Carnot, at the suggestion of Bonaparte, addressed the assembly, in which he earnestly deprecated violent measures; aud to conciliate "all parties, he concluded with moving that the chambers should be invited to treat wit the allied sovereigns, through an embassy of their own choosing, and that the ministers should pro- pose a law for the raising of men and money. The assembly afterwards broke up, although no one appeared satisfied. - * It is now necessary to return to the proceedings of the two chambers. After a night spent in suspense and fear, the members assembled early next morning. Their deliberations were stormy and important. We can only give here a very brief recapitulation of their most prominent fea- tures. The discussions commenced even before the arrival of the president. M. Badoch, one of the secretaries, was in his place. It was pro- posed by Grenier, in the name of an extraordinary committee, that the safety of the country requir. ed that the emperor should consent to the nomi- nation, by the two chambers, of a commission charged to negotiate directly with the coalesced powers, upon conditions of respecting the national independence and integrity, which belongs to every nation, of choosing such a form of govern- ment as they may approve; and, at the same time, to support these negotiations by the prompt deve- lopement of all the national force. Further, that measures should be taken to procure men, horses, and money, and repress the enemies of the inte- rior. “The former proposition,” continued Gre- nier, “is the most urgent. Indeed, if we do not stop the progress of the enemy, by a respectable -: BOOK XVI CHAP. I. Jºvº-V 1815. | 484 fHISTORY OF TH E WARS Book XVI. force, before eight days the capital may again be CuAP. I. KL-N-2 1815. 2” menaced.” It was then moved that the chamber resolve itself into a secret committee, which was overruled. The president then appeared, and Badoch resigned the seat to him. M. Leyrand then ascended the tribune, and stated that they were now asked by what means they could save the country. “The result of the late events,” said he, “bave torn all hearts. If we calculate the strength of the enemies’ arms, the imagina- tion must doubtless be alarmed.” Murmurs here interrupted the speaker—the vote was called for— order was restored, when a member declared that they possessed the courage and wish to be free, and would all perish rather than forfeit their independence. M. Crochon thought measures necessary to procure means for supporting the war; while negotiations for obtaining peace should also be set on foot. He then proposed, that the assembly should issue a declaration, stating that the “French nation renounced for ever all desire of conquest, and all offensive and ambitious war. She would never again take up arms but for the defence of her territory, to avenge the outrages committed against her dignity, if she cannot ob- tain reparation by means of negotiation, or for the defence of an ally unjustly attacked.” Similar declarations had been issued by France during twenty-five years without being observed—in fact, her territory—her honor—her allies, meant what- ever the ruling government pleased. Crochon also proposed to declare, that five commissioners, two from the house of peers, and three from their body, should be sent to the allies to negotiate a peace.” On this proposition the order of the day was called for, when M. Duchesme came forward and said, that he could not see that these propositions could be attended with the desired effect. The disasters, he said, were, no doubt, great, as was argued by the presence of the chief of their ar- mies, in the capital at that moment—he intimated that if there were no bounds to the energies of the nation, there were limits to its means. He denied what some had asserted, and most people believed, that the means of France were equal to what these were in 1792. He said, that they had been called upon to imitate the Spaniards in their conduct—but contended, that their present situation was different from theirs. Here mur- murs interrupted the speaker. M., Duchesme continued to point out that they could expect no favorable issue to negotiations, as the allies had expressly declared that they would listen to no overtures while Napoleon was at their head. The president then aeclared that the assembly would soon receive from the emperor a message which would meet all its wishes. It was, in the interim, proposed to form themselves into separate bureaua. No! no! exelaimed many members, —we must not separate. M. Durbach said, “there is no middle course—we must pro- ceed.” M. Durbach continued: “Circum- stances may again lead victorious armies to the capital, and then, under their auspices, will re- appear that ancient family. (Never ! never ! cried several members with earnestness.) I freely express my opinions,” continued Durbach, “what may be the consequences of these events? We have only one resolution left, which is to engage the emperor, in the name and safety of the state, in the sacred name of a suffering country, to declare his abdication.” The motion is seconded ! exclaimed several voices, amidst expressions of impatience. “Yes,” said General Solignac, “we ought to consider the safety of the empire. I move that a deputation of five mem- bers be appointed to proceed to the emperor, which deputation shall express to his majest the urgency of his decision. It was again º that a satisfactory message would soon be received from the emperor. The sitting, after some difficulty, was suspended for an hour. Almost immediately after this, Davoust entered; and the president having re- sumed his seat, the former communicated to them some advices from the army: such as, that 20,000 men must have been assembled at Avesnes, and that 5,000 more had been armed from some waggons which had been found on the road : that, on the 20th, Soult had rallied at Rocroy 2,000 troops of the Cld guard, and some other detach- ments. That Grouchy, on the 18th, had beat the Prussian army, and had nearly 40,000 men with him. This force, said he, leaves 60,000 men on the line of the north; and he could immediately send 10,000 more, with 200 pieces of cannon. He called upon the chambers to adopt vigorous measures against an enemy who had proved that he “ did not always keep his promises with fide- lity.” A member, however, rather abruptly, put the question to the war-minister, if the enemy had not light troops in the neighbourhood of La Fere. “Davoust declared, upon his honor, that all these reports were false.” ~. While these important deliberations were going on in the chambers, equally important were taking place at the Elysée palace, where Bonaparte was. He had passed a sorrowful night. His friends were in terror and consternation. His ministers consulted only their own safety, their own ambi- tion, and desire of power. After the breaking up of the council on the pre- ceding evening, the ministers remained at the pa- lace, and many of them urged his voluntary ab- dication. They endeavoured to convince him of tle impossibility of resisting the progress of the allied armies; and also of the determination of the allied sovereigns never to treat with him, or to sheath the sword, while he continued on the OF THE FRENCH REVOLUTION, 1485 -...-e-º"--------------------- ****-- throne. After reminding him of their former fidelity, &c. they stated that they had a sacred duty to their country to discharge, and were com- pelled no longer to conceal that he formed the only - obstacle to the salvation and happiness of France. They described the glory which would attach to a sacrifice so great and so noble. Notwitlistand- ing a great many arguments of this sort that were adduced, Napoleon would not listen to the pro- position. At length, after the whole night had passed in discussion, he promised that if the ne- gociations of the chamber failed, he would make the sacrifice required. He then retired to his cabinet, where he awaited, in the most anxious suspense, the proceedings of the chambers. During the day, some of his mi- uisters and counsellors of state entered the apart- ment. About noon Prince Lucien arrived. He had all along opposed the abdication of his bro- ther, and advised the dissolution of the chambers, in which he was supported by Bertrand. Having heard of the tumultuous debates in the chamber of representatives that morning, and of the in- tentions of the majority of the members, he now came to make one last effort before it was too late. As soon as Napoleon saw him he guessed the pur- ort of his visit, and turning pale, he went with }. brother into the garden. The prince drew the emperor aside into the desert walk in the $. that their conversation might be private. apoleon's secretary, M. St. Didier, followed at a distance by turnings which he knew, and ar- rived behind a thicket of verdure which concealed him from them. The first part of their conver- sation is unknown ; but M. St. Lidier heard the concluding part, which he relates as follows:– Prince Lucien.—“Where is your firmness now % Abandon this resolution. You know the conse- uence of not having the courage to dare.” The Emperor.—“I have dared too much.” The Prince.—“Yes, too much, and too little. Dare once again. You deliberate when it is proper you should act. Others are acting and not deliberating; they will pronounce your for- feiture.” The Emperor.—“Forfeiture ! Let us see Da- voust.” They returned into the palace, and the Prince of Eckmuhl was sent for. I am not certain what was proposed to him, nor what he replied; but it appeared that he would attempt nothing against the independence of the national representation. Prince Lucien, much agitated, soon drove off in his carriage. I heard him say to his secretary, “What can I say to you? the smoke of Mount St. Jean has turned his head.” The emperor shut himself hermetically in a re- tired cabinet, and did not come out for an hour. He had asked for a jelly and coffee, and a valet- de-chambre sent it into him by a boy, who, during - --- - - - --- - --- - - -—r --------— his service in the palace, had been particularly noticed by Napoleon, and of whom he seemed very fond. The boy looked seriously at the en- peror, who was sitting motionless, with his hands over his eyes.—“Eat some,” said the boy, “it will do you good.” The emperor asked, “Are you not from Gonesse *—“No, sire; I come from Pierre Fite.”—“And your parents have a cottage and some acres there?”—“Yes, sire.”— “That is a happy life l’—His head, which he had for a moment raised, he then sunk again upon his hands. Napoleon soon after returned to his great ca- binet, where he found me opening a dispatch. “Is there any thing new there ?” said the em- peror. “It contains a letter addressed to his ma- jesty himself.” Bonaparte read what follows:– “The chastisement of a hero consists in his fall. Yours is resolved on, and in order that his- tory may consider it as legal as your cotemporaries will believe it just, the public authority is about to pronounce it. Your accomplices will not then have it in their power to describe it as the work of the bayonets of Kalmucks. You may, however, prevent this. Take to yourself the honor of des- cending from a throne from which you may be dragged. This is advice of a candid enemy, who has often admired you, who never feared you; and who, at the price of his blood, would have wished to have had to revere in you the saviour of that world of which you have been the scourge. That enemy cannot leave him whom his genius and the national will have raised to sovereignty, without saying to him what his friends, if any yet remain to him, ought to say—Abdicate.” - That I should abdicate 3 biting his lips, and crushing the letter in his hand. What think you of it? said he to two of the ministers, the Duke of Bassano and Regnault St. Jean d’Angeley, who had just entered—the former was silent. “I un- derstand you,” said Napoleon, affecting gaiety, “ you agree with the anonymous writer. Well, Count Regnault, what is your opinion ?”—“With men and money you might still repel the attacks of your assailants; but, without them, what can you do but yield?”—“I am able to resist.”— * Public opinion is with the chambers, and it is the opinion of the chambers that a sacrifice is re- quired.” Here General Solignac, member of the cham- ber of deputies, was announced. “Solignacl” ex- claimed the emperor—“he has not spoke to me these five years, what can he want?”—The minis- ters withdrew, and Solignac was immediately ad- mitted. I was not present at the conversation, I shall therefore quote the words in which the general has stated it himself:— “It was settled; the chamber had determined to exclude Napoleon from the throne; but it was BOOK XVI mºmºsºmºnume CHAP. I. v_s^^2 1815, I 486 HIS FORY OF THE WARS BOOK XVI. CMAP. I. *L*N*-2 1815. wished to show regard for the army in proceed- ings concerning the person of its chief, whose power and glory the troops had so long been ac- customed to respect. There was also reason to fear, that the decree of its forfeiture might oe made the pretext of an insurrection. The capital might become the scene of serious troubles, and the country be involved. in a civil war. It ap- peared necessary, therefore, in order to avoid these evils, that the abdication of Napoleon should f. from himself, and be considered as a vo- untary act of devotedness for the country. “To obtain this object, I employed the means of persuasion which appeared to me best calcu- lated for success. After an hour and a half's conversation, Napoleon at last yielded to my ur- gent recommendations. He appeared touched with the frankness and energy with which I spoke, while, at the same time, I preserved the respect which was due to his rank, and still more to his misfortunes. In a word, I left the emperor with the assurance that he would transmit his act of abdication, and I arrived at the chamber of re- presentatives before the forfeiture, which was then under consideration, became the subject of positive decree.” The sitting, that had been suspended for one hour, being again resumed, and the chamber cleared of all strangers, except the officers wear- ing the uniform of the national-guards, Lanjuinais informed them that he had received from the em- peror, by the Duke of Otranto, an important do- cument, which he read as follows: — “Frenchmen l—In commencing war for main- taining the national independence, I relied on the union of all efforts, of all wills, and the concur- rence of all the national authorities. I had rea- son to hope for success, and I braved all the de- clarations of the powers against me. “Circumstances appear to me changed. I offer myself as a sacrifice to the hatred of the enemies of France. May they prove sincere in their de- clarations, and have really directed them only against my power My political life is terminated, and I proclaim my son, under the title of Napoleon II., Emperor of the French. “The present ministers will provisionally form the council of the government. The interest which I take in my son induces me to invite the chambers to form, without delay, the regency by a law. “ Unite all for the public safety, in order to re- main an independent nation. (Signed) “ NAPOLEON.” The Duke of Otranto.—Gentlemen, the time has now arrived when the chamber of represen- tatives º to declare itself, in the face of the nation and of Europe, for liberty, independence, and the success of those principles for which the -º-º- —- sº 4– nation has shed its blood and exhausted itself in sacrifices during twenty-five years. It is not before an assembly composed of Frenchmen that he should think it necessary to recommend the consideration which is due to the Emperor Napoleon, and to recal the sentiments which he ought to inspire in his misfortunes. The representatives of the nation will not forget the negotiations which are to be opened to stipulate the interests of him who for many years has presided over the destinies of the country. I propose to the chamber, that a com- mittee of five members be appointed during their present sitting ; that that commission be instructed to wait on the allied powers, in order to treat with them for the interests of France in its present new circumstances and position; and for the mainte- nance of its rights, and the independence of the French people. I move that the commission be appointed this day, and that it depart to-morrow. This motion appeared to receive the unanimous approbation of the chamber. M. Dupin, after stating that the abdication of the emperor was “ grand and glorious,” moved, that in the name of the French people, the cham- ber accepts the abdication of Napoleon. That the deputies should depart immediately for the allies, and in their negotiations secure the safety of Bo- naparte's person. That the chamber should con- stitute itself into a “national assembly.” That a special committee of five members should prepare * the work of the new constitution, and to form the basis of the compact, and the conditions on which the throne may be occupied by the prince whom the people shall choose.” (Here great agitation spread through the assembly.) Dupin continued to state his reasons at length, and call upon them to form an executive council. M. Mergues took another mode. He proposed that they should accept the abdication of Napoleon, and declare “the throne vacant,” till the will of the people was known. That the chamber of representatives should declare itself a constituent assembly. That five members should be appoint- ed to negotiate with the allies. That the provi- sional government of the state should be confided to the present ministers. That Macdonald should be appointed commander of the forces by sea and land; and La Fayette provisional general-in-chief of aiſ the national-guards in France, and Oudinot second in command of these forces. Upon these propositions the tumult became great. The order of the day was called for. The agitation of the as- sembly redoubled—Garreau demanded to read the sixty-seventh article of the constitutional act. This article bound the people of France not to choose any of the Bourbon family, even if the dynasty of Napoleon should become extinct. The order of the day being loudly called for, Regnault St. Jean d'Angeley mounted the tribune, and addressed the assembly as follows:– J OF THE FRENCH REVOLUTION, 1487 **-- *-*. z- sº —º- “Representatives of the people, there is but a mo- ment to act; you have at your head a man whom you have proclaimed great. He was invested by the people with the sovereign power; he has laid it aside without reserve, without personal considera- tion.—(Here the voice of the speaker was interrup- ted by the most profound emotion. The assembly remained some time in silence.)—I think that the chamber, with respect to him, ought to become the interpreter of the sentiments which are due to him, and which the nation will preserve to him. —(A number of members: yes, yes.)—Perhaps the present is the moment for revealing to you what took place in his cabinet. Yesterday, gentlemen, when I addressed him, I declared to him that nothing could equal the fidelity which I had sworn to him, but that, in return for his con- fidence, I ought to tell him that he could no longer defend the independence and rights of the nation; I repeated to him, that as a minister I would die at the foot of the throne to defend him ; but that, as a representative of the people, and im- pressed with the duties which that title imposed up- on me, I owed to my country to hold to him the im- perious language dictated by the safety of the state. “It then remains to me, gentlemen, after havin fulfilled the duty of a statesmen, to fulfil that which my heart imposes on me. I move the order of the day on the motions which have been made; . I move that the day do not pass over without the executive council being appointed; and I move that a deputation be appointed to proceed to the emperor, to express to him the gratitude of the French peo- ple, for the sacrifice which he has thought neces- sary to make to the national independence.” The motion was unanimously supported, and im- mediately drawn up and adopted in the following terms : ... “The chamber of representatives considering that the first interest of the French people is the maintenance of the laws, which secure the organi- zation of all the powers, pass to the order of the day on the propositions which have been made as to forming it into a national assembly, or a consti- tuent assembly. That the president, with his bureaux, shall repair to Napoleon for the purpose of expressing to him, in the name of the nation, their acknowledgments, and the respect with which it accepts the noble sacrifice which he has made to the independence and the happiness of the French nation. That there shall be named, without delay, a commission of five members, of which three shall be chosen from the chamber of representatives, and two from the chamber of eers, for the purpose of exercising provisionally the functions of government; and that the ministers shall continue their respective functions under the authority of this commission.” After this motion was carried, General Solignac moved that commissioners should be sent to the 101. -- —--—th–ſº- —º. head-quarters of Lord Wellington, to inform him of the “new situation of France.” Several members immediately exclaimed, “ the commission.” This brought on an angry discussion, in which M. Durbach stated, that notwithstanding her disas- ters, France would not bend to a foreign yoke; “ notwithstanding the efforts of our eternal enemy, England.” This produced violent murmurs. Wellington was too near for such language to ass unnoticed, which, at all other times, would É. been received with applause. Several mem- bers called out to close the discussion, when it was found out that they really were without a govern- ment. Till this point was settled, therefore, all further discussion was prohibited. . M. Sibuet moved the immediate appointment of the commis- sion to exercise the government. “No more dis- cussions, no oratorical pretensions,” said he, “facts and a prompt decision.” Here, however, the as- sembly was thrown into alarm, by Henri Lacoste producing a letter, informing him that 10,000 troops were posting to Paris, and that the national- guards were commanded by officers of the line. “A 13th Vendemaire, and an 18th Brumaire is called for.” Davoust, however, who was present, explained the movement of the troops, which, though he did not exactly state so, were in reality flying before the allies; and shewed that the national-guards were commanded, not by officers of the line, but by members of that chamber, viz. Grenier, Sebastiani, and Valence; adding, that while he commanded there was no danger of treachery. This satisfied them for the moment; but every thing shewed the dreadful state of doubt and perturbation in which France was placed. Her leading men feared every thing; dreaded every thing; and doubted every one. The choos- ing of the executive council was then resumed. The president inquired if they might be chosen “ in the chambers.” M. Flauguergues said, that they needed not restrain voting either in the chambers or out of the chambers; “you have,” said he, “occasion for national names, for European names;” for never was there a more important mission than that of the provisional government. It was then decreed that three members should be chosen from the house of representatives, and that the appointment of commissioners to proceed to the armies should be left to the executive government. M. Girad de l'Aix then moved that an address, with these proceedings, should be sent to the people and to the army. This M. Flauguergues opposed. “You issue addresses to: day,” said he, “to-morrow you will execute, and there will be no government.” Davoust then pro- posed to recal all soldiers to their post, under the penalty of being accounted traitors for leaving its. This measure he stated to be necessary, as emissaries were busy in endeavouring to encou- rage the national gunſ; ".the fortresses to desert. BOOK XVI. CHAP..I. Jºvº 1815, 1488 HISTORY OF THE WARS BOOK XVI. CHAP. I. *_a^^_^ 1815. ~~~~i=º- The war was, therefore, declared national; and Davoust continued to give them some trifling de- tails about the towns on the frontiers of the Ne- therlands, and the situation of Grouchy. To him succeeded General Duvercet, who was newly arrived from Lyons, who detailed to them the de- fence and situation in which that city and other places in the south were. In the meantime, the president, with his bureaux, went to Napoleon, to thank him for the facility with which he resigned his crown. They were re- eeived as graciously as could be expected, in the situation of both parties, and Bonaparte replied to them in nearly these terms:— * “I thank you for the sentiments you express. I recommend to the chamber to reinforce the ar- mies, and to place them in the best state of de- fence: those who wish for peace ought to prepare for war. Do not expose this great nation to the mercy of the foreigner, lest you be disappointed in your hopes. In whatever situation I may be placed, I shall be happy if France be free and independent. In transferring the right which France has given me, to my son, during my life, I make this great sacrifice only for the welfare of the nation, and the interests of my son, whom I therefore proclaim emperor.” The president, with his bureaux, having re- turned to the chamber, reported his message, add- ing, that Napoleon had expressly stated that he abdicated in favor of his son. M. Durbach in- stantly noticed that the “hereditary law was not yet set aside, and that as the son of Napoleon was a minor, it became a council of regency to go- vern in his name.” Several members called out, “ this is not the time;” and the order of the day was again called for and adopted. The members for the provisional government were then chosen, and the choice fell on Carnot, Fouche, and Gre- nier. The sitting, which had been declared per- manent, was next day resumed at eleven o'clock, and the debate turned wholly upon the acknow- ledgment of Napoleon II. A motion having been made by M. Berenger, that the provisional government should be declared collectively responsible, M. Defermont rose, and spoke as follows:—“The proposition submitted by our colleague, Berenger, appears to have attracted the attention of all the assembly: but in attending to that proposition a reflection has struck me. If my memory has not deceived me, it has been proposed that your executive com- mission should swear obedience to the laws, and fidelity to the nation: but who among us is in- vested with a character to receive that oath £ To whom must the commission make oath, if we do not determine in whose name we wish to put in operation the , constitutional sys- tem? In such a state of things what also must be done by * administrative and judicial au- * ~é-º-º- *. -º- thorities? I ask, do we acknowledge, or do we not acknowledge, an Emperor of the French * There is not a man among us who does not answer we have an emperor in the name of Napoleon II. Well convinced of this truth, I may now ask, whether the foreign enemy will disregard the ef- forts of the nation, when it is seen that the con- stitution is our polar star, and that it has for its fixed point Napoleon II.” A Member.—“ I move the suspension of this discussion until we be informed of the result of the negociations.” M. Defermont.—“I am a representative of the people, and, like you all, devoted to the interests of the country. My opinion is, that the consti- tution ought to be our rallying point. . How shall we look in the eyes of Europe, and of the nation, if we do not faithfully observe our fundamental laws? Napoleon I. resigned in virtue of these laws—Napoleon II. is, therefore, our sovereign. When it is seen that we rally zealously by our constitutions, that we have pronounced in favor of the chief whom they indicate to us, it can no longer be said to the national-guard that it is , because you expect Louis XVIII. you delibe- rate. Let us re-assure the army, which desires that our constitutions should be preserved. There is no longer any doubt as to the maintenance of the constitutional dynasty of Napoleon.” A movement of enthusiasm rapidly diffused itself through the assembly, and cries of Vive l'Empereur were long heard with energy. A great number of the deputies waved their hats, repeating the acclamation. It was moved and carried that the general emotion manifested by the assembly should be mentioned in the minutes. M. Defermont.—“I move that the chamber proceed immediately to deliberate on the question.” M. Boulay de la Meurthe.—“The abdication of the emperor, such as you have accepted it, is in- divisible, and cannot be taken only in parts. I respect my colleagues, but I have my eyes open. I perceive that we are surrounded with a multi- tude of intriguers, of factious men, who wish to have the throne declared vacant, in order to place the Bourbons upon it. Gentlemen, if the throne should be declared vacant, you may reckon on the absolute ruin of France. This country would soon experience the miserable fate of Poland, (A member—and of Spain.) The allied powers would divide our finest provinces, and if they as- signed to the Bourbons a corner of the empire, it would still be in the hope of possessing them- selves of that last portion. I make an appeal to the sentiments of all good Frenchmen. . Nothing can prevent me from speaking the truth; I fear nothing. It is long since I have offered the sa- crifice of my life—I will now go further, and lay my finger on the sore! An Orleans faction exists; OF THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 1489 *- ---ºr Yes, I know it. It is in vain to interrupt me. I speak from certain information. I know that that faction is purely royalist, but it endeavours to keep up a correspondence even among the pa- triots. It is, however, doubtful whether the Duke of Orleans would accept the crown; or, if he did, it would perhaps be to restore it to Louis XVIII. (A member—I can positively assert it.) , I move that the assembly declare and proclaim that it re- cognizes Napoleon II. for Emperor of the French.” (A tumultuous movement for some moments agi- tated the chamber.) M. Pernieres wished to postpone the discussion till next day. M. Regnault.—“Would you adjourn till Lord Wellington is at the gates of Paris?” M. General Mouton Duvernet insisted that the chamber should proclaim Napoleon II. as the sole means of encouraging the military. * M. Dupin asked the assembly whether they be- lieved that Napoleon II. would be able to do what Napoleon I. could not do? “Let the war be na- tional, and we shall triumph over our enemies.” M. Bigouet feared that the allies would put no faith in the abdication. M. Lefebvre would not hesitate to acknowledge Napoleon II. if he were among them; but he feared the machiavelism of the powers. M. Manuel.—“Gentlemen, opinions are divided on the question which occupies our attention. Some think that it is necessary immediately to roclaim Napoleon II. : others believe that po- #. circumstances require delay, and that the chamber ought not to explain itself till negoci- ations shall have acquainted us with our true in- terests. The powers who have already once de- clared that they will not treat neither with Na- poleon nor with his family, will, they consent to see his son reign 3 Such is the objection made. But in thus publishing our fears before all Europe, in a discussion which may be regarded as a real calamity, have we not shewn that they may require such a sacrifice? Is there need of enlarging on this point? I love to believe that in this assem- bly there is but one object—that of saving the country. But it must not be dissembled that France contains more than one party. Would you suffer each of them to flatter itself that your secret intention is to labour for it 3 Would you desire, that in order to determine your decision, the different parties should raise each their stan- dard, and collect their adherents? What, then, would become of the safety of the country? Yes, gentlemen, since this discussion has been opened, it is necessary, it is urgent upon us, to recognize Napoleon II. emperor; but, at the same time, it is fit that France should know the motives which influenced us in the nomination of the executive - commission; and that in composing it of wise and upright men, we intended to form a council of Book XVI, regency. In conclusion, I will address myself to those who appear to think that political circum- stances require delay. I will tell them that this discussion has sufficiently made known our firm resolution to do every thing henceforward for France, and not for a family. If the foreign powers refuse to acknowledge Napoleon II. there will still be time to come to a determination, and no one will balance between one man and twenty millions of men.” This discourse made a lively impression on the chamber, which immediately decided that the dis- cussion was closed, and according to the proposal of M. Manuel, passed to the order of the day on all the motions presented to them; the order of the day being grounded on this, that by the con- ditions of the abdication of his father, and by virtue of their constitutions, Napoleon II. was pro- claimed emperor. As soon as this resolution was pronounced by the president, all the members rose up, crying, “Long live the emperor l’” A deputation was then directed to proceed to the ex-rmperor to inform him of this resolution; at the same time it was decreed, that the members of the provisional government should take an oath of obedience to the constitutions of the em- pire, and of fidelity to Napoleon II. Emperor of the French. This done, the chamber adjourned. In the chamber of peers similar messages were received and dispatched, and similar measures took place. When Davoust came forward, and made the statement regarding the army, Ney rose in his place, and contradicted him point-blank. “It is time,” said he, “ that the truth should be spoken. Instead of 60,000 men, it is utterly im- possible to collect 25,000, and even those cannot again be brought to face the enemy, after such a defeat as they have sustained. With respect to the imperial-guard, I myself commanded if under the emperor, and I aver that it is º de- stroyed. Nothing now remains to be done, but to treat for peace with the enemy.” Count Flahaut supported the minister at war, and stated, that his advices authorized him to assert that Grouchy had 40,000 men remaining under him. Latour Maubourg observed that Ney's statement came to them in no official shape, and could only be compared to a newspaper statement. Ney, however, insisted that what he said was correct. Count de Pontecoulant.—“I move the closin of this discussion, so painful to us all. What I, however, must remark is, that the prince has ap- peared to blame the operations of Marshal Grou- chy. I have the honor to be his relation, and I feel myself called upon to defend his reputation. The marshal has fought like a good Frenchman, a good soldier, and a good general. It is asto- HAP, I. ºvº 1815. 1490 HISTORY OF THE WARS' * 800K XVI. nishing that the conduct of a general should be - -** —- Saº- Yahºº-h- *— -º- -- blamed by those who have not a perfect know- Cº. [., ledge of the facts.” 1815. he Prince of the Moskwa-" I do not pre- tend to censure Marshal Grouchy. He could not originate manoeuvres, and I shall be the first to acknowledge that he has done his duty as a good Frenchman and a general; but I declare that he cannot, at present, have 40,000 men under his command.” Count de Labedoyere.—“I move that we de- clare, whether it is Napoleon the Second whom we preclaim, or whether it is a new government that we wish to adopt. Napoleon has abdicated in favor of his son. What then is this new go- vernment, which it is wished to establish 7 We ought to remember, gentlemen, the provisional government and its disastrous consequences. We must explain ourselves frankly on the form of go- vernment which it is intended to adopt. The em- peror has explained himself. His abdication and condition is inseparable. It is null if his son is not acknowledged. Such, at least, is my opinion.” Count Boissy stated that the proposition of La- bedoyere was impolitic and unreasonable. Tue only question for them was, to receive, or not to receive, the abdication; and moved the order of the day. After some discussion, the point was settled by the adoption of an amendment pro- posed by Count Pontecoulant, which was to ad- here to the resolution of the chamber of repre- sentatives, and afterwards “express to Napoleon the national gratitude for the illustrious manner in which he terminated an illustrious political life.” The peers then adopted the resolution of the other house, declaring the war national. These decrees were directed to be expedited to departments, which done, the sitting was sus- ended. At nine at night it was resumed, when the debate turned upon the negociation of Napo- leon II, and became more interesting and im- portant. The president then informed them of the result of his mission to Napoleon, and his re- ception there; and stated, that Bonaparte re- peated to him that he “abdicated only in favor of his son.” PrinceLucien.—“The objection now is to avert civil war, and counteract the plots of a factious minority. The most victorious means of so doing is solemnly to apply this principle —the emperor is dead, live the emperor The constitutional order of succession established in a dynasty, anni- hilates, factions, and secures public tranquillity. If we do not swerve from this line, traced out by the national act, we shall worthily prove our gra- titude to him who has made the greatest of sa- crifices to our happiness—that of the crown. I move, therefore, that, without farther discussion, the chamber declare Napoleon II. Emperor of the French, and take the oath of fidelity to him. W first will pronounce that oath; all good French- men will follow my example. After the electors have received in the Champ de Mai the imperial eagles from the hands of their constitutional chief, you cannot, without violating the faith of oaths, refuse to admit my proposition... I request that it be immediately put to the vote.” M. de Pontecoulant.—“I have now to say what I should not have said had Napoleon been still at the height of his power. I am entirely de- voted to him from the bottom of my heart; I have served him faithfully; I shall be faithful to him till my last breath; I owe him every thing; he has been my most generous benefactor : but I owe myself also to the country. What is it that is proposed to us here?—a thing contrary to the usages of all deliberative assemblies; to adopt a resolution without deliberating !—And who is he who talks to us of a factious minority, who appeals to the constitutions of the empire, and wishes to impose a sovereign on the French # I freely ac- knowledge the rights he has acquired to general esteem by his taleuts, his good character, and what he has done for liberty: but his titles to speak to us as he has done, I am yet to learn ; no public act even attests that he is a Frenchman; we know him only as a Roman prince.” Prince Lucien.—“I claim to reply.” The president.—You will be heard afterwards. M. de Pontecoulant, in continuation.—“Prince Lucien demands of you a thing you cannot ac- cede to till after deliberation. Then you will have to decide a great question. I am far from declaring against the power of Napoleon II.; but whatever may be my gratitude for his father, I cannot regard as my sovereign an individual who is not in France; I cannot consider as regent a princess who is in Austria among foreigners. Are they captives or not? This is what you must clearly announce. Perhaps some may wish to induce you to acknowledge a regency. If you do so, the torches of civil war are lighted up. The resolution you took this morning does not decide the question, and so far it was good. I am far from thinking it was a factious mino- rity who supported it, and I, therefore, persist in demanding the order of the day. Prince Lucien.—“If I am not a Frenchman in your eyes, I am in the eyes of the whole nation. The moment Napoleon abdicated, his son suc- ceeded him. We have no other side to take.” Boissy D'Anglas.—“Have we not enough with foreign war: would they give us civil war alsº I hope we shall arrest the march of the foreigner; but we must not risk depriving ourselves of the means of treating with him.” Count Labedoyere.—“The abdication is indivi- sible. If you will not recognise the son, Napo- leon ought to keep the sword in his hand, sur- OF THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 149 | assº- *Laha- Mºfa - - -aºsºma. —-T- *wº ----- -ºr rounded by the French who have bled for him. He will be abandoned by vile generals, whom he has enriched, and who have betrayed him. (This accusation was levelled against Ney, as appears from his letter to Fouche immediately afterwards, see p. 1418.) If we declare that every Frenchman quitting his colours shall be declared infamous, his house rased, his family proscribed, we shall then have no more traitors, no more of those ma- noeuvres which have occasioned these last ca- tastrophes, some of the authors of which are here. As to you, you will not a second time abandon in misfortune him whom you swore, in the face of Europe, to defend.” * Prince of Essling.—“Young man, you forget yourself.” M. Alex. Lameth.-‘You think yourself still at the guard-house.” M. de Valence, who had long been tormented with strong indignation, which he struggled to re- strain, at last broke out, and frequently and vehe- mently called for the order of the day. Great tu- mult followed. The president was obliged to put on his hat. Some moments after, silence was re- stored. M.Cornudet—“The minutes of your sitting will sufficiently attest the right of Napoleon II. to the crown : but his mother and he are out of France. What does the nation demand? A provisional government, which may make proposals to the enemy. It is time to terminate ... debate. Prince Lucien.—“I am far from opposing the nomination of two members, to form part of the commission of government; but I, at the same time, demand that Napoleon II. be recognised.” M. D’Anglas-“The order of the day!” M. Segur.—“I partly anticipated this morning the discussion which has taken place. I hoped, however, that the question would not have been brought forward so soon, and that the veil which we had temporally cast upon it, would have given us time to negociate ; but we can no longer en- tertain this hope. We sent a message to Napo- leon. He replied that his abdication was in fa- vor of his son. We are, therefore, compelled to consider a question which we wished to adjourn. What would become of us if we departed from the constitutional act? How many calamities would be the result of its violation ? It is impos- sible to pronounce on a provisional government without stating what is its title. We are not a national convention, but a chamber of peers, in virtue of the additional act. What can we risk by stating the fact as it is ? Napoleon I. is poli- tically dead, Napoleon II. reigns. Let us then sincerely rally under his government. I demand that the provisional government be called a re- 3C'ell CWe * sº ºconudet— Once more I beg you would 10]. avoid this question; let us simply proceed to the appointment of a provisional government.” Duke of Bassano.—“The constitution has pro- vided for the case of minority. It prescribes a council of regency. If, then, you appoint a pro- visional government, acting in the name of one, what .# be the talisman that will cause your soldiers to march 2 Think you, they will shout, Live the provisional government l No ; but they will shout Live Napoleon II. when so ordered in the name of a prince of their choice, and when they shall hear that name which has to them so often been the pledge of victory. There has been talk of a veil : what is that veil 3 Does not the constitution itself say that the throne is here- ditary in the dynasty of Napoleon'? Have not the rights of Napoleon been consecrated by all France? If our provisional government issues orders in the name of nobody, the constitution no longer exists.” M. Alex. Lameth.--" If the chamber of peers give to the º government one denomi- nation, and the chamber of representatives ano- ther, it will be no longer a government, but a confusion. I propose that we vote merely the appointment of two members of the commis- SIOI!e Prince Joseph-" I consent to this, provided the government be exercised in the name of Na- poleon II.” M. Quinette still contended that no alteration should be made in the original question. In ex- isting circumstances, they should leave the initia- tive to the chamber of representatives. º M. Roederer, on the contrary, maintained th importance of preserving that name to which the army was accustomed. “The name of Napoleon,” said he, “was the talisman which electrified Al- sace, Lorraine, Champagne, the Vosges; and these provinces had only given us their soldiers in the name of Napoleon. When you present your ne- gociators to the Emperor of Austria, in the name of an infant sprung from his blood, think you that he will not receive them favorably? The most useful thing for France then is, to recognise Napoleon II. as Emperor of the French.” Counts Thibadeau and Pontecoulant insisted that the first object they should attend to was to complete a government. “Let us,” said the latter, “waive every question but the nomination. Why should we for disputes on words leave Paris and France without a government * Count Flahaut still insisted that the first thing which they should do was to proclaim Napoleon II. He argued, that if the emperor had died, his son would have succeeded him—and that, as he was politically dead, so he should be succeeded by his son also. To this speech Count Decres replied with vehe- mence. “Is this a time to think of individuals 2 17 B BOOK XVI. CHAP. I. Jºvº-' 1815, +492 HISTORY OF THE WATRS CHAP. I. sºvº-2 1 S15. *s- y---as -ºr- country before every thing—it is in danger. I move that the debate be closed.” This motion was immediately adopted. The house then pro- ceeded to choose the two members for the pro- visional government, and the choice fell upon Caulincourt and Quinette. These two, with Gre- nier, Carnot, and Fouche, now formed the go- vernment that was to rule over and to save France. Of this conclave Fouche was president. The provisional government being appointed, immediately commenced its functions. A decree was passed authorizing the government to procure, by means of requisitions, supplies for the army, and transports for the troops. Another decree was passed, calling out the remainder of the con- scription of 160,000 for 1815, decreed in 1813. Severe resolutions were passed against all those who should desert the cause of the government, or assume any colours but the national ones, and the following address was issued to the nation :- “Frenchmen,_Within the period of a few days glorious successes and a dreadful reverse have again agitated your destinies. A great sacrifice appeared necessary to your peace, and to that of the world, and Napoleon abdicated the imperial power. His abdication forms the term of his political life. His son is proclaimed. Your new constitution, which possesses as yet only good principles, is about to undergo its application, and even those principles are to be purified and ex- tended. There no longer exist powers jealous of each other. The space is free to the enlight- ened patriotism of your representatives, and the peers feel, think, and vote as your mandatories. After twenty-five years of political tempests the moment has arrived when every thing wise and sublime that has been conceived respecting social institutions, may be perfected in yours. Let reason and genius speak, and from whatever side their voices may proceed, they shall be heard. “Plenipotentiaries have departed, in order to: treat in the name of the nation, and to negociate with the powers of Europe that peace which they have promised on one condition, which is now fulfilled. The whole world will, like you, be at- tentive to their reply. Their answer will make known whether justice and promises are any thing on earth. Frenchmen be united ; let ail rally under circumstances of such great import- ance. Let civil discord be appeased; let dissen- sion be silent at this moment, in which the great interests of nations are to be discussed. Be united from the north of France to the Pyrenees; from La Vendée to Marseilles. Who is he, who, born on the soil of France, whatever may be his party, whatever his political opinions, will not range himself under the national standard to de- fend the independence of the country? Armies .* ==== *- may in part be destroyed; but the experience of all ages, and of all nations, proves that an in- trepid nation combating for justice and liberty cannot be destroyed. The emperor, in abdicating, has offered himself as a sacrifice. The members of the government devote themselves in accepting from your representatives the reins of the state. (Signed) “The Duke of OTRANto, (Fouche) President. T. BERLIER, Secretary.” The commissioners appointed to treat for peace, having repaired to the head-quarters of the Prussian army, which was in advance of that of the Duke of Wellington, presented the following note to Marshal Blucher:— “The changes which have taken place in the government of Frauce, by the abdication of the Emperor Napoleon, accepted in the name of the ‘French people by their representatives, havin removed the obstacles which had hindered, tiſí this day, the opening of a negociation, calculated to prevent the evils of war between France and the high allied powers, the undersigned plenipo- tentiaries have received full powers for the nego- ciation, the conclusion, and signature of all acts which may conduce to stop the effusion of blood, and re-establish upon a stable foundation the ge- neral peace of Europe. They have, therefore, the honor to give this information to his highness Prince Blucher, and to beg him to enable them to repair immediately to the head-quarters of the i. sovereigns, and to confer previously with him on the subject of a general suspension of arins between the French and the allied ar- mies; a suspension, which has been already demanded by the French general commanding the van-guard of the army of the north, and ver. bally agreed upon between our respective out- posts. “The plenipotentiaries request his highness the general-in-chief, Prince Blucher, to accept the assurance of their high consideration. “Count HoRACE SEBASTIANI, Count de la ForeT, LA FAYETTE, B. ConstANT, Counsellor of State, - D'ARGENson. “Laon, June 25.” The Prussian general refused to grant a suspen- sion of arms; but, after much altercation, he gave them passports, which having received, the eonmis- sioners proceeded immediately to the head-quar- ters of the allied sovereigns. In addition to the deputies dispatched to the allied armies to solicit peace, a messenger was dispatched to England; but he was ordered to return; and Monsieur Otto, who was sent on a similar journey, was forced 7 OF THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 1493 - A. a-adh.. a-A-a-a-aº- * -- *- to remain at Boulogne for want of passports to proceed across the channel. It was generally sup- posed that his mission related to negociations con- cerning the personal safety of Bonaparte, and to receive passports for him to proceed to America. —r In the mean time every exertion was made to arm BOOK XVI. the national guards of Paris, and the neigh- bouring departments; to fortify the capital, to collect troops and stores in order to oppose the allies. sº *Tºº CHAPTER II. Operations of the British and Prussian Armies in France.—Letter of Fouche to the Duke of Wellington.—Arrival of the Allies before the Walls of Paris-State of the Capital—Depar- ture of Bonaparte from Paris-His Farewell. Address to the French Army—Proceedings of the Chambers.-Arrival of Louis XVIII. at Cambray.—His Proclamation.— Military Operations.— Letter of the French Generals to the Chamber of Representatives.—Capitulating of Paris.—Pro- eeedings of the Chambers.-Their Dissolution.—Entry of the Allies, and Louis XVIII, into Paris. WE must now return to the operations of the allied armies under the Duke of Wellington and Marshal Blucher. The Duke of Wellington, after visiting the wounded at Brussels, on the 19th of June, prepared to follow the enemy. The Prussians, under *. Blucher, who had con- tinued their march on the left of the Sambre, crossed that river on the 19th, in pursuit of the French, and both armies entered the French territory on the 21st; the Prussians by Beaumont, and the combined forces under Wellington by Bavay. The former advanced upon the road to St. Quen- tin, and the latter to Cambray and Perouse. At Beaumont, Blucher addressed a proclama- tion to his army, which we shall subjein. “ Brave officers and soldiers of the army of the Lower Rhine.—You have done great things, brave companions in arms. You have fought two battles in three days. The first was unfortunate, and yet your courage was not broken. You have had to struggle with privations, but you have borne them with fortitude. Immoveable in adverse fortune, after the loss of a bloody battle, you marched with firmness to fight another, relying on the God of battles, and full of confidence in your commanders, as well as of perseverance in your efforts against presumptuous and Fº enemies, intoxicated with their victory. It was with these sentiments you marched to support the brave English, who were maintaining the most arduous contest with unparalleled firmness. But the hour which was to decide this great struggle has struck, and has shewn who was to give the law, whether an adventurer, or governments who are the friends of order. Destiny was still undecided, when you appeared issuing from the forest which concealed you from the enemy, to attack his rear, with that coolness, that firmness, that confidence, which characterises experienced soldiers, resolved to avenge the reverses they had experienced two days before. There, rapid as lightning, you ſpe- netrated his already shaken columns. Nothing could stop you in the career of victory. The enemy in his despair turned his artillery upon you; but you poured death into his ranks, and your progress caused in them disorder, dispersion, and at last a complete rout. He found himself obliged to abandon to you several hundreds of can- non, and his army is dissolved. A few days will suffice to annihilate those perjured legions, who were coming to consummate the slavery and the spoliation of the universe. All great commanders have regarded it as impossible immediately to renew the combat with a beaten army: you have proved that this opinion is ill-founded; you have proved that resolute warriors may be vanquished, but that their valor is not shaken. Receive, then, my thanks, incomparable soldiers—objects of all my esteem. You have acquired a great reputa- tion. The annals of Europe will eternize your triumphs. It is on you, immoveable columns of the Pºiº monarchy, that the destinies of the king and his august house will for ever repose. Never will Prussia cease to exist, while your sons and your grandsons resemble you, , (Signed) “BluchPR.” The French army, under Soult, retreated on Laon in great confusion. The troops commanded by Grouchy, which had reached Dinant, retired in better order ; but they were cut off from the wreck of the main army, and also from the direct road to Paris. Grouchy, therefore, was compelled to take the road to Rethel, whence he proceeded to Rheims; and by forced marches he endeavoured to force a junction with Soult, and thus reach the capital before the allies. In the meantime, the Duke of Wellington pro- CHAP. I. Jºvº 1815. | 1494 History ÓF THE WARS BOOK XVI. CHAP. II. Jºvº-2 1815. > ceeded rapidly into the heart of France; but as there was no enemy in the field to oppose his progress, the fortresses alone demanded his atten- tion. The following order of the day was issued to the British army before they entered France. “As the army is going to enter the French territory, the troops of different nations, now under the command of Field-marshal the Duke of Wellington, are desired to remember, that their respective sovereigns are the allies of his majesty the King of France, and that France must there- - fore be considered as a friendly country. “It is ordered, that nothing be taken either by the officers or soldiers without payment. “The commissaries of the army will provide for the wants of the troops in the usual manner, and it is not permitted to the officers or soldiers of the army to make requisitions. “The commissaries will be authorised by the field-marshal, or by the generals who command the troops of the respective nations (that is to say, in case their provisions are not regulated by an English commissary) to make the necessary re- quisitions, for which they will give regular receipts, and they must perfectly understand that they will be responsible for all that they receive by requisi- tions, from the inhabitants of France, in the same manner as if they made purchases for the account of their government in their own country. . (Signed) “J. WATERs, acting adjutant-general.” The regulations contained in the above order were strictly adhered to, which reflects the highest credit on the British army and their illus- trious commander. The English soldiers, where- ever they were quartered, paid the greatest respect to the inhabitants, and every thing which was furnished them being punctually paid for, the French looked upon them rather as friends than as enemies. The conduct of the Prussians, on the other hand, was directly the reverse. Their foot- steps were every where marked with blood and rapine, and the most brutal behaviour towards the unfortunate inhabitants, whom they plundered of every thing they could lay their hands on, and then wantonly set fire to their habitations. These barbarians excited such a dread among the pea- santry, that they deserted their villages, and fled into the woods, till at length the country looked like a complete desert. * From Beaumont, the Prussians advanced to Avesnes, which surrendered to them on the 21st. The French at first seemed determined to defend the place to the last extremity, and made con- siderable resistance; but a magazine having blown up, by which 400 men were destroyed, the rest of the garrison, which consisted, chiefly of na- tional-guards, and amounting to 489 men, sur- rendered at discretion. The greatest excesses Å -º-º-º: -*-- -i. `` ºr were committed by the Prussian soldiery, when they entered the town, which instead of being restrained was encouraged by their officers. The following letter will give the reader some idea of the manner in which this war was conducted by the Prussians. To Major-general Dobsekutz, Military Governor, C “Head-quarters, at Noyelles-sur-Sambre, June 21. * “Sir, I inform you, by this letter, that the for- tress of Avesnes fell into our power this morning, and that the garrison are prisoners of war: they will be conveyed to Juliers. It were to be wished that some troops could be detached to relieve the escort on the road. As for the prisoners, the officers are to be conducted to Wesel, and strictly guarded in the citadel; the soldiers are destined for Cologne, that they may be employed in work- ing on the fortifications. All are to be treated with the necessary severity. “ BLUCHER.” The Duke of Wellington, on his arrival at Malplaquet, the scene of one of Marlborough's victories, issued a proclamation to the French people, in which he referred to the order of the day addressed to his army, as containing an ex- planation of the principles by which his conduct would be guided. It is as follows:— “I announce to the French that I enter their territory at the head of an army, already victo- rious, not as an enemy, (except of the usurper, the enemy of the human race, with whom there can be neither peace nor truce,) but to aid them to shake off the iron yoke by which they are op- pressed. I therefore give to my army the sub- joined orders, and I desire that every one who vielates them may be made known to me. “The French know, however, that I have a right to require that they conduct themselves in such a manner that I may be able to protect them against those who would seek to do them evil. “They must, then, furnish the requisitions that will be made them by persons authorized to make them, taking receipts in due form and order; that they remain quietly at their homes, and have no correspondence or communication with the usur- er or with his adherents. 3. “All those who shall absent themselves from their homes, after the entrance of the army into France, and all those who shall be absent in the service of the usurper, shall be considered as enemies and his adherents, and their property shall be appropriated to the subsistence of the army. “WELLINGTON.” Given at head-quarters, at Malplaquet, sº this 21st of June, 1815. OF THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 1495 * a-ºbs On the 24th, Sir Charles Colville took the town of Cambray by escalade, the governor retiring into the citadel, which he afterwards surrendered on the 25th, when it was given up to the order of Louis XVIII. St. Quintin was abandoned by the enemy, and was oceupied by Blucher: and, on the evening of the 24th, the castle of Guise surrendered to the Prussian arms. The allied armies, at least 140,000 strong, continued to ad- vance. On the 27th, Quesnoy surrendered to the allies. The garrison, which amounted to 2,800 men, chiefly national-guards, obtained liberty to retire to their homes. On the 26th, Peronne was taken by the British troops. The first brigade of guards, under Major-general Maitland, took by storm the horn-work which covers the suburbs on the left of the Somme, and the place immediately surrendered, upon the garrison obtaining leave to retire to their homes. On the 28th, the Prussians, under. Blucher, were at Cressy, Senlis, and La Fere Millon; and, on the 29th, their advanced- guards were at St. Denis and Gonasse. The re- sistance experienced by the British army at Cam- bray and Peronne, detained them one day behind the Prussian army; but which forced marches enabled them to overtake in the neighbourhood of Paris. In the meantime, Soult was displaced from the chief command of the army, which was conferred on Marshal Grouchy. The reason of this remarkable step, according to Soult, was be- cause the provisional government suspected his fidelity. T. was very likely the true reason ; or they could scarcely at this moment have dis- missed a man confessedly superior to his succes- sor, in point of abilities. The rapid advance of the allied armies caused Grouchy to redouble his speed to reach Paris before them. This he ef- fected, after considerable loss, particularly on the 28th, at Villers Cotterets, where he fell in with the left wing of the Prussian army, and afterwards with the division under Bulow, which drove him across the Marne, with the loss of six pieces of cannon and 1,500 prisoners. Grouchy fairly ac- knowledged, that his troops would not fight, and that numbers deserted. In fact, though the French army was daily receiving reinforcements from the towns and depôts in its route, and also from the interior, the desertion from it was so great that its number was little if any thing at all aug- mented. With the remainder, however, Grouchy succeeded in throwing himself into Paris, where he joined the wreck of the main army, the whole consisting of about 40 or 50,000 troops of the line, the wretched remains (including also all reinforce- meats) of 150,000 men, which fought at Quatre Bras and Waterloo. To these, however, were to be added the national-guards, a new levy called les Ti- railleurs de la Garde, and the Federés. According to Bonaparte's portfolio, found at Waterloo, these latter amounted to 14,000 men. Altogether, these * *— forces were at least 40,000 more, if not a greater number. Paris was, therefore, still formidable, and capable of Inuch resistance. Meanwhile, the Duke of Wellington continued his operations with unabating activity. As the armies approached the capital, Fouche, president of the government, wrote the following letter to the British commander, supplicating him to arrest the progress of war. “ My lord, You have just illustrated your name by new victories over the French. It is you especially who can appreciate the French nation. In the council of sovereigns united to fix the destinies of Europe, your influence and your credit cannot be less than your glory. Your law of nations has always been justice, and your conscience has always been the guide of your po- licy. The French nation wishes to live under a monarch, but it wishes that that monarch live un- der the empire of laws. The republic made us acquainted with the extreme of liberty; the em- pire, with the extreme of despotism. Our wish now, (and it is immoveable) is to keep at an equal distance from both these extremes. All eves are now fixed upon England: we do not in to be more free than she ; we do not wish to be less. The representatives of the nation are incessantly employed on a social compact, of which the com- ponent powers, separated, but not divided, all contribute, by their reciprocal action, to harmon and unity. From the moment this compact . be signed by the prince called to reign over us, the sovereign shall receive the sceptre and the crown, from the hands of the nation. In the ex- isting state of Europe, one of the greatest cala- mities is hostility between France and England. No man, my lord, has it more in his power than yourself to replace Europe under a better influ- ence, and in a finer position. “ Paris, June 27. “Accept,” &c. Of the state of Paris, at this period, we shall present the reader with some extracts from the interesting work of Miss Helen Maria Williams, who then resided in that city, “The allied armies now drew, near the city. Their approach had been concealed as long as possible; we had heard of plenipotentiaries, sus- pension of arms, the defection of Austria from the other coalesced powers, the arrival of a con- siderable part of the grand army in good order. But the reign of subterfuge and deception was at an end. The answer to all the eloquent decla- mations of the Bonapartists was the arrival of crowds of flying peasantry, seeking refuge within the walls of the capital. The experience of the foregoing year had taught us what was meant by these sad rustic processions, which in the same manner had preceded the memorable day of battle—disastrous images of a country in distress, 17 C 102. $ # BOOK XVE Chap. II. Jºvº 1815. 1496 THE WARS HISTORY OF 3.f)08 XVI. CHAP. II. Jºvº-2 1815. —the long line of carts which followed one ano- ther in slow succession, each filled with the house- hold wealth of the owner, who himself helped to drag on his wearied horse. On these rustic ve- hicles were placed, not what Belvidera calls “ the massy domestic ornaments, but old family utensils, worn mattresses, and chairs and tables in decay, and a little store of hay and corn, pro- vision for the horse, and a cow, which followed tied behind the cart. “The fugitives were fewer in number than on the same occasion last year. The country-people had learnt that the invading army was that of the English, and they had heard that the English troops are an exception to the general practice of plunder and devastation; that they never ill- treated the inhabitants; that they paid liberally for what they wanted, and caressed the little chil- dren. The excellent reputation they had acquired last year in the south bad flown over France to the north : and it was well known that wherever the English passed, the unarmed inhabitant had nothing to fear. A friend of mine wrote to me from the south, Lord Wellington will soon pass near our château, but we shall remain in perfect security—all is safe where they appear.’ Many of the peasants, who had ventured to remain in their dwellings, had suffered cruelly from the merciless rapine of the French, and were perhaps disposed to exclaim, ‘Save me from my friends.’ They were filled with astonishment when they be- held an armed host, four abreast, pause when about to enter the field of wheat, in crossing the country, and changing their order, proceed in Indian files, one by one, along the narrow beaten path, careful to do no injury by treading on the corn, and avoid bruising the flowerets of the valley with hostile paces.’ “In a little village, called Vertu, two leagues from Paris, the English troops, on their arrival, told the inhabitants they must dislodge immedi- ately : but, to the great surprize of the peasants, the soldiers" set themselves to work, and helped them to remove their little furniture, carefully avoiding to break or injure any thing by precipi- tation. Comme ils sont bons ! comme ils sont bons !” was repeated a thousand times by these poor people on their entering Paris. What a proud tribute of praise for a conquering general is contained in those simple words issuing from the lips of the vanquished! What an additional Fustre does virtue shed over those high achieve- ments which fill so bright a page in the records of military renown, and which have had so signal an influence on the destinies of the world ! The mame of Wellington was never pronounced with- out veneration by his enemies, or the pride of patriotic exultation by his friends; he who has sof- tened the terror of his arms with such a behignant ray of moral glory, and has taught his victorious —a bands, amidst the ardour of conquest, the avarice of blood. Others may have deserved the wreaths of courage, but who has ever blended them, like him, with the pure and white palms of philan- thropy? Others may claim the praise of able generals, but to Wellington will be ascribed the denomination of the great captain. He has ex- alted valor by an inseparable and sublime con- nection with mercy; and to the history of his ex- ploits may be applied what the celebrated Mrs. Montague observed of the writings of the great English moralist, that “an angel might give the imprimatur.’ “What a singular picture did that part of the Boulevard present, where the fugitives arrived The passage of the Porte St. Martin was almost entirely obstructed by the crowd of Parisians, mingled with the peasantry, and their cortège of wearied animals—on one side of the Boulevard the people were struggling for admission to the celebrated new piece of the “Pie Voleuse,'—the Thieving Magpie. On the other, a little black horse dragged along the cart, or ambulant shop, which ever since the departure of Louis XVIII. has been established on the Boulevard for the sale of M. Carnot's famous pamphlet ou Regicide; once sold at six francs, and now offered to the public at the moderate and reduced price of twelve sous a copy. “Farther on, a portion of the remains of the imperial-guard were marching along, “ pride in their port, defiance in their eye, thundering out Wive l'Empereurſ and one of them striking with his sabre a poor old man, who had the imprudence to articulate, in a feeble voice, JMes amis, cries Vive le Roi! Five or six persons on this day fell the victims of this forbidden exclamation, by the hands of those Pretorian bands. The small number of them that survived the battle of Wa- terloo, had returned with rage in their bosoms at their defeat, and despair at the abdication of their chief. They well knew that all they had done, and suffered, found no answering voice of sym- |. from the people of Paris, except amongst the owest multitude. In general, the mass of the Parisians, rankled by calamity, felt far more horror for the tyrant than pity for his voluntary victims; and although no people have more sensibility than the French to the splendour of military achieve- ments, yet now, in the bitterness of their hearts for the evils they had undergone, and those with which they were menaced, they might well be per- mitted to observe of the heroical courage of the imperial-guard, ‘Curse on their virtues, they’ve undone their country l’ “Bonaparte, after several disagreeable alterca- tions with some of his late ministérs, now become his masters, withdrew from Paris to Malmaison. His continuance at Paris had begun to excite considerable alarm. “The snake was scotched, OF THE FRENCH REVOLUTION, 1497 not killed.” Old Napoleon was yet alive for his son. These apprehensions had been increased by the daily entrance of corps of regular troops into the capital, with the accustomed cries of Vive l' Empereur; and of whose concurrence Bonaparte was assured whenever he might think it expedient to exert his imperial energies. Rumours of me- nacing tendency were spread abroad; the means of evil were still in Napoleon's power, and he would not neglect the occasion. The provisionary government, who were too highly interested in his movements not to watch them with an attentive eye, invited him, in terms that could not be mis- understood, to withdraw from Paris. During a few days previous to his departure, he appeared medi- tative, and much employed ; it was, however, on his own personal affairs. His attention was turn- ed to the new world whither he was going. You may perhaps suppose that the examples of those Toman heroes, who could not outlive their honor- able defeat on the plain of Philippi, might have occurred to his remembrance; or he of Pontus, who, though out of the reach of Pompey, sought no further refuge than the Cimerian Bosphorus, º the double instrument of poison and the sword. ou may imagine that he was reflecting on the friendly offers of his faithful Mameluke, who, on his abdication the preceding year at Fontaine- bleau, stood before him with his newly-sharpened scimetar, saying that he waited his orders to per- form the last duty. The examples of Cato of Utica, of Hannibal, and of so many other illustri- ous personages, you may believe glided through his mind. No, Bonaparte's thoughts were remote from these heathenish deeds of greatness; his meditations were of a more sober and familiar nature. The preparations with which he was bu- sied at this eventful moment, ‘big with his fate,’ were those of Perkal, and perfumery; and his discourse was of the cut, size, and quality of vari- ous kinds of shirts, and the quantity of pomatums and perfumes which he judged necessary for his expedition. The inventory of those objects which he has left behind him, is not the least curious fragment found among the collection of his state- papers. It appears that no detail was omitted or neglected for the voyage he was preparing to make towards the new world, in the well-stored cabin of a light frigate; and as to his return to our hemisphere, he left that affair at present to his destin. He had, in the meantime, written to the government from his retreat at Malmaison, and solicited to be named generalissimo of the army, to defend Paris, and save the country. But as the government did not think proper to confide either the defence of Paris, or the º, of the coun- try, to his exertions, his demand was rejected. “Relieved from the task of governing the world, Bonaparte cheered the monotony of his retreat by conversations, not only with the military, but with —r some men of letters and artists, who visited him Book XVI at Malmaison, and the chief topic of his discourse with those persons was errors and abuses of his own government; but in discussing the late events, he always spoke in the third person, and as if he himself had no immediate concern in those opera- tions. “The emperor,” said he, “appears to have acted, in this instance, from such and such mo- tives; and, in that, to obtain such results, but he did wrong in both instances. The emperor trusted to information that was unfounded. He was too º or too tardy; he made mistakes which e might easily have avoided, and calculated upon mistakes of his adversaries, which they did not commit.” “Bonaparte was in the vein of being communi- cative; and happening to overhear a speedy answer given by a professional man, to a question of an importunate neighbour, , respecting the state of his wife, Bonaparte abandoned his critique on the emperor's errors, and began an harangue of three quarters of an hour, and without discontinuing, on the obstetrical art. Then resuming the tone of the emperor, he declaimed against the present prac- tice; declaring that it was his intention to have proposed various ameliorations in the schools, some of which he mentioned. Thus, in imitation of a famous warrior of antiquity, (Mithridates) al- most as great a destroyer of the human race as himself, and who had written a treatise on the se- cret of diseases, or the art of healing, Bonaparte seemed to have had the project of writing on this professional object. He might, perhaps, have been no less dangerous to mankind in its embryo state, as a surgeon, than he had been to adults as a general. “The distance which the ex-emperor had placed between himself and the Parisians, was not deem- ed sufficient. The government invited him again to quit his Tusculum, and repair to his destination at Rochefort, where the frigates awaited him. Napoleon's departure from iii. WaS all assurance to the higher classes of their personal safety, and who had dreaded nothing more than the defence of Paris by him and his army. Their defeat beyond the walls of Paris was too probable, and would have drawn on the destruction of the city, which would have been inevitably pillaged by its defenders, if it were spared by the allies. The allegiance of the Parisians was transferred to the Duke of Wellington, as their only protector. The entrance of the English army was anxiously looked for, and it was a subject of murmurs, that the commander of Paris delayed their deliver- 31}(20's “The legislature, in the meantime, was earnestly occupied in fabricating a new constitution, which was to be offered to the acceptance of whoever should take the sovereign authority, and this was the standing Jusiness or order of the day. Com- CHAP. l I. Jºyº-e 1815. 1498 HISTORY OF THE WARS , , BOOK XVI. CHAP. II. \ºve"es.” 1875. X- •rmºr-wºrwº-a-r missaries were occasionally dispatched from the chamber to exchange compliments with the troops without the walls, or, in the old civic language, to fraternize the deputies proclaiming Napoleon the H., while the troops adhered to Napoleon the I. and cried long live that emperor, with whom only they were acquainted. A few of the imperial- guards, who had a better comprehension of the affair, understanding that their old emperor no longer commanded them, having , abdicated, deemed it wiser to withdraw than fight for they knew not whom. Being reprimanded by their colonel, on the Boulevards in Paris, for their deser- tion of their post, they answered sternly, that they had too much honor to desert; mais mous avons abdiqué. “The French army areund Paris, notwithstandin the publicity of the imperial abdication, appeare to doubt of its truth. They declared that it was some trick of state, and that they knew their em- peror too well to believe he would resign. This reminds me of the German, who, when a report was spread through Germany, several years since, that Bonaparte was dead, exclaimed. Buonaparte ;. 1 Vous le connassez fort peu-il s'en gardera 2672, “ Napoleon had dispatched a farewell letter to the French army under the walls of Paris, dated from Malmaison, the 25th of June, 1815. This letter was addressed to the heroes of the army, and no doubt the lowest drummer fancied he saw his own name on the direction. JW"apoleon to the Brave Soldiers of the Army before Paris. “Soldiers . While obeying the necessity which removes me from the brave French army, I carry with me the happy certainty that it will justify, by the eminent services which the country expects from it, the praises which our enemies themselves have not been able to refuse it. “Soldiers' I shall follow your steps though ab- sent. ... I know all the corps, and not one of them will obtain a single advantage over the enemy but I shall give it credit for the courage it shall have displayed. Both you and I have been calumniated. Men, very unfit to appreciate our labours, have seen in the marks of attachment which you have given me, a zeal of which I was the sole object. Let your future successes tell them, that it was the country, above all things, which you served by obeying me, and that if I have any share in your affection, I owe it to my ardent love for France, our common mother. * “Soldiers | Some efforts more, and the coalition is dissolved. Napoleon will recognize you by the blows which you are going to strike. * , “Save the honor, the independence of the French. Be to the last the same men that I have known * wº wºrks g * *- *~~~ 3-º- º you for these last twenty years, and you will be invincible. (Signed) “This letter of adieu was distributed to the army. It intimated absence, but the absent might return, of which himself was the proof. That he would return, they believed firmly, and had his death been announced, they would probably have expected his resurrection. Even the belief of his absence was by no means general; it was imagin- “NAPoleoN.” ‘ed, that he was lurking in some shape or other in their ranks, and that he would stand up in his own, whenever the great day of general contest should take place. * “The first attack made by the allied armies was to the north of Paris, and was confined to skirmishes and distant cannonade. At three in the morning, on the 30th of June, I was awakened by the first roar of cannon; not as it is usually heard in popular cities, the sign of victory, the symbol of public festivity, but the harbinger of woe, the messenger of death. The first cannon was fired from the heights of Belleville, which nearly front my window. I arose immediately. What contrasts the scene presented, and what dissonant sounds struck my ear ! The sky was tinged with the first soft colours of the morning, and the hills and gardens covered with the freshest verdure, except where the Butte of Chaumont on the right, and the heights of Montmartre on the left, presented their formidable artillery, which was at that mo- inent pouring forth its horrible contents; while, at intervals of silence, the note of earliest birds floated along the air, and seemed to reproach mankind for this disturbance of nature. Strongly impress with the events of the last year, I was too much alarmed at the probable events of the present. On the 30th of March, 1814, I had been awakened also, t the first dawn of day, by the roar of cannon placed on the very same theatre, that of the hills which overlook my windows. The cannonade on that day was long, loud, and tremendous. The vollies of artillery were almost incessant during twelve hours. Shells had torn up the gardens around us, and our only refuge was to retire 'behind the walls of the house, which we hoped were too thick for cannon-balls to penetrate. That day had indeed been awful till, at six in the evening, the capitulation being announced, the tu- mult of battle gave place to the sounds of music; and some of the soldiers of the French army, and those of the allies, joined the nymphs of the Faux- bourg in the sprightly dance, forgetful, alas! of their fallen comrades. / “The attack on the 30th of June, 1815, was far less formidable. It was chiefly confined to mus- ketry, and slackened very sensibly at six in the morning. Notwithstanding the fortifications on .* 4. OF THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. I499 -****-*-º-º-º-º-º- the heights, the city might have been entered on this side, but the slaughter must have been exces- sive; and the Duke of Wellington, who knew well the ground around Paris, made himself mas- ter of the best positions; and no longer attempting an entrance on the north, the allied army drew off by the river, towards Neuilly and St. Germain. “The musketry, which had continued in the plain of St. Denis, ceased altogether at about three in the afternoon. I then went on the Boulevards; all the gay shops that enliven that brilliant walk were closely shut up, and what sinister presages might be read in every visage of the crowd . On examining the hostile passions, pourtrayed in every countenance, it seemed as if the assembled multitudes waited only the signal for civil war. We appeared to be treading on a mine ready to receive the spark of explosion. The swarms of the Fauxbourg's St. Antoine and St. Marceau were let loose. #. had taken no part in public events, since their time of active citizen- ship, in the days of terror. But their dormant patriotism was now awakened, bribed or whipped up, and they issued from their retreats with the hope of being active in some extraordinary scene. Many “a smith was there, swallowing a taylor's news.’ Some of the figures in the group were Les Forts de la Halle, corn and coal-porters. They had formed a part of the federative #: tion of the two Fauxbourgs to the emperor, and offered their military services. The emperor, on account of their enormous round white and black hats, had pleasantly named them Ses mousquetaires moirs et blancs. These groups were composed of women as well as men, for nothing ever passes in Paris, great or minute, without the interference of women; and some might have claimed the palm from the other sex in ãº. and vociferation. “While these formidable armies were in contest without the walls, for the possession of Paris, va- rious were the alarms and terrors which agitated its inhabitants. At length, however, the report was generally circulated, that the allies were about to turn the siege into a blockade; that we had nothing to fear from pillage ; and that we should only be starved. The arrival, however, of the accustomed provisions the next day, through the midst of the enemy's camp, led the Parisians to apply to Wellington the well-known trait of Henry the Fourth, when he besieged Paris, “On the 1st of July, the scene on the Boulevard was quite changed since that of yesterday. The Parisians expected that the enemy would have entered on the first attack, and they were tired of the delay. They heard the cannon at inter- vals during twenty-four hours; yesterday this WaS a jy but to-day they felt as if accus- tomed to be besieged, and returned to their usual avocations and pleasures. Yesterday the theatres * wº * which was indeed a striking signal of 02. distress in Paris; to-day, though the great the Book xyl. atres were closed, the ‘Thievish Magpie' re- sumed his triumph at the theatre of the Porte St. Martin; and that of La Gaieté prepared for the public amusement the bombardment of Algiers, a melo-drame fitted to fill up the interval of the great melo-drame of national events. The bar- riers of Paris were prudently shut, and the field of battle without the walls was occupied only by military. Had not the Parisian women been re- fused egress, curiosity might perhaps have got the better of fear; they would have risked a wound, in the hope that it would not disfigure their faces; and the plains of St. Denis might have been strewed, not only with wrecks of cabriolets and pleasure-carts, but with hats, caps, and other articles of millinery baggage. “In the evening the Italian Boulevard was crowded, as usual, with the gay tribes, who, seat- ed on double rows of chairs, with an interval for the walkers, pass the latter part of their summer evenings, inhaling the dust in good company. This evening the walk, as usual, had its itinerant band of music, its ices in the adjoining cafés, and all its accustomed attractions, “It may be observed that the Italian Boulevard, so long the haunt of the fashionable world of Paris, i. undergone various changes of name during the course of the revolution. In the first 'years of that event, this Boulevard was denomi- nated, or was rather stigmatized, by the appella- tion of Coblentz, on account of its being fre- quented by that class of society, of which a great part had emigrated to that place. On the de- parture of Louis the Eighteenth, and the return of Bonaparte, Coblentz was subdivided into the Boulevard de Gand, (Ghent,) and the Boulevard de l’ile d'Elbe. The amusements of the Boule- vard were occasionally varied by the march of troops, the beating to arms, the swift pace of cou- riers, the sound of cannon at intervals ; and sometimes all gaity was suspended by the sad spectacle of the wounded victims of those skir- mishes, writhing in agony and covered with blood. I heard one young officer, who was borne along on planks by four of his men, and who was mor- tally wounded, exclaim as he passed, “..Achevez- moi, mes amis, achevez-moi—vous voyez que je meurs—vive la patrie!”—“Finish me, my friends, put an end to my sufferings; yes, I see I must die; heaven preserve my country It may be supposed, that in the heat of battle such an af. fecting, appeal, and such a noble exclamation, might pass unnoticed; but here, at home, amidst his countrymen, and even women, to find no sym- pathy, not ‘as much pity as would fill the eye of a wren; no tender tear from any female spec- tator—no interest but that of simple curiosity. Oh! how the spirit of party shuts up every ave- nue to the heart; ºI' blunts every better Chap. II. Jºvº 1815. 1500 history of The wafts BOOK XVI. CHAP. II. vºvº-Z y 1815. feeling, how it renders us cruel, and almost wicked! “Though no one was permitted to go out of Paris, all were suffered to enter; and we had frequent news of what was passing without. I met a sprightly young captain, who told me that he had yesterday been prisoner to the English, and then began the praises of our countrymen. ‘We thrashed the Prussians,’ said he, “the day before, and we had fixed a party of about a do- zen to breakfast together yesterday. We saw pre- sently that we were pursued by a superior number of English officers. We rode hard, having more appetite for breakfast than fighting. I rose in one stirrup to look around at them, they were still in pursuit. My saddle turned round, and I fell to the ground. JMe voilà dans une belle po- sition. They came up, and surrounded me; I thought myself a dead man, for we had not spared the Prussians the preceding day. What was my surprise when I saw they were occupied in re-saddling my horse ! ‘Come, get up, Sir, if you are not hurt; we shall take no advantage of the negligence of your groom.’” It may be interesting to notice the proceedings of the chambers, some of the members of which now began to lower their tone, and some of the most violent to recal their words. They were aware that the abdication of Napoleon was the re- turn of the Bourbons; and, therefore, they pre- pared to make their peace with them. . Of these, M. Dubach was the foremost. In the sitting of the 1st of July, he begged to correct a typogra- phical error which had crept into his speech of the preceding day, but now printed, and distri- buted among them. “In that speech,” said he, “I am made to have said:—I need not retrace to you the picture of the crimes, faults, pretensions, perfidies of that ephemeral reign.” (of Louis XVIII.) The word crimes, continued he, should be rectified, and has been done by writing in a certain number of copies distributed. “I ob- served,” said he, “the proceedings of the royal government: I have recognized its faults, its er- rors, and the abuses which it brought along with it; but I never made use of the expression which appeared in print.” M. Dupin also endeavoured to correct an error which had taken place in print- ing his speech. In the copy of the law proposed to secure the public safety, the paragraph had been omitted “which ordains that the motives of arrest should be communicated to the accused.” In truth, M. Dupin did not think this a very ma- terial point, or necessary at the time; but as he was not sure but his turn might come soon, he wanted to be prepared to get all justice. The march of Wellington and Blucher did wonders. They corrected many errors both in print and manuscript; and touched with feeling heads and hearts which had never been touched before. and through Considerable uneasiness was expressed by the as- sembly at the situation of the commissioners sent to the allied powers, as no communications had been received from them. M. Bory de St. Vin- cent then made his appearance, to report the con- dition of the army assembled to defend Paris, which he had been appointed to visit, in company with his colleagues Garat, Mornay, Bugnet, and Heilot : — - “We repaired to Villette,” said he, “where were the head-quarters of the Prince of Eck- muhl. The marshal had just come in from visit- ing the lines, which M. Carnot had visited in the morning. tº ... ' “General Vandamme, whose fine corps was that moment traversing Paris, answered for the excellent spirit of his soldiers, who shared in his enthusiastic patriotism. d “The general-in-chief appeared to think that an affair of importance might take P". to-day; is modesty one could distinguish, that far from dreading its results, he entertained from it the finest hopes for the honor of our al’HITS, #. “We visited the works at many points; the soldiers and a great number of inhabitants were working there with zeal. We found them in the best state. Our colleague Buguet, who, a year ago, like myself, formed part of that brave army of the south, which, under the orders of Mar- shal Soult, so well defended the south of France against the triple force of General Wellington, remarked, that those works were even better than those under the protection of which our army at Toulouse dealt such horrible destruction among the English. “Abattis were formed on all the great roads, obstacles multiplied, and the ditches covering our lines inundated. A Prussian party occupied some villages visible at a distance, and we advanced near their videttes. * “We met a crowd of brave national-guards and federates proceeding to exercise at sharp- shooting, and thus familiarise themselves with dangers which they burn to meet. Many of these intrepid Parisians complained to us, that neither arms nor cartridges were given to them ; others complained that their courage was kept back; we promised to state their representations to the eXecutfi We COIrani ittee. “The gendarmerie, that chosen corps selected from other corps, accompanied us, profesting that they would also combat with the rest of the ca- valry for national independence. * “We were every where received with trans- port; the soldiers, young as well as old, formed groups around us, shouting Wive la liberté, vive Napoleon II. vivent les representans,—point de Bourbons ! v. . “On our return to the general-in-chief, we OF THE FRENCH REVOLUTION, 1501 mºr- wº------ found with him Count Reille, who also answered for the patriotism of his troops. We next pro- ceeded to the extreme right, to visit the guards commanded by General Rognet, and the corps of Count D'Erlon. These corps occupy the heights of Belleville, which are crowned with excellent works. “In our way I met General Darleau, who as- sured me that should there be a battle, he would appear there at the head of 7,000 tirailleurs of the national-guard and federates; he had hitherto been abie to arm and clothe this number of pa- triots out of the many who had offered themselves; but these 7,000 were equal to troops d’élite, and their number was hourly increasing. We may expect every thing from Frenchmen combating for national honor, when they are commanded by one of our generals to whom honor is so dear, and who so bravely defended Seville. “It would be difficult to describe what we were witnesses of at Belleville ; all the old guard was there collected; they at first saw us pass in silence; inquietude was in their looks. Calumni- ous rumours respecting us had for some days been current in the army, that system of alarm and distrust which your internal enemies have adopt- ed; the apparent indecision of some of our deli- berations; in fine, the opinions ascribed to one of our colleagues, made the army for a moment fear that the words “national safety” and “country” were, in our mouths, words which concealed a mystery. - “From the moment we assured the troops that it could not enter into our views to falsify your orders, and that you were determined to die for the cause of our rights, a burst of joy, the certain pledge of victory, broke forth from all quarters; the shouts of Vive l’Independence 1 Vive la Liberté ! Vive Napoleon II. I must have re-echoed even to the enemy's camp. Soldiers, officers, delighted to see the tri-coloured scarfagain on our camps, swore to defend the national repre- sentatives. We may answer for their fidelity to this oath. - “If the enthusiasm of the army was at its height, that of the whole population of the fau- bourgs was not less ardent. On being witnesses of what we saw yesterday, we may answer for the safety of Paris. * “Gentlemen, the French soldiers are the most intelligent of all; they reason very sensibly as to their true interests; and the officers who, like myself, issuing from their ranks, have risen to superior grades, will tell you that none are better judges than the soldiers of all that affects their honor, and the confidence due to their chiefs. The shouts which we heard, and the conversations we had with many of your defenders, made us acquainted with their real sentiments; it would be criminal to conceal them. 6 “You, gentlemen, have sent ambassadors to Book xvi. the foreign powers; you charged these ambassa- dors to remind them of the words they so so- lemnly swore, that they mean no attack on your independence, that they make war on Napoleon alone. Well, Napoleon is now to you only illus- trious and fallen. Place yourselves, therefore, in a position to await a reply which must be favor- able to your liberties, if, as a king of France once said, good faith has its last asylum in the heart of kings. “Proclaim the wish of the immense majority of the French, that your negociators may not hear it said, that France desires a counter-revolution. “Recollect, that in 1814, when Europe, in league, precipitated Napoleon from the throne, the initiative which one city took in the events made a government to be imposed upon you, which Russia and Austria had not thought of “It is not doubtful that an invisible hand en- deavours, to influence the negociators of your ambassadors; that invisible hand has weighed upon the interests of Europe; it has found them contrary to those of the faction which it serves; it knows that Europe can have no interest to im- pose upon you a government similar to that with which Ferdinand VII. oppresses Spain; it knows that Austria and Russia may still pronounce for France; , but that paricidal hand wishes, by a system of discouragement, falsehood, and ambi- guity, to render it impossible for you to await the result of your negociations. “You have been told that you had no longer an army, and that all was lost; that your soldiers, discouraged, were disbanding and would fight no longer: these reports were put into the mouths of certain generals to give them weight; the report of your colleagues proves that all this is false. “You have been told that 100,000 enemies were advancing against you by forced marches; this also is false. Even at the commencement of the campaign, the English and Prussian ar- mies were not estimated at more, and the battles of Fleurus and Waterloo cannot have increased their strength ! “Those who are the least acquainted with the art of war, are aware that they are only the heads of columns which now menace Paris. Your forces are at least equal to those opposed to you, and would be double, if you added to them the federates and the sound part of the national- guards. With such elements, commanded by the defender of Hamburgh, can you not await, and save the glory of the French name * Far from me be the idea of seeing Paris exposed to the horrors of a defence; but we must not assume a suppliant attitude when there are still men who know how to combat, who can and will do so. We must not, besides, look upon Paris as all France. CHAP. II. Jºvº. " 1815. 1502 history of the wars BOOK XVI. CHAP. II. Wººvºº 1815. * R. “Let us not conceal, gentlemen, what would be the situation of France, if they succeeded in imposing upon you the Bourbon family. The head of that family, however willing to do good, would not even effect it; the multitude of crea- tures who accompany him would necessarily hold back his hand. Promises would be given you, but would not be kept. All who for these twenty- five years have fought for liberty, those in parti- cular who have combated latterly, would be con- sidered as rebels; their successes, their misfortunes, would be passports to proscription. The purchasers of national property, forming so large a mass of the nation, would be violently despoiled. The pea- sants would be oppressed by the petty lords. Do our enemies suppose, then, that the men of the re- volution are cowards 3 They have placed their hopes in royal Vendées, and they do not consider that there will be patriotic Vendées. Do they suppose that the latter can be kept down by the presence of foreign troops ? Ah, gentlemen, those who like ourselves were garnisaires in Spain, know that the presence of the best garrisons is insufficient to subjugate a people.” He concluded with moving, that five represen- tatives be constantly with the armies, not to inter- fere with the military movements, but that the world might see that they knew nothing more glo- rious than to die for the country. On the motion of M. Gorree, the above speech was ordered to be printed, sent to the departments and armies, and posted in Paris. M. Jacotot then appeared at the tribune, in the name of the committee charged to draw up an address to the French people. He stated, that the committee unanimously adopted the follow- Ingº 2– §. Frenchmen, The foreign powers proclaimed in the face of Europe, that they were only armed against Napoleon : that they wished to respect our independence, and the right which belongs to every nation to choose the government suitable to its manners and interests. “Napoleon is no longer the chief of the state; he has renounced the throne, and his abdication has been accepted by your representatives. He is removed from us. His son is called to the em- pire by the constitutions of the state. The co- alesced sovereigns know that. The war ought then to be terminated, if the promises of kings be not vain. “However, while plenipotentiaries have been sent to the allied powers to treat for peace in the name of France, the generals of two of those 'powers have refused any suspension of arms. Their troops have hastened their march, under the favor of a moment of trouble and hesitation. They are at the gates of the capital without any communication having informed us for what ob. ject the war is continued. *—--a *—- sº- 24 nº. “Our plenipotentiaries will soon declare whe- ther we must renounce peace. In the mean time resistance is as necessary as legitimate ; and hu- manity, in requiring an account of the blood use- lessly shed, will not accuse these brave men who only combat to repel from their homes the scourges of war, murder, and pillage—to defend with their lives the cause of liberty, and of that indepen- dence, the imprescriptible right of which has been guaranteed to them even by the manifestoes of their enemies. * “Amidst these grave circumstances, your re- presentatives cannot forget that they were not chosen to stipulate for the interests of any party whatever, but for the whole nation. Every act of weakness, while dishonoring them, would only serve to compromise, during a long period, the future tranquillity of France. In the mean time, then, that the government is employing all the means of obtaining a solid peace, what more ad- vantageous to the nation can be done, than to col- lect and establish the fundamental rules of a mo- narchical and representative government, destined to secure to all citizens the free enjoyment of these sacred rights which sacrifices so numerous and so great have purchased; and to rally for ever, under the national colours, that great body of Frenchmen, who have no other interest, and no other wish, than to enjoy an honorable repose and a just independence. “Meanwhile the chambers conceive, that their duty and their dignity require them to declare, that they will never acknowledge as legitimate chief of the state, he who, on ascending the throne, shall refuse to acknowledge the rights of the na- tion, and to consecrate them by a solemn compact. The constitutional chart is drawn up; and if the force of arms should succeed in temporally im- posing upon us a master—if the destinies of a great nation are again to be delivered up to the caprice and the arbitrary will of a small number of privileged persons, then, in yielding to force, the national representation will protest in the face of the whole world in support of the oppressed French people. & “Your representatives will appeal to the energy of the present and future generations to renew their claim both to national independence and the rights of civil liberty. For these rights they now appeal to the justice and the reason of all civi- lised nations.” The above address was adopted amidst loud applause, and ordered to be sent to the chamber of peers. he remainder of this day's sitting was taken up with debates unimportant to the general reader. Various resolutions were passed to ensure the distribution amongst the army and the national guards of their proceedings. Next day many members had absented themselves, and the fol. of fift FRENch Révolution. 1503 *g, 2 a. - * - -º- lowing day was occupied by the different bureaua, in completing the constitution. No other subject would be listened to, though alarm and confusion pervaded Paris. & It is now necessary to turn our attention to the proceedings of Louis XVIII. Immediately after the battle of Waterloo, on the invitation of the Duke of Wellington, he left Ghent, accompanied by other members of his family, and by Talley- rand, Marmont, Clark, and other attendants, and advanced into France, in the rear of the British army. It is said, that some of his ministers advis- ed him to remain at Ghent, till he was recalled by §: nation, and not to sanction, by his presence, the calamities which the allied armies must neces- sarily inflict upon his people. “Let it appear.” said they, “that the war is carried on between the coalesced sovereigns and the adherents of Bona- arte, and not between the King of France and #. subjects. The allies are sufficiently strong to overcome all your enemies, and your presence, while it could add little to their numerical force, would impede their operations, throw suspicion on, the sincerity of their professions, and raise against them an unnecessary and murderous opposition. Your unwillingness to appear while the blood of 'Frenchmen continues to flow, will be attributed to an amiable and honorable feeling, and will make a favorable impression on the minds of your subjects. . But, were you to advance in con- junction with the allies, it would shew that you are determined to be king again, whether they will have it so or not, and would infallibly cause much indignation and disgust. You have friends enough among the allies, and secret friends enough at Paris, to take care of your interests there, while you will have the merit of being re- călled by the affection and fidèlity of your sub- jects, and not forced upon them by the bayonets of foreigners.” . This advice, however, did not please the princes of his family. The conduct of these princes had domie no good to the cause of Louis during his former reign, and it was not likely they would be of any great advantage to him at'the present mo- ment; but as they were "anxious to return to power, they opposed the advice of the ministers, After deliberating two days upon the policy of entering France with the alſies, Louis at length ac- ceded to the wishes of his family, on receiving the Duke of Wellington’s invitation. He quitted Ghent on the 22d of June, and on the next day arrived at Mons. On the 24th, he set out for’ Chateau-Cambresis, and from thence proceeded to Cambray, where he was received with every mark of respect. On the 28th, he addresséd the following proclamation to the French nation, for the purpose of informing them of his future inten- tions:– * 102." e” The King to the French People. “The gates of my kingdom at last open before me; I hasten to bring back my misled subjects, to mitigate the calamities which I had wished to prevent, to place myself a second time between the allied and the French armies, in the hope that the feelings of consideration of which I may be the object, may tend to their preservation. This is the only way in which I have wished to take part in the war. I have not permitted any prince of my family to appear in foreign ranks, and have chained in the courage of those of my servants who had been able to range themselves around Iſlee “Returned to the soil of my country, I take pleasure in speaking confidence to my people. When I first re-appeared among you, I found men’s minds agitated, and heated by conflicting passions. My views encountered on every side nothing but difficulties and obstacles. My go- vernment was liable to commit errors: perhaps it did commit them. There are times when the purest intentions are insufficient to direct, or some- times they even mislead. “Experience alone could teach; it shall not be lost. All that can save France is my wish. “My subjects have learned, by cruel trials, that the principle of the legitimacy of sovereigns is one of the fundamental bases of social order,-the only one upon which, amidst a great nation, a wise and well-ordered liberty can be established. This doctrine has just been proclaimed as that of all Europe. I had previously consecrated it b my charter, and I claim to add to that charter all the guarantees which can secure the benefits of it. “The unity of ministry is the strongest that I can offer. I mean that it should exist, and that the frank and firm march of my council should guarantee all interests and calm all inquietudes. “Some have talked latterly of the restoration of tithes and feudal rights. This fable, invented by the common enemy, does not require confutation. It will not be expected that the king should stoop to refute calumnies and lies: the success of the treason has too clearly indicated their source. If the purchasers of national property have felt alarm, the charter should suffice to re-assure them. Did I not myself propose to the chambers, and cause to be executed, sales of such property? This proof of my sincerity is unanswerable, “In these latter times, my subjects of all classes have given me equal proofs of love and fidelity. I wish them to know how sensibly I feel them, and that it is from among all Frenchmen I shall de- light to choose those who are to approach my per- son and my family. f “I wish to exclude from my presence none but those whose celebrity is matter of grief to France, and of º to Europe. In the BOOK XVI. & CHAP. II. ~~~ 1815, 1504 HISTORY OF THE WARS .* BOOK XVI, plot which they hatched, I perceive many of my Chap. II. v_s^^_^ 1815. subjects misled, and some guilty. “I promise—I who never promised in vain (all Europe knows it)—to pardon to misled French- men all that has passed since the day when I quitted Lille, amidst so many tears, up to the day when I re-entered Cambray, amidst so many ac- clamations. “But the blood of my people has flowed, in consequence of a treason of which the annals of the world present no example. That treason has summoned foreigners into the heart of France. Every day reveals to me a new disaster. I owe it, then, to the dignity of my crown, to the inte- rest of my people, to the repose of Europe, to except from pardon the instigators and authors of this ºl. plot. They shall be designated to the vengeance of the laws by the two chambers, which I propose forthwith to assemble. “Frenchmen, such are the sentiments which he brings among you, whom time has not been able to change, nor calamities fatigue, nor injus- tice made to stoop. The king, whose fathers reigned for eight centuries over yours, returns to consecrate the remainder of his days in defending and consoling you. } “Given at Cambray, this 28th of June, in the year of our Lord 1815, and of our reign the twenty-first. (Signed) * Louis. “By the king, (Signed) “Prince TALLEYRAND, “Minister Secretary of state for Foreign Affairs.” From Cambray, the king proceeded towards the capital, and, on the 7th of July, he arrived at St. Denis, where for the present we shall leave him. Meanwhile the allied armies continued to invest Paris, which had been strongly fortified on the north side. From the Seine, above the city, along the heights of Belleville, by Montmartre, and to St. Denis, the fortifications were one con- tinued chain. To have forced them would have cost many valuable lives, and probably have oc- sioned the total ruin of the city. In the meantime, the provisional government neglected no possible means of averting the threat- ened danger, and repeated overtures were in vain made to Wellington and Blucher to procure an armistice. TXavoust, the commander-in-chief of the army, determined to make another effort, and accordingly he sent the following letter to the Duke of Wellington:— “Head-quarters at La Villette, June 30, 1815. “My lord, Your hostile movements continue, although, according to their declarations, the mo- tives of the war which the allied sovereigns make upon us no longer exist, since the emperor Na- poleon has abdicated. * --> -* -*-*. “At the moment when blood is again on the point of flowing, I receive from Marshal, the Duke of Albufera a telegraphic dispatch, of which I transmit you a copy. My lord, I guarantee this armistice on my Hºnor. All the reasons you might have had to continue hostilities are des- troyed, because you can have no other instruction from your government than that which the Aus- trian generals had from theirs. “I make the formal demand on your excel- lency of ceasing all hostilities, and that we pro- ceed to form an armistice, awaiting the decision of Congress. I cannot believe, my lord, that my request will remain ineffectual ; you will take upon yourself a great responsibility in the eyes of your noble fellow-countrymen. No other motive but that of putting an end to the effusion of blood, and the interest of my country, have dictated this letter. If I present myself on the field-of-battle, with the idea of your talents, I shall carry thi- ther the conviction of there combating for the most sacred of causes, that of the defence and in- dependence of my country; and whatever may be the result, I shall merit your esteem. Accept, I beg you, my lord, the assurance of my highest consideration. “ The Marshal Prince of EckMUHL, “ Minister at War.” A similar letter was sent to Blucher, to which he replied, “That the French marshal was wrong in supposing all cause of war removed, as the abdication of Napoleon was only in favor of his son; and that he must know the declaration of the allies excluded from the throne not only Napoleon, but all the members of his family. General Frimont’s conduct, he said, was no rule to guide theirs; that they would certainly follow up their victory, which God had given them the means and the will to do.” He desired Davoust to beware how he brought ruin upon a great city; and asked him if he wished to bring down on himself the curses of Paris, as he had those of Hamburgh. They were resolved to enter Paris; and no armistice could be concluded ex- cept in that place. . He called upon Davoust not to misconceive the situation in which the allies stood with regard to his nation; and re- marked, that if Davoust was so anxious to enter into negociations with them, “it was strange that he should detain, contrary to the law of nations, their officers who were sent with letters and pack- ets;” and concluded his answer by saying, that, “according to the usual forms of established civi- lity, I have the honor to call myself, M. Marshal, your servant, “ BLUCHER.” The same day Davoust, Pajol, d'Erlon, Fres- sinet, Vandamme, and about twelve other ge- nerals, commandºs the troops in the lines before OF THE FRENCH REVOLUTION, $505 -—º * Paris, addressed a letter to the house of repre- sentatives, which we shall subjoin. “ Representatives of the people,_We are in presence of our enemies: we swear before you and the world to defend, to our last sigh, the cause of our independence and the national honor. It is wished to impose the Bourbons upon us, and these princes are rejected by the immense ma- jority of Frenchmen. If their return could be subscribed to, recollect, representatives, that you would sign the testament of the army, which for twenty years has been the palladium of French ho- nor. There are in war, especially when it has been long conducted, successes and reverses. In our successes we have been seen great and generous; in our reverses, if it is wished to humiliate us, we shall know how to die. “The Bourbons present no guarantee to the nation. We received them with sentiments of the most generous confidence; we forgot all the calamities they had caused us, by their rage in wishing to deprive us of our most sacred rights. Well what reply did they make to this confi- dence? They treated us as rebels and van- quished. Representatives, these reflections are terrible, because they are true. Inexorable his- tory will one day relate what the Bourbons did to replace themselves on the throne of France; it will also tell the conduct of the army, of that army essentially national, and posterity will judge which best deserved the esteem of the world.” The liveliest applauses succeeded to the read- ing of the above letter, which was ordered to be rinted and sent to the armies. Wellington and Blucher continued their opera- tions; and, on the 30th of June, had recourse to a movement which proved decisive of the fate of Paris. Marshal Blucher having taken the village of Aubervilliers, or Vertus, made a move- ment to his right, and crossing the Seine at St. Germain, below the capital, threw his whole force upon the south side of the city, where no prepara- tions had been made to receive an enemy. On the morning of the 2d, he had his right at Pliesse Pique, and his left at Meudon, with his reserves at Versailles. This was a thunderbolt to the enemy; and it was then that his weakness and the allied strength was seen in the most conspi- cuous point of view; because, at this moment, the armies of Wellington and Blucher were se- arated, and the enemy was, with all his force, É. them, yet they could not move to pre- vent their junction. Carnot blames Bonaparte for not fortifying Paris on this side, and says he forewarned him of this danger. The enemy was thus obliged to abandon all the works that he had constructed for the defence of the capital, and threw himself over the Seine to meet Blu- cher. The contest, on this day, was obstinate, but the Prussians finally surmounted all difficulties, and succeeded in establishing themselves firmly upon the heights of Meudon and in the village of Issy. The French loss, on this day, was estimated at 3,000 men. Next morning, by three o'clock, the Prussians were attacked in their positions already mentioned, but the enemy were repulsed with much loss. In the meantime the allied army, under Wellington, had advanced to Gonasse. The right immediately threw a bridge over the Seine at Argenteuil, crossed that river, and opened the communication with Blucher, while another part of the army advanced upon the city, from the east, by Neuilly. All further resistance, it was now obvious, would prove unavailing. Paris now lay at the mercy of the allies. In this state the government commission convoked, on the 1st of July, an extraordinary assembly, to which were called all the marshals of France, (except Davoust, absent on duty,) and several general officers, as well of the line as of the artillery, and the mem- bers of the committees of the chambers of peers and representatives. In this meeting it was una- nimously decided by the military men, amongst whom Soult and Massena took the lead, that Paris was no longer tenable. Some members, however, of the house of representatives, were of a different opinion; and demanded, that before any defi- nitive judgment should be passed upon this im- portant point, some further investigation should take place, and information be obtained. Ac- cordingly it was resolved, that, on the night fol- lowing, there should be held, at the head-quarters at La Vallette, a council of defence, in which Davoust, then war-minister and also commander- in-chief, should preside, and at which all the marshals of France who were then in Paris, and the lieutenant-generals commanding the different corps of the army, were commanded to attend. The result of the deliberations of this assembl was, that Paris could no longer be defende . Accordingly it was impossible any longer to take a decisive course; and, on the 2d of July, a special commission, which was entrusted to M. Bignon, who held, ad interim, the port-folio of foreign affairs, General Guillemot, chief of the general staff of the army, and the Count de º, pre- fect of the department of the Seine, was directed to proceed to the English and Prussian #. and treat for the surrender of the city. Commis- sioners having been appointed by Wellington and Blucher, both parties met at St. Cloud. The conference was carried on in the palace of Bona- parte, and in the chamber in which he held his councils of state. The result was the following convention, for the surrender of Paris, and a sus- ension of arms. “This day, the 3d of July, 1815, the commis- sioners named by the commanders-in-chief of the respective armies, that is to say, the Baron Bignon, holding the portfeuille of foreign affairs; the Count BOOK XVI. CHAP. II. \_ºvº 1815. 1506 HISTORY OF THE WARS *. BOOK XVI. CHAP. II. Jºvº-V 1815. _* Guilleminot, chief of the general staff of the French army; the Count de Bondy, prefect of the department of the Seine; being furnished with the full powers of his excellency the Marshal Prince of Eckmuhl, commander-in-chief of the f'rench army on one side; and Major-general Baron Muffling, furnished with the full powers of his highness the Field-marshal Prince Blucher, commander-in-chief of the Prussian army; Co- lonel Harvey, furnished with the full powers of his excellency the Duke of Wellington, comman- der-in-chief of the English army, on the other side, have agreed to the following articles:— “Art. I.-There shall be a suspension of arms between the allied armies commanded by his high- ness the Prince Blucher, and his excellency the Duke of Wellington, and the French army under the walls of Paris. II.-‘The French army shall put itself in march to-morrow to take up its position behind the Loire. Paris shall be completely evacuated in three days, and the movement behind the Loire shall be effected within eight days. III.—“The French army shall take with it all its materiel, field-artillery, military-chest, horses, and property of regiments, without exception. All, persons belonging to the depôts shall also be removed, as well as those belonging to the dif- ferent branches of administration, which belong to the army. IV.—“The sick and wounded, and the medical officers whom it may be necessary to leave with them, are placed under the special protection of the commanders-in-chief of the English and Prus- sian armies. V.-" The military, and those holding employ- ments to whom the foregoing article relates, shall be at liberty, immediately after their reeovery, to réjoin the corps to which they belong. VI.—“The wives and children of all indivi- duals belonging to the French army shall be at liberty to remain in Paris. The wives shall be allowed to quit Paris for the purpose of rejoining the army, and to carry with them their property, and that of their husbands. VII.-‘The officers of the line employed with the Federés, or with the tirailleurs of the national- guard, may either join the army, or return to their homes, or the places of their birth. VIII.-" To-morrow, the 4th of July, at mid- day, St. Denis, St. Ouen, Clichy, and Neuilly, shall be given up. The day after to-morrow, the 5th, at the same hour, Montmartreshall be given up. The third day, the 6th, all the barriers shall be given up. IX.-" The duty of the city of Paris shall con- tinue to be done, by the national-guard, and by the corps of the municipal gens d'armerie. X.—“The commanders-in-chief of the English ** **wæ and Prussian armies engaged to respect, and to make those under their command respect, the ac- tual authorities, so long as they shalf exist. XI.-4: Public property, with the exception of that which relates to war, whether it belongs to the government, or depends upon the municipal authority, shall be respected, and the allied pow- ers will not interfere in any manner with its ad- ministration and management. XII.-" Private persons and property shall be equally respected. The inhabitants, and in #. neral all individuals who shall be in the capital, shall continue to enjoy their rights and liberties without being disturbed or called to account, ei- ther as to the situations which they hold, or ma have held, or as to their conduct or political opi- In 101S, XIII.-" The foreign troops shall not interpose any obstacles to the provisioning of the capital, and will protect, on the contrary, the arrival and the free circulation of the articles which are des- tined for it. XIV.-4: The present convention shall be ob- served, and shall serve to regulate the mutual relations until the conclusion of peace. In case of rupture, it must be denounced in the usual forms, at least ten days beforehand. XV.- If difficulties arise in the execution of . any one of the articles of the present convention, the interpretation of it shall be made in favor 'of the French army and of the city of Paris. XVI.-" The present convention is declared common to all the allied armies, provided it be ratified by the powers on which these armies are dependant. XVII.-‘The ratifications shall be exchanged to-morrow, the 4th of July, at six o'clock in the morning, at the bridge of Neuilly. XVIII.-‘Commissioners shall be named by the respective parties, in order to watch over the execution of the present convention. “Done and signed at St. Cloud, in triplicate, by the commissioners above-named, the day and year before-mentioned. (Signed) “The Baron BIGNON, Count GUILLEMONT, Count de Bondy, * The Baron de MUFFLING, F. B. HERVEy, colonel. “Approved and ratified the present suspension of arms, at Paris, the 3d of July, 1815. “ Approved, (Signed) * Marshal the Prince d’EckMUHL.” Thus, in the 'short space of fifteen months, was the capital of France twice besieged, and twice compelled to open its gates and receive the law of the conqueror. But while the allies were pre- paring to occupy the city, the chambers continued of THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 1507 *-*. * --- -------- to meet and to deliberate. . On the 4th, they re- ceived a message from the government, an- nouncing the capitulation of the city, and inform- ing them, that “they had in vain tried to struggle against the torrent—our efforts have been impo- tent—our means of defence were exhausted, and notwithstanding the heroic courage of our troops, and the devotion of the national-guard of Paris, we have found that it was impossible to prevent the allies from penetrating into Paris, either by main force or negociation. We have preferred the last means, in order not to expose the fate of the capital to the hazard of a last battle against superior forces ready to receive new reinforce- Inents. ---, *. “In these painful circumstances,” they added, “there remains to us at least the satisfaction to announce to you, that whilst we have avoided the effusion of blood, we have not sacrificed either the principles of political administration, or the glory of the French arms.” In return, the chambers passed a vote of thanks, approving of the conduct of government, thanking the army and the national-guard, de- claring that they would continue to attend to their wants, that they relied on their courage and fidelity, and intrusted the protection of the national independence and banners to their care. M. Garat then proposed to give the nation some- thing like the English bill of rights. This mo- tion gave rise to a long debate; but having been carried by a majority of 448 against 34, the fol- lowing declaration to the French people was adopted, and ordered to be sent to the chamber of peers. Declaration of the Chamber of Representatives. “The troops of the allied powers are going to occupy the capital. “The chamber of representatives will neverthe- less continue to sit in the midst of the inhabitants of Paris, where the express will of the people called together its delegates. “But under the present important circumstances, the chamber of representatives owes to itself, to France, to Europe, a declaration of its sentiments and of its principles. “It declares, then, that it makes a solemn appeal to the fidelity and to the patriotism of the Parisian national-guard, charged with the protection of the national representation. “It declares that it reposes with the highest con- fidence on the principles of morality and honor, on the magnanimity of the allied powers, and on their respect for the independence of the nation, so positively expressed in their manifestoes. “It declares that the government of France, whoever may be its chief, ought to unite the wishes of the nation legally expressed, and to assimilate itself to other governments to become 103. a common bond, and the guarantee of peace be- BOOK XVI. tween France and Europe. “It declares that a monarch cannot offer sub- stantial guarantees, unless he swears to observe a constitution deliberated upon by the national representation, and accepted by the people. Therefore every government which shall have no other titles except acclamations, and the will of one party, or which shall be imposed by force; every government which shall not adopt the na- tional colours, and shall not guarantee— “The liberty of the subject; Equality of civil and political rights; The liberty of the press; The liberty of worship; The representative system; Free assent to levies of men and taxes; The responsibility of ministers; The irrevocability of the sales of national pro- perty, whatever its origin; § The inviolability of property, the abolition of tithes, of the old and new hereditary nobility, and of feudality; The abolition of all confiscation of goods; Entire oblivion of political opinions and votes given up to this time; The institution of the legion of honor; . The compensations due to officers and soldiers; The aid due to their widows and their children; The institution of juries; The irremovability of judges; The payment of the national debt: “The government which shall not guarantee all these, will have only an ephemeral ex- istence, and will not secure the peace of France and Europe. “Should the bases laid down in this declaration be disregarded or violated, the representatives of the French people, acquitting themselves this day of a sacred duty, protest beforehand, in the face , of the whole world, against violence and usurpa- tion. They confide the maintenance of the prin- ciples which they proclaim to all good French- men, to all generous hearts, to all enlightened minds, to all men jealous of their liberty, in fine to future generations. • (Signed) “LANJUINA is, President. DUMOLARD, BEDoch, Secretaries Clement (of Doubs), ( **** HELEo, The provisional government next issued an address to the nation on the events which had occurred. It is as follows:— “Frenchmen, In the difficult circumstances when the reigns of the state were confided to us, it was not in our power to master the course of events, and to remove all dangers; but it became our duty to defend the interests of the people and I7 F CHAP. II. Jºvº » 1815. 1508 HISTORY OF THE WARs BOOK XVI. CHAP. II. Jºvº-Z 1815. of the army, equally compromised in the cause of a prince abandoned by fortune and the national will. “It became our duty to preserve to the country the precious remains of those brave legions whose eourage is superior to reverses, and who have been the victims of a devotedness which the country now claims. y * “It became our duty to guarantee the capital from the horrors of siege, and the chances of a battle; to maintain the public tranquillity in the midst of the tumult and agitations of war; to support the hopes of the friends of liberty, in the midst of the fears and inquietudes of a suspicious foresight; above all, it became our duty to stop the useless effusion of blood: it was necessary to . choose an assured national existence, or to run the risk of exposing the country and its citizens to a general subversion, which would have left neither hope nor futurity. ' * “None of the means of defence which time and our resources allowed; nothing that the service of the camps and of the city required was neg- lected. “While the pacification of the west was finish- ing, plenipotentiaries, repaired to the allied powers, and all the documents of their negocia- tion have been laid before your representatives. “The fate of the capital is settled by a con- vention. Its inhabitants, whose firmness, cou- rage, and perseverance are above all praise, form its guard. ... " “The declarations of the sovereigns.of Europe should inspire too much confidence, their pro- -mises have been too solemn, to excite a fear that our liberties and our dearest interests can be sa- crificed to victory. ...w “In a word, we shall receive guarantees which will prevent those alternate and temporary tri- umphs of factions that have agitated us for five- and-twenty years, which will terminate our revo- lution, and confound in a common protection all the parties to which it has given birth, and all those which it has combated. .* “The guarantees which hitherto have only ex- isted in our principles and in our courage, we shall find in our laws, our constitution, and in our representative system; for whatever may be the intelligence; the personal qualities of the monarch, they are not sufficient to put the people out of the reach of the oppression of power, the prejudices of pride, the injustice of courts, and the ambition of courtiers. “ Frenchmen, peace is necessary to your com- merce, to your arts, to the amelioration of your manners, to the developement of your remaining resources; be united, and you reach the end of your miseries. The repose of Europe is insepa- rable from yours. Europe is interested in your tranquillity and your happiness. (Signed) “The Duke of OTRANTo, President.” In the chamber of representatives, on the 5th, M. Garat moved that the proclamation of Louis XVIII. should be read; “break up the sitting,” was the ery of many; “wait for the government message,” said others—“ and if it should not come?” said many voices. Great noise succeed- ed this, when it was stated that the president an- nounced an adjournment. The tumultincreased. Some members wished to go away—cries of “Ushers! shut the doors,” resounded on all sides. Two secretaries were ordered to proceed to the Thuilleries, to learn if any message was coming from the government. At eleven at night the se- cretaries-returned, and M. Badoch informed them that Fouche had gone to the head-quarters of the JDuke of Wellington, and was not returned, con- sequently no message could be received till to- morrow. “At the Thuilleries,” said he, “we saw Count Pontecoulant, who said that the allied so- vereigns, and in particular the Emperor Alexan- der, was animated with the best disposition. That they did not “desire to oppose us in the form of a government;' and that, with regard to the reports of intended disturbances, they had nothing to fear, as Marshal Blucher was determined to maintain order.” The assembly adjourned till the follow- ing day. Next day, the 6th, being again as- sembled, the new constitution was produced, read, and the discussion begun, when Dupont inter- rupted it by what he stated, as a motion of the highest importance, namely, that the declaration, already noticed, should “ be sent to the allied monarchs.”—“ The allies will enter Paris to- morrow,” said a member, “let your deputation go first to Lord Wellington and Marshal Blu- cher.” Dupont, La Fayette, Ramond, Lafette, and General Sorbier, were appointed the deputa- ‘tion. The discussion then continued. Plots and disturbances were apprehended; but, they were "assured, that the government, and Massena, who was the commander of the national-guards, were acquainted with and proposed to frustrate these. At eight in the evening the debate continued. A message was sent to the government to take into consideration the means to pay the army, without which it was supposed the troops would not leave Paris. Before proceeding to consider the new constitution, a member moved that the statue of Napoleon, placed above the president’s chair, should be removed ; and that the tri- coloured flag should be substituted in its place. - Cries of “supported” was echoed through the hall. The order was immediately executed in part: the statue was removed, but instead of the tri-coloured flag, a scarf was substituted. M. de la Fayette, one of the commissioners, who had been deputed to the allied sovereigns, then appeared, and informed them of the result of their mission ; and that he could assure them. these sovereigns had no intention to interfere with. OF THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 1509 # -º-º: x--ºr, y the form of their government. He also informed them, that, throughout their journey, the public spirit in the departments was conformable to their last declaration; and that he and the others who were absent, when it was adopted, fully acqui- esced in it. . The following interesting particulars respect- ing the mission of the French plenipotentiaries to the allied sovereigns are given by Miss Williams: “The plenipotentiaries repaired first to the French advanced-posts, to ask of the Duke of Wel- lington and General Blucher a suspension of hos- tilities. Blucher, who was the nearest, charged himself with the answer. He demanded not only that the fortified posts, before and around him, should be given up, but that all those of the Ar- dennes, and in Lorraine, should be evacuated. The plenipotentiaries could not accept these con- ditions; they wrote to Paris to send other com- missalies to the two generals, and, furnished with a passport from General Blucher, they reached, athwart many difficulties and delays, the head- quarters of the allied sovereigns at Haguenau. The monarchs, and even their first ministers, were not visible; but Lord Stewart, the English am- bassador; Count Capo d'Istria, for Russia; Count Walmoden, for Austria; General Kones- beck, for Prussia, held conferences with them. The vague observations, and reciprocal accusa- tions, which passed on political events, are mat- ters of no importance; whatever might have been the instructions of the French, it appears that their conduct was conformable to the interest which they had to leave no pretext to the allies to continue their march. In the conferenee, Ge- neral Sebastiani declared, that the only object of the war existed no longer: that Bonaparte, now become a private individual under the care of the government, desired only a passport to go to the United States, or to England; that M. Otto was gone to London to ask this permission; that the brothers of Bonaparte were not of the govern- ment; that the name of young Napoleon, detain- ed at Vienna, was so much the less obnoxious to the allies that a provisionary government had been named, altogether opposed to an imperial regency; that nothing prevented an immediate suspension of arms, or conference for a peace; that nothing had been prejudged respecting af. fairs or persons; that these questions had not been ventured on ; that they had come to consult the allies; that the plenipotentiaries had exten- sive powers ; and that if the allies proposed any measures that might surpass them, they would immediately refer to the government. Sebas- tiani's colleagues adhered to his declaration. “The conduct of the allies seemed to prove that they had a coutrary interest, that of availing themselves of the victory of Waterloo, by taking possession of Paris without delay. They declared -º-º- •º that the allied powers had mutually engaged not BOOK XVI. to negociate separately either, for a peace, or a . truce; and that the negociation could not com- Chaº. M. mence at Haguenau, but must be delayed til all the cabinets should meet, which would take place as soon as possible. The plenipotentiaries. were treated with great respect, but were accom panied by two Prussian officers; and the road they were obliged to take was so prolonged, that they did not reach Paris till the 5th of July, two days after the capitulation was signed. I have been assured by generals, that if M. de la Fayette and Sebastiani had reached Paris in time to be present at the councils of war on the 2d, it is possible that an attack on the Prussian army, which had crossed the Seine, would have taken place on the 3d. “French commissaries, M. Flaugergues, Gene- ral Andreossy, and some others, were sent to the Duke of wº. It appears that the duke, at his head-quarters, proposed the re-establish- ment of Louis XVIII. only as an advice; he added, however, that in case another choice was made, the allies would feel themselves obliged, for their own safety, to make some encroachments on the territory, and keep some strong places on their own account. The allies expressed strongly the wish that Bonaparte should be given up to them. It is said, that on this occasion M. de la Fayette made the following answer to one of the foreign ministers: “I am astonished that you make such a demand of the French people; you address yourself, in preference, to a prisoner of Olmutz.” The chamber of representatives having resumed the discussion on the new constitution, Manuel, the reporter, in the name of the committee, pre- sented the analysis of its labours, and the system which it had produced. “Men,” said he, “are not a sufficient guarantee for states; a durable security can only be found in institutions.” He then proceeded to state, “that France, for twenty- five years, had been the victim of factions and despotism,” and that in institutions alone she could seek an asylum against the disorders and abuses to which she had been a prey. He in- formed them that a constitutional monarchy was alone applicable to France, because “a republic might seduce elevated souls; ” and that “such, a form of government did not suit a great people in the present state of their societies.” The di- vision of the legislative power into two chambers was just and necessary; but the establishment of an hereditary peerage offered many obstacles. Their opinion, that the suppression of ancient and new nobility was necessary, is already given. Monarchy, however, required such an institution; and, the committees were therefore of opinion, that they ought to be hereditary, and unlimited in number, in order to be a just counterpoise I Jºzº- | Slă. 1510 HISTORY OF THE WARS BOOK XVI. CHAP. II. •vºs- 1815. against the influence of the crown and the peo- ple. A strong guarantee for the liberty of the 'subject was, that no sovereign, nor presumptive heir to the crown, was to be allowed to command the armies; and auother was, that “no officer was to be deprived of his rank without a previous judgment.” The abolition of the slave-trade was also an article in the constitution. M. Manuel then read the constitution, article by article; and when he came to the fourteenth of chapter second, which related to the oath to be taken by the so- vereign, a member arose, and very properly ob- served, “ that he should take the oath of fidelity to the constitution of 1815, as it was impossible to know what might happen in ten years.” This observation excited much tumult: it was a severe satire and bitter rebuke upon the conduct of the French nation, and could not be very agreeable to many in that assembly. The king's guard was henceforward to be composed of Frenchmen. No sovereign was to be allowed to cede any part of the French territory, or incorporate any con- quered from other nations, without the consent of the chambers, which it no doubt would not have been difficult to obtain; and they considered the consent of no other nation necessary. The pre- rogative of pardoning, vested in the monarch, oc- casioned some discussion; but it was at last agreed that it would be improper to interfere with or limit it. The question, that it should not be lawful to erect any statue to the sovereign, while living, was considered of such importance, that, upon the motion of M. Flaugergues, it was remitted back to the committee. The article relating to granting subsidies to foreign powers, by the sove- reign, appeared to the committee to be attend- ed with as much inconvenience as allowing him the power to declare war without their authority. No interference was to be made with the civil list, as that belonged to the sovereign alone. Next day the chamber again assembled by eight o'clock in the morning. The new constitution continued to be the object of their attention. The article relating to nobility occasioned a long discussion, in which M. Deshayes observed, that whenever the French wanted to obtain liberty, in their eagerness they were sure to go beyond their object. M. Sawzey “proposed to try, first of all, a peerage for life; and, if that did not answer, they might then make it hereditary.” This, after two consultations, was, however, ac- counted doubtful; and the further consideration was deferred till the following day; the chamber then received from the provisional government the following message:— “M.T’resident, Hitherto we had believed that the intentions of the allied sovereigns were not unanimous upon the choice of the prince who is in France. Our plenipotentiaries gave us the ‘a. * same assurances upon their return. However, the ministers and generals of the allied powers declared yesterday, in the conferences they had with the president of the commission, that all the sovereigns had engaged to replace Louis XVIII. upon the throne, and that he is to make, this evening or to-morrow, his entrance into the capital. Foreign troops have just occupied the Thuilleries, where the government is sitting. . In this state of affairs, we can only breathe wishes for the country; and our deliberations being no longer free, we think it our duty to separate. The Marshal Prince of Essling, and the prefect of the Seine, have been charged to watch over the maintenance of the public order, safety, and tran- quility.” When the reading of the above message was finished, silence, for a while, ensued, and the members seemed to consult together. Manuel then came forward, and said, that as they had foreseen that event, he called upon them to re- main at their post :—“Let us say,” said he, “ that we are representatives of the people; and that we will not quit the place but at the point of the bayonet.”—“Bravo! bravo! Yes! yes!” arose from all parts of the assembly. It was moved to put the motion to the vote; but, notwithstanding their bravos, it was not supported. The assem- bly was then informed, that the pay of the army was not only secured for July, but for August also ; but which had not been obtained without “great sacrifices.” M. Durbach then moved that a new council of government should be formed with the ministers; but General Carnot answered that the ministers were at that moment employed in placing the archives and important papers in safety. The members then began to disperse, after passing to the order of the day upon the message; the president of the government an- nouncing, at the same time, that the sitting was adjourned till the 8th, at eight in the morning. Meanwhile the allied troops, to the number of 50,000, took possession of Paris; and General Muffling having been appointed governor, he im- mediately issued the following order, dated Paris, July 7, to the inhabitants. “According to the orders of Marshal Prince Blucher and the Duke of Wellington, in conse- quence of the occupation of T’aris, I declare the following: 1. “The allied troops shall occupy the military points of the city of Paris; they shall, not inter- fere with the interior service. 2. “The national-guard and the gendarmerie of Paris shall continue their ordinary service, and shall receive orders from the Governor of Paris. 3. “All those who, through a spirit of party, of whatever description, may disturb the public tran- quillity, shall be arrested by the national-guard, OF THE FRHENCH REVOLUTION. 1511 eº- º g- *çº *-*- *—- and punished according to the existing French laws. 4. “All who may insult individuals belonging to the allied troops shall be arrested and brought before a military tribunal. “On the other hand, all just complaints, pro- ceeding from the local authorities, shall be taken into consideration and immediately redressed. “ Inhabitants of Paris, my duty and my wishes are to be useful to you in maintaining order and tranquillity. I shall punctually enforce the execu- tion of the present order, and I am confident that I shall not be obliged to adopt rigorous measures. “The Governor of Paris, Baron MUFFLING.” * Louis XVIII., on his arrival at St. Denis, issued an order, dissolving both chambers of the legislature assembled under the govern- ment of Bonaparte. Also another, restoring to their places and posts all those who occu- pied official situations on the 1st of March pre- ceding. General Desolles was declared com- mander of the national-guards of Paris, and di- rected to take measures to close the meetings of the assemblies. This he accordingly did. On the 8th, the king entered the capital. Prepara- tions had been made, from the preceding day, to receive his majesty; and great crowds went out to meet him. †. was, said the accounts from Paris, welcomed wtih greater acclamation than on the preceding year. The white cockade was universally hoisted—the white standard displayed, and cries of Vive le Roi were now the occupation of the surrounding multitudes. It is needless to repeat more of this mode of reception. The world is sick of French cries of Vive le Roi, Vive l'Empereur, la JVation, la Liberté, all equally ready; and time, by deeds, not professions, must henceforth shew the world which is the real sen- timents of Frenchmen; at present, many of them certainly cannot tell which they most approve; and others will cry any thing, merely for the pleasure of doing so. At the barrier of St. Denis the king was met by Count Chabrol, prefect of the department of the Seine, accompanied by the municipal body, who addressed him, in the name of his companions, in a speech as follows:– “Sire, "One hundred days have passed away since your majesty, forced to tear yourself from your dearest affections, left your capital amidst tears and public consternation. In vain did the municipal body of your good city of 'Paris raise the unanimous cry of faithful subjects. They announeed, to all Frenchmen the imminent evils with which they were menaced. But there are moments in which heaven does not permit the voice of magistrates to be heard. It was not in their power to prevect an error which has proved too fatal. The unchaining of the passions, the destructive disturbance of public tranquillity, the 103. ~eº -mºrºs interruption of commerce and industry, the with BOOK Xy. drawing of labour from agriculture, the draining of the treasury, civil war, and foreign invasion, brought on by the force of circumstances, have at once afflicted your people. Heaven, sire, is over- charged with vengeance, and restores you only to pardon us. Your majesty interposes between Europe and your people, to give them peace, and to reconcile them anew to all nations. Your ma- jesty will hasten to gather together and re-unite the dispersed elements of the political body. Why cannot citizens, Frenchmen, united by the same character, and by the same language, res- train the passions which were appeased ? Would these soldiers, so long glorious |. their triumphs, now tear the bosom of their country, and become public enemies? No, sire, the passions are calmed in generous hearts, which are open to more gentle sentiments. Reason is heard, and love of our country and our king will complete the rest. A period of twenty-five years, marked by so many vicissitudes, and like all epochs of history, by glory and reverses, cannot be preferred to the re- collection of eight centuries, which have revolved under the sceptre of our kings, counted by long intervals of prosperity, marked in all times by the moderation and the bounty of the sovereigns of your august dynasty. “Frenchmen, in every part of the kingdom, if the example of the capital, which has always been of such great weight, can still guide you, you will see it on the day which has followed these storms, calm amidst the numerous efforts which have been made to agitate it; forgetting all dis- cords, abjuring the spirit of party, and hastening around a king, who, as a first pledge of his re- turn, has proclaimed new guarantees for your happiness, and the establishment of institutions calculated to secure a wise liberty and the welfare of France. Let us protest to him, according to the wish of his heart, that the passions are about to be tranquillised, that the children of the great family are about to unite to approach him, and will henceforth only have one rallying cry--- Vive We Roi / Vive Louis XVIII. f Vivent les Bour- bons l’” On the conclusion of this speech, the king re- ſº in these words:—“In removing from Paris experienced the greatest sorrow and regret. Testimonies of the fidelity of my good city of Paris reached me. I return with emotion. I foresaw the misfortunes with which it was threat- ened: it is my wish to prevent and repair them.” —The procession then proceeded through the Boulevards to the Thuilleries, where the king alighted, and took up his abode in that palace, the scene of so much grief and affliction to his family, and which many had expected he would never again see, and very few that it could take place so soon. In the gºing the city was illu- 17 G CHAP. II. ' 1815. 1512 HISTORY OF THE WARS x- ar *—r- -sº -*~~ BOOK XVI. minated ; and songs, dances, and rejoicings, con- Chap. II. • eN- 1815. ...” tinued to a late hour. But these things were no- thing new in Paris. A change of government seeined indeed to have become necessary, in order to afford them amusement. g In the meantime, the members of the chamber of representatives had repaired to their hall, at eight in the morning, and found it surrounded by a considerable number of troops, who refused them entrance. They repaired to the house of their president, where they made the following protest. “In yesterday's sittings, on the message by which the commission of government gave notice that it had ceased its functions, the chamber of representatives passed to the order of the day. It continued afterwards its deliberations on the dispositions of the project of the constitutional act, the framing of which was expressly ordered by the French people ; and when its sittings were suspended, it adjourned to this day, the 8th of July, at eight in the morning. “In consequence of this adjournment, the mem- bers of the chamber of representatives repaired to the usual place of their assembly. But the gates of the palace being shut, the avenues guarded by a military force, and the officers who commanded it having declared, that they had a formal order to refuse the entrance of the palace: “The undersigned, members of the chamber, have assembled at the house of M. Lanjuinais, their president, and there they have formed, and signed individually, the present procès-verbal, teſ authenticate the above facts.” * * CHAPTER III. Operations of the Grand Army under Schwartzenberg.—Proclamations of the allied Generals to the French Nation.—Rapid Progress of the Allies, and Retreat of the French.-Various.Actions.— Proclamation of Marshal Wrede.—Arrival of the allied Sovereigns at Paris.-Military Operations on the Side of Italy.—Retreat of Marshal Suchet.—Entry of the Austrians into Lyons.—Opera- tions in the South of France. HAviNG now carried Lord Wellington and Blucher to Paris, and seated Louis XVIII. again on the throne, with as much rapidity as he was driven from the same, it is now time to turn our attention to the operations of the allies in the other parts of France. These had also been im- portant and successful; and at any other pe- riod than after the battle of Waterloo, with the events which we have just related, would have claimed the attention of Europe. Although the whole of the Russian army was not yet arrived and in line, yet the accounts of the battle of Wa- terloo determined the allies to enter France at this point, and animated them to the utmost ex- ertions. In their advance they had nothing to dread from any force which the enemy could as- semble, on their right wing, as before the defeat of Bonaparte would have been the case; while, on the other hand, the advance of Blucher and Wellington, into France, rendered it necessary that they should advance, in order to draw the attention of any troops which might otherwise as- semble on the Moselle and towards Rheims, and prevent these from harassing or endangering the rear of the latter. To this they were solicited by both Blucher and Wellington; who had request- ed Prince Schwartzenberg to cause Marshal Wrede to advance rapidly. Inguding all the Russian force, it appears that from the environs of Thionville to Manheim, and from thence to Basle, nearly 470,000 men lined that frontier, ready to pass the Rhine at a moment’s notice. This mighty force was stationed, and had the line of its operations marked out, in the following manner; Prince Wrede, with the Bavarians, which formed the advance of the Russian army, was to advance from Saarguimines, by Chateau Salines, to Nancy, or otherwise as circumstances might require, Count Langeron's corps of Rus- sians was destined for the blockade of Metz, Thionville, Pfalsbourg, and Bitsche. Part of the garrison of Mayence, consisting of 4,000 Bava- rians, with some Austrian battalions and the third corps d’armée, under the direction of the Arch- duke Charles, were destined to blockade Landau and Strasburgh. The division of Count Walmo- den, assisted by the third corps, was to occupy the Quiesch and the lines of Wiessembourg and Lau- terburg, and the communications between these corps and the Bavarian army, was to be con- stantly kept up, as well as with the corps on their left. The Russians were directed to take charge of constructing the bridges at Oppenheim and Manheim, and the Bavarians that of Germer- shiem, and the 3d corps that of Fort Louis. Some battalions of Wirtemberg troops were des- OF THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 1513 •ºf ~43 - - Tz- tined to blockade Scheletstadt; and General Count Hochberg, with General Volkman and some Darmstadt and Baden troops, were to invest New Briesach. The left column of the army, under the command of the Archduke Ferdinand, and consisting of the first and second corps d'armée, with the reserve, were to throw bridges over the Rhine at Grensach, on the night of the 25th to the 26th, and to move on Basle and occupy it. This force was entrusted with the dispositions against General Lecourbe. The two first corps were to push on towards Nancy, the one by Re- miremont and Espinal, and the other by Lune- ville. The first corps was to march upon Lan- gres, and to it was to be left the blockade of Bel- fout and Huninguen. For the latter fortress eight battalions of the regiment of Colloredo, under General Watzel, were appointed. Two battalions of Austrians, one battalion of Wirtem- bergers, and two battalions of Kisers Cheveaux Legers, under General Cullemberg, were to act against Belfort. The chief command of the blockade of these places was to be entrusted to the Archduke John. The head-quarters of Prince Schwartzenberg were to march by Hagenau, Mutzig, and Luneville, to Nancy. The forces which the enemy had to oppose these, were Le- courbe's corps and reserves at Besançon, Rapp's corps complete at Strasbourg, and a corps under Belliard on the Moselle, the strength of which is unknown. The force was, therefore, considerable, amounting to perhaps 80 or 90,000 men, besides strong garrisons in all the fortified towns, such as Huninguen, New Brisach, Belfort, Schelestadt, Landau, Strasbourg, Pfalzbourg, Bitsche, Metze, and Thionville, besides numerous free corps and national-guards; still, however, these forces were : much inferior to the force brought against them. Such was the dispositions of this mighty force. Those not yet arrived on the Rhine, but known to be near at hand, were directed to follow as fast as possible. Before the operations com- menced, Prince Schwartzenberg issued the fol- lowing proclamation, addressed to the French Ilation :- “Frenchmen l—Twenty years of trouble and misfortunes had oppressed Europe. One man's insatiable thirst of domination and conquest, while depopulating and ruining France, had de- solated the remotest countries, and the world saw with astonishment the disasters of the middle ages reproduced in an enlightened age. “All Europe rose: one cry of indignation served to rally all nations. It depended on the allied powers, in 1814, to exercise upon France a just vengeance, whieh she had but too much pro- voked; but great monarchs, united for one only. and sacred cause, the re-establishment of peace in Europe, knew how to distinguish between the -ºr-wr-ºr- ºr -ss-ºr º of so many evils, and the people whom e had made use of to oppress the world. “The allied sovereigns declared, under the walls of Paris, that they would never make either peace or truce with Napoleon Bonaparte. The capital rose against the oppressor of Europe; France, by a spontaneous movement, rallied itself to the principles which were to restore and to guarantee to her liberty and peace. The allied armies entered Paris as friends. So many years of misfortune, the spoliation of so many countries, the death of millions of brave men who fell on the field-of-battle, or victims of the scourges in- separable from war, all was buried in oblivion. Bonaparte solemnly abdicated a power which he had exercised but for the misfortune of the world. Europe had, from that time, no enemy more to combat. “ Napoleon Bonaparte has re-appeared in * he has found all Europe in arms against IIIle “Frenchmen, it is for you to decide on peace or war. Europe desires peace with France; it makes war only upon the usurper of the French throne. France, by admitting Napoleon Bona- parte, has overthrown the first basis on which its relations with other powers were built. “Europe does not wish to encroach on the rights of any nation, but she will never allow France, under a chief but lately proscribed by herself, again to threaten the repose of its neigh- bours. “Europe desires to enjoy the first benefit of peace; it desires to disarm, and it cannot do this as long as Napoleon Bonaparte is on the throne of France. Europe, in short, desires peace, and because it desires it, will never negociate with him whom it regards as a perpetual obstacle to peace. * “Already in the plains of Brabant heaven has confounded his criminal enterprize. The allied armies are going to pass the frontiers of France ; they will protect the peaceable citizen, they will combat the soldiers of Bonaparte, they will treat as friends the provinces which shall declare against him, and they will know no other enemies than those who shall support his cause. “Field-marshal Prince SchwARTZENBERG, Commander-in-chief of the Imperial Austrian and Allied Armies on the Upper Rhine. “Head-quarters, at Hiedelburg, June 23, 1815.” General Barclay de Tolli, in another procla- mation, followed in the same strain. It is as fol- lows:— “Frenchmen!—Europe, united at the Congress of Vienna, has informed you of your true interests by the acts of the 15th of March and the 12th of May. It comes in arms to prove to you that it has not spoken in vain. It desires peace; it has BOOK XVI CHAP. III. Jº/*-r 1815. 1514 HISTORY OF THE WARS BOOK XVI. CHAP. III. Jºvº-2 1815. —F. *-vºr wº- ~~~~r need of it; it must be confirmed by its amicable relations with you: it can have none, it can never have any, with the man who pretends to govern you. A fatal infatuation may have made the French soldier forget for a moment the laws of honor, and have extorted a perjury from him. An ephemeral power, supported by all kinds of illusion, may have misled some magistrates into the paths of error: but this power totters, soon it will wholly disappear. The combined ariny of the North convinced you of it on the day of the 18th of June ; our armies are marching to convince you of it in their turn. “Frenchmen, it is still time !—Reject the man who again, chaining all your liberties to his car, threatens social order, and brings into your native country all nations in arms. Be restored to your- selves, and all Europe salutes you as friends, and offers you peace. It does more:—From this mo- ment it considers all Frenchmen, who are not ranged under, the standards of Bonaparte, and who do not adhere to his cause, as friends. We have consequently the order to protect them, to leave them the peaceable enjoyment of what they possess, and to support the laudable efforts which they shall make to replace France in the relative situation which the treaty of Paris had re-esta- blished between her and all the European nations. “God, justice, the wishes of all nations, second us. Frenchmen, come to meet us: our cause is your's ; your happiness, your glory, your power, are still necessary to the happiness, the glory, and the power of the nations who are going to combat for you. (Signed) “Marshal Count BARCLAY DE Tolly, “General-in-chief of the Imperial Russian Armies. “Head-quarters, Oppenheim, June 26.” Prince Schwartzenberg also issued the follow- ing proclamation to his army :— * “Head-quarters, June 24. “Soldiers of the Austrian army of the Rhine!— Napoleon, whose ambitious plans and lusts of conquest armed all Europe against him, was conquered by you and your allies. Returning from the exile into which the generosity of the victors had sent him, he again attacks the repose, the welfare, the peace, the security, of all states; provokes, by his guilty arrogance, the armies of United Europe to combat for the inviolability of their frontiers, the honor of their country, the happiness of their fellow-citizens; these most sacred of all possessions, which this man, to whom nothing is sacred, and who has become the scourge of humanity, has been attacking and en- deavouring to destroy for so many years. Thus, brave soldiers of the Austrian army, a new and vast career of glory is opened to you. I know that you will distinguish it by new vietories, and wºr- --------ºr- * **- -** that your new deeds in arms will render still more dear to me the proud satisfaction of calling myself your general. It is as honorable to you as agree.* able to me, that I have only to recal the remem- brance of your ancient exploits to animate you to new ones. The victories of Culm, Leipsic, Bri- enne, and Paris, are so many illustrious garlands that crown your standards; continue worthy of your glory by combating, as you did formerly; and by adding fresh laurels to those you have already gained. * ! ; “Great things have been already performed; your brethren in Italy have, with their arms, opened themselves a way into the heart of the enemy's country, and their victorious banners wave in the capital of the kingdom of Naples. Those in Flanders gained, on the 18th instant, one of the most memorable victories recorded in history. These victorious armies have their eyes fixed upon you, and summon you to similar ex- ploits. Let the recollection of what you have been on so many a hard-fought day—let the feel- ing of what you owe to yourselves animate you to become constantly more worthy of your ancient glory, by embarking for your emperor, your honor, and your-country. . . . . “SchwARTzENBERö, Field-marshal.” This vast force, collected from the º of Europe, passed the Rhine at all points; and, like a mighty wave, swept over the Vosges moun- tains with irresistible force, inundating the banks of the Marne and the Seine, and sweeping before it all resistance. Saarguimrines was carried by storm, and with trifling loss. Saarbruck shared the same fate. It was defended by a General Menege, with some cavalry and 400 peasants; the enemy lost 100 men. The Prince-royal of Wirtemberg passed the Quiesch, on the morning of the 25th, without resistance. The mayors of all the places had orders to cause a general rising of the people, but they refused to resort to a measure which might prove so fatal to them. The fortress of Bitsche was summoned, but the governor refused to surrender, being determined to defend the place. Continuing to advance with the utmost rapidity, on the 25th, Marshal Wrede received a message from General Belliard, making fresh propositions for an armistice, to which no attention was paid. On the same day he arrived in the neighbourhood of Nancy, when a deputa- tion from the town came to assure the general of their good-will to the allied troops, and that they were ready to give him the most favorable recep- tion. They were accordingly received with cries of “ Vivent les Bourbons !—Vivent les Allies.” On the right of Prince Wrede, General Cherni- cheff, with 4,000 men, communicated between General Lambert, the Bavarians, and Marshal' Blucher. On the left of the Moselle, between of Th; FRENCH REVOLUTION. $1515 t Metz and Lougrion, he fell in with a force of shall be plundered, the owner brought before a book xvi. 3,000 French troops, with some artillery, which court-martial, and executed in twenty-four hours. he attacked and drove back to Metz, and push- “If the owner of these arms should have fled, Chap. III. ing on to Chalons, he made himself master of that place after a brilliant affair. One division at first entered the town by consent of the inha- bitants, but these were no sooner got in than the enemy closed the gates, and attacked them, whereupon the party dashed forward to the Paris gate, and succeeded in extricating themselves from the unexpected danger. In the meantime, Chernicheff advanced with the main body of his force, brought forward some cannon, and batter- ing down the gate, entered at the head of his troops, and dispersed the enemy's force assembled in the place, which was treated with great seve- rity. Blockading Toul, and throwing bridges over the Moselle, Marshal Wrede continued to advance towards Paris, in the neighbourhood of which he soon afterwards arrived without much further opposition. In his march through the country, 8. Wrede issued the following proclamation to the French :- * : * , “Frenchmen 1–The manner in which we'en- tered your country yesterday may prove to you that we are not the enemies of the peaceable in- habitants. I have pardoned even such of your fellow-citizens as were taken with arms in their hands, and who had deserved to be punished with death, like banditti. “But considering that these armed bands, which rove about the country under the name of free corps, to plunder their fellow-countrymen, without being able to contribute to their defence, are a scourge which Bonaparte brings upon France, which is already become sufficiently miserable through the boundless ambition of this enemy of the peace and happiness of the world, I command, 1. “That every one who belongs to these free corps, or is taken with arms in his hands, without belonging to the regular troops, and wearing their uniform, shall be brought before a court- martial, and put to death within twenty-four hours. 2. “ That every town or commune in which any one belonging to the allies is murdered, shall be punished in the first instance; the town with a contribution of 200,000 francs, the village with 50,000. In case of repetition, the town or village shall be plundered and burnt. 3. “That twenty-four hours after the entrance of the allied troops, any town or commune shall deliver up its arms at the residence of the prefect or sub-prefect. # 4, “Every town or commune where, twenty- four hours after the entrance of the allies, arms or ammunition shall be found, shall be fined, the town 200,000, the village 50,000 francs. “The house of the proprietor of these arms 103. his family, or the mayor, or the chief inhabitant, shall be punished by a military tribunal, as fa- vorers of highway-robbery. * Frenchmen l Be easy: our victorious armies will not disturb the repose of the peaceful citizen. The strictest discipline will be observed by the allied army. Europe has again taken arms to reconquer for itself, and for you, the peace and happiness which a single usurper threatens for a second time to deprive it. . “Given at my head-quarters, at Saargemund, 24th of June, 1815. s 4 “Field-marshal Prince WREDE.” On the side of the Prince-royal of Wirtem- berg; however, the opposition was more serious. On the 26th, he forced the enemy to abandon a osition he had taken up between Setz and Sarr- ourg, and to retire through the forest of Hage- nau. Continuing to press the enemy under Ge- neral Rapp, an obstinate engagement took place on the 29th, in which the former was defeated with considerable loss, and pursued under the uns of Strasbourg, into Wid. place he entered, afid 'the blockade of which was quickly begun. Here Rapp was shut up, with a force of, at least, 35,000 men; and, according to the accounts in the German journals, watched by a force of about 50,000. The French lost many prisoners, and five pieces of cannon. The Austrian, Baden, and Wirtemberg troops rivalled each other in courage. Here, as soon as his corps was relieved, by the Austrians, the prince-royal commenced his march upon Luneville and Nancy; and, continuing his advance, came in contact with the army under Prince Ferdinand; their united forces forming a mass of 200,000 men. It is almost impossible to detail, or to bring into any connected form, the numerous skirmishes which took place between the advance of the al- lied armies and the retreating enemy, and the different engagements which took place between them and the garrisons of the fortified towns, in which the allies were generally successful, and in which a very considerable loss of men was sus- tained on both sides. Crossing the Rhine in vast force, and blockading the fortress of Pfalzbourg, the main body of the allied army pushed on through the defile of the Vosges mountains, on the great road from Strasbourg to Paris, but for some time advanced with great difficulty. To avoid the fortress, a road was made in the course of a few hours, and the guns and carriages were- dragged by parties of soldiers up rocky steeps that appeared almost inaccessible; after which the army continued its march to Paris, without meeting with any ** obstacle to oppose its 1815. ..1515 HISTORM, QF,{}}E WARS: , º 13OOK XVI. CHAP. III. *Lºvº-Z 1815. -*- ºr- movements. On the morning of the 26th, the Archduke Ferdinand, with the force under, his command, amounting, according to accounts, from Basle, to 160,000 men, passed the Rhine at Basle; and pushing on through the defiles of Porentrui, he succeeded in separating the force under Le- courbe from that under Rapp; and, after numerous engagements, in which the enemy lost a great number of men, Lecourbe was finally obliged to shut himself up in Befort. Betwixt Ferdinand's army and Lecourbe's the severest fighting took place. On the 28th, Count Colloredo attacked the French rear-guard, and drove it before him with much loss, and took many prisoners. The Austrian loss was 300 killed.and wounded, . On thé. 2d, Colloredo took the town and citadel of Montbeillard by assault; seven guns and a great number of prisoners fell into his hands. On the 28th, an enemy's force, of 8,000 infantry and 300 eavalry, were driven through Chavennes at the point of the bayonet. On the 1st, Chevremon and Besencourt were carried by assault; an 4,000 men, with a detachment from the garrison of Befort, under Lecourbe, were driven from the heights of Beaumont. All the fortified towns were immediately invested; and the archduke, with the disposable part of the troops remaining frem those duties, continued his march upon Lan- gres. All the armies continued their march to- wards Paris, and, on the 14th, Prince Schwart- zenberg had his head-quarters at Fontainebleau ; the allied sovereigns, viz. the Emperor of Russia, the King of Prussia, and the Emperor of Austria, having, some days previous to that period, left the army, as soon as they heard of the capture of Paris, and the entry of Louis XVIII, into his capital, and proceeded to that place, where they arrived on the 9th. Some idea may be formed of the vast force of the allies, which entered France in this direction, when it is known that the Austrian force disposable on the Upper Loire, exclusive of the armies from Italy, amounted to. The advahce of the main armies: 100,000 men. gave the numerous free corps, assembled in Al- sace and the Vosges mountains, opportunities to attack the line of the allied communication, and carry off the baggage. But the continued ad- vance of fresh troops gave the allies an oppor- tunity of organizing a sufficient force in move- able columns, which soon cleared the country of these corps. The disposition of a great part of the people of this part of France was, and had always been, most hostile and rancorous against the allies; and this hatred now showed itself in numerous instances, which brought down de- struction on their heads. The villages of Hogen- theim and Mulhausen gave the first example of the most shocking excesses. In theiformer, a German soldier, after having his eyes put out, was hung up alive. The most dreadful punish- *— *s--------sºº's --> ------sº- went followed upon the instant. The aged, the women, and the children, suffered with the §eſ. perpetrators. At Mulhausen, two soldiers were shot by a clergyman. His house was sur- rounded, and he joy. with it. Half a league from this, six huhlans inquired of a boy, in a farm-house, the name of the next village— instead of answering, the man was shot from his horse. The -boy was immediately cut down by the side of his mother. Similar was the conduct of the people in this part of France, and similar was their punishment. Wherever the allied troops met with resistance from the country people, every thing was destroyed. “For six days,” said accounts from that quarter, “the sky hº been red every day with the flames of burning villages. Where a single shot is fired from them, upon the allies, all isleyelled to the ground. A dreadful judgment hangs over France—the crimes of pre- ceding times are visited upon their descendants, who rival them in the commission of enormities.” On the side of Italy, hostilities had commenced between Marshal Suchet and the Austrians in that quarter. On the 14th of June, Spchet at- tacked and carried the town of Montmelian, situ- ated upon the Isore. Açcording to his account, the allies, lost 300 killed and wounded, and 600 prisoners. The French immediately penetrated into Savoy, and overran nearly all that country, where as yet there was but an inadequate force to oppose them. Suchet advanced with part,...of his army to Geneva, upon the lake, of that name, and gained possession of the whole valley of the Arve, and endeavoured also to get possession of the town of St. Maurice, upon the Rhine, which commands the road that passes over Mount St. Bernard from Italy, and by that a formidable Aus- trian army was advancing. The career of Suchet, however, was soon stopped by the arrival of the Austrian general, Frimont, with the Italian arm above 60,000 strong. Passing Mount St. Ber- nard, he descended the Rhone to St. Maurice, and pushing forward, soon cieared all the south bank of the Lake of Geneva. Bubna followed with a further force over Mount Cenis, and took the direction of Grenoble; while an army of Austrians, Piedmontese, and some English troops, were preparing to enter France by Nice, upon the shores of the Mediterranean. This com- pletely tied up the hands of Marshal Brune, sta- tioned in that quarter, and prevented him from sending any assistance to Suchet. It was at this moment that Suchet communicated to the Austrian general the unexpected news of the abdication of, Bonaparte, and solicited an armistice, which was granted for twenty-four hours, upon conditions that he should eyacuate the whole valley of the Arve., On the same day, Geneva was occupied, and the enemy, driven from the heights of Sa- vonen with considerable loss.,. At the same time, OF THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 1517 General Bubna advanced from Mount Cenis, and, on the 29th, attacked the téte-du-pont of Arly, near Conflans, which the enemy held with 3,000 men. The Sardinian general, Dandesaire, occu- pied the enemy’s attention on his right; while General Frauk, with the Austrian regiment, Du- vas, carried the position of the téte-du-pont by assault. In this affair the Austrians lost 1,000 men. The Piedmontese behaved with great bravery. Continuing his advance, the positions of Conflans and Le Hopital were forced, and the enemy driven out of them. At the latter place, the defence was very obstinate; the allies three times took it by assault, and were three times driven back, but finally succeeded. The position of Aguibella was turned; and, without sustaining any less, the allied army forced the enemy to abandon it. An armistice was solicited and granted for only forty-eight hours, in conse- quence of which the Austrians occupied Mont- melian, and the enemy Gregis, Tournouz, and G:ly. At the same time, Suchet renewed, with greater earnestness, his desire for an armistice, which General Frimont at last-granted for three days, upon conditions that the enemy should give up the position of the Boges, the passage of the Rhone at Seissel, and abandon every post on that side, and retire upon Lyons with his army. Se- were and humiliating as these conditions were, Suchet was forced to accept them. The ar- mistice was not renewed, and the Austrian gene- ral immediately advanced upon Lyons. Fort l'Ecluse was taken. The fortified positions in the Jura mountains were abandoned by the enemy. carried by assault a redoubt which commanded the high-road from Geneva to Lyons, in which they took four guns, and one standard; consider- able stores of all descriptions also fell into their hands. General Frimont then continued his march upon Bourg en Bresse, where it was sup- posed Suchet would assemble his troops to op- pose him. This, however, he did not find practi- cable, but fell back upon Lyons. There he issued a proclamation, stating his intention to defend Lyons to the utmost extremity. The Austrians quickly advanced, and put it in his power to do so. Meanwhile, the greatest confusion prevailed in Lyons, the inhabitants of which were much agi- tated and alarmed by insidious reports circulated by the opposite parties. On the 6th, the prefect issued a proclamation, for the purpose of calming their minds. Trom this we shall notice the fol- lowing passages:— * “Lyonnese, I for a moment left you to visit the army of the Alps, and thank its estimable chief for all he had done for the city of Lyons; and the Marshal Duke of Albufera gave me his word, that he and his brave men would devote themselves to the defence of your fine city, the | The Austrian regiment of Esterhazy º moment the enemy should advance against it. I brought you back this promise, and anticipated the pleasure you would derive from it: but in calamitous times there can be only gleams of en- joyment. A telegraphic dispatch torments men's minds, and supplies new food to those, mere strangers to every patriotic sentiment, who appear to make it their study to distort every thing in order to satisfy their disorderly passions. This dispatch, dated the 4th, says, “A most honor- able convention has just been concluded by the French army at Paris, with the allied powers before that city. This convention guarantees the security of the citizens and of the capital. The French army retires behind the Loire, carrying with it, the esteem of its enemies and the grati. tude of its fellow-citizens, and is determined to do every thing to secure the welfare of France.’— Let the bad comment on these few words, and derive hopes from them; but let them know, that if, daring to set at nought the law, they hoist proscribed ensigns, or seek, by any acts whatever, to disturb public tranquillity, nothing shall save them from merited punishment.” . . . . On the 8th, 1,200 Austrians entered Bourg le Ain ; and, on the 9th, 25,000 more entered the same place, part of whom had come from Lons le Saulnier, and the rest by Nantua and Pont le Ain. All moved forward on Lyons, against which other columns were advancing from other direc- tions. Some resistance was made against the ad- vance of the Austrian troops, but without effect. Maçon was taken, after a sharp engagement, on the 11th, and Lyons was thus left open to an immediate attack. Thus situated, Suchet first levied a contribution of 600,000 livres upon the place, and then entered into a capitulation, by which Lyons was surrendered to the Austrians. On the 17th, their ". entered that place, from. whence they pushed their advanced division up the Saone, and towards the Upper Loire. Suchet retired with his army upon Montresson and Ra- onne; but before doing so, he issued the follow- ing proclamation to his army :- “Head-quarters, Caluire, July 12. “Soldiers 1–In pursuance of the orders of the minister of war, I have endeavoured, since the 25th of last month, by every effort in my power, to obtain a cessation of hostilities. By too strict an interpretation of my orders, a suspension was agreed upon at Conflans, at the very moment when the 14th regiment obtained great successes. I have deplored the event which malevolence has misrepresented, and which was only the result of too much zeal on the part of an officer of my staff. Our moderation not having succeeded in arrest- ing the advance of the Austrians, they have learnt at Faucilles, in the defiles of St. Claude and Nantua, and at Montuel, with what valor the BOOK XVI. CHAP. III. Jºvº l 815. Iş18 * HISTORY OF THE WARs Book xvi. troops of the divisions of Dessaix and Marausin can march to battle. The taking the defiles of Cnap. III. Rousses from the right wing of the army of the \*N*~ Jura, the retreat of Echelles, the fall of Fort 1815. L'Ecluse, which has surrendered after a most honorable defence, the capitulation of Grenoble, which occasioned to the enemy a loss of more than 1,000 men; and, finally, the fall of Maçon, in the battle of yesterday, which conducted the Austrians to the right bank of the Saone, and opened to them the attack of Lyons on three principal points; all these events united, have decided me in following the repeated orders I have received to ratify a convention so honorable to the army, which has been concluded in my name by General Puthod, M. Pons, the prefect of Lyons, Colonel Richi, and Jars, the mayor of Lyons, on one part, and the Austrian generals on the other. By your bravery you have delayed the occupation of Lyons, which has been so long the object of desire to the allied powers, whilst in yielding to the force of circumstances we ob- tain the power of retiring from Lyons with all our artillery and military stores. We guarantee to the inhabitants safety of person and property, as well as exemption from quartering of troops. In consequence of this convention, the army will retire on the Loire, where it will wait the ap- proaching peace, or new orders. In every situ- ation, discipline must be maintained, false reports repelled. Evil-disposed persons agitate us, they avail themselves of all their means to disturb and afflict the soldier. Confide in a chief who, for the last seven years, has always led you to vic- tory—bear in mind, that in this short campaign, the little army of the Alps has beaten the enemy in every rencountre. Repulse every foreign in- sinuation, and be assured that, on every occasion, you will find in your general a friend and a fa- ther, devoted to your interest. “The Marshal Duke D’ALBUFERA.” On the 6th of July, a severe attack was made upon Grenoble, by 3,000 Austrian and Piedmon- tese troops; which were, however, repulsed, with the loss of 500 men. An armistice was then con- cluded for three days, when the Austrians re- sumed their operations against the place. The inhabitants remained in the greatest state of alarm, as La Motte, who commanded, refused to surrender the town. While these events, which we have related, were going on at Lyons, the Swiss had joined the allies; and their army, amounting to 21,000 men, occupied a position from Morteau to Pontarlier, with light troops, advanced on their right and left, to St. Hypolite and Salins. Jourdan, who had been sent by the provisional government to assume the command at Besançon, and the troops in that quarter, sent, on the 11th, an aid-de-camp to the Swiss general, º à- a :* - 4 * * † -wr- Castella, to inform him of the submission of Be- sançon to the king's authority, and requesting, in consequence, a suspension of arms between his forces and the Swiss army. This was granted, upon condition that the French troops stationed at Salins should be withdrawn, in order to allow the Swiss troops to move forward. The allies continued to advance their armies in all directions. The Austrian and Piedmontese troops crossed the Rhone, and spread themselves over the surrounding country, which they occu- pied. From Lyons, the troops of the same na- tion extended themselves to the banks of the Up- per Loire, behind which Marshal Suchet retired with his army. It appears from the following order of the day, which Suchet issued] to his ar- my, that great efforts were making to induce the French soldiers to desert. “Soldiers, At a moment when malevolence em- ploys all its means to disorganise the army, to dis- courage the soldier, and to draw him into breaches of discipline, I have the satisfaction to make known to you a letter which has just been brought to me by a deputation of the officers of the 7th re- giment of the line. They expel from their corps two officers unworthy to serve in their ranks.' I approve and applaud their conduct, and I order that these criminals, who sought to dishonor the army, shall be brought before a military com- mission. Every day teaches us to know the au- thors of the ridiculous reports, the odious lies, by means of which the credulity of the soldier is deceived, and he is inspired with distrust of his chiefs. It is with them that you have always been victorious and happy; suffer not yourselves, then, to be led away by wretches who are paid for sowing disunion in the army: recollect that you are Frenchmen, and that, without discipline, and without confidence in your chiefs, you are no longer defenders of your country, but instruments of which factious men make use to promote their designs against the army. With union and dis- cipline we shall be dreaded by our enemies, and loved by our countrymen. “Duc D'ALBUFERA.” The Swiss army, amounting to 31,000 men, advanced into France, and, extending themselves, occupied the whole department of the Doubs. General Lecourbe concluded an armistice with the Austrian General Colloredo, by virtue of which he also retired to the left bank of the Loire, and both Befort and Besançon were occupied by the Austrian troops. The grand army, under Schwart- zenberg, composed of Russian, Austrian, and Ba- varian troops, covered all the country along the Marne, the Seine, and the Yonne; and extend- ing themselves to the Loire, stretched from Or- leans, along that river, to the point where they came in communication with the Austrian army 6 % OF THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 1519 2.sº sº. * ..º. sºr *A*. *- from Italy. Westward, the Prussian army ex- tended from Orleans to Tours and Nantz, and on both banks of the Lower Loire; while the Bri- tish, Hanoverian, and other troops, under Wel- lington, extended themselves towards Brittany, and the coasts of the channel, and also along the Loire, to its junction with the ocean. Besides these forces, strong divisions of troops of all the allied nations were assembled in and around Pa- ris; while numerous corps kept up the communi- cations with Germany, the Kºi...i. Italy, and Switzerland; and formidable divisions block- aded, besieged, or garrisoned all the fortified }. either in the interior of those parts of rance, or on the frontiers. Such a vast num- ber of foreign troops must have pressed heavily upon the inhabitants of France, as they had to furnish them with every thing during their stay in the country. The following is a list of articles furnished to the Prussian troops in cantonments or on march :— Art. I.-Victuals for the troops—The daily ration consists of thirty-two ounces of rye or wheaten bread; sixteen ounces of fresh meat; one ounce of salt; three ounces of rice, or in de- fault of that article, six ounces of beans, lentils, or other dry pulse; three ounces of butter or lard; a litre of beer, or demi-litre of wine; a deci- litre of brandy; and an ounce of tobacco for smoking. II.-Forage.—The rations of forage shall be as follows:—a measure of oats, containing nine pounds; six pounds of hay, and six pounds of straw. All the rations of provisions and forage shall be furnished by French weight and measure. The inhabitants must accommodate the soldiers with meat and pulse, on the demand made to them by the latter; and they will furnish them with the other articles forming their ration of provi- sions, sufficiently early in the morning that the soldiers may be enabled to make a proper distri- bution of it through the whole day. The soldiers must also have decent and clean beds provided for them by their hosts. The bed must consist of a mattress, a pillow, a blanket, and two sheets. Should any disputes arise between the soldiers and the inhabitants as to the furnishings, the res- pective military chiefs will decide. In the meantime, several places acknowledged the authority of the king, though they would not admit the troops of the allies. In the south of France, which contained a great number of roy- alists, severe commotions, accompanied with bloodshed, took place between them and the soldiers. At Marseilles, the people rose upon the garrison, and drove them out of the place, even before they had heard of the capture of Paris. Marshal Brune, however, returned with a stronger force, and again recovered possession of the place. Brune ordered the tri-colored flag 103. to be covered with crape, as a mark of the sorrow of the army for the events which had taken place. The arrival, however, of a British force under Lord Exmouth and Sir Hudson Lowe, consisting of 3,000 men, from the garrison of Genoa, on the 10th. of July, freed Marseilles from all further unea- siness. The troops were landed on the 14th, and were received and welcomed by all ranks with great enthusiasm and loyalty. Marshal Brune, with the force under his command, retreated to Toulon. This important place he was also forced to give up, after various negociations with the British officers and the Marquis de Riviere. The circumstances which led to this event are related by Sir Hudson Lowe, as follows:— “On the first appearance of the fleet and trans- ports, under Lord Exmouth, off the coast of France, Marshal Brune, who was opposite to Nice, with a body of about 5,000 infantry, and 300 cavalry, called the corps of observation of the War, made immediate proposition for an ar- mistice with the commander of the Piedmontese force at Nice, in which he succeeded, and then marched directly to the relief of Toulon. On the 14th of July, the day on which the troops landed at Marseilles, he caused a letter to be addressed to the admiral, Lord Exmouth, en- closing a copy of the armistice signed at Paris, and demanding an extension of it to the British force in this conntry, which was immediately rejected. “He then addressed Lieutenant-general the Marquis de Riviere, exercising the king's autho- rity in Provence, stating his desire to send two officers to Paris, to offer the submission of Tou- lon, and saying he should refrain from hostilities during the ten days necessary for his communi- cation. This proposition was also objected to, and the marshal was informed he must resign his authority to the officer who governed Toulon be- fore Bonaparte's invasion, hoist the white flag, and suffer the garrison of Toulon to be composed of national-guards and royalists, in as large pro- portion as the troops of the line. On the same day his letter was received by the Marquis de Ri- viere, information was had that he was marching towards Aix, on which I immediately ordered the whole of the British troops out of Marseilles, to take up such a position as might menace Toulon, watch him, and secure Marseilles itself against attack; but the report of his march on Aix gave way to that of his concentring near Toulon, when the following dispositions were made by me :- I directed the troops to move forward in two columns, one on the high road to Toulou, by Aubagne, Gemenos, and Cujes, and the other by the coast of Cassis and Ciotat, in which latter place I stationed a small garrison, and afterwards moved the column to Leques and Saint Cyr, hay- ing an advance at Bandol. My own head-quar- ters were at Cujes, lºs an advance at Sf. 17 BOOK XVI. CHAP. Ilſ. Jºvº 1815. 1520 History of THE wars, Book xvi. CHAP. III. v_s^^-d 1815. * -wrº Anne's, with very strong ground both to my front and rear, and the power of collecting my force to act along the coast, or on the high-road, as cir- cumstances might best point out. The national- guards and royalists occupied Beausset, Castelet, La Cadiere, and other strong points in my imme- diate front or flank. Admiral Lord Exmouth had, in the mean time, detached one line-of- battle ship to Ciotat, and another to Bandol. The enemy's advanced-posts were on the outside of the pass of Ollioules. It was whilst the troops were in this position that the Marquis de Riviere and Marshal Brune carried on their negociations, through the means of Admiral Gantheaume, who, on the day after the marshal's first proposition was made, was received in Toulon as the king's commissioner. Various propositions were made, all with the view of gaining time. The two fol- lowing were immediately rejected—that of ac- knowledging the king's authority, but retaining the tri-coloured flag; and that of requiring that the British troops should retire, and promise not to attack Toulon; on which no assurance would be given. Whilst these points were discussing, a party of the national-guards having moved to St. Nazaire, had thus turned the pass of Ollioules, which caused so much agitation, as having oc- curred whilst Admiral Gantheaume was treating, that Marquis de Riviere thought proper to with- draw it, whilst I collected my left column and ushed forward an advance to support him, should the circumstance have brought forth an attack. Finally, yesterday, the submission of Marshal Brune and his generals was received, but the regiments still refused to wear the white cockade; and it was only this day, whilst at Ol- lioules with Admiral Lord Exmouth, the submis- sion of the whole was notified, and consent given to the royalists and national-guards occupying the forts, in conjunction with a portion only of the regular troops. “The garrison of Toulon consisted of six re- giments of the line, a regiment of marines, a de- tachment of three hundred cavalry, artillery, ve- terans, &c. battalion of half-pay officers and fede- ralists, called Le Battalion Sacre, most of whom, with Marshal Murat, and some of his adherents, were suffered to quit Toulon, and absconded, it is not known where, on the eve of the resolution being taken for hoisting the white flag.” Marshal Brune afterwards delivered himself up to the Marquis de Riviere, to be sent to Paris, accompanied by one aide-de-camp. In his way. thither, however, having been attacked by a party of royalists, who were going to murder him, he shot himself. His body was treated with every indignity by the royalists, who placed it on a hurdle, and threw it into the Rhone. At Bourdeaux, General Clausel had a consi- derable force, with which he was enabled to keep :the Gironde. *~----º-º- ~~~~~ * -º-º-º-º: the inhabitants in that part of the country in sub- jection. Clauzel was determined to maintain himself as long as he could, in order that he might ensure some favorable terms for himself and his troops. He had enough to do, however, to keep his post. The inhabitants in the town and , neighbourhood were principally royalists. On the 11th of July, “the tri-coloured flag,” ob- served a letter from Bourdeaux, “ still majesti- cally waves on the heights of our town; thanks to the energy of General Clausel. His troops are constantly exercising, and never cease to cry Vive l'Empereurſ Videttes are stationed in the prin- cipal squares and streets to restrain ebullitions. Some persons have, however, been bold enough to post and sell the king's procłamations. Those posted up were torn down by the soldiers, who dared the royalists to replace them. A number of recruits have arrived to us from Saintonge. Good lodging, good cheer, and a crown a-day, have been promised them. The king's commis- sioner was arrested yesterday. ... Finally, it is de- termined not to give up easily.” In the beginning of July, a squadron of British ships from the Channel fleet, under the command of Captain Ayhmer, of the Pactolus, was sent to This squadron had on-board the Baron Montelambert and the Marquis de la Seur, and arms and ammunition for the royalists. Of the success of this expedition, we shall refer to the dispatch of Captain Aylmer, dated on the Gironde, July 14. “My Lord—I arrived off this port on the 3d instant, and, in compliance with the wishes of General Donnadieu, sent in a flag of truce, with an aide-de-camp of the general's, for the purpose of communicating with the general, Clausel, com- manding at Bourdeaux; but as two days more elapsed without any answer or news of the aide- de-camp, I sent another flag into a corvette lying in the river; and I learnt from her commander that he had received the most positive orders from General Clausel not to hold any kind of communication with us. In addition to this, we received a proclamation, signed by that general, declaring Bourdeaux, and its whole vicinity in a state of siege, and threatening with military ex- ecution any who manifested signs of disaffection to his government. The aide-de-camp, it appear- ed, was detained. “While this negociation was attempting, the Hebrus arrived with the charge of a small expe- dition, with arms and supplies for the royal- ists, and when it became evident that no good could arise out of any attempt to conciliate General Clausel, Captain Palmer made me a very strong representation upon the necessity which he conceived there was for his attempting to enter the Gironde and open a direet comma. --~" of THE FRENgh REvolution. lö21 *— ºs- ----ee--" —-w- * nication with the royalist party. After weighing the circumstances, I thought it my duty to ac- cede to the proposal, and I united the ships for the prosecution of the service. The General Donnadieu, being anxious to pursue his mission on the coast, I dispatched the Larne with him to Passages. On the 11th, the squadron weighed from an outer anchorage we had taken, and form- ed for the purpose of entering the river; but, as we stood in, the enemy's corvette was perceived to weigh and manoeuvre in the north entrance, while five sail pushed out through the southern passage to sea. Under these circumstances, it became necessary, for the intercepting those ves- sels, that the squadron should separate for the -time; and, in consequence, the forcing the river was obliged to be given up for that day; during …the night, the squadron united again, after having examined the vessels which it appeared had sail- -ed in so suspicious a manner, which circum- stance was developed by the embargo having been that morning discontinued in the river. “Yesterday, the wind being favorable, the squadron again weighed, and formed in a close line for entering the Gironde; the Pactolus led, the Hebrus followed, and the Falmouth brought up the rear; the two former had transports in tow: as we proceeded, a person came off with a message from the people of the town of Royan, saying, that they would not fire at us, provided we did not assail them. We passed on with the royal colours of France at the mast-head; the tri- coloured flag flew along the batteries, which were all in preparation, but no act of hostility occurred until we reached the heavy battery at Verdun, which opened its fire upon us, and continued it until the ships reached the anchorage. No injury, however, was sustained, and the squadron did not return a gun, for I was unwilling to disturb the feeling which appeared so generally and so hap- pily to prevail. Directly the ships were secured, a communication was sent up with a flag of truce to General Clausel by the Count de Lasteur, deputed by M. La Duchesse D’Angouleme, and we are in expectation of his answer. In the mean time no- thing can wear a more favorable aspect than the -º ºr --- - --- $ face of things in this river. I beg to assure you, BOOK, XVI. that every measure shall be adopted, in conjunc- tion with the Baron Montalembert, to arm and or- ganise the royal party, and establish the power of predominance of his majesty the King of France, in the vicinity of wherever our means can operate. I lose no time in dispatching, the Falmouth to your lordship, and Captain Knight will explain our situation, as well as that we are taking every precaution in respect to the defence of that river, in the event of General Clausel send- ing down any strong force to stifle the spirit of the people. I shall also write to Rear-admiral Sir Henry Hotham, and perhaps the rear-admiral may strengthen our means here, so that we may fully avail ourselves of such opportunity of push- ing the royal cause with vigor and celerity, and of cherishing the excellent disposition with which all here seem inspired. I have just learnt that the enemy evacuated the fort of Verdun last night, and retired with his garrison. We have sent a force on shore to dismantle and destroy the guns, &c. This is the fort which disputed our entrance, and it is a very strong work. I have also the pleasure to add, that the propositions of the Baron Montalembert, and his mission, have hitherto been every where attended with success. The forts and the positions are gradually pulling down their tri-coloured flags, and hoisting that of their legitimate sovereign : and several of them have saluted the squadron upon their hoisting the white flag. While writing this letter, another battery has hoisted the white flag, and there now remains only the fort at Meche with the tri- coloured flag.” General Clausel having learned the events at Paris, and knowing well the disposition of the inhabitants of the country around him, and those of Bourdeaux in particular, at length entered into negociations with the French and British officers, which ended in the white flag being hoisted on the castle of Bourdeaux, and over all the sur- rounding country. The troops under Clausel left the place, and many of them broke up and returned to their houses. The rest proceeded to the Loire. CHAP. III. Jºvº-> 1815. HISTORY OF THE WARS BOOK XVI. CHAP. l W. \_*N*/ 1815. CHAPTER IV. Remarks on the Restoration of Louis XVIII.-List of his new JMinisters.-Conduct of the Prus- sians at Paris–Confused State of France.—Royal Ordinance.—Proceedings of the French •Army.—Proclamation of Davoust.—Submission of the French Generals.-Proceedings of Bona- parte.—His-Surrender to the English-Brought to Torbay.—His Conduct there.—Sent to St. Helena.-Description of that Island. THE warlike operations of prominent importance being brought to a conclusion, we shall now offer a few remarks on the manner in which the resto- ration of Louis XVIII. was effected. Our readers will recollect, that Great Britain did not sign the alliance of the 25th of March, without annexing to it a declaration that, as it was directly repugnant to the principles of the British consti- tution to force a sovereign upon any nation, Bri- tain joined the alliance, not for the purpose of forcing Louis on the people of France. The al- lies also acceded to this. What was the fact? The French were defeated at the battle of Wa- ferloo; the conquerors marched to Paris, with Louis in their train. Paris submitted under a convention ; the chambers called upon the allied sovereigns to remember their declaration, when they insisted Louis should be restored. We are not prepared to say, that the chambers repre- sented the wishes of the majority of the French people: let it be granted that they did not; still it cannot be denied that Louis was replaced on the throne without ascertaining the wishes of the na- tion, and merely in consequence of the victories of the allies. If the allies concurred that it was necessary for the repose of Europe, not only that Bonaparte should be again driven from France, but also that Louis should be again placed on the throne of that kingdom, they should have clearly said so : at least they should not have disclaimed all intention of interfering with the internal go- vernment of France, and with the right of the French to choose their own sovereign. We are by no means of opinion, that a nation has a right, whenever they please, to dethrone a sovereign, or to change the ruling dynästy: be- cause this doctrine leads to the absurd conclusion, that a nation has a right to do wrong; since, if they dethroned a good sovereign, and chose a bad one, they would undoubtedly be doing what was wrong ; that is, injurious to their own hap- piness. A nation, therefore, as well as an indi- vidual, has only a right, usually speaking, to do an action, when that action is right; but it by no means follows, because a nation, in dethroning their sovereign, or changing the dynasty, may do wrong; º is, may really injure themselves; that, therefore, any foreign nation has a right to interfere in the affairs of that nation. At the same time, we would carry the doctrine of fo- reign interference so far, as to admit that it is justifiable in all cases, when the peace of other countries is actually endangered, or undoubtedly threatened, by the principles avowed, the mea- sures adopted, or the conduct regularly pursued, by any particular country. Hence we think, that the allies were perfectly justified in forcing France to give up Bonaparte; but we doubt, whether they were justified in placing Louis again on the throne, without ascertaining whether the French nation wished him there. On the same day that Louis entered Paris, the following royal order was issued by General De- solles, the commander of the national-guards:— “Signals of rallying, which address themselves to the eyes, and strike the imagination, are one of the most powerful means which the spirit of faction has employed to agitate nations, and dis- turb states. These ensigns, which have no other value than that which is attributed to them, de- generate and change their signification as the parties which employ them change their object and interest. Thus they have been often turned to account to mislead the soldier as to the im- portance which he attached to an ensign under which he had been long victorious. It was with the aid of the same ensign that a faction endea- voured to support the interests and opinions of a party, at the risk of seeing the citizens' and the army buried under the ruins of the capital. It is with the same object that this faction has held out the white cockade as the sign of a party, though so long the national colour; though it again became so when the whole nation resumed it; though the national-guard received it as the national cockade; and though, from this mo- ment, it can only be regarded as the true rallying sign of Frenchmen, and the signal of union and fidelity. Such are the considerations which have not permitted the king to regard as national, the wish expressed by some citizens to retain the tri- colour cockade, while a great many departments have spontaneously hoisted the white cockade. In consequence, his majesty orders the resump- •º º wr- tion of the white cockade as the national cockade, and as the only rallying sign of Frenchmen. But, at the same time, the king wishes that indulgence be exercised towards those whom error and a heated mind prevent from immediately resuming this sign of union. He forbids all violence on the part of citizens, to compel such resumption, wishing that the magistrates shall alone execute the laws of the state on this head. In conse- quence, the national-guard wiłł arrest, and place at the disposal of police, both the individuals who shall appear with other ensigns than the white cockade, and those who, under pretence of com- elling its assumption, shall seek to disturb pub- ic order. His majesty, on this occasion, depends more, than ever on the prudence and firmness of the national-guard, which he honors and cherishes as a corps that has twice saved the capital, and twice extinguished the fire of civil war in its bosom.” A strong curiosity and interest were naturally excited to learn on whom Louis would fix for his ministers. In his former reign he was thought to have acted imprudently, by selecting, as his ministers, some of Bonaparte's oldest and staunch- est adherents; but it was believed that, taught by experience, he would, on this occasion, make a more ‘judicious and prudent selection. This idea, however, was proved to be ill-founded, by an official declaration of the 9th of July, from which it appeared that his majesty decided on having an administration composed of a privy- council, and a council of ministers. In the former, the princes, the ministers of state, and the per- sons whom his majesty thought proper to add, were to have seats. This council, to be assembled only by special convocation, was to afford the means for discussing before the king, in a solemn manner, a certain portion of affairs; and was, at the same time, to give his majesty an opportunity of recompensing services performed—the number of the members of the council not being fixed. Next to the council was that of the responsible ministers, which can only consist of ministers, secretaries-of-state, having departments: of these ministers, the following is a list:— “The Prince of Talleyrand, peer of France, is appointed president of the council of minis- ters, and secretary-of-state for the department of foreign affairs. . “ Baron Louis, finances. “The Duke of Otranto, secretary-of-state for the department of general police. “ Baron Pasquier, secretary-of-state for the department of justice, and keeper of the seals. “Marshal Gouvion St. Cyr, peer of France, secretary-of-state for the department of war. “The Count de Jaucour, peer of France, mi- 104. - secretary-of-state for the OF THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. * 1523 -- -º- -an-aº. nister secretary-of-state for the marine depart- BOOK XVI. ment. “The Duke de Richelieu, peer of France, se- tº-vºlate. for the department of the house- Ol (ſe “The portfolio of the minister of the interior shall be provisionally confided to the minister of justice. “Given at Paris, on the 9th of July, in the year of grace 1815, and the twenty-first of our reign. “ Louis. (Signed) “The Prince TALLEYRAND.” By the king, Of those appointed to inferior posts were also several who had been in office under Bonaparte; a proof that it was thought necessary to conciliate a party which still remained numerous and pow- erful. The ministers of Louis were &ertainly º in most difficult circumstances. The allies ad resolved to punish France; but how could they do it, without the certainty of increasing the unpopularity of the sovereign? Blucher more especially, and the Prussians, were determined that Paris should this time feel sensibly that she was a conquered city, and be no longer permitted to boast of the trophies of the subjugation and humiliation of their own country. One of the bridges over the Seine, erected under the rule of Napoleon, was named that of Jena, in memorial of the victory which laid Prussia at his feet. Marshal Blucher determined to use the right of retribution in obliterating this triumphal monu- ment, by blowing up the bridge, a fine piece of art, and his soldiers had already made excava- tions in some of the piers, and filled them with gunpowder, and stripped the bridge of its pave- ment, when an order was given for putting an end to this demolition. The order is said to have º from the Emperor Alexander, after the uke of Wellington had in vain interposed. That sovereign, with the Emperor of Austria and the King of Prussia, arrived at Paris on the 10th. As Blucher was determined to chastise the Pa- risians, he imposed on the city a military contri- bution of 100 millions of francs; and threatened to send a considerable number of the bankers and merchants to prison, unless a fifth part of that sum was paid within twenty-four hours. To enforce this demand he actually arrested two of the prin- cipal bankers, by placing guards in their houses. They were, however, removed, on the interfe- rence of the sovereigns, who were satisfied with the immediate payment of eight millions of francs. Meanwhile, heavy contributions were levied upon Versailles and the surrounding country, by the Prussians, who beside committed the greatest ex- cesses, by robbing and ill-treating the inhabitants. They burnt Malmaison. 17 K. CHA p. 1 W. * ~ *Vrººº. 1815. 1524 HISTORY OF THE WARS BOOK XVI. CHAP. IV. *NZºº’ 1815. _º. ---4-- On the 13th, the King of France published an ordinance announcing the dissolution of the cham- ber of deputies, and regulating the mode of elec- tion for a new one. By these rules the candi- dates were declared eligible at the age of twenty- five, the deputies were to be persons paying at least 1,000 francs in taxes, and the whoſe number was augmented from 262, as fixed by the consti- tutional charter, to 395. In the meantime, Louis was advised to take some measures against those who had favored Bonaparte during his last reign; and, on the 24th of July, the two following ordinances were pub- lished. “Louis, by the grace of God, King of France and Navarre, to all who shall see these presents, greeting:— “An account has been laid before us that se- veral members of the chamber of peers accepted seats in the self-styled chamber of peers, nomi- nated and assembled by the man who had usurped the power in our states, from the 20th of March up to our re-entrance into the kingdom. It is beyond doubt that peers of France, so long as they are not made hereditary, could and can give in their demission, because in so doing they only dispose of interests which are purely personal to them. It is equally evident that the acceptance of functions, incompatible with the dignity with which they are invested, supposes and leads to the demission of that dignity, and, consequently, the peers who are in the situation above an- nounced, have really abdicated their rank, and have in fact demitted the peerage of France. “For these causes we have ordained, and do ordain as follows:— Art. I.-"The undernamed no longer form part of the chamber of peers:– Count Clemont de Ris Marshal Duke of Cor- Cornudet negliano Tre- viso D'Aboville Marshal Duke of Dantzic Count Barral, Archbi- shop of Tours Count de Croix ——— Dedelay d’Agier Boissy d'Anglas Duke of Cadore —— Dejean Fabre de l’Ande *— Gassendi Count Canclaux Casabianca Montesquieu Lacepede LatourMaubourg Pontecoulant Rampon Duke de Praslin Plaisance Segur . Valence Marshal Duke of El- Belliard. ehingen — Albufera. II.-‘‘, Those, however, of the above-named may be excepted from this arrangement, who shall prove that they have neither sat nor wished to sit in the self-styled chamber of peers, to which they were summoned, they being bound to prove sºmºmºmºre **-**-*-** * *— ---, this within a month after the publication of the present ordinance. III.—“Our president of the council of ministers. is charged with the execution of the present or- dinance. “Given at the Thuilleries, this 24th of July, in the year of grace 1815, and of our reign the twenty-first. (Signed) By the king, “ Louis. “Prince TALLEYRAND.” “ Louis, by the grace of God, &c. “Wishing, by the punishment of an outrage without example, but by graduating the penalty and Himiting the number of the guity, to conci- liate the interest of our people, the dignity of our crown, and the tranquillity of Europe, with what we owe to justice and the entire security of all other citizens without distinction, “We have declared, and do declare, ordained, and do ordain, as follows:— Art. I.-‘The generals and officers who be- trayed the king, before the 23d of March, or who attacked France and the government with force and arms, and those who by violence gained pos- session of power, shall be arrested and brought before competent courts-martial; in their respec- tive divisions; namely, Ney , Grouchy Labedoyere Clausel The two brothers Lal- Laborde Iemand Debelle Drouet d'Erlon Bertrand Lefebvre Desnouettes T}rouet Ameilh Cambrone Brayer Lavalette Gilly Rovigo. Mouton Duvernet II.-* The individuals whose names follow ;- Soult • Felix Lepelletier Alix Mehée Excelmans Thibaudeau * - Boulay (de la Meurthe) Vandamme Fressinet Lamarque (General) Carnot Le Lorgne-Dideville Lobau Pire Harel . Arnault Barrere Regnault (de St. Jean- Pommereuil d’Angely) Arrighi (of Padua). Dejean, jun. Garran \ Real Bouvier Dumolard Durbach, Merlin (of Douay). Dirat Defermont Telix Desportes Bory St. Vincent Meilinet Garnier-de-Saintes- Cluys Hullin Forbin-Janson (the el- Courtin: der son) Bassano Marbot, shall within three days depart from the city of OF THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 1525 * £ wºrs= -* -ºr mºr- —r- Paris, and shall retire into the interior of France, to the places which our minister of general-police shall indicate to them, where they shall remain under his superinspection, until the chambers de- cide as to ... of them ought either to depart the kingdom, or be delivered up to prosecution before the tribunals. “Those who shall not repair to the spot as- signed to them by our minister of general-police, shall be immediately arrested. III.-4: The individuals condemned to depart the kingdom shall be at liberty to sell their goods and property within a year's interval, to dispose of and transport the produce out of France, and in the mean time to receive the revenue in foreign parts, en furnishing proof of their obedience to the present ordinance. FV.—“ The lists of all the individuals to whom Articles I. and II. may apply, are and remain closed with the nominal designations contained in these articles, and can never be extended to: others for any cause, or under any pretext what- ever, otherwise than in the terms and according to the constitutional laws, from which there is no- thing expressly derogated but in this case only. “Given at Paris, this 24th of July, 1815, &c. (Signed) “Louis. By the king. “The Duke of OTRANTo. “Minister secretary-of-state for the general police.” From this moment, the events which took place. in France can scarcely be reduced to any regular order. through which scarcely any light is afforded to conduct the inquirer on his way. The humbled pride of the French nation refused to tell what took place, and the policy of the allies had the same effect with regard to them. Seated, how- ever, again in the Thuilleries, as he now was, Louis XVIII. did not find himself in an enviable situation, nor in that state of apparent tranquillity in which he found himself on the preceding year. The capital and the country remained in the most dreadful state of alarm and agitation. The army refused to submit for a considerable time ; and even when they did so, they did it in a manner that left their intentions very doubtful, and con- firmed the fact that they did it with the deepest regret. All, or nearly all, the fortified places re- fused to acknowledge the king's authority; till pressed by the allied arms, and driven to the ne- cessity of either surrendering or of being taken by assault, their commanders then, and only then, in many instances, hoisted the white flag, pretend- ing they acknowledged the king, and making a merit of saying, they did not give up the place to a foreign enemy. This, however, had, in most instances, no effect with the allies, but particu- larly with the Prussians. It was not the hoisting of a flag would satisfy them for their toil, their The whole appears a mass of confusion, labour, blood, and danger; and, accordingly, they BOOK XVI. continued the sieges of the various frontier towns, till these were forced to surrender. In some in- stances, the places thus taken were surrendered to the king's authority, and in others were retained by the conquerors. Paris, from the time of the capitulation till the time of its complete evacua- tion by the French armies, continued in the most dreadful state of agitation and alarm. Soldiers, mad from disasters, which had for ever stopped the career of their destructive pursuits—disap- pointed politicians, whose golden dreams of power were vanished—incendiaries of all descriptions; profligates of every degree, for whom that capital had so long been the centre, and with whom it. was so fully peopled, were eager and anxious to. commence any desperate undertaking, and plunge. into fresh confusion and blood. Groupes of people assembled in all quarters of the city, and its sub- urbs and environs. Cries of rage, menacing gestures, threats of the most alarming description, cannon and muskets fired along the streets, the Boulevards, and from the bridges, filled the night with deeper horror, and the minds of the peace- able inhabitants with terror and alarm. The shops were shut—terror was at its height in the different quarters of the city. , Nothing but the immediate. presence of the allied troops in the environs of Paris, and ready to enter it, could have prevent- ed this fury from exerting its strength in scenes of confusion and blood. At length the en- trance of the allied troops gave some assurance that order would be maintained in the place. Nevertheless, that was a matter of great difficulty. An exasperated population, which was increased. by deserters from, the army, threatened Paris with the severest calamities.- Quarrels daily took place between the inhabit- ants and the Prussian soldiers, in which many lives were lost. It was calculated that there was more than 30,000 deserters from the army in Paris; and the federes were every where in mo- tion. Strong measures, however, were taken by the allies for preserving tranquillity. Their guards were augmented—their forces were stationed so as they could assemble in force at any given point, upon the shortest notice; and cannon, loaded with grape-shot, were planted on the bridges and public places; where, by night and by day, the artillerymen stood beside the pieces with lighted matches. In the places, however, where only the national-guards were stationed, the most daring movements took place. These were either afraid or unwilling to repress the violence of the multi- tude. . In consequence of which, the king and the royal family were daily insulted in the most bitter and seditious language, even in the palace of the Thuilleries. Meanwhile, fresh armies continued to arrive at Paris, and in the neighbourhood of that city; * Chap. IV. y Jºvº 1815, 1526 history of The wars , * º BOOK XVI. CHA r. 1 W. ue^^_^ 1815. -**-*. sº- zº-ºr -as-- *- and fresh corps were daily advancing from Ger- many, Italy, and England, and entering the French territory on the north and east. The French army, which retired behind the Loire, was under the command of Davoust, and who also at this time held the supreme command of all the military in France which had not ac- knowledged the king. The strength of this army was stated at about 70,000 men; for though de- sertion had made great ravages in it, it had never- theless been augmented by corps from different quarters. The officers and men composing this force were decidedly adverse to the re-establish- ment of the Bourbons. With arms in their hands, it could not be expected that such men would at once surrender them without a struggle; or till they had received some terms from the king, in order to ensure not only their personal safety, but also, if possible, their existence as a body. Accordingly, they continued, for some time, to disown the king's authority, and refuse to submit to his sway. The advance, however, of the al- lied armies against them, and the submission of ſmany places, and a large portion of the inhabit- ants, left them in a dangerous situation; and, accordingly, after some negociations, with the na- ture of which the public are yet unacquainted, they agreed to send in their submission to the king, which was accordingly transmitted by Da- voust, but in a manner that it was difficult to say what their intentions were ; and, at the same time, proved, unequivocally, with what reluc- tance they made any concession or advances to- wards submission. In his first proclamation, ad- dressed to the army, announcing his intentions, Davoust stated, that “the army, on quitting Paris, and retiring behind the Loire, according to the terms of the convention of the 3d of July, left with the provisional government commission- ers appointed to require instructions, in case a new government should be established. These commissioners,” said he, “in rendering an account to the army of the late events of the capital, and the entrance of the king, have informed me of the overtures which have been made to them to in- duce the army to recognise that its union with the system of the government could alone prevent the dissolution of the state. The commissioners, in their communications, give the assurance, that, under a constitutional government, no re-action is to be feared; that the passions will be neutra- lised; that the ministry will be one and respon- sible; that men and principles wik be respected; that arbitrary dismissals shall not take place, ei- ther in the army or in other orders of society; and, finally, the army shall be treated conform- ably to its honor: these are the terms trans- mitted by the commissioners. . As a pledge and a proof of what they advance, they state, as a cer- tainty, that Marshal St. Cyr is appointed minister =---. :=~ x **--- -*** - * **-ºs y of war; that the Duke of Otranto is minister of police, and that he only accepts this office with the assurance that the government will proceed in a spirit of moderation and wisdom, of which he himself has always given the example.” Davoust, then proceeded thus:–“ The senti- ments of the army are well known : it has fought during these twenty-five years always for France, often for contested opinions. The only reward which it demands for the blood it has shed, is, that no citizen be prosecuted for any of those opi- nions which he may have held with good faith. On these conditions, national interests ought freely to unite the army to the king. These in- terests require sacrifices: they should be made with a good grace, with a modest energy; the army subsisting, the army united, will become, should our misfortunes increase, the centre and rallying-point of all Frenchmen, even of the most violent royalists. Every one must feel that union, and the oblivion of all dissensions, can alone effect the salvation of France, which will become im- possible, should hesitation, difference of opinion, or private considerations, bring dissolution to the army, either by its own means or those of foreign force. Let us unite, then—let us never separate. The Vendeans have given us a touching exam- ple; they have written to us, offering to lay aside all resentments, and to unite with us in the pa- triotic wish of preventing all dismemberment of the country. Let us be Frenchmen: you know that this sentiment always reigned exclusively in my soul: it will only leave me with my last breath. In this name I demand your confidence; I am sure of meriting and jºi. it.” This, however, did not fully convince the army, who remained obstinate; much to the satisfaction of Davoust and their other leaders, who were jealous of the king's intentions, and durst not trust his word. Time, however, pressed. He was without any regular means of supplying the wants of his troops, and the army must either ac- knowledge the king, and bow to his authority, unconditionally, or contend against the allied armies in battle. Accordingly, with great reluc- tance, this submission was announced in the fol- lowing order of the day, issued by Davoust on the 16th of July :— - “Soldiers, I communicate to you, by an order of the day, the submission which the generals and officers of the army, of which the command is confided to me, have made to the government of Louis XVIII. It is for you, soldiers, to com- plete this submission by your obedience; hoist the white cockade and colours. I demand from you, I know, a great sacrifice ; we have all been connected with these colours for these twenty-five years; but the interest of our country commands this sacrifice. I am incapable, soldiers, of giving you an order not to º founded on these senti- of THE FRENCH Revolution. ** 1527 ***- - - - -a- -— —-4-º'-- ments, or at variance with honor. Last year, under similar circumstances, the government of our country having changed, I defended Ham- burg and Harburg to the last moment, in the name of Louis XVIII., listening then, as I do now, only to the interest of our country. All my countrymen have applauded my conduct; a fine army has been preserved to France; not a sol- dier has quitted his ranks, knowing that he serves his country, whatever be its government, and that an army cannot deliberate. Soldiers J. Con- tinue the same conduct; defend our unhappy country in the name of Louis XVIII. : this ino- narch, and all our countrymen, will thank us for it; we shall make common eatise with those brave. Vendeans who have just given us a touching ex- ample, declaring that they would unite with us to combat the enemies of France; and you will have, besides, preserved to your country a numerous and brave army. I expect from you the same spirit of discipline of which you have given proofs since your departure from Paris. (Signed) : “Prince D'ECKMUHL.” The following is the address of the army to the king on this occasion :- “Sire, The army, unanimous in its views and affections, in order to be brought to a free and simple submission to your majesty's government, has no need either of receiving any private im- pulse, or of altering its spirit or sentiments; it is enough for it to consult the sentiments that have animated it under all circumstances, and the spirit which guided it during the last twenty-five years of political storms. “Its opinions, its acts, the conduct of each of its members, always had for their actuating cause that love of country, ardent, deep, exclusive, capable of every effort, of every sacrifice, respect- able even in its errors and wanderings, which at all times commanded the esteem of Europe, and which secures to us that of posterity. “The generals, the officers, and the soldiers, who now surround their colours, and who are at- tached to them with the greatest constancy and love, even when they are most unfortunate, are not men who can be accused of regretting private advantages. “To other thoughts, therefore, to motives more dignified and noble, must be ascribed the silence which the army has hitherto kept. “From the lowest soldier to the officer of high- est rank, the French army numbers in its ranks bnly citizens, sons, fathers of citizens; it is inti- mately connected with the nation; it cannot se- parate its cause from that of the French people; it adopts with them, it adopts sincerely the go- vernment of your majesty; it will cause the hap- piness of France by generous and complete obli- 104. vion all that has past, by effacing every trace of book xvi. dissention, by respecting the rights of all. “Convinced of this truth, full of respect and confidence in the sentiments expressed by your majesty, the army swears to you, with entire sub- mission, a fidelity, proof against all trial; it will shed its blood in fulfilment of the oaths which it this day pronounces to defend the king and France.” [Here follow the signatures.] The army under Suchet soon followed the ex- º: of the army of the Loire; and next, that under Clausel. In the meantime, the white flag appeared on all the sea-ports and principal towns; the people acquiescing in the change. §. several laces, however, this did not take place without loodshed with the troops; and, for a long period afterwards, continued brawls took place between the two parties, which kept the minds of the peaceable in a constant state of terror and alarm. Still, however, many places refused to acknow- ledge the king, amongst which was Huminguen, under General Barbnegre. The place was, how- ever, besieged and taken by the Austrians; the garrison being allowed to retire behind the Loire. In other places the French garrisons hoisted the white flag, and also a red one ; in consequence of the allies continuing to press their surrender, and they refusing to give them up to the foreign armies. Amongst these, Valenciennes, and se- yeral other places on the frontier of the Nether- lands, suffered much. It was a strange and un- accountable spectacle to see these places attacked and defended, while peace and good-will seemed to reign betwixt the armies in the field and the government of France and all the allies. While these things were going on in various parts of France, Bonaparte was endeavouring to make his escape out of France, with the intention of going to America. Passports for his voyage to the jj States had been asked of the Duke of Wellington, by Count Bignon, to which re- quest the duke replied as follows:—“As to what regards a passport and protection for Napoleon Bonaparte, to go to the United States of America, I must inform your excellency that I have no authority from my government to give any sort of answer whatever to that demand.”—He had left Paris on the 29th of June, with a numerous retinue, and much property; and taking the road by Tours, he directed his route to Rochefort. It was evident he travelled quite at his ease; and not only so, but that every facility was afforded him. łº, where, it was said, he was wel- comed with acclamations, and treated with the same respect as if he had been still emperor. He reached Rochefort on the 3d of July, in safety; and immediately began to make preparations for his departure, in two ſº La Suale and La l CHAP. IV. w_ºvº-f H&H5, 1528 HISTORY brº 'THE WARS BOOK XVI. CHAP. IV. *_*N* 1815. * * > ~~~~~~~ Meduse. Every thing was embarked, and ready for a start; but, unfortunately, every avenue for escape was closed against him. Already eleven British ships of war lined the coast, in such a manner that no vessel of any description could H. to sea without being brought-to by them. his vigilant force was under the command of Captain Maitland, of the Bellerophon, of 74 guns. Bonaparte remained at the house of the prefect, General Becker, till the 8th, when he went on- board the frigate La Suale, at ten o'clock in the evening. He, however, durst not venture to put to sea. Next day he landed and inspected the fortifications of the Isle d'Aix, probably with the intention of defending himself there against any immediate attack. On the 10th, the winds were favorable; but the short night, and it also being moonlight at the time, left the frigates no hope to escape. He had sent on-board the Bellerophon to solicit permission to pass, as he said he was only waiting for his passports from England. This was, however, refused; and he was inform- ed, that the moment that the frigates attempted to come out, 'they would be attacked. Bona- . .next proposed to escape in a Danish ship; ut this would have been equally impracticable; and an attempt in two chasse marées, of about twenty tons each, which had come from Rochelle on the night of the 12th, and in which he was to embark, and to be carried to the Danish vessel waiting for him at a distance, seemed to promise no hopes of better success. These plans also were abandoned. From the 11th to the 12th, Bona- parte learned from his brother Joseph, the en- trance of the king into Paris, and the dissolution of the chambers. To the last moment, it is said, he, cherished the idea that they would recal him; but he was disappointed. ..Two more days were passed in undeterminate projects for *:::: by sea. At length, on the 14th, Generals Becker and Savary, Count las Casas , and General Lallemand were sent on- board the Bellerophon, where it was agreed that Bonaparte and his suite should be received on the following day. The whole went on-board the French brig Epervier; and, on the morning of the 15th, she proceeded to the Bellerophon, which received the whole on-board, and where Bonaparte was at last secure from escape or from personal danger. He at first wished to make terms with Captain Maitland; but he was told that the latter could agree to none—that all he could do was to receive and “convey him and his suite to England, there to be received in such a manner as his royal-highness the prince-regent may deem expedient.” . The persons who accompanied Bonaparte on- board the Bellerophon consisted of General Count Bertrand, grand marshal of the palace, his lady and three children, the Duke of Rovigo (Savary), General Lallemand, Baron Gourgauld, aide-de- camp to . Bonaparte, Count Moutholon Semon- ville, his lady and child, Count Las Casas, coun- sellór of state, and his son, several other officers, a surgeon, and a suite of forty persons. The Bellerophon immediately set sail for England, and arrived at Torbay on the 24th. Thus, after all the vicissitudes of this extraordinary man's life, during many years of which he had been the most conspicuous object of the age, the wonder and the terror of all Europe, he saw the sphere of his activity limited to the quarter-deck of a man- of-war, belonging to that nation which alone had perpetually resisted his power, and curbed his restless ambition. wº- s º The following is General Becker's account of his mission, as he gave it in the ministerial circles at Paris. He stated that he had never passed a period of more anxiety, and that there was no success more difficult than that which he had at- tained. * He said that Napoleon had treated him, from the first moment, not merely with civility, but even with familiarity. On the day before the journey began, while walking together in the garden of Malmaison, the general made some observation concerning Maria Louisa, and the conduct of the court of Austria towards him; Napoleon laughed, gave him a little playful slap on the cheek, and said, “Allez, mon ami, tu me connais pas ces gens là!” (You don't know those people, my friend.) . . Before Bonaparte's departure, he sent for one of his early friends—he wished to take leave of him. Bonaparte said, “I would not go without seeing you; we shall never meet again.” The other, unable to speak, burst into tears. Bona- parte put his hands on his friend’s shoulders with an air of affection, and said—“Mon cher, dans les grandes crises comme celle-ci, c'est le courage et mon pas la sensibilité qu'il nous faut.” (In great events, we should always display courage and not sensibility.) In a long conversation which en- sued, this person represents Bonaparte as calm, and somewhat inelancholy, but not overcome. Bonaparte allowed that he had committed, in the late transactions, two great faults—the first was, that he had left the army; the other was the getting into a discussion with the chambers, and, above all, with a deputation of the chambers; the large body might have been divided or dissolved; but the committee was armed with more power than the whole, was not liable to disunion, and not subject to be put off and delayed. Accordingly, said he, “when Ispoke to them of the wants of the country, men, cannon, and money, they answered me with the rights of man, and the social contract, and all was lost!” OF THE' FRIENCH REVOLUTION. 1529 -r-rº- re- - On the road to Rochefort, where he was to em- bark, and while he remained there, Bonaparte re- ceived several deputations from the army, urging him to put, himself at their head, and swearing to die in his cause. “You see,” said he to Becker, “ that the provisional government mistakes the wishes of the people with regard to me.” On these occasions he would sometimes wake up, as it were, into life and spirit, and express a resolution to return to the army, and conquer or die at its head. On entering the Bellerophon, Bonaparte said to the captain, “Sir, I come to claim the protec- tion of your prince and your laws.” Previously to his going on-hoard, Bonaparte had sent the following letter to the prince-regent. “...Altesse Royale,_* En butte auw factions qui divisent mon pays et à l'inimitie des plus grandes Puissances de l'Europe, j’ai terminé ma carriere politique, et je viens, comme Themistocle, m'as- seoir sur les foyers du peuple Britannique. Je the 'mets sous la protection de ses lois, que je reclame de V. A. R. comme le plus puissant, le plus constant, et le plus généreua de mes_ennemis. “NAPOLEON.” (Translation.) * “Royal-highness, “Exposed to the factions which divide my country, and to the enmity of the great powers of Europe, I have terminated my political career, and I come, like Themistocles, to throw myself upon the hospitality of the British people. I claim from your royal-highness the protection of the laws, and throw myself upon the most powerful, the most constant, and the most generous of my enemies. (Signed) “Rochefort, 13th July.” “NAPOLEON.” When embarked on-board the Bellerophon, Bonaparte, by his constant affability, made a very favorable impression on all who approached him; and this was, as it ought to be, more than repaid by the condescensions which he received in return. Marshal Bertrand waited upon the first lieutenant and captain of marines with Napoleon's compli- ments, requesting their company at dinner. At dinner he took his seat in the middle of the table, with the captain on the right hand. The whole dinner was dressed in the French style, and served in silver. Nothing was carved at table, the servants, removing each dish for the purpose. Some Eng- lish midshipmen, of the Bellerophon, were permit- ted, at Bonaparte's request, to perform a play before him. * True to his old system of enquiring into, and understanding every thing, Bonaparte had scarcely. been five minutes on-board, before he sent his compliments, and requested that the officers of the ship might be introduced to him. This was, done by Captain Maitland. He bowed severally to each, and smiling, enquired how each of them ranked. When they were about to leave the Bookxvi. cabin, he said to them in French, “Well, gentle- men, you have the honor of belonging to the bravest and most fortunate nation in the world.” Having arranged his dress, he shortly afterwards. came upon deck. He asked several questions 6f the officers, took particular notice of the sights on the guns, begged the boatswain might be sent to him, of whom he made many enquiries respectin the ship, and his length of service. This hènest fellow, surprised at the unexpectedness of the message, and his sudden introduction, to one of whom he had heard so much, to our very great amusement, was determined to have the first word; and therefore, with cap in hand, a scrape of the foot, and a head almost bowed to the ground, in true sailor-like style saluted him with “I hope your honor's well.” Shortly afterward, visiting the other decks, Napoleon's inquiries were renew- ed, particularly respecting the marines. - At two p.m. the Bellerophon (accompanied by the Myrmidon eorvette, which ship had part of his suite on-board) weighed and made sail for England. Whilst this was doing, Bonaparte remained on deck, taking particular notice of the manner of making sail and tacking ship. He observed that the latter manoeuvre was differently performed in French ships. He spoke much concerning the battles of the Nile and Trafalgar, frequently men- tioning the name of Lord Nelson with approbation. About seven he again went on deck, asking several questions of the officers, relative to the different braces, haulyards, topsails, &c. . As soon as the arrival of the Bellerophon at Torbay was publicly announced, it became the centre of attraction; and every one manifested an anxiety to behold the first general of the age, and the most extraordinary man of modern times. In consequence numerous parties repaired in boats, but were not permitted to come alongside: not- withstanding this, their number so increased, that it was calculated not less than one thousand put off daily. g During the time necessarily occupied by official discussion, as to the disposal of Bonaparte, and due preparation, Bonaparte continued to reside on- board the Bellerophon, around which a proper guard was very prudently established. The number and eagerness of spectators remained unabated, during the whole of this period; and as every one 1815. saw with his own eyes, and formed his own con- *- clusions, the accounts thus furnished are interesting, though sometimes various. From these we shall. select the following:— “Upon the arrival of the Bellerophon at Ply- mouth, Captain Maitland'made a signal for gene- ral orders. the telegraphic answer to which was, to prohibit all communication with the shore, and to stand out' three leagues to sea, and await the orders of the admiralty. Colonels Frazer and § sº • ** HHSTQRY QF THE WARS B00K XVI. Ponsonby, the son of Sir Archibald Macdonald, CHAP. l V. 1815. and several other officers, came passengers on- board the Bellerophon. “Bonaparte demanded all the homage due to a sovereign, in his passage to the British shores. His letter to the prince-regent is signed “ Napo- leon” only—not in the character of a private indi- vidual; for he claims still to be sovereign of Elba, though no longer Emperor of the French. “Persons from London, and from other parts, are flocking down to Plymouth, though they know that Bonaparte is not expected to land, and that they cannot go on-board the Bellerophon; but they can row in boats round the vessel, and can occasionally catch a glimpse of him. ... He is the greater part of the day in the stern-gallery, either walking backwards and forwards, with his hands behind him, as he is represented in some of the pictures in the print-shops, or surveying the ship- ing and the shore through a glass. In general |. keeps alone, Bertrand and L’Allemand re- maining at some distance behind him. Occa- sionally he beekons to one of them to point out something to him, or to make some observation ; he then walks on alone. Captain Maitland is more frequently with him than any of his suite, and he pays him great attention. He is in good health. As usual, he passes but a short time at his meals, and drinks but little wine. He is said to drink regularly to the health of the prince-regent. Coffee is frequently served up to him on the deck, and when he first came near the land about Tor- bay, he is reported to have exclaimed, “Enſin, voila ce beau pays "(at length, here is this fine coun- try !) adding, that he had never seen it, except from Calais and Boulogne, when the only points that could be seen were the white and bold rocks about Dover. He is plainly dressed, in general, in a great-coat, without any decorations, and a cocked hat.” Another account says—“ By some passengers who came in the Bellerophon, it appears that Bonaparte was quite at his ease on-board that ship; took possession of the captain's cabin sans ceremonie, invited the officers of the ship to his table, talked with great freedom on the present state of things; said it was impossible for the Bourbons to govern France, and that Napoleon II. would very soon be re-called to the throne; that Fouche was an ass, and totally unfit for the office assigned to him. He acknowledged that England alone had ruined all his grand plans, and that but for her he had now been emperor of the east as well as of the west. He walked on the poop, and quarter-deck, conversed with the seamen, and affected great gaiety and uncon- cern. In short, such is the talent of this child and champion of jacobinism,” that, before they ar- rived in Torbay, he was considered by . Oła board as a devilish good fellow.” Letter from Eamouth. “This day, July 25, proved a most gratifying one indeed to me; I have seen Bonaparte! for nearly two hours. A few friends took a pilot- boat, and went into Torbay: we anchored near the Bellerophon, amidst thousands of boats, &c. Bonaparte repeatedly appeared at the cabin-win- dow, which was wide open ; he appears rather stout, very full in the face, but very stern and thoughtful in his countenance. The captain of the ship was his only companion. We saw se- veral of his generals, &c. who were very superbly dressed, and decked with medals, &c. Bona- parte wore a #. coat with gold epaulets, and a white star on his left side. * “It is impossible to describe to you the bustle we are in at Exmouth; every kind of vessel is put in requisition. It now blows hard, and I fear some accidents will happen.” * The conduct to be observed with respect to a prisoner such as Bonaparte, was an important sub- ject of consideration. His rank and character were equivocal, for he had been left by the treaty of Paris an emperor in title, and the sovereign of Elba in fact; so that he might (as he did) lay a plausible claim to the rights of an independent prince, conquered in a lawful war. It was, how- ever, determined in the councils of the confede- rate sovereigns, that the island of St. Helena should be his place of exile, where he was to re- side under their joint inspection. The following are the instructions given by the British government to the admiral with whom Bonaparte was to sail. Letter from Earl Bathurst, Secretary-of-State, to the Lords of the Admiralty. “Downing-street, July 30. “My lords,--I wish your lordships to have the goodness to communicate to Rear-admiral Sir George Cockburn a copy of the following me- morial, which is to serve him by way of instruc- tion to direct his conduct while General Bona- parte remains under his care. “The prince-regent, in confiding to English officers a mission of such importance, feels that it is unnecessary to express to them his earnest desire that no greater personal restraint may be employed than what shall be found necessary, faithfully to perform the duties of which the ad- miral, as well as the governor of St. Helena, must never lose sight; namely, the perfectly secure de- tention of the person of General Bonaparte. Every thing which, without ºr. the grand object, can be granted as an indulgence, will, his royal-highness is convinced, be allowed the general. The prince-regent depends further on the well-known zeal and resolute character of Sir George Cockburn, that he will not * himself OF THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 1531 . A-> fºr A-A- -- --------------e:- -* -* *-*. ==T- amºrº _º ----. - to be misled, imprudently to deviate from the performance of his duty. * BATHURST.” Memorial. “When General Bonaparte leaves the Belle- rophon to go on-board the Northumberland, it will be the properest moment for Admiral Cock: burn to have the effects examined which General Bonaparte may have brought with him. “The admiral will allow all the baggage, wine, and provisions which the generaf may have brought with him, to be taken on-board the Nor- thumberland. “Among the baggage, his table-service is to be understood as included, unless it be so consi- derable as to seem rather an article to be converted into ready money than for real use. “His money, his diamonds, and his valuable effects (consequently bills of exchange also), of whatever kind they may be, must be delivered up. The admiral will declare to the general, that the British government by no means intends to confiscate his property, but merely to take upon itself the administration of his effects, to hinder him from using them as means to promote his flight. “The examination shall be made in the pre- sence of a person named by the general; the inventory of the effects to be retained shall be signed by this person as well as by the rear-ad- miral, and by the person whom he shall appoint to draw up the inventory. “The interest on the principal (according as his property is more or less considerable) shall be applied to his support, and, in this respect, the principal arrangements be left to him. “For this reason he can from time to time sig- nify his wishes to the admiral till the arrival of the new governor of St. Helena, and afterwards to the latter; and if no objection is to be made to his proposal, the admiral or the governor can give the necessary orders, and the disbursement will, be paid by bills on his majesty's treasury, ... “ In case of death, he can dispose of his pro- perty by a last will, and be assured that the con- tents of his testament shall be faithfully exe- cuted. “As an attempt might be made to cause a part of his property to pass for the property of the persons of his suite, it must be signified that the property of his attendants is subject to the same regulations. “The disposal of the troops intended to guard him must be left to the governor. The latter, however, has received a notice, in the case which will be hereafter-mentioned, to act according to the desire of the admiral. * “ º: general must be constantly attended by an officer appointed either by the admiral, or the Book xvi. governor. If the general is allowed to go out of the bounds where the sentinels are placed, one Char. Iy. orderly-man at least must accompany the officer. “When ships, arrive, and as long as they re- main in sight, the general must be confined to the limits where the sentinels are placed. During this time all communication with the inhabitants is forbidden. His companions in St. Helena are subject during this time to the same rules, and must remain with him. At other times it is left to the judgment of the admiral or governor to make the necessary regulations concerning them. “It must be signified to the general, that if he makes any attempt to fly he will be put under close confinement; and it must be notified to his attendants, that if it should be found that they are plotting to prepare the general's flight, they shall be separated from him, and likewise put un- der close confinement. “All letters addressed to the general or to per- sons in his suite must be delivered to the admiral or governor, who will read them before he suffers them to be delivered to those to whom they are addressed. Letters written by the general or his suite are subject to the same rule. “No letter that does not come to St. Helena: through the secretary-of-state must be communi- cated to the general or his attendants, if it is written by a person not living in the island. All their letters, addressed to persons not living in the island, must go under the cover of the secre- tary-of-state. “It will be clearly expressed to the general, that the governor and admiral have precise orders to inform his majesty's government of all the wishes and representations which he may desire to address to it; in this respect they need not use any precaution. But the paper on which such re- quest or representation is written, must be com- municated to them open, that they may both read it; and, when they send it, accompany it with such observations as they may judge necessary. “Till the arrival of the new governor, the ad- miral must be considered as entirely responsible for the person of General Bonaparte ; and his majesty has no doubt of the inclination of the present governor to concur with the admiral for this purpose.” “The admiral has full power to retain the ge- neral on-board his ship, or to conyey him on-board again, when, in his opinion, the secure detention of his person cannot be otherwise effected. “When the admiral arrives at St. Helena, the governor will, upon his representation, adopt mea- sures for sending immediately to England, the Cape of Good Hope, or the East-Indies, such officers or persons in the military corps of St. He- lena, as the admiral, º because they are for - 1. usºvº 1815. 1532 . *- , HISTORY OF THE WARS Book XVI. CHAP. IV. 1815. —iº- —w -msm- reigners, or on account of their character or their dispositions, shall think it adviseable to dismiss from the military service in St. Helena. “If there'are strangers in the island whose resi- dence in the country shall seem to be with a view of becoming instrumental in the flight of Ge- neral Bonaparte, he must take measures to re- move them. “The whole coast of the island, and all ships and boats that visit it, are placed under the surveil- lance of the admiral. He fixes the places which the boats may visit, and the governor will send a sufficient guard to the points where the admi- ral shall consider this precaution to be necessary. “The admiral will adopt" the most vigorous measures to watch over the arrival and depar- ture of every ship, and to prevent all communi- cation with the coast, except such as he shall allow. - “Orders will be issued to prevent, after a cer- tain necessary interval, any foreign or mercantile vessel from going in future to St. Helena. “If the general should be seized with a serious illness, the admiral and the governor will each name a physician who enjoys their confidence, in order to attend the general in common with his own physician; they will give them strict orders to give in every day a report on the state of his health. “In case of his death, the admiral will give orders to convey his body to England. “Given at the War-office, July 30, 1815. Of his conduct on hearing the determination of the allied powers, we shall notice the following accounts from Plymouth :- “Bellerophon, Plymouth, Aug. 2. , “It was on Sunday the papers announced the determination of sending Bonaparte to St. He- lena; and as he regularly inquires for them, pe- rusing, with the assistance of Madame Bertrand, almost every item, that part did not long escape his notice. Indeed, it was now publicly spoken of by every person. Before this, I had heard it was his determination never to quit the ship alive to be sent to St. Helena; and Madame Bertrand informed me, on reading the above, he had again positively asserted they should first take his life. - “..On Sunday evening, he had the marks of much agitation in his countenance. On the Mon- day, when he officially learnt his destination, he remained on deck but a short time, and appeared as pale as death. Yesterday he was somethin better. I fear, on the arrival of the Northumber. land, we shall witness some tragical scene. You know we are not the ship destined to convey him to St. Helena. “A circumstance occurred last Sunday night, which seemed to be very * being a beginning wº- —w- —r-r- * - - *-**E= T- arr T- *rum- to the scene I mentioned above. About nine o'clock, Marshal and Madame Bertrand were walking on the opposite side of the deck to where I was, in earnest conversation—suddenly Ma- dame rushed into the emperor's cabin, threw her- self at his feet for about half a minute, then fly- ing below to her own cabin, threw herself nearly out of the stern-window, when she was fortu- nately caught by the leg by General Montholon. She continued delirious the whole night. To- day she is better. “On the following morning, Lord Keith and General Sir H. Bunbury waited upon him, in- forming him it was the determination of the allied sovereigns to send him to the above place, and granting permission to take with him part of his suite, with the exception of those proscribed, Savary, L’Allemand, and Bertrand. I under- stand he sent for Captain Maitland, and again assured the admiral and the general, it was his fixed resolution never to quit this ship alive. “ Notwithstanding the news has greatly affect- ed him, he continues to show himself for about twenty minutes every evening, to the really astonishing number of people, which I think daily increases. It is with great difficulty the men-of-war's boats prevent the crowd approach- ing too near the ship. He now continues but a short time on the gang-way, and is then visible only to the inside boats. There is no truth in the account of his having taken possession in an authoritative manner of Captain Maitland's cabin. - “We are so full in the ship, and have all of us given up our cabins and ward-rooms to Bona- parte's suite, that we have been forced to sleep upon deck. “We are all anxious to know whether it is in- tended to give up all the persons proscribed. L'Allemand has written a letter to the prince- regent, stating the manner in which he treated some English prisoners, whom he afterwards li- berated, and to whom he wishes a reference to be made.” * “Plymouth, August 6. “The last evening that Bonaparte made any conspicuous appearance on the gangways of the Bellerophon was on Tuesday last, when he showed himself only for a short time on each side. On Wednesday he did not show himself at all. On Thursday he came on deck again, and twice. looked out at the starboard gangway (but not once at the Jarboard one), and that was only mo- mentary. On Friday the Bellerophon got under weigh about one o'clock, and not having had a satisfactory view of him, I went in a boat with a few other gentlemen, and followed the ship till she was some distance outside of the breakwater. All this time he did not show himself; and, as the ship was working out, I take it for granted he was OF THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 1533 -à. -º- *-- as -A- -º-ºs- a——----ºf- *E*. ** ºmmºn •r- fº-> *- ~r not on the quarter-deck. However, as there was but one guard-boat rowing a-stern, the others being employed in towing the ship, there being but a light air, we frequently ran up pretty near to her, and in consequence of two ladies, who had embarked on-board a shore-boat under the idea that having no gentlemen with them they would be suffered to approach nearer the vessel, and who seemed most anxious to see 'the renowned prisoner she had on-board, they frequently stand- ing on the thwarts of the boat, and waving their handkerchiefs, he at last made his appearance at the stern-window of the cabin, evidently for the º, of satisfying their curiosity. He held his ead out of the window, and inclined it down- wards, as if he was resting on his elbows, without his hat being on, which gave us a complete view of his face and head, which is very bald on the top, but the hair on the sides being suffered to grow long, we could perceive it was "combed across. He staid about a minute, and then retired. We followed him till we got within a short distance of Penlee Point, but he did not show himself again. Indeed I did not expect it, for in a short time after he looked out at the window, he drew the curtains of the cabin-windows, when I re- marked that it was decidedly done to let us know that the lion was no more to be seen.” There ap- peared to be rather a bustle in the cabin; as if they were packing up for the intended removal into the Northumberland, to meet which ship they were standing out to sea. “It is asserted, and we believe with truth, that Bonaparte possesses the art of pleasing in a high degree, and is a perfect master in flattery, the kinds of which he adapts with the greatest skill to the persons whom he addresses; his manner is consequently fascinating, and he is said, by his at- tentions in a single week, to have gained the good- will of the whole ship's company on-board which he had embarked. From whatever motive, the government determined that another vessel should convey him to the place of his destination, and accordingly the Northumberland received orders to prepare for that service. Every possible pre- caution was deemed necessary to prevent the re- currence of those crafty contrivances which have so frequently been exhibited. The vessels em- ployed were therefore instructed to sail off the Start, and to transfer the person of Bonaparte from one ship to the other at a distance from th shore. ar “On the 6th Sir Henry Bunbury, accompanied by the Honorable Mr. Bathurst, charged with the communication of the result of the government to Bonaparte, were conveyed on-board the Bellero- phon by Lord Keith’s yacht. Sir Henry was introduced to the ex-emperor, and after mutual salutation, he read to him the resolution of the ca- binet, by which he was informed of his intended * transportation to the island of St. Helena, with BOOK XVI. four of his friends, to be chosen by himself, and twelve domestics. He received this intimation with- out any mark of surprise, as he said he had been apprized of the determination, but he protested against it in the most emphatic manner; and in a speech of three quarters of an hour, delivered with great coolness, self-possession, and ability, rea- soned against the proceeding. . He recapitulated the circumstances under which he had been forced, he said, by the breach of the treaty made with him by the sovereigns of Europe, to quit the island of Tºlba; that he had exerted himself to prevent the rénewal of hostilities; but that when they became unavoidable, and that the fortune of war decided against him, he yielded to the voice of his ene- mies, as they had declared in the face of the world that it was against him only that they had taken up arms; he abdicated the imperial crown of France, in the full confidence that the allies would be faithful to their solemn declaration, and leave his country to the settlement of their own affairs; then unarmed, and with a view of seeking an asy- lum as a private individual in England, he had first sought to be received under the king's alle- giance, and under the protection of our laws, and had finally voluntarily put himself into the British power. In this predicament he felt himself enti- tled to protest against the measure now announced to him; and in a long argument, in which he showed himself to be well versed in our laws, he reasoned against the act. “Sir Henry Bunbury and Mr. Bathurst say, that his manner was temperate, his language elo- quent, and that he conducted himself throughout in the most prepossessing way. The account the give of his persuasive manner is, we j, highly interesting. Sir Henry answered to his discourse, that he had no commission, but to make known to him the resolution of his majesty’s mi- nisters; but said that he should faithfully report the reasons that he had stated against the pro- ceeding. e . . * “ The Bellerophon, and Tonnant put to sea from Plymouth Sound on Friday; and here we must explain the statement, that they sailed to avoid the service of a writ of habeas corpus. “The facts of the case are, that the concourse of boats in Plymouth Sound, and the loss of sāine Iives which had already takéâ #: induced the government to remove the Helleröphon to", a greater distance; and the writ Which is spoken of was a subpoena from the court of king’s-bench, obtained by Mr. Mackenrot, who has a cause pending in that court, in which he wanted the evi- dence of Napoleon and Jerome Bonaparte, and Admiral Villaumez. The officer arrived with his few minutes after the Bellerophon had sai ed: e “The Northumberland sailed from Portsmouth CHAP. IV. *_^^eſ 1815, subpoena at the house of Sir John Duckworth; a !. 1 53 4 HISTORY OF THºf; WARS' BOOK XVI. emmºn CHAP. IV. Jºvº-' 1815. * * *-* ~ ---ºwv-- - - - ia -et-º-º-º-º: ---, on the Friday, and on nearing Torbay on Sun- day, perceived two line-of-battle º approach- ing her, which proved to be the Bellerophon, with Bonaparte on-board, and the Tonnant, with Lord Keith. In a few hours the Northumberland hailed them, and asked after Bonaparte, who, she was informed, had not come out of his cabin for some days. The ships came to an anchor off Torbay. “ General Bertrand went first on-board the Tonnant, where he dined with Lord Keith and Sir George Cockburn. He is a man of about fifty years of age, and extremely well-behaved. At dinner, Sir George gave him a general expla- nation of his instructions with respect to Bona- ; one of which was, that his baggage must e inspected before it was received on-board the Northumberland. Bertrand expressed his opi- nion strongly against the measure of sending the emperor (as he and all his suite constantly styled him) to St. Helena, when his wish , and expecta- tion were to live quietly in England, under the protection of the English laws. Lord Keith and Sir George Cockburn did not enter into any dis- cussion upon the subject. “. After dinner, Lord Keith and Sir George Cockburn, accompanied by Bertrand, went in the admiral's yacht toward the Bellerophon. Pre- viously to their arrival, Bonaparte's arms and pistols had been taken away from him—not with- out considerable altercation and objections on the part of the French officers. “Those who were not to accompany him, were sent on-board the Eurotas frigate. They ex- pressed great reluctance at the separation, par- ticularly the Polish officers. Bonaparte took leave of them individually. A Colonel Pistowski, a Pole, was peculiarly desirous of accompanying him. He had received seventeen wounds in the service of Bonaparte, and said he would serve in any capacity, however menial, if he could be al- lowed to go with him to St. Helena. The orders for sending off the Polish officers were peremp- tory, and he was removed to the Eurotas. He was, however, afterwards permitted to go to St. Helena. Savary and L’Allemand, however, were not amongst those sent on-board the frigate— they were left in the Bellerophon. “When Lord Keith and Sir George Cock- burn went on-bºard the Bellerophon on Sunday afternoon, Bonaparte was upon deck to receive them, dressed in a green coat with red facings, two epaulets, white waistcoat and breeches, silk stockings, the star of the legion of honor, and a - chapeau bras, with the three-coloured cockade. His face is remarkably plump, and his head ra- ther bald on the top. After the usual salutations, Lord Keith, addressing himself to Bonaparte, acquainted him with his intended transfer from the Bellerophon to the Northumberland. * Bonaparte immediately protested, with great vehemence, against this act of the British govern- ment;-he did not expect it—he did not con- ceive that any objection could be made to his re- siding in England quietly for the rest of his life. * No answer was returned by either Lord Keith or Sir George Cockburn. A British officer, who stood near him, observed to him, that if he had not been sent to St. Helena, he would have been delivered up to the Emperor of Russia. “Bonaparte.—“Dieu me garde des Russes P’ (God keep me from the Russians!)—In making this reply, he looked at General Bertrand, and shrugged up his shoulders. * “Sir George Cockburn.—“At what hour to- morrow morning shall I come, general, and re- ceive you on-board the Northumberland?' ... “Bonaparte, with some surprise at being styled merely general—" At ten o’clock.” “Bertrand, Madame Bertrand, Savary, L’Al- lemand, Count and Countess Montholon, were standing near Bonaparte. “Sir George Cockburn asked him if he wanted any thing more before they put to sea. Bertrand replied, fifty packs of cards, a backgammon and a domino-table; and Madame Bertrand desired to have, some necessary articles of furniture, which, it was said, should be furnished forth with. “One of Bonaparte's officers, the nephew of Josephine Beauharnois, his first wife, complained that faith had not been kept with the emperor, who expected to reside with his suite in Great Britain. “Bonaparte asked Lord Keith's advice. His lordship merely replied, that he had to obey the orders he had received from his government. Bo- naparte then desired another interview with his lordship. Lord Keith declined it, alleging that it could not but be unsatisfactory—he had no discretion—his fate could not be altered. “An officer who stood near him, said, “You would have been taken if you had remained at Rochefort another hour, and sent off to Paris.’ Bonaparte turned his eye upon the speaker, but did not speak a word. He next addressed him- self to Sir George Cockburn, and asked several questions about St. Helena. * “Is there any hunting or shooting there? Where am I to reside?’ “He then abruptly changed the subject, and burst into more invectives against the government, to which no answer was returned. “Whether he had any idea of a writ of habeas corpus or no, we know not, but he was very so- licitous to go a-shore. . ; “He then expressed some indignation at being styled general ; saying, “You have sent ambas- sadors to me as a sovereign potentate—you have acknowledged me as first consul.”—He took a great deal of snuff whilst speaking. OF THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 1535 —a *— rº- Tºm’ “After reminding him that the Northumber- land's barge would come for him at ten on Mon- day morning, Lord Keith and Sir George Cock- burn retired. “Early on Monday morning, Sir George Cock- burn went on-board the Bellerophon, to super- intend the inspection of Bonaparte's baggage ; it consisted of two services of plate, several arti- cles in gold, a superb toilet of plate, books, beds, &c. They found but 4,000 gold Napoleons, and these were sealed up and detained. They were all sent on-board the Northumberland about ele- ven o clock. “Bonaparte had brought with him from France about forty servants, amongst whom were a groom, postillion, and lamplighter. Two-thirds of these were sent on-board the Eurotas. “At half-past eleven o’clock, Lord Keith, in the barge of the Tonnant, went on-board the Bellerophon to receive Bonaparte, and those who were to accompany him. Bonaparte, before their arrival and afterwards, addressed himself to Cap- tain Maitland and the officers of the Bellerophon. After descending the ladder into the barge, he pulled off his hat to them again. Lord Keith received in the barge the following personages:— “Bonaparte, - “General Bertrand and Madame Bertrand, with their children, *::: “Count and Countess Montholon, and child, “Count Las Casas, * General Gorgaud, “Nine men and three women-servants. “Bonaparte's surgeon refused to accompany him; upon which the surgeon of the Bellerophon offered to supply his place. “Bonaparte was this day dressed in a cocked- hat, much worn, with a tri-coloured cockade; his coat was buttoned close round him—a plain green one with a red collar; he had three erders —two crosses, and a large silver star, with the inscription Honneur et Patrie; white breeches, silk stockings, gold buckles. “Savary and L’Allemand were left behind in the Bellerophon. “Savary seemed in great dread of being given up to the French government, repeatedly assert- ing that the honor of England would not allow him to be landed again on the shores of France. “About twelve o’clock, the Tonnant's barge reached the Northumberland. Bertrand stepped first upon deck, Bonaparte next, mounting the side of the ship with the activity of a seaman. The marines were drawn out, and received him, but merely as a general, presenting arms to him. He ulled off his hat. As soon as he was upon deck, É. said to Sir George Cockburn—“Jesuis a vos ordres.’ He bowed to Lord Lowther and Mr. Lyttleton, who were near the admiral, and spoke to †" a few words, to which they replied. To an officer he said, “Dans quel corps servez vous?” Book XVI. —(In , what corps do you serve?) The officer replied, “In the artillery.' Bonaparte immediately rejoined, “Je sors de cette service moi meine.’— (I was originally in that service myself.) After taking leave of the officers who had accompanied him from the Bellerophon, and embracing the nephew of Josephine, who was not going to St. Helena, he went into the after-cabin, where, be- sides his principal companions, were assembled Lord Keith, Sir George Cockburn, Lord Low- ther, the honorable Mr. Lyttleton, &c. “Bertrand—‘ I never gave in my adhesion to Louis XVIII. It is, therefore, palpably unjust to proscribe me. However, I shall return in a year or two to superintend the education of my children.’ * * “Madame Bertrand appeared much distressed; and said she was obliged to leave Paris in a hurry, without clothes or any necessalies. She had lived in the house now occupied by the Duke de Berri. She spoke most flatteringly of her husband—said the emperor was too great a man to be depressed. by circumstances, and concluded by expressing a wish for some Paris papers. , “Count Montholon spoke of the improvements made by Bonaparte in Paris ; alluded to his bilious complaint, which required much exercise. “The Countess Montholon is a very interesting woman—she said little. “Bertrand asked what we should have done had we taken Bonaparte at sea? “As we are doing now, was the replv. “Lord Keith took leave in the afternoon of Bonaparte, and returned on-board the Tonnant.” Before Bonaparte went on-board the Northum- berland he presented to Lord Keith the following memorial :— “I protest solemnly in the face of heaven and of men against the violation of my most sacred rights, by the forcible disposal of my person, and of my liberty. I came freely on-board the Bellerophon. I am not the prisoner, I am the guest of England. “Once seated on-board the Bellerophon, I was immediately entitled to the hos º (Jefus sur le foyer) of the British people. If the govern- ment, by giving orders to the captain of à. Bel- lerophon to receive me and my suite, intended merely to lay a snare for me, it has forfeited its honor, and sullied its flag. “If this act be consummated, it will be in vain that the English will talk to Europe of their loy- alty, of their laws, of their hoerty. The British faith will have been lost in the hospitality of the Bellerophon. “I appeal, therefore, to history. It will say, that an enemy who made war for twenty years on the people of England, came freely in his misfortune to seek an asylum under its laws. What more striking proof could h; §§ of his esteem and of 7 C HAP. IV. % Jº-S2- 18 | 5. 1536 HISTORY OF THE WARS BOOK XVI. Cnae. IV. -ºvº-V 1815. w-r- ºrºtº- his confidence? But how did they answer it in England?. They pretended to hold out an hos-, pitable hand, to this enemy, and when he surren- dered himself to them in good faith, they sacri- ficed him. - º, “On-board the Bellerophon, at sea. * August 4. “NAPOLEON.” The following interesting fragment of a letter to the Empress Maria Louisa had been torn, and thrown, from , the cabin-window of the Bellero- hon:— pnº Madam, my dear and honored wife 1–Attend- ing once more solely to the interests of France, I am going to abdicate the throne; and, in closing my own political career, to bring about the com- mencement of the reign of our dear son, My ten- derness for you and for him impels me to this step, no less than my duties as a monarch. If he en- sure, as emperor, the happiness of France, and as a son, the happiness and the glory of his mother, may dearest wishes will be accomplished Never- theless, if even in his most tender infancy I can give up to him all my authority in my capacity of head of the state, I cannot, and it would be too painful to my heart to sacrifice also the inviolable rights, which nature gave me —.” In the Northumberland, Lord Lowther and the Honorable Mr. Lyttleton entered into very earnest conversation with Bonaparte, which continued for two hours. As he was very communicative, and seemed desirous of a very free conversation with these two young gentlemen, they availed them- selves of the opportunity, and entered into a re- view of much of his º * It began by his once more exclaiming against his detention. “You do not know my character. You ought to have placed confidence in my word of ho- nor.” One of the gentlemen said, “Shall I speak the plain truth to you?” 4. “Speak it.” “I must then tell you, that since your invasion of Spain no Englishman could put trust even in your most solemn engagements.” : “I was called to Spain by Charles IV. to assist him against his son.” “No: according to my opinion, to place King Joseph on the throne.” “I had a grand political system. It was ne- cessary to establish a counterpoise to your enor- mous power on the sea; and, besides, the Bour- bons had always entertained the same feeling, and adopted the same system.” * Hi must, however, be confessed, that France under your sceptre was much more to be feared than during the latter years of Louis XIV.'s reign. She was also aggrandized,”’ &c. . . * “England on her part ºd become more power- == *— -** sº- ^, ful.” Here he referred to our colonies, and par- ticularly to our; acquisitions in India. “Many well-informed men are of opinion that England loses inore than she gains by the posses- sion of that overgrown and remote empire.” “I wished to revive Spain, and to do much of that which the Cortes afterwards attempted to do.” He was then recalled to the main point, and reminded of the character of the transaction b which he obtained possession of the Spanis crown. . To this he made no answer, but again recurred to the subject of his detention, and after much discussion, concluded by saying, “Well . I have been deceived in relying upon your genero- sity; replace me in the position from which you took me.” * , Speaking of his invasion of France, he said with great vehemence, “I was then a sovereign—I had a right to make war—the King of France had not kept his promises.” f | He afterwards said exultingly, and laughing, and shaking his head, “I made war on, the King of France with 600 men, and beat him too.” He said, that in confining him as we did, we were “acting like a little aristocratic power, and not like a great free people.” Of Mr. Fox he º he knew him, and had seen him at the Thuilleries; “he had not your pre- judices.” . “Mr. Fox, general, was a zealous patriot with regard to his own country, and besides a citizen of the world.” “He sincerely wished for peace, and I wished for it also. His death prevented the conclusion of peace. The others were not sincere.” He afterwards observed, “I do not say that I have not for twenty years endeavoured to ruin England;” and then, as if correcting himself for having inadvertently said more than was prudent, “ that is to say, to lower you—I wished to force you to be just—at least less unjust.” , -- He was asked his opinion of the British in- fantry. “Long wars make good soldiers; the cavalry of both nations is excellent; but your artillery have derived much improvement from the French.” Of the Duke of Wellington he seemed to avoid giving any opinion. * f * * He afterwards broke out into some invectives against the conduct of the allies, and called it per- fidious and treacherous. . * * * M. He once more spoke of St. Helena, and ex- pressed himself not only indignant, but surprised at being sent there. ; : * , , * * “I would have given my word of henor to have remained quiet, and to have held tile political cor- respondence in England. I would have pledged myself not to quit the place assigned me, but td live as a simple individual.” º | ------ | | | | | | | | | ºN O OF The FRENCH REVOLUTION. 1537 tains—Ladder-Hill, the western, that surround Book XVI. the town. On the sides of these run the roads - into the country, and branches of these ridges of CHAP-TV. “That seems to be next to impossible; for though you have had great reverses, you could never so far forget what you had been as to feel and conduct yourself as a simple individual.” “But why not let me remain in England upon my parole of honor?” “You forget how many French officers violated their parole of honor, and that not only you did not express any indignation against them, but re- ceived them with particular distinction. Lefebvre Deshouettes is an instance of this.” Bonaparte made no reply, and the conversation ended. s After waiting a few days for provisions and stores, the Northumberland sailed for St. Helena, and arrived there on the 18th of October. Of his conduct here we shall have occasion to notice hereafter. • ? The island of St. Helena was discovered by the Portuguese in 1501, on St. Helen’s-day, after whom it was uamed ; and is said to have been the voluntary abode of a Portuguese nobleman, who had disgraced himself in India, so early as the year 1513. This gentleman, Fernandez Lopez, being left here with a few servants, and various useful animals, cultivated the resources of the island to a very considerable extent in a few years; until, recalled to his country; he commu- nicated the valuable seeret of its advantages to their East India trade. St. Helena is situated in the heart of the Atlan- tic Ocean, about 1,200 miles from the coast of Africa, and 2,400 from that of South America (lat. 15° 58' S. and W. Hon. from Greenwich 5° 50'.) It rises, to the first appearance, a vast and rugged rock, promising very little of that refreshment to the navigator, or comfort to the resident, which has been afforded to them for centuries under Bri- tish management. Its greatest length is about ten miles three furlongs; its breadth, six miles two furlongs; containing about 30,000 acres of pas- turage and garden-ground. Its circumference is twenty-eight miles. The general appearance of the country, on a nearer approach, is fine and cheering. The mountains, as the eye gradually distinguishes them, being verdant to the top; and even the im- mense cliffs, having been made subservient to the security of the island, by fortifications pretty ex- tensively disposed on them, contribute to the in- terest and respect excited by the plainer view. The anchorage presented is remarkably safe and commodious; from the south-east the approach is particularly smooth; and though the surfs have sometimes been dangerous in the immediate' neighbourhood of so steep a shore, yet the incon- venience, has been greatly remedied by the con- struction of a secure and extended landing-place. Rupert's Hill (part of which forms Munden's Point) is the name of the eastern ridge of moun- hills divide the island. The highest part of them' is said to rise two thousand six hundred and ninety feet above the level of the sea. The whole country bears marks of volcanic origin, though with one slight exception, in the middle of the last century, the inhabitants have been undis- turbed by any remarkable convulsions of nature ever since the discovery of the island in 1501. " St. James's Valley, in which the town is situ- afed, lies on the N.W. or leeward side of the island. The stranger feels on landing a continu- ation of the respect inspired by the military ap- pearance of the place; being conducted between a line of heavy guns, and through an arched way. into the town; the rampart or terrace of which is edged by a double row of evergreens, and the whole forms a fine parade. A handsome rési- dence for the governor and officers; calléd' the castle, now meets the eye, and is surrounded with a strong wall. The church is in front, and three streets of decent, commodious looking hòuses form the town. ' ' ... ' " Upwards of one-hundred and fifty ships; tıpon. an average, were accustomed to make annually for this port, which of course produced great fluctu- ations in the consumption and price of provisions. Salt-meat from England is constantly supplied to the island, and constitutes with the Indian rice the principal support of the garrison; the fresh productions of the island, though very judiciously managed and economized, being by no means equal to the various demands upon it. The po- pulation of the island has been pretty stationary at two thousand for the last ten years, exclusive of the new establishment there, civil and military. Of this population eleven hundred are slaves; about three hundred free blacks, and the rest settlers, principally from England. Since the prohibition of any further importation of slaves, and their kinder treatment, their numbers have been showly increasing. - A rich mould, to nearly ten inches deep, forms the general soil of the country, and mourishes a variety of plants of every clime and origin; but the cabbage-tree, gum-tree, and red wood, are said to be peculiar to the island. The first of these plants is a species of palm, and generally crowns the interior up-lands; it is found very use- ful as an article of fuel, and has lately been ap- plied to the purposes of building, being very dura- ble. The red wood also, (a kind of ebony) is used in building, but is not so valuable as the cabbage-tree for rafters, and other larger pur- poses. The gum-wood is almost exhausted. Vegetation increases, as you remove from the shore, to perfect luxuriance in the heart of the island. } º 1538 HISTORY OF THE WARS BOOK XVI. Chap. IV. Jºv-/ 1815. The lands are almost wholly devoted to pas- turage, (as connected with the large demand for live stock) and the gardens to culinary roots and vegetables. Utility has here taken the universal precedence of mere taste; and though various ex- periments have been made, and with some success, upon the capabilities of the soil, the sugar-cane, the cotton-tree, indigo, &c. being occasionally introduced, the great purpose of rearing cattle and useful herbs of every sort has always been first and closely regarded. Not even the cultiva- tion of corn has been much promoted. The ve- getables and climate have been said to be peculi- arly adapted to scorbutic complaints. The country was found, in the first instance, one entire wood. Gradually some of its peculiar pro- ductions have given place to more useful ones, The wire-grass of India, samphire, and a wild celery abounded here; the wire-grass is now found principally in the low lands, and our Fing- lish vernal grass upon the heights. The British oak, has also made its appearance here during the last forty years. It grows remarkably quick, but has never attained any great promise of per- fection. Figs, oranges, and pines, are found in the valley by the shore, and but few English fruits have failed here. The apple-trees are very abundant. The potatoe has been successfully introduced, as also a useful species of yam from Madagascar. Large yam plantations,indeed, abound, but were much more exclusively the object of the farmer's care formerly than at present, our potatoe having become a very powerful rival, and meeting so much readier a sale. The yam, like the potatoe, is a watery root, (it is frequently called the water- parsnip) and was once extensively used as the only substitute for bread. Our English kitchen- garden is almost entirely to be found around the town, with its pease, and beans, and cabbages. The myrtle flourishes particularly well on the island, and the fern-tree to an unusual size. The hills abound with springs, which are so widely apart, however, as to furnish no large stream of any kind to the island, and many of them dry up in the long absence of rain. Two of them are said to be a happy exception to this, and rather to enlarge than diminish in the dry season; that at the Briars and Fisher's Valley. A botanical garden at the country-house of the go- vernor is watered by one of the richest of these springs. The water thus yielded becomes more valuable at times than a literal stream of silver would be; for once in about seven or eight years, severe drought has visite the island. In 1760–1, and 2, a extensive mortality ensued amongst the cattle from this cause, preceded by the most dread- ful madness. Every expedient that the skill or -> - anxiety of the inhabitants could suggest, to ar- rest the progress of this fearful malady, was in vain— nearly all the cattle perished. Great ap- prehensions were entertained some years ago in the extensive diminution of the woods, that the welcome visitation of clouds, attracted by them, would be also diminished : this seems, however, by no means an established theory. Rising heights, woody or barren, appear more uniformly to attract the clouds than the lowlands, but be- yond this no certain experience appears to lead us respecting the point. The rain descends here more in the regular method of the temperate cli- mates than of the tropical ones. The climate of this island is so unusually mild and free from storms, that the most common thun- der-clouds are rarely seen. Perhaps there is not a spot upon the earth more nearly suited to the ordinary feelings of our nature, nor a sky at once so serene and temperate. The thermometer is seldom higher than 80°; and in the remarks of Sir Joseph Banks, before alluded to, he observes, “fi on this it appears, that the summer is not so hot as in England, 72° being the highest point at which the thermometer was observed in 1788, while 76° is marked as the point of our summer hea'. The winter is also much unilder than ours, ranging between 55° and 56° of Fahrenheit's scale; a tenperature in which the vegetation of leaves proceeds with more equability, perhaps, than any other.” The neighbourhood of the sea always furnishes a refreshing breeze to the island, nor are we to suppose the characteristic mild- ness and shelter of its harbour render its nume- merous visitants likely to be becahmed here. One instance only has occurred of any ship being weather-bound; the wind was at N. N. W. for three weeks early in the last century, and being accompanied with great drought, produced much disease amongst the inhabitants, particularly the blacks. Fogs and damps are found in the moun- tainous parts of the islands, it is but fair to add, and have become the apology for a considerable consumption of spirituous liquors, particularly in wet seasons. Small quantities of the ore of va- rious metals have occasionally been discovered at St. Helena; but none have yet been worked to any success. *, Excellent fish, to the extent of upwards of se- venty different species, are taken on the coast. The lobster, mackarel, oyster, a fish called the coal-fish, and much like the salmon in flavour, are found in different quantities. The last is said, indeed, to possess the very superior relish of being exceedingly scarce. The others abound. Sea-fowi deposit immense quantities of eggs around the island, which are collected in the fall of the year, and form an agreeable article of food. There is said to be a fantastic assemblage OF THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 1539 wº-- -T- of them, generally, on a rock at some distance from the shore, that has been mistaken for a ship under sail. The cattle, of course, are of English origin, and complete the epitome of English productions to be found here. Sheep and beasts are seen grazing in every direction, and in no respect de- generated by their change of climate. Their increase has sometimes been too abundant; and the sheep, in particular, were once ordered to be destroyed for a period of ten years, allowing an intermediate two years for the reduction º the flocks. Goats had at this time (1730) so increased upon the island, as to become wild animals, and a sort of common property. The origin of the island of St. Helena has been the subject of occasional speculation among philosophical visitants, and of apprehension to its inhabitants. Practically, we have seen that little fear can be entertained for the future fate of this interesting spot, from its past experience. But various productions and appearances every where found on it, certainly afford strong reason to sup- pose, that some eruption of a volcanic character gave it birth. CHAPTER V. Proceedings of the Congress of Vienna.-General Treaty.—Declaration respecting the Slave-trade. —Remarks,—Observations on the real Spirit which actuated the Proceedings of the Congress. FROM the affairs of France it is now time for us to turn our attention to the proceedings of the Congress of Vienna, which broke up in June, be- fore the commencement of hostilities. No person will be of opinion that the result of the congress possessed only temporary interest, and therefore might be dismissed with a brief and cursory no- tice, who reflects that by this congress the whole aspect of continental Europe is changed; nearly the whole of the smaller states, and some of the larger, being, as it were, cast in a new mould. By the wonderful successes of the French the old system of continental Europe had been over- thrown, and those changes introduced which the successive rulers of France, and especially Bona- parte, thought would, most directly and effec- tually, tend to consolidate their power, and to ac- quire and preserve for France an ascendancy over the continent. As soon as the reign of Bo- naparte was at an end, the allied powers resolved to new-model the continent. Their professed object was two-fold: in the first place, to do away all vestiges of French dominion, of revolutionary principles, and their effects; and, in the second place, so to arrange the different states of the continent as to make a proper and just balance of political weight. The official papers, in which result of the la- bours of the allied powers is laid before the world, consist of the general treaty of congress signed at Vienna, and of seventeen acts of a par- ticular nature. As this treaty is of the highest 105. importance, and will be consulted by the present and succeeding generations, we shall insert it en- tire. The following is the treaty:- The powers who signed the treaty concluded at Paris, on the 30th of May, 1814, having re- assembled at Vienna, agreeably to the thirty- second article of that act, with the princes and $tates in alliance with them, to complete the dis- positions of the said treaty, and to add to it other arrangements, rendered necessary by the condi- tion in which Europe was placed at the conclu- sion of the last war, desiring now to comprise in one common transaction the different results of their negociations, that they may be sanctioned by their mutual ratifications, have authorised their plenipotentiaries to collect into a general instru- ment the dispositions of greater and permanent interest, and to join to this deed, as integral parts of the arrangements of congress, the treaties, con- ventions, declarations, regulations, and other par- ticular acts, which are found cited in the present treaty. And the aforesaid powers having named, as plenipotentiaries to congress, viz. –[Here fol- low the names and titles of the plenipotentiaries, arranged in the alphabetical order of their courts.] Those of the plenipotentiaries who were present at the close of the negociations, after having ex- hibited their full powers, which were found to be in good and due form, have agreed to place in the said instrument, and to sanction with their com- mon signature, the ſolº articles:— BOOK XV. CHAP. iW. S_º_V 1815. 1540 THE WARS HISTORY OF BOOK XVI. UNION OF THE DUCHY OF WARSAW TO THE RUSSIAN CHAP. W. Jºrº-V 1815. EMPIREe Art. 1. The duchy of Warsaw, with the excep- tion of the provinces and districts which are other- wise disposed of, in the following articles, is united to the empire of Russia. It shall be irrevoca- bly joined to it by its constitution, to be possessed by his majesty the Emperor of all the Russias, his heirs and successors, for ever. His imperial majesty is invested with the right of giving to this state, while it enjoys a distinct administra- tion, any interior extension which he shall judge convenient. He will take along with his other titles that of czar, King of Poland, conformably to the protocol appointed for the titles attached to his other possessions. The Poles, subjects re- spectively of Russia, Austria, and Prussia, shall obtain a representation and national institutions, regulated after that mode of political existence which each of the governments to which they belong shall judge useful and convenient to give them. LIMITS OF THE GRAND DUCHY OF POSEN. 2. That part of the grand duchy of Warsaw which his majesty the King of Prussia shall pos- sess in full sovereignty and property, for himself and his successors, under the title of the grand duchy of Posen, shall be comprised within the following limits:— In proceeding from the frontier of Eastern Prussia to the village of Neuhoff, the new limit will follow the frontier of Western Prussia, as it subsisted from the year 1772 up to the peace of Tilsit, to the village of Lubitsch, which will be- long to the duchy of Warsaw; from thence there shall be drawn a line, which, in leaving Kone- fazia, Grabonice, and Izytno to Prussia, passes the Vistula near this last place, on the other side of the river which falls into the Vistula opposite Izytno, to the ancient boundary of the district of Nitzo near Gross Opoczko, so that Sinzewo shall belong to the duchy, and Pizybranow, Holloendez, and Maziejewo to Prussia. From Gross Opeczko it shall pass Chlewiska, which shall remain with Prussia, to the village Przbyslau, and thence by the villages Pioski, Ohelmice, Wilewiozki, Kobi- linka, Woyozya, Orchowo, to the city of Powidz. From Powidz the line shall be continued by the city of Splazee, to the point of the confluence of the rivers Wartha and Prosna. From this point it shall be continued up the course of the river Prosna, as far as the village of Koscicinavies, within a league of the city of Kalison. There leaving to that city (on the left bank of the Prosna) a semicircular territory, measured b the distance between Koscicinavies and Kalisch, the limit shall return to the course of the Prosna, and follow it, ascending by the cities Grabuw, Wiczuszow, Boleslawice, in order to terminate near the village of Gola, at the frontier of Silesia, opposite Petachia. SALT-MINES OF WIELIEZKA, 3. His imperial and royal apostolic majesty shall possess in full property and sovereignty the salt-mines of Wieliezka, as well as the territory that belongs to them. 1BOUNDARY BET'WEEN GALLICIA AND THE RUSSIAN TERRITORY. 4. The Thalweg of the Vistula shall separate Gallicia from the territory of the free city of Cra- cow. It will serve at the same time as a boun- dary between Gallicia and that part of the former dutchy of Warsaw re-united to the states of his majesty the Emperor of all the Russias, as far as the vicinity of the city of Zawichost. From Zawichost to the Bug, the dry frontier shall be determined by the line described in the treaty of Vienna, 1809, subject to the rectifica- tions which by mutual agreements may be made in it. The frontier, in proceeding from the Bug, shall be re-established between the two empires, as it existed before the said treaty. RESTITUTION of THE CIRCLE of TARNopol, &c. To AUSTRIA, 5. His majesty the Emperor of all the Russias cedes to his imperial and royal apostolic majesty the districts which have been detached from East- ern Gallicia, in virtue of the treaty of Vienna, 1809, of the circles of Zloozaw, Brzozen, Tarno- pol, and Zalesczyk, and the frontiers shall be re- established on that side as they existed before the epoch of the aforesaid treaty. CRACOW DECLARED A FREE CITY, 6. The city of Cracow, with its territory, shal! be considered henceforth as a free, independent, and strictly neutral city, under the protection of Russia, Austria, and Prussia. LIMITS OF THE TERRITORY OF CRACOW. 7. The territory of the free city of Cracow shall have for its boundary on the left bank of the Vistula a line, which, commencing at the vil- lage of Welica, at the place where a rivulet near that village flows into the Vistula, shall ascend this rivulet by Olo, Koselniki to Cznlice, so that these villages are comprised within the frontier of the free city of Cracow; thence passing the vil- lages, it shall proceed by Dzickanovice, Garlico, Somersraw, Kamiowice, which shall likewise be included in the territory of Cracow, to the point where the limit, which separates the district of Kezeszovice from that of Olknsaz, commences; from thence it shall follow that limit between the or The FRENch REvolution. 1541 s 1– two said districts, to terminate on the frontiers of Trussian Silesia. PRIVILEGES GRANTED TO PODGORZA. 8. His majesty the Emperor of Austria, desir- ous to contribute on his part to facilitate the rela- tions of commerce and good neighbourhood be- tween Gallicia and the trading city of Podgorza, grants to that city the privileges of a free com- mercial city, in the same extent as they are en- joyed by the city of Body. This freedom of trade shall extend to a circumference of 500 toises from the barriers of the suburbs of the city of Podgorza. As a consequence of this permanent concession, which shall nevertheless be under- stood to extinguish none of the rights of sove- reignty belonging to his imperial and royal apos- tolic majesty, Austrian custom-houses shall not be established but in places beyond the before- mentioned demarcation. There shall not, more- over, be formed in it any military establishment which may threaten the neutrality of Cracow, or restrain the liberty of commerce, the enjoyment of which his imperial and royal apostolic majesty wishes to bestow upon the city and arrondisse- ment of Podgorza. NEUTRALITY OF CRACOW. 9. The courts of Russia, Austria, and Prussia engage to respect, and to cause to be respected in all time coming, the neutrality of the free city of Cracow and its territory; no armed force shall enter it upon any pretext whatever. In return it is understood, and expressly stipu- lated, that there shall not be granted in the free city of Cracow, or on its territory, any asylum or rotection to refugees, deserters, or criminals pur- sued by law, belonging to the territories of one or other of the said high powers; and that, upon a demand being made by the competent authori- ties to surrender such individuals, they shall be arrested and delivered without delay to the guard, which shall be appointed to receive them on the frontiers. CONSTITUTION, ACADEMY, AND BISHOPRIC CRACOW, OF 10. The arrangements that relate to the consti- tution of the free city of Cracow, its academy, its bishopric and chapter, as they are stated in the 7, 15, 16, and 17th articles of the additional treaty regarding Cracow, shall have the same force and validity as if they had been literally inserted in this act. GENERAL AMNESTY, 11. There shall be a full, general, and particu- lar amnesty, in favor of all individuals, of what- ever rank, sex, or condition they be. SEQUESTRATIONS AND CONFISCATIONS REMOVED. 12. In consequence of the preceding article, none shall be in future harassed or prosecuted in any way on account of any participation, direct or indirect, at any time whatever, in political events, civil or military, in Poland. All processes, prosecutions, or accusations, shall be renounced, provisional sequestrations and confiscations shall be removed, and no act proceeding from a cause of this kind shall be persisted in. EXCEPTION, 13. From these general dispositions, with re- spect to confiscations, are excepted, all cases where the edicts or sentences pronounced en der- nier resort, shall have already received their en- tire execution, and shall not have been annulled by subsequent events. THE FREE NAVIGATION OF RIVERS. 14. The established principles on the free na- vigation of rivers and canals through all the ex- tent of ancient Poland, as well as on the fre- quenting of the harbours, the circulation of the productions of the soil, and of industry among the different Polish provinces, and in the transit- commerce, such as they are declared in the 24, 25, 26, 28, and 29th articles of the treaty between Austria and Russia, and in the 22, 23, 24, 25, 28, and 29th of the treaty between Russia and Prus- sia, shall be invariably maintained. CESSIONS OF SAXONY TO PRUSSIA, 15. His majesty the King of Saxony renounces for ever, for himself and all his descendants and successors, in favor of his majesty the King of Prussia, all his rights and titles to the provinces, districts, and territories, or parts of territories, of the kingdom of Saxony hereafter-mentioned; and his majesty the King of Prussia shall possess these countries in full sovereignty and property, and shall unite them to his monarchy. The dis- tricts and territories thus ceded shall be separated from the rest of the kingdom of Saxony by a line, which shall be henceforth the frontier between the two Prussian and Saxon territories, in such a manner that all which is comprised in the delimi- tation formed by their line, shall be restored to his majesty the King of Saxony, but his majesty renounces all the districts and territories which shall be situated beyond the line, and which be-, longed to him before the war. This line shall run from the confines of Bohe- mia near Wiese, into the environs of Scidonburg, following the course of the river Wittich to his confluence with the Neisse. Froin the Neisse it shall pass to the circle of d’Eigon, between Tanchritz, coming to Prussia, and Bertschall remaining in Saxony: then it shall BOOK XVI. CHAP. W. uºvº/ 1815. 1542 HISTORY OF THE WARS BOOK XVI. SHAP. V. *N*_/ 1815. follow the northern frontier of the circle of d’Eigen to the angle between Paulsdorff and Ober-sohland; thence it shall be continued to the limits which separate the circle of Goerlitz from that of Bautzen, so that Ober-mittel and Nie- der-sohland, Olisch, and Rudewitze remain to Saxony. The great post-road between Goerlitz, and Bautzen shall belong to Prussia, to the iimits of the two alºi circles. Then the line shall follow the frontier of the circle to Dabrauhe, then it shall extend over the heights to the right of Iabaner-Weisser, so that the river, with its two banks and the places on the river to Neudorf, re- main with the village to Saxony. This line will then fall back upon the Spree and the Schwart. Wasser, Liska Hermsdorf, Kitten, and Solchdorff, are ceded to Prussia. From Schwazze Eister, near Solchdorff, a straight line shall be drawn to the frontier of the lordship of Koenigsbruck, near Grossgroebehen. This lordship reinains with Saxony, and the line will follow the northern frontier of that lordship to that of the bailiwick of Grossenhagen, in the vi- cinity of Ortrand. Ortrand, and all from that place by Morsdorff, Sloczenhayn, Groebeln to Mulberg, with the villages which that route tra- verses, and in such a way that no part of the said route may lie beyond the Prussian territory, are transferred to the dominions of Prussia. The frontier from Groebeln shall be traced to the Elbe near Fichtenberg, and shall follow that of the bailiwick of Mulberg. Fichtenberg falls to Prussia. From the Elbe to the frontier of the country of Mersebourg it shall be drawn as the bailiwicks of Torgau. Eslembourg and Delitch pass to Prussia, and those of Oschatz, Wuzen, and Leipsic, remain incorporated with Saxony. The line will follow the boundaries of these bailiwicks, cutting some enclaves and demi-enclaves. The route from Mul- berg to Eslmbourg shall be entirely within the Prussian territory. From Padelwitz, belonging to the bailiwick of Leipsic, and compositig part of Saxony to Eytra, likewise remaining with that state, the line will cut the country of Mersebourg in such a way, that Brectonfield, Haencelen, Gross, and Klein, Dolaig, Mark, Ramstadt, and Knant-Nauendorf, may remain with Saxony; Modelwitz, Skenditz, Klein - Libenan, Alt-Kanstaedt, Schkoehlen, and Zietschen, may be transferred to Prussia. From that the line shall cut the bailiwick of Pegan, between Flossgraben and Weisse Elster. The first from the point where it separates itself above the city of Crossen (which composes part of the bailiwick of Haynsbourg) from the Weisse Elster to the point where below the city of Mer- sebourg it flows into the Saale, shall belong in the whole of its course, and with both its banks between those two cities to the Prussian territory. Thence where the frontier terminates in that of the country of Zutz, it shall follow the latter to that of the country of Altenbourg, near Luckan. The boundaries of the circle of Neustadt, the whole of which is incorporated with Prussia, re- main untouched. The district of Voigtland, in the county of Reuss, namely, Gefaill, Billandorf, Sparemberg, and Blankenberg, are all comprised in the Prussian allotment. '. ITLES TO BE TAKEN BY HIS MAJESTY THE KING OF PRUSSIA, 16. The provinces and districts of the kingdom of Saxony, which are transferred to the dominions of the King of Prussia, shall be designated by the name of the duchy of Saxony; and his majesty will add to his titles those of the Duke of Saxony, Landgrave of Thuringia, Margrave of the Two Lusatias, and Count of Hannaberg. His majesty the King of Saxony shall continue to bear the title of Margrave of High Lusatia; his majesty likewise shall continue to bear those of Landgrave of Thuringia, and Count of Henneberg, in relation to, and in virtue of, his rights of succession to the possessions of the Ernestian line. GUARANTEE OF RUSSIA, ENGLAND, AUSTRIA, AND FRANCE, 17. Austria, Russia, Great Britain, and France, i. to his majesty the King of Prussia, his escendants and successors, the possession of the countries designated in the fifteenth article, in full sovereignty and property. RENUNCIATION BY AUSTRIA OF THE RIGHT OF SOVE- REIGNTY OVER LUSATIA, 18. His imperial and royal apostolic majesty, desirous of giving to his majesty the King of Prussia a new proof of his anxiety on every sub- ject of future dispute between the two courts, re- nounces for himself and his successors the rights of sovereignty over the margravates of High and Low Lusatia, which belonged to him as King of Bohemia, in as far as those rights extend to that part of those provinces which has been trans- ferred te the dominions of the King of Prussia, in virtue of a treaty concluded with his majest the King of Saxony at Vienna, on the 18th of May, 1815. As to what respects the right of reversion in- herent in his imperial and royal majesty, to that part of the Lusatias united to Prussia, it is trans- ferred to the house of Brandenbourg in actual possession of the throne of Prussia, his imperial and royal apostolic majesty reserving only to him- self and his successors the power of resuming that right in the event of the extinction of the said reigning family. OF THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 1543 wºr-y--y-y-w- * His imperial and royal apostolic majesty re- nounces, equally in favor of his Prussian majesty the districts of Bohemia, included in the part of High Lusatia, ceded by the treaty of the 18th of May, 1815, to his Prussian majesty, the which contain the towns of Gunsterdorf, Tanteon- tranke, Neukrotchre, Neider Gerlachshelm, Wi- nekel and Ginekel, with their territories. RECIPROCAL RENUNCIATION OF THE RIGHTS OF FE UDALITY. 19. His majesty the King of Prussia, and his majesty the King of Saxony, anxiously desirous to remove every subject of future dispute or dis- cussion, renounce each for himself, and recipro- cally in favor of each other, every right or claim to feudality, which they might exercise, or may have exercised, beyond the boundaries fixed by the present treaty. LIBERTY OF EMIGRATION AND OF THE EXPORT OF PROPERTY, 20. His majesty the King of Prussia promises to cause to be regulated all that may concern the property and interests of the respective subjects on the most liberal principles. The present arti- cle shall particularly apply to the concerns of in- dividuals who retain property under the two go- vernments, Prussian and Saxon, to the commerce of Leipsic, and to all other matters of the same nature; and, in order that the personal liberty of the inhabitants of both of the ceded provinces, and of others, be not restricted, they shall be free to emigrate from one territory to another, saving the obligation of military service, and upon comply- ing with the forms required by law. They may also export their property without being subject to any duty of transfer. PROPERTY OF RELIGIOUS ESTABLISHMENTs, AND of PUBLIC INSTRUCTION, 21. The communities, corporations, and reli- gious establishments, and of public instruction, which exist in the provinces and districts ceded by his majesty the King of Saxony to Prussia, or in the provinces and districts which remain to his Saxon majesty, shall preserve, whatever be the change which their destination shall undergo, their property, as well as the revenues which be- long to them, since the act of their foundation, or which have since been acquired by them by valid title, according to law, under the two dominations, Prussian and Saxon, so that the administration and revenues to come be not molested on one part or the other, in conformity always to the laws, and in support of the charges to which all properties or revenues of the same nature are subject in the territory in which they take place. GENERAL AMNESTY. 22. No individual domiciled in the provinces under the domination of his Saxon majesty, no 105. more than any individual domiciled in those which, by the present treaty, pass under the domination of the King of Prussia, shall be touched in his person, his goods, rents, pensions, and revenues of all kinds, in his rank and dignities, nor persecuted, nor sought after in any manner, for any part which be may have taken politically or military in the events which have taken place since the com- mencement of the war, terininated by the peace concluded at Paris, on the 30th of May, 1814. This article extends equally to those who, without being domiciled in one or the other part of Saxony, shall have had there funded property, rents, pen- sions, or revenues of any nature whatsoever. DESIGNATION OF THE PROVINCES OF WHICH PRUS- SIA RESUMES POSSESSION. 23. His majesty the King of Prussia having, by the result of the late war, re-entered into pos- session of several provinces and territories º had been ceded by the treaty of Tilsit, it is recog- nised and declared by the present article, that his majesty, his heirs and successors, shall again pos- sess, as before, infull property and sovereignty, the following countries, viz. – The portion of his former Polish provinces, de- signated in article 2; the city of Dantzic, and its territory, such as it was fixed by the treaty of Til- sit; the circle of Cottbuss; the old Mark; the por- tion of the circle of Magdeburg, on the left bank of the Elbe, with the circle of the Saale; the principality of Halberstadt, with the lordships of Dorenburg and Hassenrode; the town and terri- tory of Quedlinburg, with reservation of the rights of her royal-highness the Princess Sophia Alber- tina of Sweden, Abbess of Quedlinburg, conform- ably with the arrangements made in 1803. The Prussian portion of the county of Mans- field, the Prussian portion of the county of Hohen- stein, the city and territory of Nordhausen, the town and territory of Muhlhausen, the Prussian portion of the district of Treffurth with Dorla, the city and territory of Erfurth, the Prussian portion of the county of Gleichon, the lower lordship of Kranichfeld, the lordship of Blanckenhagen, the principality of Paderborn, with the Prussian part of the bailiwicks of Schwallenberg, Oldenburg, and Stoppelberg, and the jurisdictions of Hagen- dorn and Odenhausen, situated in the territory of Lippe; the county of Marck, with the part of Lippstadt thereto belonging; the county of Wer- den; the county of Essen; the portion of the duchy of Cloves on the right bank of the Rhine, with the town and fortress of Wesel, the portion of that duchy situated on the left bank, being comprised in the provinces specified in article 25; the secu- larised chapter of Elten ; the principality of Mun- ster, i. e. the Prussian portion of the old duchy of Munster; the secularised provostship of Catten- berg; the county of ºlenbºs; the county of I BOOK XVI. CHAP. W. Jºvº-A i Si 5. 1544 HISTORY OF THE WARS BOOK XVI. CHAP. W. Jºvº-2 1815. *-* * Lingen, with the exception of the portion ceded to Hanover by article 27; the principality of Minden, the county of Ravensberg, the secula- rised chapter of Herford; the principality of Neuf- chatel, with the county of Vallingen, as their fron- tiers have been ascertained by the treaty of Paris, and by article 76 of the present general treaty. The same arrangements extend to the rights of sovereignty and superiority, over the county of Wernigerode, to that of high protection over the county of Hohen-Limburg, and to all other rights and claims whatever, which his Prussian majesty possessed and exercised before the peace of Tilsit, and which he has not renounced by other treaties, acts, or conventions. PRUSSIAN POSSESSIONS ON THIS SIDE THE RHINE. 24. His majesty the King of Prussia shall unite to his monaichy in Germany, on this side the Rhine, to be possessed by himself and his successors, in full property and sovereignty, the following coun- tries, viz. – The provinces of Saxony designated in article 15, with the exception of the places and territo: ries ceded by virtue of article 39, to his royal highness the Grand Duke of Saxe-Weimar; the territory ceded to Prussia by his Britannic majes- ty the King of Hanover, by article 29; the por- tion of the district of Fulda, and the territories therein comprised, indicated in article 40; the town and territory of Wetzlau, as in article 42; the . grand duchy of Berg, with the lordships of Har- denberg, Broik, Styrum, Schoeler and Odenthall, which formerly belonged to the said duchy under the palatine government; the districts of the old archbishopric of Cologne, which latterly belonged to the grand duchy of Berg; the duchy of West- phalia, such as it was possessed by his royal-high- ness the Grand Duke of Hesse ; the county of Dormond; the principality of Corberg ; the me- diatised districts specified in article 43. The old possessions of the house of Nassau- Dietz having been ceded to Prussia by his majes- ty the King of the Netherlands, and a part of these possessions having been exchanged for dis- tricts belonging to their serene highnesses the Duke and Prince of Nassau, the King of Prussia shall possess in full sovereignty, and unite to his monarchy, 1. The principality of Siegen, with the bailiwicks of Burbach and Nenkirchen, with the exception of a portion containing 12,000 inhabit- ants, which shall belong to the Duke and Prince of Nassau. 2d. The bailiwicks of Hohen-Solms, Greifenstein, Braunfels, Frensberg, Friedewalde, Schoenstein, Schoenberg, Altenkirchen, Alten- wied, Dierdorf, Neuerburg, Liuz, Hammerstein, with Engers and Hoddersdorf, the town and ter- ritory of Nenwied; the parish of Hamm, belong- ing to the bailiwick of Hachenburg; the parish of Horhausen, forming part of º bailiwick of Hers- -º-, bach, and the portions of the bailiwicks of Vallen- dar and Ehrenbreitstein, on the right bank of the Rhine, designated in the convention between his majesty the King of Prussia, and their serene highnesses the Duke and Prince of Nassau, an- nexed to the present treaty. PRUSSIAN POSSESSIONS ON THE LEFT OF THE RHINE. Art. 25. The King of Prussia shall possess the countries on the left of the Rhine, included in the frontier thus designated. This frontier shall commence on the Rhine at Bengen; it will thence ascend the Nahe to the confluence of this river with the Glan, then the Glan to the village of Medart, below Lanterecken, the towns of Kreuznach and Meisenheim, with their territories, to belong entirely to Prussia; but Lanterecken, and its territory, to remain beyond the Prussian territory. From the Glan the fron- tier to pass by Medart, Merzweiler, Langweiler, Neider, and Ober; Feckenbech, Ellenbach, Cre- unchenborn, Ausweiler, Cromweiler, Niederbram- bach, Burbach, Boeschweiler, Heubweiler, Ham- bach, and Rentzensberg, to the limits of the can- ton of Hermerskeil; all these places, with their territory, to belong to Prussia. From Rentzensberg to the Sarre, the line of demarcation to follow the cantonal limits, so that the cantons of Hermerskell and Conz, the last with the exception of the places on the left of the Sarre, shall remain wholly to Prussia, while the cantons Wadern, Merzig, and Sarrebourg, are to be be- yond the Prussian frontier. From the point where the limit of the canton of Conz, below Gomlingen, traverses the Sarre, the line will descend the Sarre till it flows into the Moselle, thence it will remount the Moselle till its confluence with the Sarre ascend the latter river, till the embouchure of the Our, and the Our to the limits of the late department of the Ourthe. The places traversed by these rivers shall in no wise be divided, but belong, with their territories, to the power in whose state the greater part of these places shall be situated. These rivers them- selves, in so far as they form the frontier, shall belong in common to the two bordering powers. In the old department of the Ourthe, the five cantons of Saint Vith, Malmedy, Cronenburg, Schieiden, and Eupen, with the advanced point of the canton of Aubel, to the south of Aix-la-Cha- pelle, belong to Prussia; and the frontier shall follow that of these cantons in such a manner, that a line drawn from north to south may cut the said point of the canton of Aubel, and be prolonged to the point of contact of the three old departments of the Ourthe, the Lower Meuse, and the Roer; leaving that point, the frontier shall follow the line which separates these two last departments, till it reach the river Worm (having its mouth in the Roer), and shall go along this river till the OF THE FRENCH REV69 LUTION. 1545 -*. *-w: point where it again touches the limits of these two departments; it shall pursue that Himit to the south of Hillensberg, remount from thence to- wards the north, and leaving Hillensberg to Prussia, and cutting the canton of Sittard in two parts nearly equal, so that Sittard and Susteren remain on the left, shall reach the old Dutch ter- ritory: then following the old frontier of that ter- ritory to the º where it touched the old Aus- trian principality of Gueldres, on the side of Ru- remonde, and directing itself towards the most eastern point of the Dutch territory to the north of Swalmen, it shall continue to embrace this ter- ritory. *- Then it proceeds to join, setting out from the most eastern point, that other part of the Dutch territory in which Venloo is situated; it shall in- clude thai town and its territory. Thence to the old Dutch frontier near Mook, situated below Genep, it shall follow the course of the Meuse at a distance from the right bank, so that all the places which are not distant from this bank more than a thousand German perches, shall belong, with their territories, to the kingdom of the Ne- therlands, but no point of the bank of the Meuse to make a part of the Prussian territory which shall not approach it by 800 German perches. From the point where the line just described reaches the old Dutch frontier to the Rhine, that frontier shall remain essentially as it was in 1795, between Cieves and the United Provinces. It shall be examined by the commission, which shall be named without delay by the two govern- men's, to proceed to the exact determination of the imits, both of the kingdom of the Netherlands and the grand duchy of Luxemburg, designated in articles 66 and 68, and this commission shall regulate, with the aid of experienced persons, whatever concerns the bydrotechnical construc- tion and other analogous p int. In the manner the most equitable and conformable to the mutual interests of the Prussian states and the Nether- lands. The same disposition extends to the de- termination of the limits in the districts of Kys- waerd, Lobith, and all the territory to Kekerdorn. The places Huissen, Małburg, the Limers, with the town of Sevenaer and the lordship of Weel, stall make part of the kingdom of the Ne- therlands; and his Prussian majesty, for himself and his successors, renounces all right to them in perpetuity. The King of Prussia, in uniting to his states the provinces and districts designated in this and the preceding article, is invested with all the rights, and takes on himself all the charges and engagements stipulated with regard to the coun- tries detached from France in the treaty of Paris, May 30, 1814. The Prussian provinces on the two banks of the Rhiae to above the town of Cologne, which is included in this arrondissement, shali bear the BOOK XVI. name of Grand Duchy of the Lower Rhine, and his majesty shall assume the corresponding title. KINGTDOM OF HANOVER, 26. His Britannic majesty having substituted for his old title of elector that of King of Hanover, and this title being recognised by the powers of Europe, and by the princes and free cities of Germany, the countries hitherto composing the electorate of Brunswick Luneburg, as their limits are in future fixed by the following articles, shall form hereafter the kingdom of Hanover. . CESSIONS BY PRUSSIA TO HANOVER, 27. The King of Prussia cedes to the King of Hanover, I. The principality of Hildesheim. 2. The town and territory of Goslar. 3. The principa- lity of East Friesland, including the district call- ed Harlingerland, under the stipulations, article 80, respecting the navigation of the Eins, and the commerce of Embden. The states of the prin- cipality shall preserve their rights and privileges. 4. The lower county of Lingen, and the part of the principality of Prussian Munster, situated be- tween that county and the part of Rheina Wol- bek, possessed by the Hanoverian government. But as Hanover is to obtain by this cession an addition of territory containing a population of 22,000 souls, and as the Iower county of Lingen, and the part of the principality of Munster for- merly mentioned, may not fulfif this condition, the CHAP. W. v_s^^2 1815. King of Prussia engages to extend the line of demarcation into the principality of Munster, so far as may be necessary to give that population. A commission, which shall be named for fixing the limits, shall be specially charged with the execution of this arrangement. 28. The King of Prussia renounces the claims which he might have as sovereign of Erensfeld on the chapter of St. Peter, in the burg of Noer- ton, or upon the dependencies situated in the Hanoverian territory. CESSIONS BY HANOWER TO PRUSSIA, 29. The King of Hanover cedes to Prussia— I. That part of the duchy of Lanenburg situ- ated on the right bank of the Elbe, with the Luneburg villages on the same banks; that part of the duchy situated on the left bank remains to the kingdom of Hanover. The states shall pre- serve their rights and privileges. 2. The baili- wick of Kloetz. 3. The bailiwick of Elbinge- rode. 4. The village of Rudgershayn and Gan- seteich. 5. The bailiwick of Reckeberg. NAVIGATION AND COMMERCE. ; 30. The King of Prussia and his Britannie majesty, respecting the commerce of the Ems and the port of Embden, agree : 1. The Ha- 1546 THE WARS history of BOOK XVI. Chap. W. * Asºlº-Z 1815. - A —º. *~ —º- noverian government agrees to execute at its ex- pense, in the years 1815 and 1816, the works which a commission shall judge necessary, to render the part of the Ems navigable from the frontier of Prussia to its mouth, and to maintain these works. 2. Prussian subjects may import and export at Embden, and keep up magazines there, without being subject to any other inspec- tion than that to which Hanoverians may be sub- jected. 3. Prussian ships and merchants shall pay no other tolls or duties than what are paid by Hanoverians. These tolls and duties to be regulated in common by Prussia and Hanover. 4. Prussian subjects shall not be obliged to em- ploy merchants of Embden in carrying on their trade, and may trade either with the inhabitants of the town or foreigners, without paying any other duties than those paid by Hanoverian sub- jects. The King of Prussia, on his part, allows to Ha- noverian subjects the free navigation of the canal of Stecknitz. His Prussian majesty besides engages to gua- rantee these advantages to the subjects of Hano- ver, in case the duchy of Lauenburg should be ceded to any other sovereign. MILITARY ROUTES, 31. The King of Prussia and the King of Ha- nover agree to three military routes through their respective states. I. One from Halberstadt by the territory of Hildesheim to Minden. 2. A second from the old march by Gifhorn and Neustadt to Minden. 3. A third from Osnabruck by Ippenburen and Rheina to Bentheim. The two first in favor of Prussia, and the third in favor of Hanover. MEDIATISED TERRITORIES. 32. The bailiwick of Meppen, belonging to the Duke of Aremberg, as well as the part of Rheina Wolbeck, belonging to the Duke of Looz- Corswaren, which at this moment are provision- ally occupied by the Hanoverian government, shall be placed in such relations with the king- dom of Hanover as the federative constitution of Germany shall regulate for the mediatised terri- toples. The Prussian and Hanoverian governments having reserved to themselves the agreeing here- after, if necessary, as to the fixing of another fron- tier, respecting the country belonging to the Duke of Looz-Corswaren, the said governments shall charge the commission to be named for the fixing the limits of the part of the county of Lingen ceded to Hanover, to fix definitively the frontiers of the county of Looz-Corswaren. The relations between the Hanoverian govern- ment and the county of Bentheim, shall remain as regulated by the treaties of hypotheque existing Yºº-º-º-º: •ºr Tººgº: between his Britannic majesty and the Count of Bentheim; and after the duties fixed by this treaty shall be extinguished, the county of Bentheim shall be in those relations towards the kingdom of Hanover, which the federative constitution of Germany shall regulate for the mediatised terri- tories. CESSIONS TO THE DUKE OR OLDENBURG. 33. The King of Hanover shall procure for the Duke of Oldenburg a district containing a popu- lation of 5,000 inhabitants. 34, 35, 36, confer the titles of grand dukes on the Dukes of Oldenburg, Mecklenburg Schwe- rin and Strelitz, and Saxe-Weimar. CESSIONS 6F PRUSSIA TO THE GRAND DUKE OF SAXE-WEIMAR, 37. The King of Prussia shall cede, from the mass of his states, to the Grand Duke of Saxe- Weimar, districts containing 50,000 inhabitants, contiguous or near in the principality of Weimar. His Prussian majesty engages also to cede, out of the principality of Fulda, ãº. of a popula- tion of 27,000 inhabitants. ULTERIOR DETERMINATION OF THE COUNTRIES TO IBE CEDED TO THE GRAND BluRE OF WEIMAR, 88. The districts to be ceded to Saxe-Weimar, in virtue of the present article, shall be deter- mined by a particular convention, and the King of Prussia engages to conclude this convention, and to convey these districts, within two months after the Ist of June, 1815. POSSESSIONS TO BE IMMEDIATELY MADE OVER. 39. The King of Prussia cedes, at present, to his royal-highness, the following districts and ter- ritories, viz.:- The lordship of Blankenhayn, with the reser- vation of the bailiwick of Wandersleben. The lower lordship of Kranichfeld, the commanderies of the teutonic order Zwaetzen-Lehesten and Liebstaedt, with their demesnial revenues, which make a part of the bailiwick of Eckartsberga, and cut into the territory of Saxe-Weimar, as well as all the other territories interwoven into the principality of Weimar, and belonging to the said bailiwick; the bailiwick of Taussenburg, with the exception of Droitzen, Horschen, Wethabug, Wetterscheid, and Moilschellig, which shall re- main to Prussia. The village of Remsla, and the villages of Klein-Bremback and Berlistedt, cutting into the principality of Weimar, and be- longing to the territory of Erfurth. The villages of Bisschoffsroda and Probsteizella running into the territory of Elsenach. The population of these different districts shall be included in the 50,000 souls secured to the Grand Duke of Saxe-Weimar by article 30. OF THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. I547 4 CESSION OF THE CI-DEVANT DEPARTMENT OF FULDA TO PRUSSIA, - 40. The department of Fulda, with the territo- ries of the ancient noblesse, actually comprised under the provisional administration of this de- artment, viz. Mansbach, Buchenan, Werda, }. but with the exception of the territo- ries following, viz. the bailiwicks of Haminei- burg, with Thulba and Saleck, Bruckenan with Morsen, Saalmunster with Urzell, and Sotirierz : the part of the bailiwick of Biberstern, which contains the villages of Basten-Brand, Diełges, Findlos, Liebharss, Melperz, Ober-Bernhardt, Saiffertz and Thaiden, as well as the domain of Holzkerchen running into the grand duehy of Wurzburg, is ceded to the King of Prüssia. THE DOMAIN OF THE PRINCIPALITY OF FULDA, 41. The domains of the prioripality of Fulda, and of the county of Hanau, having been seld, without the purchasers having yet fulfilled aii the conditions of payment, there shall be named, by the princes under whose dominion these districts pass, a commission to regulate uniformly every thing that relates to this affair. This commission shall particularly have respect to the treaty con- cluded the 2d of December, 1813, at Frankfort, between the allied powers and his royal-highness the Elector of Hesse. WETZLAR. 42. The town and territory of Wetzlar shall belong to Prussia. I MEDIATISED COUNTRIES IN THE OLD CIRCLE OF WESTPHALIAe 43. The mediatised districts following, viz. the ossessions which the princes of Salm-Salm and §. the counts denominated the Rhei- mund Wildgrafon, and the Duke of Croy, obtain- ed by the principal reces of the extraordinary deputation of the empire of the 25th February, 1803, in the old circle of Westphalia, as well as the lordships of Anholt and Gehmen, the posses- sions of the Duke of Looz-Corswaren, which are in the same situation (in so far as they are not placed under the Hanoverian government); the county of Sleinfurth, belonging to the Count of Bentheim ; the county of iºdiº. be- longing to the Duke of Aremberg; the lordships of Rheda, Gutersloh and Grenan, belonging to the Count of Bentheim-Ticklenburg; the county of Reitberg, belonging to Prince Kaunitz; the lordships of Neustadt and Gunborn, belonging to Count Walmoden: and the lordship of Homburg, belonging to the Count of Saver-Wittgenstein- Berleburg, shall be placed in such relations with the Prussian monarchy as the federative consti- tution of Germany shall regulate for mediatised territories. The possessions of the ancient immediate.no- *a- -º- bility within the limits of the Prussian territory, and particularly the lordship of Wildenberg, in the grand duchy of Berg, and the barony of Scha- nen, in the principality of Halberstadt, shall be- long to the Prussian monarchy. DISPOSITION RELATIVE TO THE GRAND DUCHY OF WURTZBURG, AND THE PRINCIPALITY OF ASCHAF- FENBURG, IN FAVOR OF BAvARIA. 44. The King of Bavaria shall possess the grand duchy of Wurtzburg, as it was possessed by the Arehduke Ferdinand of Austria, and the priºcipality of Aschaffenburg, as it made part of the duchy of Frankfort. MAINTENANCE OF THE PRINCE PRIMATE. 45. The prince primate to be treated in a manner analogous to the articles of the reces, which, in 1833, fixed the situation of the secular- ised princes, and shall receive from the Ist of June, 1814, an annuity of 100,000 florins, pay- able quarterly. FREE CITY OF FRANKFORT. 46. The town of Frankfort, with its territory, as in 1803, is declared free, and shall make a part of the Germanic league. All the different religious sects shall be on an equality. INDEMINITIES TO THE GRAND DUKE OF HESSE. 47. The Grand T).uke of Hesse shall obtain, in exchange for the duchy of Westphalia, ceded to the King of Prussia, the sovereignty of a ter. ritory on the left bank of the Rhine, in the de- partment of Mount-Tonnere, comprehending f population of 140,000 inhabitants, and the pro- perty of the part of the salt-mines of Kreutznach, situated on the left bank of the Nahe, belonging in sovereignty to Prussia. HESSE-HOMBURG. 48. The Landgrave of Hesse-Homburg is re- stored to his possessions, revenues, rights, and other political relations, of which he was deprived in consequence of the Rhenish confederation. TERRITORIES RESERVED FOR THE HOUSES OF OLDEN- BURG, SAXE-COBURG, MECKLENBURG-STRELITZ, AND THE COUNT OF PAPPENHEIM, 49. In the ci-devant department of the Sarre, on the frontiers of Prussia, a district of a popu- lation of 69,000 souls shall be disposed of in the following manner:-The Duke of Saxe-Cobourg and the Duke of Oldenburg, to obtain each a ter. ritory of 20,000 inhabitants. The Duke of Meck- lenburg-Strelitz, and the Landgrave of Hesse- Homburg, each a territory of 19,000 inhabitants; and the Count of Pappenheim a territory of 9,000 inhabitants. The territory of the Count of Pappenheim to be under the sovereignty of Prussia. 105. 17 Q BOOK XVI, - *-*.* CHAP. W. Nuºvº/ 1815. 1543 HISTORY OF THE WARS BOOK XVI. CHAP. W. *L*N/*-Z 1815. ------- — FUTURE ARRANGEMENT RELATIVE TO THESE TER- RITORIES. 50. The above acquisitions not being contigu- ous to the respective states, the Emperors of Austria and Russia and the Kings of Great Bri- tain and Prussia promise to employ their good offices to effect advantageous exchanges for them, as soon as circumstances will permit. In the meantime, these districts shall be provision- ally under the Prussian administration, for the benefit of the new proprietors. COUNTRIES ON BOTH BANKS OF THE RHINE, GIVEN TO AljSTRIA, 51. All the territories and possessions on the left bank of the Rhine, in the old departments of the Sarre and Mont-Tonnere, in the former de- partments of Fulda and Frankfort, or in the ad- jacent countries, placed at the disposal of the allies by the treaty of Paris, of the 30th of May, 1814, not disposed of by other articles of the pre- sent treaty, shall belong to the Emperor of Austria. ISENBURG, 52. The principality of Isenburg is placed under the sovereignty of Austria, and shall be regulated by the federative constitution. GERMANIC CONFEDERATION. 53. The sovereign princes and free towns of Germany establish among themselves a perpetual confederation, which shall bear the name of the Germanic confederation. OBJECT OF THE CONFEDERATION. 54. The object of the confederation is the maintenance of the external and internal security of Germany, the independence and inviolability of the confederated states. EQUALITY OF ITS MEMBERS. 55. The members of the confederation as such are all equal in right, and equaliy obliged to sup- port the union. tº FEDERATIVE DIET. 56. The affairs of the confederation shall be confided to a federative diet, in which all the members shall vote by their plenipotentiaries, either individually or collectively, in the following manner, without prejudice to their rank:- 1. Austria & e * > & gº 1 vote. 2. Prussia e º g tº | 3. Bavaria e º º © Ǻ 1. 4. Saxony * > wº gº ſº l 5. Hanover tº wº © O I 6. Wurtemberg . o © Q I 7- Baden • . . . . I 8. Electoral Hesse . © e fº I 9. Grand duchy of Hesse & © I 10, Denmark, for Holstein tº © l 11. Netherlands, for Luxemburg Grand ducal and ducal houses of Saxony . G © Brunswick and Nassau tº o Mecklenburg-Schwerin, and Strelitz Holstein, Oldenburg, Anhalt, and Schwartzburg C sº © Hollenzollern, Lichtenstein, Reuss, Schaumburg Lippe, and Waldeck I 17 The free towns of Lübeck, Frankfort, Bremen, and Hamburg . Q I 17 votes 12. 13. 14. 15. I6. : Total PRESIDENCY OF AUSTRIA. 57. Austria shall preside at the federative diet. Every state of the confederation shall have the right of making propositions, and the presiding state is bound to bring them under deliberation within the space of time to be fixed. COMPOSITION OF THE GENERAL ASSEMBLY. 58. When fundamental laws shall be enacted, or changes made in the fundamental laws of the confederation, &c. the diet shall form itself into a general assembly, and in that case the distribution of votes shall be as follows, calculated according to the respective extents of the individual states: Austria 4 votes, Prussia 4, Saxony 4, Bava- ria 4, Hanover 4, Wurtemburg 4, Baden 3, Elec- toral Hesse 3, grand duchy of Hesse 3, Holstein 3, Luxemburg. 3, Brunswick 2, Mecklenburg- Schwerin 2, Nassau 2, Saxe-Weimar I, Saxe- Gotha.J.; Saxe-Cobourg I, Saxe-Meinnugen 1, Saxe-Hildburghaussen I, Mecklenburg-Strelitz I, Holstein-Oldenburg 1, Anhalt-Dessau I, An- halt-Bernburg 1, Anhalt Kothen I, Schwartz- burg . Sondershausen 1, Schwartzburg Rudol- stadt 1, Hohenzollern Hechingen I, Lichtenstein I, Hohenzollern Sigmaringen 1, Waldek 1, Reuss Elder Branch 1, Younger Branch 1, Schaum- burg Lippe 1, Lippe I, the four free towns I each—in all 69 votes. RULE RESPEGTING THE PLURALITY OF VoIPs. 59. The question, whether an affair shall be discussed by the general assembly, shall be de- cided in the ordinary assembly by the plurality of votes. The plurality of votes shall be the rule in both assemblies, with this difference, that in the ordi- nary assembly an absolute plurality shall suffice; while in the other, two-thirds shall be necessary. . The diet is permanent, but may adjourn from time to time. ORDER OF WOTES, 60. After drawing up organic laws, the diet shall deliberate on the manner of fixing the order of voting in a permanent manner. 61. The diet shall sit at Frankfort on the Maine, and open the 1st of September, 1815. 7 OF 1549 THE FRENCH H EVOLUTION. FUNDAMENTAL LAWS., 62. The first object of the diet shall be the framing fundamental laws for the confederation and organical institutions, relative to its external, military, and internal relations. MAINTENANCE OF PEACE IN GERMANY., 63. The states of the confederation engage to defend each other from all attack. When war is begun, no member can enter on separate negociations. The members of the confederation, reserving to themselves the right of forming alliances, oblige themselves to contract no engagement contrary to the security of the confederation. The confederated states engage not to make war on each other, under any pretext, but to sub- mit their differences to the diet. 64. The articles included under the title of Par- ticular Dispositions, in the act of the Germanic confederation, to have the same force as if here inserted. KINGDOM OF THE NETHERLANDS, AND GRAND DUCHY OF LUXEMIBURG, 65. The old United Provinces and the former Belgic Provinces shall form, conjointly with the territories designated in the following article, under the sovereignty of the Prince of Orange Nassau, the kingdom of the Netherlands. LIMITS, 66. The line comprehending the territories which compose the kingdom of the Netherlands is determined in the following manner:—It leaves the sea, and extends along the frontiers of France, on the side of the Low Countries, as fixed by the treaty of Paris, to the Meuse; thence along the same frontiers to the old limits of the duchy of Luxemburg; thence it follows the direction of the limits between that duchy and the old bishop- ric of Liege, till it meets (to the south of Deif- felt) the western limits of that canton, and of that of Malmedy, to the point where the latter reaches the limits between the old departments of the Ourthe and the Roer; it shall then go along these limits till they touch those of the former É. canton of Eupen in the duchy of Limburg; and following the western limit of that canton in the direction of the north, leaving to the right a small part of the former French canton of Aubel, joins at the point of contact of the three old depart- ments of the Ourthe, the Lower Meuse, and the Roer; setting out from this point, the said line follows that which separates these two depart- ments till where it touches the Worm (a river falling into the Roer), and going along this river, till the point where it again reaches the limit of these two departments, pursues this limit to the south of Hillensberg (the old department of the Roer), remounts from thence towards the north, and leaving Hillensberg to the right, and cutting Book XVI. the canton of Sittard in two parts nearly equal, so that Sittard and Susteren remain to the left, ar- Chap. V. rives at the old Dutch territory; then leaving this ferritory to the left, it follows its eastern fron. tier to the point where it touches the old Austrian principality of Guedres, on the side of Rure- mond, and directing itself towards the most east- ern point of the Dutch territory, to the north of Schwaltnen, continues to embrace this territory. Then it joins, setting out from the most eastern point, that other part of the Dutch territory in which Venice is situated; it will include that town and its territory. From thence to the old Dutch frontier near Mook, situated below Ge- nep, it shall follow the course of the Meuse at such distance from the right bank, that all the places which are not distant from that bank more than 1,000 German perches (Rheinlahdische Ru- then) shall belong, with their territories, to the kingdom of the Netherlands. From the point where this line reaches the old Dutch frontier to the Rhine, that frontier shall remain essentially as it was in 1795, between Cleves and the United Provinces. The enclaves of Huissen, Maiburg, Lymers, with the town of Sevenaer, and lordship of Weel, shall make part of the kingdom of the Nether- lands, and his Prussian majesty renounces them for ever. GRAND DUCHY OF LUXEMBURG. 67. The part of the old duchy of Luxemburg, comprised in the following article, is equally ceded to the sovereign of the Netherlands, who shall add to his titles that of Grand Duke of Lux- emburg. ſº The grand duchy of Luxemburg, serving as a compensation for the principalities of Nassau, Dillenburg, Siegen, Hadamar, and Dietz, shall form one of the states of the Germanic con- federation. The town of Luxemburg shall be considered, in a military relation, as a fortress of the confe- deration. The grand duke shall, however, have the power of naming the governor and military- commandant of the fortress, subject to the ap- probation of the executive power of the confe- deration. LIMITS OF THE GRAND DUCHY OF LUXEMBURG. 68. The grand duchy of Luxemburg shall con- sist of all the territories situated between the king- dom of the Netherlands, such as it has been de- signated in articie 66. France, the Moselle, as far as the mouth of the Sure, the course of the Sure, as far as the junction of the Our, and the course of this last river as far as the limits of the former French, canton of St. Vith, which shall not belong to the grand duchy. 1815. 1550 HISTORY OF THE WARS -------, a *----. .*—x-º- .*.*. BOOK XVI. ARRANGEMENTS RELATIVE TO THE GRAND DUCHy *--- CHAP. W. ~gºvº" º' f 1815. OF BOUILLON. 69. His majesty the King of the Netherlands, Grand Duke of Luxemburg, shall possess in per- petuity, for himself and his successors, the full and entire sovereignty of that part of the ducky of Bouillon which is not ceded to France by the treaty of Paris, and under this arrangement it . be united to the grand duchy of Luxem- urg. ( * Some disputes having arisen with respect to the said duchy of Bouillon, he of the competitors whose claims shall be legally established, in the mode hereafter specified, shall possess, in full pro- perty, the said part of the duchy, such as it was enjoyed by the last duke, under the sovereignty of his majesty the King of the Netherlands, Grand Duke of Luxemburg. This decision shall be made without any appeal by a decree of arbitration. Arbitrators shall be appointed for that ſ". one by each of the two competitors, and the others, to the number of three, by the courts of Austria, Prussia, and Sar- dinia. They shall assemble at Aix-la-Chapelle as soon as the state of the war and other circum- stances will permit, and their decision shall be made in six months, reckoning from the time of their meeting. In the interim, his majesty the King of the Ne- therlands, Grand Duke of Luxemburg, shall hold in custody the property of the said part of the duchy of Bouillon, to restore it, together with the produce of the temporary administration to which- ever of the competitors in favour of whom the judgment shall be pronounced. His said majesty shall indemnify him for the loss of the revenues, arising from the rights of sovereignty, by means of an equitable arrångement. And if it should be in favor of Princé Charles of Rohan that the restitution shall be made, those profits shall, in his hands, be subject to those laws of substitution which form his title. º- CESSIONS OF POSSESSIONS OF THE HOUSE OF NAS- SAU. ORANGE IN GERMANY. 70. His majesty the King of the Netherlands shall renounce in perpetuity, for himself, his suc- cessors, and descendants, in favor of his majesty' the King of Prussia, the sovereign possessions which the house of Nassau-Orange held in Ger- many, and particularly the principalities of Dil- lenburg, Deltz, Siegen, and Hadamar, eompris- ing the lordship of Bielstem, as those possessions were definitively arranged between the two branches of the house of Nassau, by the treat concluded at the Hague, on the 14th of July, 1814. His majesty equally renounces his right to the principality of Fulda, and to the other dis. tricts and territories which were secured to him by the 12th article of the principal reces of the extraordinary deputation of the empire of the 25th of February, 1803. FAMILY Cori PACT BETWEEN THE PRINCES OF NASSAU. 71. The right and order of succession esta- blished between the two branches of the house of Nassau, by the act of 1783, called Massau; sicher Erbverein, is confirmed and transferred from the four principalities of Orange-Nassau to the grand duchy of Luxemburg. CºARGES AND ENGAGEMENTS ADHERING TO THE PROVINCES DETACHED FROM FRANCE. 72. His majesty the King of the Netherlands, in uniting under his sovereignty the countries de- signated in the 66th and 68th articles, enters upon all the rights, and takes upon himself all the ex- penses, and all the stipulated engagements rela- tive to the provinces and districts detached from France by the treaty of peace concluded at Paris, the 30th of March, 1814. ACT OF UNION OF THE BELGIC PROVINCES. 73. His majesty the King of the Netherlands having recognised and sanctioned, under the date of the 21st of July, 1814, as the basis of the uni- on of the Belgic provinces with the United Pro- vinces, the eight articles contained in the docu- ment annexed to the present treaty, the said arti- cles shall have the same force and validity as if they were here inserted word for word. AFFAIRS OF SWITZERLAND. 74. The integrity of the nineteen cantons, as de- termined by the convention of the 29th of De- cember, 1813, is recognised as the basis of the Helvetic system. UNION OF THREE NEW CANTONS. 75. The Vallais, the territory of Geneva, and the principality of Neuffchatel, are united to Switz zerland. The valley of Dappes, having formed art of the canton of Vaud, is restored to it. 76. The bishopric of Basle, and the city and territory of Bienne, shall be united to the Helve- . confederation, and form part of the canton of &Thee The following are exceptions from this arrange- Inent :– g 1st. A district of about three square leagues, including the communes of Aitanweller, Schoen- bach, Oberweller, Terweller, Ettingen, Fursten- stein, Plotten, Pfseffingen, Aesch, Bruck, Rei- nach, Arlesheim, shall be united to the canton of Basle. 2d. A small enclave, situated near the village of Neuchatellois de Liguieres, which, at present, with respect to civil jurisdiction, is under the so- vereignty of the canton of Neufchatel, and with respect to criminal jurisdiction under that of the OF THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 1551 -----------ºs- ~~- ------ ºr --- ----------. ----------—----, - ----------------------- *-* --- *~~~ - - bishopric of Basle, shall belong in complete so- vereignty to the principality of Neufchatel. RIGHTS OF THE INHABITANTS OF THE COUNTRIES UNITED TO BERNE. 77. The inhabitants of the bishopric of Basle, and those of Bienne, united to the cantons of Berne and Basle, shall enjoy, in every respect, without any distinction of religion (which shall be main- tained as at present), the same political and civil rights which are enjoyed or may be enjoyed by the inhabitants of the ancient parts of the said cantons. Consequently, they shall have an equal right with them to fill those functions which are specified in the constitution of the cantons. The sale of national domains is guaranteed; and the feudal rents and tithes cannot be re- established. LORDSHIP OF RA2UNO, 78. The cession made by the 5th article of the treaty of Vienna, of the 14th of October, 1809, of the lordship of Razuno enclave, in the country of the Grisons, having ceased, and his Austrian ma- jesty, being restored to all his rights with respect to the said possession, confirms the disposition of it which he made by the declaration of the 20th of March, 1815, in favor of the canton of the Grisons. ARRANGEMENTS BETWEEN FRANCE AND GENEVA. 79. In order to secure the commercial and mi- litary communications of Geneva with the canton of Vaud and the rest of Switzerland, and to com- plete in that respect the 4th article of the treaty of Paris, his most christian majesty consents to place the line of custom-houses in such a manner that the road which leads from Geneva by Weiry into Switzerland, shall at all times be free, and that neither posts nor travellers, nor the transit of merchandize, shall be interrupted by any inspec- tion of officers, nor subjected to any duty. It is equally understood, that no obstacles shall be in- terposed on the part of Switzerland. The rest of this article relates to similar ar- rangements with respect to other parts of Swit- zerland. CESSIONS OF THE KING OF SARDINIA TO THE CAN- TON OF GENEVA, 80. His majesty the King of Sardinia cedes that part of Savoy which is situate between the river Arve, the Rhone, the limits of the part of Savoy ceded to France, and the mountain of Sa- leve as far as Veiry inclusively, together with that which is comprised between the great road called Simplon, the lake of Geneva, and the ac- tual territory of the canton of Geneva, from Ve- nezas to the point where the river Hermance º the said road, and from thence, following 106. . *ºr v- — the course of that river to its mouth in the lake BOOK XVI. of Geneva, to the east of the village of Hermance (the whole of the road, called Simplon, continuing in the possession of his Sardinian majesty.) This country to be united to the canton of Geneva, in full and entire sovereignty. His Sardinian majesty also agrees, that the communication between the canton of Geneva and the Vallais, by the road of Simplona, shall be es- tablished in the same way as agreed upon b France with respect to the canton of Vaud, by the road of Versoy. A free passage for Genevese troops is likewise stipulated; and an exemption from all duties payable by merchandise and pro- visions in passing from the Sardinian territory, and the free port of Genoa. This exemption ap- plies only to transit duties, and does not apply to iolls payable for the maintenance of the roads, nor to merchandise, or provisions, intended to be sold or consumed in the interior. COMPENSATIONS TO BE ESTABLISHED BETWEEN THE ANCIENT AND THE NEW CANTONS, 81. To provide mutual compensations, the can- tons of Argovia, of Vaud, of Tessin, of St. Gall, shall furnish to the ancient cantons of Schweitz, Underwald, Uri, Glaris, Zug, and Appenzelle, a certain sum, which shall be applied to public in- struction, and to the expenses of general adminis- tration, but principally to the former object. The cantons of Argovia, Vaud, and St. Gall, shall furnish to the cantons of Schweitz, Under- wald, Uri, Zug, Glaris, and Appenzell, a fund of 500,000 Swiss livres. The canton of Tessin shall pay annually to the canton of Uri half the pro- duct of the tolls in the Levantine valley. 82. This article relates to the funds placed in England by the cantons of Zurich and Berne, by which it is decreed that those cantons shall retain the property of the capital funds, such as they ex- isted in 1803, at the period of the dissolution of the Helvetic government, and shall enjoy the interest as it accrues, dating from the 1st of Ja- nuary, 1815. The interest which has accumulated since 1798, to 1814 inclusive, shall be applied to the discharge of the remaining capital of the na- tional debt, designated under the denomination of the Helvetic debt. The surplus of that debt shall remain chargeable upon the other cantons, those of Berne and Zurich being exonerated. The districts incorporated with Switzerland since 1813, shall not be taxed on account of the old Helvetic debt. I º Provides indemnities for the proprietors of all ſlS. 84. Confirms the declaration addressed on the 20th March, by the allied powers who signed the treaty of Paris, to the diet of the Swiss confedera- tion. 17 R. CHAP. W. Jºvº-2 1815. 1552 HISTORY OF THE WARS —rt BOOK XVI. LIMITS of THE ESTATES OF THE KING OF SARDINIA. 85. The limits of the states of his majesty the CHAP. W. Kin f Sardinia shall be— gºvº-V g or Sardinia snail be * 1815 On the side of France, such as they were on the 1st of January, 1792, with the exception of those changes caused by the treaty of Paris, 1814. On the side of the Helvetic confederation, such as they existed on the 1st of January, 1792, with the exception of the change produced by the ces- sion in favor of the canton of Geneva, such as that cession is specified by the 80th article of the present act. On the side of the Emperor of Austria's states, such as they existed on the 1st of January, 1792; and the convention concluded between the Em- press Maria Theresa and the King of Sardinia, on the 4th of October, 1751, shall be mutually main- tained. On the side of the states of Parma and Placen- tia, the limits, so far as concerns the ancient states of the King of ºardioia, shall continue the same as they were oa the 1st of January, 1792. The Jimits of the former states of Genoa, and of the countries called imperial fiefs, united to the states of the King of Sardinia, according to the following articles, shall be the same as those which, on the 1st of January, 1792, separated those countries from the states of Parma and Pla- centia, and from those of Tuscany and Masse. The island of Capraia, which formerly belonged to the republic of Genoa, is included in the ces- sion of the Genoese territory to the King of Sardinia. * TſNION OF GENOA. 86. The states, which formerly constituted the republic of Genoa, are united in perpetuity to those of the King of Sardinia, to be possessed by him in full sovereignty, and to descend in the male line in the order of primogeniture, through the two branches of his house, viz.-the royal branch, and the branch of Savoy-Carignan. 87. The King of Sardinia to assume the title of Duke of Genoa. 88. The Genoese to enjoy all the rights and pri- vileges specified in the act, entitled, “Conditions whº, are to serve as the basis of the union of the Genoese states to those of Sardinia.” UNION OF THE IMPERIAL FIEFS. 89. The countries called imperial fiefs, which were united to the former Ligurian republic, are definitively united to the states of his Sardinian majcsty, in the same manner as the rest of the Genoese territory. RIGHT ©F FORTIFICATION. 90. His Sardinian majesty to enjoy the same right of fortifying such points of his states as he may judge proper, in the same way as is provided * —arr – -*— by the 3d article of the treaty of Paris, with re- spect to the sovereigns who signed that treaty. CESSIONS TO THE CANTON OF GENEVA, 91. The King of Sardinia cedes to the canton of Geneva the districts of Savoy, designated in the 80th article above, according to the conditions specified in the act, entitled, “Cession made by the King of Sardinia to the canton of Geneva.” 92. The provinces of the Chablais, and of Fau- cigny, and all the territory of Savoy, to the north of Ugina, belonging to the King of Sardinia, shall be part of the neutrality of Switzerland, according as it was recognised and guaranteed by the high allied powers. ANCIENT POSSESSIONS OF AUSTRIA. 93. The powers who sign the present treaty re- cognise the Emperor of Austria, his heirs and * successors, as legitimate sovereign of the provinces and territories which were ceded, whether wholl or in part, by the treaties of Campo Formio, 1799, of Luneville, in 1801, of Presburg, in 1805, the additional convention of Fontainebleau, in 1807, and of Vienna, in 1809, and in the possession of those provinces and territories which his imperial and apostolic majesty re-entered into in conse- quence of the last war, viz.-Istria, both Austrian and Venetian, Dalmatia, the Venetian isles of the Adriatic, the mouths of the Cataro, the city of Venice, the Lagunes, the same as the other pro- vinces and districts of Terra Firma, of the states hitherto Venetian on the left bank of the Adige, the duchies of Milan and Mantua, the principali- ties of Brixen and Trent, the country of the Ty- rol, the Voralberg, Austrian and Venetian Friuli, the territory of Montefalcone, the government and city of Trieste, Carniola, the Upper Carinthia, Croatia, on the right of Saave, Fiume, the Hun- garian Littorale, and the district of Castua. COUNTRIES UNITED TO THE AUSTRIAN MONARCHY, 94. By this article his imperial majesty ob- tains in full sovereignty, for himself and suc- C6SSO'S- 1. Besides the portions of terra firma of the Venetian states already mentioned, the other parts of the said states, as well as all other territory situated between the Tessin, the Po, and the Adriatic sea. 2. The vallies of the Walteline, of Bormio, and of Chiavenna. 3. The territories which formed the ci-devant republic of Ragusa. * AUSTRIAN FRONTIERS IN ITALY. 95. On the side of the King of Sardinia, such as they were on the 1st of January, 1792. On the side of Parma, Placentia, and Guas- talla, the course of the Po, the line of demarcation following the Thalweg, or way of the river. OF THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 1553 *E*. A.E. int- --dº On the side of the states of Modena, the same as they were on the 1st of January, 1792. On the side of the papal states, the course of the Po, as far as the mouth of the Goro. On the side of Switzerland, the ancient frontier of Lombardy, and that which separates the vallies of the Valteline, of Bormio, and Chiavenna, from the cantons of the Grisons and of the Tessin. Where the course of the Po constitutes the limit, it is agreed that the changes which the bed of that river may undergo, shall not, in future, have any effect upon the property of the islands found in it. NAVIGATION OF THE Po. 96. The general principles adopted by the Con- gress at Vienna, for the navigation of rivers, shall be applicable to that of the Po. 97. This article provides arrangements, by which the establishment known under the name of Mont Napoleon, at Milan, shall be enabled to fulfil its engagements towards its creditors. STATES OF MODENA, MASSA, AND CARRARA. 98. His royal-highness the Archduke Francis d’Este, his heirs and successors, shall possess, in full sovereignty, the duchies of Modena, Reggio, and Mirandola, in the same extent as they were at the signing of the treaty of Campo Formio. The Archduchess Maria Beatrix d’Este, her heirs and successors, shall possess the duchy of Massa, and the principality of Carrara, as well as the imperial fiefs in La Lunigiana. PARMA AND PLACENTIA, 99. Her majesty the Empress Maria Louisa shall possess in full sovereignty the duchies of Parma, Placentia, and Guastalla, with the excep- tion of the districts inclosed in the states of his imperial majesty on the left bank of the Po. The reversibility of these countries shall be de- termined by the common consent of the courts of Austria, Russia, France, Spain, England, and Prussia, always taking care to respect the rights of reversion of the house of Austria, and of the King of Sardinia, on the said countries. POSSESSIONS OF THE GRAND DUKE OF TUSCANY., 100. The Archduke Ferdinand of Austria is re- stored to all his rights of sovereignty over the grand duchy of Tuscany, and its dependencies, as he possessed them before the treaty of Luneville. The stipulations of the second article of the treaty of Vienna, of the 3d of October, 1785, be- tween the Emperor Charles VI. and the King of France, to which the other powers acceded, are fully re-established in favor of his imperial high- ness, and his descendants, as well as the guaran- tees resulting from those stipulations. The following territories, in addition, are to be united to the grand duchy, and possessed by the Grand Duke Ferdinand, and his heirs. 1. The state of Presides. *— 2. That part of the island of Elba, and its ap- Book xvi. purtenances, which were under the superiority of the King of the Two Sicilies before the year 1801. 3. The sovereignty of the principality of Piom- bino, and its dependencies. PRINCIPALITY OF PIOMBINO. Prince Ludovisi Buoncompagni retains for him- self, and his legitimate successors, all the property which his family possessed in the principality of Piombino, in the island of Elba, and its depen- dencies, before the occupation of that country by the French troops in 1799. 4. The former imperial fiefs of Vernio, Mon- tanto, and Monte Santa Maria, inclosed in the Tuscan states. \ PUCHY OF LUCCA, 101. The principality of Lucca shall be pos- sessed in full sovereignty by her majesty the In- fanta Maria Louisa, and her descendants, in the direct male line. This principality is erected into a duchy, and shall have a form of government founded upon the principles of that which it re- ceived in 1805. A rent of 500,000 francs is added to the reve- nue of this principality, to be paid regularly by the Emperor of Austria and the Grand Duke of Tuscany, as long as circumstances shall prevent them from procuring for her majesty the Infanta Maria Louisa, and to her son, and her descend- ants, some other establishment. 102. The duchy of Lucca shall be reversible to the Grand Duke of Tuscany, in case of the death of her majesty the Infanta Maria Louisa, of her son Don Carlos, and of their descendants; or in case the Infanta Maria Louisa, or her direct heirs, shall obtain any other establishment, or succeed to any other branch of their dynasty. The Grand Duke of Tuscany, in case the said reversion should fall to him, engages to cede, as soon as he enters into possession of Lucca, to the Duke of Modena, the following territories:— 1. The Tuscan districts of Fivizano, Pietra Santa, and Barga. 2. The Lucca districts of Castiglione and Cal- licano, inclosed in the states of Modena, as well as those of Minucciano and Monte Ignoso, contiguous to the country of Massa. DISPOSITION'S RELATIVE TO THE HOLY SEE, 103. The Marches, with Camerino, and their dependencies, as well as the duchy of Benevento, and the principality of Ponte Corvo, are restored to the holy see. The holy see to resume its possession of the legations of Ravenna, Bologna, and Ferrara, with the exception of that part of Ferrara situated on the left bank of the Po. His imperial majesty, and his successors, have Cn Ap. V. UAE’N/~/ 1815. 1554 HISTORY OF THE WARS BOOK XVI. the right of garrison in the fortresses of Ferrara CHAP. W. s_*N*_0 1815 J. and Commachio. 104. Declares the re-establishment of Ferdi- nand IV. on the throne of Naples. AFFAIRS OF PORTUGAL. 105. The powers recognising the justice of the claims made by his royal-highness the Prince-re- gent of Portugal, on the city of Olivenza, and the other territories ceded to Spain by the treaty of Badajoz, in 1801, and considering their restitution as one of the measures proper to confirm between the two kingdoms of the peninsula that complete and stable harmony, the preservation of which throughout Europe has been the constant object of their arrangements, formally engage themselves to employ, for the purposes of conciliation, the most efficacious efforts, in order that the retroces- sion of the said territories in favor of Portugal may be effected. And the powers recognise, as far as depends on each of them, that this arrange- ment should take place forthwith. RELATIONS BETWEEN FRANCE AND PORTUGA. I.e. 106. In order to remove the difficulties which interposed to prevent the Prince-regent of Portu- gal from ratifying the treaty signed on the 30th of May, 1814, between Portugal and France, it is decreed that the stipulation contained in the 10th article of that treaty, and all those which relate to it, are null and void, and shall be replaced by the provisions contained in the following article:– [All the other clauses of the said treaty of Paris are to be maintained and fulfilled.] 107. His royal-highness the Prince-regent of Portugal, to manifest his high consideration for his most christian majesty, agrees to restore to his said majesty French Guiana, as far as the river Oyapock, the mouth of which is situated between the fourth and fifth degrees of north latitude, a limit which Portugal has always considered as that which was fixed by the treaty of Utrecht. The time for giving up this colony to be deter- mined, as soon as circumstances will permit, by a particular agreement between the two courts. And they shall proceed in a friendly manner, as soon as possible, to the definitive fixing of the limits of Portuguese and French Guiana, confor- mably to the precise meaning of the 8th article of the treaty of Utrecht. NAVIGATION OF RIVERS. 108. The powers whose states are separated or crossed by the same navigable river, engage to arrange, by common consent, all that regards the navigation of such river. For this purpose they shall name commissioners, who shall assemble, at latest, within six months after the Congress, and who shall take, as the basis of their work, the principles established in the following articles:— 109. The navigation, from the source to the mouth of the rivers, shall be perfectly free, and shall not, with respect to commerce, be forbidden to any body, the regulations for the police being complied with, which shall be made uniform, and as favorable to trade as possible. 110. The system for the receipt of taxes, as well as for the police, shall be the same along the whole course of the river, and shall apply to its navigable branches, as far as circumstances per- Imli. TARIF, 111. The duties on navigation shall be fixed in a uniform and invariable manner, and so inde- pendent of the nature of the merchandize, as to render examination of the cargo unnecessary. The amount of the dues shall not exceed the sum now paid, and shall be determined by local and existing circumstances. In fixing the tarif the object shall be to en- courage commerce, by facilitating navigation, and the impost established on the Rhine shall serve as the approximative rule. When once the tarif is settled, it shall not be altered but by common consent of the states interested. II2. The officers of receipt shall be as few as possible, to be fixed by common consent. 113. Every river state shall be charged with the maintenance of the towing-paths through its territory, and other works necessary for the unin- terrupted navigation. 114. The customs due to the states shall have no connection with the payment for navigation. Care shall be taken that the officers oppose no unnecessary obstacles to navigation. RFGULATION. 116. All that is contained in the preceding arti- cles shall be determined by a mutual regulation, which shall include all that it is necessary to fix ultimately. The regulation cannot be changed without the consent of all states bordering on the FIVG2FS. NAVIGATION of THE RHINE, NECKER, &c. &c. 117. The particular regulations for the naviga- tion of the Rhine, the Necker, the Maine, the Moselle, the Meuse, the Scheldt, which are affixed to the present act, shall have the same force as if they were inserted in the text. CONFIRMATIONS OF TREATIES AND PARTICULAR ACTS, The treaties, conventions, declarations, regula- tions, and other special acts which are annexed to the present act, viz. 1. The treaty between Russia and Austria, of the 22d of April (4th of May), 1815. 2. The treaty between Russia and Prussia, of the 21st of April (3d of May), 1815. 3. The additional treaty relative to Cracow be- 6 sº OF THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 1555 A— *-**------------------- - tween Austria, Prussia, and Russia, of the 21st of April (3d of May), 1815. 4. The treaty between Prussia and Saxony, of the 18th of May, 1815. 5. The declaration of the King of Saxony on the rights of the house of Schoenburg, of the 18th of May, 1815. 6. The treaty between Prussia and Hanover, of the 29th of May, 1815. * 7. The convention between Prussia and the * grand Duke of Saxe-Weimar. 8. The convention between Prussia and the Duke and Prince of Nassau. 9. The act on the federative constitution of Germany. 10. The treaty between the King of the Low Countries and Prussia, England, Austria, and Russia, of 1815. 11. The declaration of the powers on the affairs of the Helvetic confederation, of the 20th of March, 1815, and the act of accession of the diet of the 28th of May. 12. The protocol of the 26th of March, 1815, on the cessions made by the King of Sardinia to the canton of Geneva. 13. The treaty between the King of Sardinia, Austria, England, Russia, Prussia, and France, of the – - 14. The act intituled, “Conditions which serve as the basis of the union of the states of Genoa, with those of his Sardinian majesty.” 15. The declaration of the powers on the abo- lition of the slave-trade. * 16. The regulations of the committee of navi- gation. , 17. The regulations respecting the rank of the diplomatic agents— Are considered as integral parts of the arrange- ments of the Congress, and shall have throughout the same force and validity as if they were in- serted word for word in the general treaty. 119. All the powers assembled at Congress, as well as the princes and free towns who have con- curred in the arrangements, and in the acts con- firmed in this general treaty, are invited to accede to it. 120. The French language having been em- ployed exclusively in all the copies of the present treaty, it is declared by the powers that have concurred in the act, that the employment of that ianguage shall not be drawn into a precedent for the future; so that every power reserves to adopt for itself in future negociations and conventions, the language it has heretofore employed in its di- plomatic relations, without the citation of this treaty as an established example to the contrary. 121. The present treaty shall be ratified, and the ratifications exchanged with in six months, and by the court of Portugal in a year, or sooner, if possible. 106. A copy shall be deposited at Vienna, in the ar- BOOK XVI. chives of the court and state of his imperial, royal, and apostolic majesty, in case any of the courts of Europe shall find it expedient to consult the original text. In faith of which the respective plenipotentia- ries have signed it, and affixed to it the seals of their arms. Done at Vienna, on the 9th of June, in the year of grace 1815. * Here follow the signatures, in the alphabetical order of the courts:— •Austria. Prince METTERNICH, Baron WESSENBERG, Spain. * France. Prince TALLEYRAND, Duke of DALBERG, Count ALEXIS DE NoAILLEs, Great Britain CLANCARTY, CATHCART, STEwART, Count PALMELLA, ANToNio DE SALDANHA DE GAMA, JoAQUIM LoBo DA SILVEIRA, Prince HARDENBERG, Baron HUMBOLDT, Prince RASouMoUFFSKI. Count STAKELBERG, Count NESSELRODE, Count Axel LOEWENHIELM. / Portugal. Prussia. Russia. Sweden. It will be seen, that most of the particular acts are merely amplifications of the principal treaty. This remark, however, does not apply to the act No. 15, which contains the declaration of the powers on the abolition of the slave-trade, and is dated the 8th of February, 1815. After some preliminary observations, the pleni- potentiaries of the allied powers “declare in the face of Europe, that, considering the universal abolition of the slave-trade as a measure particu- larly worthy of their attention, conformable to the spirit of the times, and to the generous principles of their august sovereigns—they are animated with a sincere desire of concurring in the most prompt and effectual execution of this measure, by all the means at their disposal; and of acting, in the employment of those means, with all the zeal and perseverance which is due to so great and noble a cause. “Too well acquainted, however, with the senti- ments of their august sovereigns, not to perceive that, however honorable may be their views, they cannot be attained without due regard to the in- terests, the habits, and even the prejudices of their subjects; the said plenipotentiaries at the same time acknowledge, that this general decla- ration cannot prejudge the period that each par- ticular power may consider as most adviseable for the definitive abºg” of the slave-trade. 7 S CHAP. W. suºvº/ 1815. d556 HISTORY OF THE WARS . -*-*. re-rz--~~ :=x- -º-, * ~ -º-º-º-º-º: p B00K XVI. Consequently, the determining the period when CHAP. V. 1815. this trade is to cease universaily, must be a sub- ject of negotiation between the powers: it being understood, however, that no proper means of se- curing its attainment, and of accelerating its pro- gress, are to be neglected, and that the engage- ment reciprocally contracted in the present decla- ration between the sovereigns who are parties to it, cannot be considered as completely fulfilled until the period when complete success shall have crowned their united efforts. “ In communicating this declaration to the knowledge of Europe, and of all civilized countries, the said plenipotentiaries hope to prevail on every other government, and particularly on those which in abolishing the slave-trade have already manifested the same sentiments, to give them their support in a cause, the final triumph of which will be one of the noblest monuments of the age which embraced it, and which shall have brought it to a glorious termination.” The 17th particular act annexed to the general treaty of Vienna, containing regulations concern- ing the precedence of diplomatic agents, may at first sight seem of little comparative moment: but it will not be thus regarded by those who re- collect how often disputes concerning precedency among ambassadors have assumed a very serious and alarming aspect, and somewhat a strong ten- dency to produce hostilities. The fourth article of this act is well calculated to do away all fu- ture disputes on this head. It declares that di- plomatic characters shall rank in their respective classes—that is, in the first rank, ambassadors, legates or nuncios; in the second rank, envoys, ministers, or other persons accredited to sove- reigns; and, in the third rank, or class, chargé d'affaires accredited only to the ministers for fo- reign affairs:—that all these diplomatic charac- ters shall rank in their respective classes, accord- ing to the date of the official notification of their arrival—ties of consanguinity and family, or poli- tical alliances between courts, conférring no rank on their diplomatic agents. In acts or treaties between several powers, the order that is to be observed in the signature of niinisters shali be decided by ballot. Having thus given all the articles of the treaty of Vienna—of that treaty which was avowedly entered into by the feading powers of Europe, for the purpose of securing the independerde and tranquillity of the continent,--we shall now offer some remarks on its policy and justice. it is proper, however, to premise, that in seve- ral of the articles which it contains there appears a very laudable desire to extend the privileges and secure the liberty of the people. We allude to the articles respecting a representative form of government, the institution of triai , by jury, and the liberty of the press. Why provisions and *— — -- <-- ~~~~ ** sº - -------- guarantees on these points were not more gene- rally introduced; or rather, why they did not form a distinct and prominent feature of this treaty, we cannot surmise. There does not appear to us any peculiarity in the habits, or any superiority of information in the minds, of those people, to whom those privileges are guaranteed. The treaty, therefore, would naturally have been more ac- ceptable to all the lovers of the independence and improvement of mankind, if it had manifested a greater degree of attention to the principles of a free and popular government. In one respect, however, all must be willing to applaud, not only the general principles, but also the particular provisions of the treaty. We al- lude to liberty of conscience and equality of right to all chasses of christians, which in every in- stance it guarantees. This is a convincing and most gratifying proof, that sovereigns, as weii as their subjects, are advancing in the knowledge and love of just and hoeral ideas on religion. Despotism, that is the sacrifice of the rights of mankind to the caprice of an individual, has been in all ages and in all countries greatly supported by religious intole ance and persecution. As these, however, are, beginning to foose their hold on the minds of sovereigns, we may hope that political intolerance will also by degrees subside. Having premised these general remarks, we shall now proceed to investigate the merit, on the score of justice and policy, of the treaty of Vienna. The avowed object of the sovereigns who were parties to this treaty, was the security of the inde- pendence of Europe: they proceeded on the as- sumption that this independence would be best preserved by making the greater powers as nearly as possible equal, in respect to the numbers of their effective population, and by consolidating and uniting the smaller powers. Now we can- not help suspecting that the very principle on which they proceeded is an erroneous one; for certainly, if we may judge from experience; if we are to take history as our guide and instructor, Europe has suffered not from the want of equa- lity among the powers, but from other causes. And if the overthrow of the continental powers during the French revolutionary wars be appeal- ed to as evidence in this case, it will equally lead us to deubt the soundness of the principle on which the allies proceeded in framing the treaty of Vienna. It would be foreign to our purpose to point out the causes which produced the suc- cesses of the French, and the consequent over- throw of the old establishments of Europe; but we think, that we are correct in stating, that the larger and more powerful states contained within them not only more of these causes, but causes of a more operative nature than those which existed in the smaller states. The allied sovereigns in- deed proceeded on the idea that a real and effoc- O ş THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 1557 *-*-*. -*-*. *-my --- • *- -- - - --- - ------- .* aw-- ~~ tive balance of power could be formed, which, if once properly adjusted, could be made to play so truly as always to preserve the peace of Europe; or, at least, if not the peace, to preserve its inde- pendence. But this idea seems to us chimerical; for it proceeds on the supposition, not only that the states of Europe may be rendered nearly equally powerful, but that their interests, as well as their strength, may be balanced—a supposition which the slightest knowledge of human nature, especially as it exists in cabinets and courts, and the most superficial acquaintance with history, must prove to be unfounded. But, allowing that the general plan followed by the allied powers was practicable, and that it would produce the object they had in view—the peace and independence of Europe—it may still be doubted whether the mode they pursued in carrying that plan into execution was politic or duSf. J At first sight nothing can appear more ridicu- lous, as well as unjust, than to portion out the states of Europe according to the number of souls which each department of it contains; to declare that such a state must have an accession of 20,000 inhabitants, and such another state of 50,000. But we do not mean to direct ridicule to this plan; , the question is too serious for that: it must be ex- amined with calmness, judgment, and impar- tiality. In the first place, it may be objected to this plan, that it too much resembles the plans ef Bo- naparte, of that man against whom the allied powers warred, and whose principles and conduct, therefore, it may be presumed, they were anxious to avoid. He did not scruple to divide states, to transfer the inhabitants from one sovereign to an- other, without consulting their wishes, and to de- fend this conduct on the ground of policy or ad- vantage. But it may be said, his object was solely to augment and consolidate the power of France, while the allied powers look exclusively to the good of all Europe. To this we should reply, that it is no less the dictate of sound policy and of national justice than of religion, not to do evil that good may come. The process by which so- vereigns advance from what is really right to what they contend will only produce what is right, affords a salutary lesson against swerving from the plain and direct path of duty. Some mea- sures are defended of the plea of necessity— that plea which, as has been often observed, the tyrant can always advance. Other measures are justified, not because they are obviously just and conducive to good—nor yet because they are ne- cessary; but because, though evil, they produce , good. These measures pshould always be re- garded with a suspicious eye by those who are friendly to the interests of mankind:—where ne- cessity is pleaded, alarm is naturally and in- \ stantaneously excited ; but alarm is laid asleep in Book XVI. most cases where a good end is sought to be ob- tained by unjust or questionable means. We cannot help thinking, therefore, that the allied sovereigns should cautiously have guarded against all attempts to preserve the peace and in- dependence of Europe by those means which ab- solutely required the transfer of subjects from . one sovereign to another; and they ought to have avoided those attempts, not only as unjust but as impolitic; for a little reflection would have taught them, that allegiance must be weakened if it is thus lightly transferred, and by the command too of those very persons who ought to preserve it steady and sacred. To think of transferring the allegiance, and all the natural and almost instinc- tive feelings of obedience and affection, which arise in the breasts of those who have been born and brought up themselves, and whose fathers' tombs are in any particular country, is like trans- planting a full-grown tree; it will not take root in the new soil, but withers and dies. But having already, in a former part of this work, sufficiently examined the objections which, both on the score of justice and policy, may be urged to this plan of transferring the people from one government to another, we shall confine our- selves in this chapter to the probable effects of this plan, in the particular instances afforded by the treaty of Vienna, so far as those effects will be visible either in the future tranquillity of Eu- rope, or in the liberty and happiness of the people who have been transferred. In the first place, with respect to Saxony:- From the testimony of all travellers and writers, no part of Germany presented so many proofs of an industrious, intelligent, and happy people as Saxony; under their monarch they enjoyed a considerable portion of liberty. The people of Prussia, on the contrary, present scarcely any of these pleasing features:—the government ap- proaches to a despotism; the inhabitants are not distinguished either for intelligence or industry; so that while Saxony (at least as it existed prior to the year 1814) was a desirable place of resi- dence for all who wished to enjoy the privileges and rights which an industrious man, ought to possess—Prussia would be avoided by such a person. In one point of view, however, the union of part of Saxony with Prussia may be advantage- ous to the latter country, in so far as it may intro: duce into it that industry, intelligence, and sound way of thinking, for which Saxony has been long remarkable. f The question, how far this union will be advan- tageous in securing the repose of Europe, de- pends for its answer on various circumstances.” There can be little doubt that the Saxons, at- tached as they were warmly to their sovereign 3 | CHAP. W. Jºvº-2 1815. HISTORY OF THE WARS BOOK XVI. CHAP. V. Jºvº-A 1815. sº and their country, and regarding Prussia with dislike, almost amounting to abhorrence, would, in case of Prussia being soon engaged in war, be very backward in fighting her battles; but if she continues at peace for a length of time, and espe- cially if her sovereign acts kindly and wisely to- wards his new subjects, the feelings of dislike will gradually soften, and give place to something like patriotism., Secondly, with respect to the union of the Bel- gian provinces with the United States:—In de- fence of this, much may be said. In the first place, they formerly composed one state. Se- condly, they seem by nature intended to form one, being similar in surface, soil, &c. not divided by any perceptible boundary, and necessary to each other in many respects. And, lastly, by this uni- on, it is to be hoped, that the Belgic provinces may be advanced in religious knowledge and in industry—points in which they are far behind the inhabitants of the Dutch provinces. But that there is a strong aversion to this union on the #. of the former cannot be doubted; the causes ave been already referred to;-religious igno- rance and bigotry, which seem to exist unim- paired by all the convulsions of the French revo- lution, and by the intermixture of great indiffe- rence to religion; and the dislike to their being made liable to their share of the payment of the Dutch debt. It is probable, however, that both these causes of aversion may be done away under a paternal and judicious government. With re- spect to religious ignorance and bigotry, it cer- tainly must yield, though slowly and by degrees, to a union with the Dutch: and if the Belgians are rendered more industrious, they ought not to grieve if that advantage is purchased at the cost of being liable to a payment of part of the Dutch debt. This union, however, may be regarded in an- other point of view—as affecting the interests of England, by whose influence with the allied powers it is supposed principally to have been brought about. It is argued, that, as the friend- ship of the Dutch provinces and England has been advantageous to the latter, that advantage will be much enhanced by the annexation of Bel- gium to Holland: but, in our opinion, it would puzzle the politician to prove, by an appeal to his- tory, that any real advantage has accrued to Eng- land by the friendship of the Dutch. Certainly the Dutch people have in several instances shown an aversion to the alliance with England, and both before and during the revolution a strong disposition to unite themselves with France. The family of Orange, indeed, has always been faith- ful and friendly to England; and if the interest of this country in the union of Holland and Bel- gium must be sought after, it must exist in the regard of the Orange family, not of the Dutch people, towards England. Thirdly, with respect to those territories which Austria has acquired by the treaty of Vienna; it is undoubted, that, by the recovery of the Tyrol, she has benefited the inhabitants of that interest- ing country. They may be cited as a strong ex- ample of almost instinctive attachment to the country to which they have been long united, in- dependently of any particular cause for this at- tachment, founded in the experience and enjoy- ment of particular blessings or privileges. It is by no means unlikely that, under the dominion of Bavaria, the Tyrolese would have possessed more advantages than they had done under Aus- tria: yet, under the former, they were restless, impatient, and dissatisfied; whereas, under the latter, they are contented and happy. It is in: vain, therefore, to urge, with respect to such a people, that they are the subjects of a despotic monarch, and that they would be happier if their government were freer; such a people do not reason, they only feel; all their feelings, habits, and prejudices, are on the side of Austria. Why they are so they probably cannot tell, nor do they ever inquire. Under such circumstances the greatest blessing which can be bestowed upon them is, to permit them to remain under the go- vernment to whom they are thus powerfully at- tached. The Italian states, which the treaty of Vienna has united to Austria, on the contrary, regard that power with strong dislike. This dislike seems to proceed from two causes: in the first place, from dislike to the Austrian character and manners; and, secondly, from the annexation having disap- pointed their hopes, that the north of Italy would have formed a separate and independent state. It may be questioned, therefore, if Austria will in reality be benefited and strengthened by this en- largemeut of her territory; and equally well- founded doubts may be entertained, whether the Italian states, thus annexed, will be in the least henefited by their union with Austria. So far as this union is against the wishes of the Italians, it is unjust; but perhaps such injustice may be com- pensated, or, at least, its enormity may be palli- ated, in cases where the union is likely to benefit the state which is at first adverse to it; though this is, undoubtedly, acting on the maxim of doing evil that good may come. But with respect to the union of the Italian states with Austria, it is difficult to point out in what respect it can be ad- vantageous to the former. The advantages, if any, must result either from the character of the government, or from that of the people of Austria. The government, certainly, is not a desirable one, far inferior indeed to that which the small repub- lics of Italy enjoyed. Will any one, for example, believe that the citizens of Ragusa will enjoy more freedom, or a greater number of privileges, under Austria, than they had under their own O. F. 1559 THE FRENch REvolution. *— government? And as far as regards the compa- rative character of the people of Austria and Italy, there can be no doubt that the latter cannot be benefited by their union with the former. Strong objections were raised in the British parliament to the annexation of Genoa to the kingdom of Sardinia. So far as these objections were founded on any direct or implied promise to the Genoese, on the part of the British minister, “ that they should not be so annexed, or that they should obtain a government of their own,” they are well founded; but if the question were merely, whether Genoa should be restored to her own overnment, or annexed to Sardinia, there can be ittle doubt that the latter is desirable on many accounts, on the supposition, however, that the Genoese were not averse to it. The government of Genoa, though a republic, was well known to be of that species of meddling tyranny, which, in a small state, is infinitely more dangerous than a despotism in a large state ; it was not, therefore, a government the re-establishment of which was desirable. Besides, the union of Genoa with Sar- dinia will undoubtedly serve the political purpose of strengthening both. From the treaty of Vienna it will be seen that the pope is little attended to in it; a small part of the territories he lost is restored to him, but other parts are expresslyseparated from his power; we allude now to territories out of what is properly called the estate of the church. The little consi- deration which is thus paid him, we cannot but regard as a favorable symptom of the time, espe- cially when it is viewed in connexion with the re- ligious toleration which the treaty of Vienna dis- plays in several parts of it. We shall conclude our remarks on that part of the treaty of Vienna, which regards Italy, by one remark. Whatever may have been the crimes of the French in other countries, there is no doubt that they did much good in Italy. In the king- dom of Naples particularly, Murat directed his attention to the removal of many civil evils, and to the establishment of several excellent institu- tions and regulations. The same observation ap- plies to other parts of this most beautiful and interesting district of Europe. Indeed it was no small benefit that the French, unintentionally in- deed, did that by breaking up the old governments there, and bringing aca. 5* - Hºva tions of Ital the same government, they formed or revived a national spirit; and we cannot help lamenting, ~ 1. -a-or nartinns of T4 alsº under that the allied sovereigns did not constitute the whole of the north of Italy into one kingdom, under an Italian prince, and thus gratify the wishes of the Italians, by granting them a king- dom of their own. - Having thus examined the principal parts of the treaty of Vienna, we shall conclude this thapter with the following remarks of the Abbé i06. Congress of Vienna:— “As soon as the true public European spirit ceased to influence the Congress, the selfish or personal interests obtained an existence: with them appeared all the claims, all the questions of right and of fact, all the comparisons of losses and reparations, the times past, the times present, and those to come. The barrier broken, the in- undation commenced. “This we have seen occur; and not to dis- cover it were impossible, in the line of conduct the Congress thought proper to pursue. t “It had established two distinct species of principles, relatively to persons and to things. The first were distinguished by the most gene- rous liberality; and it was not without a fively emotion of gratitude for the spirit in which these honorable and reassuring stipulations were dic- tated; it was not without singular satisfaction, at the proofs, it afforded of the real progress of civi- lization, that we have remarked the care which was taken to solace and consolidate the fate of individuals; to extend the general security by a total forgetfulness of the past, by the extinction of all the causes of injury: the only way to re- store order among men, and dispose them to live together in a social state. The Congress has the honor of having banished every species of re- action,--that scourge produced by revolutions— that element of revengeful hearts and contracted minds, and which is only calculated to enable vengeance to succeed to vengeance, to render men irreconcileable with men, and to present, in every country where such a melancholy system shall prevail, the appearance of that spectacle which Spain has exhibited; which has been of. fered to France, and of which there is too much reason to fear there will be experienced an even- tual triumph. - * “The &ngress at Vienna may be considered as the conclusion of that which had signed the treaty of Paris. Its political principles appear to have been, “First, To secure Germany from any new acts of supremacy on the part of France, and to prevent the latter from making use of Germany either against herself or against others. “Second, To keep in reserve certain vacant territories, as a common fund, whence they might draw such indemnities as it should be necessary to apportion. “Third, To stipulate for the establishment of constitutions, in which the people should disco- ver a respect paid to their º and a better guarantee for the future. “Fourth, To re-establish, as far as possible, each sovereign in his possessions; in only re- quiring sacrifices for the general benefit, and as- suming legitimacy for ** of the restitutions: de Pradt, on the real spirit which actuated the Book xvi. CHAP. W. Jºzº } S) 5. 1560 HISTORY OF THE WARS BOOK XVI. Cri AP. V. _*S/~2 815. and considering it as the principal title to the re- storation of the so long violated order of Europe, and the conservator of that order, which it was the great object of the Congress to establish. “These views were distinguished by their ge- nerosity and elevation. To acknowledge it, is a source of satisfaction: but were they, at the same time, sufficiently extended, whether in themselves or in their application ? Were they, in every point of view, adapted to the decisions of the Congress 2 This it is which we have now to ex- amine. . - “The first part of this plan is evidently marked in the precaution they have taken to place, at the gates of France, apparently as sentinels, “First, The King of the Low Countries. - “Second, The King of Prussia, who by his pos- sessions behind the Meuse and the Rhine, and by those which, with a view to these precautions, have been given him on the Moselle, supports it in the first line. “Third, The German empire, guardian of the fortress of Luxembourg. “Fourth, Austria, by the cession of Mentz, and of parts of the departments of the Sarre and Mount Tonnerre, which formerly belonged to France, and which extend the territories ceded to divers princes, called to occupy them from many parts of Germany. *. * “The intention of confining France within strong and more efficient barriers than those in which, by the ancient order of Europe, she was kept, is particularly marked in the near approach of Au- stria; for, by this arrangement, the rule is vio- lated that the two states appear to have made at the treaty of Campo Formio, of keeping at as great a distance as possible from one another, in order to prevent those quarrels that their conti- guity had so often produced. Except it has been done with this intention, we cannot see why Austria, so magnificently treated in Italy chd in Illyria, should have been allowed to acquire so great a territory, and at so great a distance from the body of the monarchy, and with which these stray (epaves) provinces can have no connexion. But it is evident that it was intended to place the keys of Mentz in powerful hands, and to load France with the weight of all Germany, joined to that of the kingdom of the Low Countries and of Great Britain, who will never separate itself from the latter state, more peculiarly its work, and who will always be ready to protect it against France, as a father would defead its child.— France, surrounded as she will be by all the mi- litary powers of Germany, will, at no very dis- tant period, find herself enclosed; and she, who hitherto has been so vain of her triple rampart, will, for the future, have to witness the circum- stance of being as firmly enclosed by her for- tresses, as heretofore she has experienced that which has enabled her to make so powerful an offensive and defensive use of them. By this ar- rangement France loses all political importance on the continent. Twice has she been taught, and by severe experience, that this renowned rampart of fortresses, in the actual state and num- ber of the European armies, availed her nothing: it is to be observed, that it is on the weakest part of France that the forces of Germany will always press: for it is on the higher Meuse and the Sambre, which is the most feeble part, and through which an approach can be most easily made to the capital. This more clearly demonstrates the intention thus indicated. “Lord-Castlereagh declared, in the parliament of Great Britain, that the scheme for bringing France and Prussia so nearly into contact, by the establishment of the latter between the Meuse and the Rhine, was to be dated from the time of Mr. Pitt, and that it was an idea of that illustrious minister. Whatever may be the re- spect due to the opinions of that celebrated man, it is impossible not to recognize a spirit in this plan truly anti-Gallican, but still not less anti- European. One danger is often resorted to from the fear of another. * “Occupied as Mr. Pitt had been, for so many years, by a contest with France, whose power he saw increased and strengthened by the very game that would have ruined so many other states, he devoted his attention to the discovery of means proper to raise a barrier against France; and he lost sight of Russia, of whom he then en- deavoured to make an use in his efforts to re- strain his enemy. Therefore he laboured to di- vide that which was, and which, for the general benefit of Europe, should have continued to be united. This minister well knew, that to be neighbouring and hostile to each other, was, with states, synonimous: and, in this view of things, he perceived no better method of substituting jea- lousy, for the friendship that had so long united Prussia and France, than making them border one on the other. “This was a political idea of no very high cha- racter; it embraced but a short period, while those of a more correct nature embrace space and time. In his own time, Mr. Pitt was unable to see his ideas realized; and perhaps it is at this moment, when it has been fully accomplished, that it would have been to him a source of regret: for the intellectual light of a character, so supe- rior as was that of Mr. Pitt, may re-appear after a short eclipse, and replace him in that situation whence his pressing political wants had some- times driven him. “But, in providing so well for the preservation. of Germany from new invasions on the part of France, the Congress has forgotten that nothing whatever has been done in its behalf against of The FRENch Revolution. 1561 } ~ir. .--------- --- those irruptions with which Russia, in her turn, may menace her. here we shall find that she touches on Germany. The defence of the latter is weakened by the par- celling out of Saxony, which in its actual condi- tion is only fit to be engaged in interminable quarrels with Prussia. - “The Russian fleets are able to threaten the German states of the Baltic, on which the French marine can never land. In this state of things there are many dangers; and, unfortunately, no- thing has been done to counteract them. “We feel convinced that the Congress has been hampered by the privileges of which all the great powers availed themselves, in order to obtain the peculiar objects of their convenience. The cause was not fully understood before the discussions commenced : therefore the decisions could only be made upon objects of a secondary character, and powers of an inferior order. Making use of the privileges of the strong and the powerful, Rus- sia went to the Congress with the duchy of War- saw retained beforehand. On her side Austria retained Italy. Prussia did the same with Sax- ony. Surely England would not have permitted a discussion on the subject of Malta, Heligoland, and the Cape of Good Hope. In this situation of possessions, put as it were hors de cause, and the chiefs of the Congress pleading with their hands full, the latter could not any longer give a liberty and latitude to its discussions; but, on the con- trary, they were confined to a very narrow circle. - - “ It was evident, that, as soonas all those powers, who, before they had formed the coali- tion, had treated separately, should come to com- pare their different treaties, in order to produce a general agreement, they would find them- selves in a state of embarrassment. Most of the princes did not understand how to save any thing : before they had put themselves to the ex- pense necessary to their common safety, or even that of their persons, they had made new condi- tions. The King of Prussia made his treaty at Kalish. Naples had secured a convention that gave it an increase of 400,000 souls. Denmark, its treaty at Kiel. After these, and many others, come the mediatisés, Prince Eugene, and all those who, on the preceding confusion, had expe- rienced losses. - “Of course, the Congress always retained that essential and primitive quality, that rendered it a crucible, in which all the treaties were to be. melted down and re-cast, in order to be rendered co-existent with the general good. From this circumstance it followed that all that preceded the Cougress should have been considered in the shape of a preliminary to the Congress itself, in which all the interest and all the opinions should fort, one general interest; and public spirit, act- Look beyond the Vistula, and would have encountered new difficulties, and some of thern would have remained without so- lution. w * “It was equally clear that the plan adopted by the Congress, calculated, perhaps, to procure a short repose, did not naturally create a durable order, in consequence of the general lassitude rendering the idea of the benefit arising from quiet very fively, and requiring that they should be satisfied with it. This momentary happiness. did not prevent them feeling, with an equal de- gree of vivacity, on the subject of the future, the difficulties that must eventually result from the dispositions made by this Congress. It is true that this species of lassitude makes us ac- commodate ourselves to every thing else rather than that state of things which had excited and had produced such inconvenience. It is this poignant pricking at the moment, of which Bacon speaks; but, in a short time, the dispositions be- come changed, the idea of past evils is effaced, and gives rise to that of present inconveniences; which, in their turn, make us seek for reparation with a similar ardor. Doubtless this is the fate that will attend the deliberations of this Congress. We sigh after repose. In the system we pursued, we imagined that we had obtained it; soon we shall feel that there are inconveniences; then will arise regrets, and all the sentiments ever natu- rally accompanying them. “The difference between the Congress of West- phalia and that at Vienna consists in the circum- stance, that the one had created a system, the other had formed only parts and proportions; the one built a perfect and durable edifice; the other, a mere foundation. 4- “When Europe, delivered from the torment she had experienced, shall begin to feel the effect of its new condition, then will she clearly perceive the inconvenience of the false position in which she is placed; then will she experience the ne- cessity of a change, and these distressing senti- ments will cost her new sacrifices, sacrifices that a better order of things would have rendered un- necessary. º, - - " . “The acquisition that Russia has made in Po- land has deranged every thing. It has rendered every wise combination impracticable. It has added to the views of aggrandisement that Aus- tria may have formed. In fact, what in the Con- gress could have been opposed to Russia, after she had been permitted to make such rapid strides, and to menace the whole body of Europe? There- fore Austria found herself at liberty to take pos- session of the major part of Italy: another great departure from the system that has for its object the safety of Europe. But Prussia could not re- main a passive spectator of all these acquisitions; ing at one and the same time, for all and in all. BOOK XVI. Without this method, at each instant the Congress CHAP. W. 1815. 1502 HISTORY OF THE WARS *— -g sur- BOOK XVI. and, as not to increase in proportion to our neigh- bours is, in fact, to decrease, it was necessary that CHAP. V. she should, on her side, obtain compensation, and *Jºvº-Z 1815. the means of an equilibrium. Hence, every where have we beheld the parties seeking for indeunni- ties. “By the increase of the territory of Russia in Poland, Prussia wholly lost the great proportion of the grand duchy of Warsaw which had be- longed to her. “By this arrangement she found herself exposed to the first attack of Russia; therefore she directed her attention towards Saxony. In this arrange- ment she beheld two circumstances. “First, an indemnity. “Second, a means of resistance to Russia, by the principles of adhesions that its occupation would give to the different parts of her monarchy. “Whatever may be the amount of the personal interests contained in this system, it was not less European than Prussian. It corrected two great errors in the greographical situation of Prussia— the division of her states by the interposition of Saxony, and her extension of dominion towards the Meuse. The latter is an arrangement that has been allowed, contrary to all established prin- ciples, whether for Prussia, France, the Low Countries, or Germany. That which is inconve- nient to the whole world can be good for no one. “That Prussia should be re-established in the whole of her possessions in Germany, and Poland, and Cleves, except, at a very remote period, the natural key of Holland. This even was conform- able to the principle of the Congress; that then, if Prussia should have wished to make an attempt on her neighbours, they had put her in mind of the laws of good neighbourhood, all the world would have applauded the act; but, that she should remain despoiled of all her former be- nefit, and prevented deriving any new one, whilst her powerful neighbours and ancient rivals grati- fied themselves with every object pointed out, by their conveniences—was it, in good truth, to be supposed ? * “In leaving Saxony in a state of division sub- stituted for that of total destitution, with which it at first was menaced, the Congress did at one and the same time too much and too little, as we shall soon have occasion to demonstrate. In the de- spoiling of Saxony, it established the monument of a contradiction of that principle of legitimacy which they had laboured to establish. Sovereigns should not be despoiled of their territories from mere motives of convenience; they could not be judged, as has been said with much reason, and with many marks of approbation, by the plenipo- tentiaries of France. But, is it not to despoil to take the half? Does not the violation of princi- ple, which protects property, commence with the thus taken half? 1. is it not to be condemned, *sº sº without being judged, to lose the half of one's property 3 $ “This very principle has been equally violated with regard to the republic of Genoa. This coin- try, with the difference in its situation from that of Venice, consisted merely in the fact, that it had made no part of an anterior treaty. It passed directly from its original state of independence into that of a French province. It might, there- fore, return into its ancient condition, without in- juring any particular pre-existing interest; on the contrary, it might have been made the means of producing satisfaction. Instead of this, it has been given to the King of Sardinia, who has lost nothing, and who, with this country, is not ren- dered stronger; for it is not Genoa, small or great, that makes Sardinia a power, nor a defence for Italy. “The Congress has not been more prudent in the distribution of the indemnities granted to the Queen of Etruria, and to her son. If ever plun- der assumed an odious character, it is surely that to which this branch of the house of Bourbon has submitted. It has been immolated on the altar of a system erected for the overthrow of the throne of Spain—it has been overcome by the grossest perfidy. Force has arrested her ancient domi- nions, without her having committed any wrong, or having given her consent. By the treaty of Fon- tainebleau, signed the 26th of October, i807, the treaty that laid open all the roads for the attacks upon Spain, this unfortunate family was called upon to receive a part of Portugal, which was to be divided between this queen and the Prince of Peace, as an indemnity for Tuscany. All this was but a lure, in order that it might be made to cover the project then ready to be put into execution against the court of Spain. In despite of its principles, the Congress neither gave it its origi- nal or its second apanage. It has been given back to Lucca, and has almost been placed upon a level with Prince Ludovisi, the former proprie- tor of the isle of Elba. “A crowd of petty princes, from all parts of Ger- many, are made masters of the territories in the ancient departments of the Saar and Mount Ton- nerre. There is no principle of adhesion between the old and the new states. There is not an atom of political calculation in this arrangement. Sovereignty is distributed like common property. This latter part of the proceedings of Congress partakes of that lassitude, as well as of that haste, in public affairs, that is by no means profitable, and which occasions us to pass from one subject to another, and to get rid of an affair, rather than to bring it to a conclusion.” In speaking of France at the Congress, M. de Pradt makes the following judicious remarks:– “France appeared at the Congress in a very singular attitude. OF THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. .* 1563 *– “The government that had just been destroyed had armed all Europe against itself. It had re- ceived peace in the midst of its capital; and those whom it had rendered its enemies, who had not abused the right given them by the success of their arms, had determined its new situation, if not with generosity, at least without rigor. It must be allowed, this non-exercise of severity may, after all that has passed within the course of the last twenty-five years, pass for generosity. If the allies, masters of Paris, have done nothing for France, they have done nothing to injure her, as, in fact, was in their power. They did not come to Paris for the benefit of France, in order to render her powerful, to consult her inclinations, as well as the fooleries existing there, but to re- dress themselves for the blows they had received, and prevent their recurrence in future. The allies had to reconcile the permanent interests of Eu- rope with the rank that France was to occupy among the other powers. She was, therefore, re- placed within her ancient frontier, without acqui- sitions and without loss. From having been an enemy, she had become an ally. She appeared in an assembly of pacificators, by the side of those to whom she had but just before been hostilely opposed. “This change in her attitude was altogether remarkable, if any thing, after what we have wit- nessed, has the power of creating astonishment. It does honor to the minister with whom the plan originated, and it has given a new face to the affairs of the country. This trait of ability has not been sufficiently noticed, and it well deserves to be so. “But, although sitting by the side of other na- tions, and marching apparently in equal pace, she was far from finding herself in a situation pa- rallel to that of the four great powers that formed the Congress. “Victory, after having been so long since her exclusive property, this evanescent goddess, who governs the world, had conferred on others those favors, of which, during an uninterrupted course of years, she had been so exclusively prodigal to France. With her vanished that domination which had been the fruit of her patronage, which was too forced for France, and too bitter for others, for the remembrance of it to remain long on the mind. That power which France still possessed, was in some degree that of concession. Her fate was fixed. The alliance existing between the powers of the first rank, to a degree unexampled in the history of states and sovereigns, left no hope of drawing from their rivalry any of those - advantages that generally is the main object of able diplomatists. The great powers had given a sort of tacit consent on the subject of their re- spective pretensions; hence the game which Fº had to play out of doors was very difficult. 106. ... { The circumstances of her domestic situation ren- Book XVI. dered that which she had to manage at home not less so. France did not conduct herself at the Char. W. Congress at Vienna as she once did at that of >~~ Munster. Every thing was in a very different situation. Louis XIV. did not arrive in his coun- try after the general subversion of his states. His throne has not been established by people, whose name, at that epoch, was scarcely known in Eu- rope. “ This fortunate alteration has restored to France her ancient sovereigns; they returned there with sentiments the most truly French, but with the sentiments of old France only. It was ever to be recollected, that they were the descend- ants of St. Louis and Henry IV. who re-appeared in the land of their fathers; but, all which has been done out of the country, may appear to them not to belong to it. Hence no efforts will be made to retain it, and it will cost nothing to get rid of all the personal part of the power and glory, which did not form a portion of the ancient personal glory of the crown of France, and which was aki that they aspired to reach. Besides, it is com- prised in the inventory of a revolution, the princi- ples and the acts of which are too odious, and from which they have suffered so much, that such a conduct may be necessary to avert the danger- ous consequences that may arise ; therefore it was without resistance, as without chagrin, that they have renounced every thing unknown to ancient France. “ Hence France, from the peculiar circum- stances in which its government had been placed, was in an inferior situation. But these were not the only reasons: there were others, that contri- buted, in many cases, to weaken its operations. “Thus France was, in the first place, com- pletely disinterested on her own account; she entered into an arena, open to the pretensions of all other powers. “In the second place, she appeared disarmed, while the other powers assumed all the apparel with which power and victory could clothe them. “In the third place, she could not inspire that degree of consideration and confidence that re- sults from the disposition which a state can make of its means, when its establishment is solid, com- plete, and protected from any appearance of con- vulsion. The government of France was but just established: it was altogether new. Nothing within the kingdom had yet acquired the neces- sary degree of consistence. Calculations might have been made upon errors likely to exist on the part of the government; upon discontents on that of the governed; upon factious dispositions still existing in too great a number of minds ; on an extremely doubtful fidelity on the part of the troops; in a word, it was possible to discover an immense multitude of causes of confusion, the 17 U. 1815. #564 HISTORY OF THE WARS Book XVI. melancholy prognostics of which have been too CHAP. W. 1815. correctlv realized. “In the fourth place, France, surrounded as she was by this number of embarrassments, could not possibly show any active dispositions. Besides, it is well known that it was not more in the power, than it was agreeable to the temper, of the government; and every menace that she made could not affect the states which were freed from those incumbrances that on every side hampered and paralyzed the movements of France. “In the fifth place, the great powers who were the arbiters of the proceedings of the Congress proceeded with an unanimity of which the annals of diplomacy do not offer an example, and evinced an union of spirit, of which it was impossible to break or detach a single link. Hence every tri- vial alliance with France was interdicted; its po- sition deprived it of the advantages springing from that great political resource, and confined her to those exertions that her own strength would enable her to make, in the face of those powers whose pressed upon her with all the weight of their quadruple alliance. Let us search for the reasons. “Alliance may exist, when the parties to the treaty not only understand each other on certain points, but when their most important general in- terests harmonize. But an alliance cannot exist when there is an understanding only on some points relative to other J. altogether inde- pendent, and when they depart among themselves from points of the first importance to their own interests. There can be no alliance in this in- stance, nor where there can be no acting in com- mon, nor when the parties cannot, with equal ple- nitude of power, dispose of all their means. “This is precisely the situation in which France found herself with regard to Austria, to Russia, and, I may say, with regard to all Europe. “France could proceed, in concurrence with Austria, in her opposition to Prussia, for the pro- tection of Saxony; in opposition to Russia, who was projecting the appropriation of Poland to herself; but she must differ from Austria, shew- ing, as that power did, a disposition to convert Italy into an Austrian province; to consolidate the new throne of Naples; and to substitute, in the duchy of Parma, a race hostile to the princes of France. France might also proceed, in con- currence with Great Britain, in her opposition to the designs of Prussia on Saxony; but certainly she must withhold her consent to the idea pos- sessed by her, of supporting the new sovereigns of Naples and Parma, and retaining various pos- sessions, the occupation of which rendered the whole marine of Europe her prisoner. “Still more might France agree with Prussia, destined as she was to serve as a barrier to Rus- sia, and to balance the power of Austria. But -vºs how could this unanimity be maintained, co- existent with the idea of Prussia occupyin Saxony, and the country comprised between the Meuse and the Rhine 3 Thus all the states, ex- periencing the effects of simultaneous repulsion and attraction, advanced and retreated at the Sahle monient. “On the other side of the question, France, to obtain an alliance, could not offer guarantees com- parable to those that other powers could tender. This difference of situation arose from the state of her interior. * “For example, the governments of Austria and Great Britain had not experienced the same chccks that had affected that of France. “. In the two former countries, every thing is established, and proceeds, in all its branches, ae- cording to an old, determined, and fixed impulse. We should, perhaps, be understood as going too far, even if we were not to say whether France did offer the same pledges to this association. But every association receives its form and con- sistence in proportion to, and in consideration of, mutual safety; and who eould wish for those which are so opposed in their character, and so deprived of strength and guarantee, that they only hold out the prospect of either becoming a burthen, or a broken reed. “From this confined situation of her affairs, proceeded the system pursued by France. Her play was forced. Let us see how she acted her part. \ “Here a new distinction presents itself, which it is very necessary to mark. She dates her birth from the situation of the princes occupying the throne of France. In re-mounting it, they found every thing, both within and without, altogether changed. “In some places, the members of their family were re-placed by their more fortunate compe- titors. “On one side we see every thing the result of favor or disłike; on others, a prince, allied b blood, had his existence threatened. They would of course feel for him the most tender interest. The ties of blood would give strength, and be productive of favor, to the claim of justlee. “Besides, many illustrious, but modern names, were found. This new fraternity cannot be ac- knowledged without great difficulty. “ If a dangerous neighbourhood should in- spire too well-founded fears, the principal care would be to remove the cause of alarm. “Hence, French policy is discovered to be midway between national and private interests; between the affections of the prince and those of the family. “ In setting out from these principles, it will be found that French influence ought to attach itself to them. of the FRENch Revolution. 1565 -*--------- …r.º. 3 prº -e-ºr- F -º- *-*--— **---sº g a-º-º: Aerº s = -- ~~~ * f :=x - -**: * *g -ry- —re- “First, to banish every thing that gave um- mate, and on which they could not, if a proper Book xvi. brage to the family reigning in France; and, con- sequently, the principal views would be directed against the despot confined in the Isle of Eiba, and against all that were attached to him. “Second, To prevent a young plant taking root at Parma, whose shoots would always be abhorred and dreaded. “Third, To purify those thrones that are found so much degraded, and that they shotild be re- stored to that species of possessors who are re- arded as fit only to occupy them. “Fourth, To establish an order of things in which their own preservation shall be provided for, and to render it the principal dogma of the new policy to be adopted by the kings of Eu- rope. * “Hence would proceed the great efforts that would be made to bring back to Naples and to Parma the princes of the royal family of France. “From this circumstance, we may learn the necessity of renewing that alliance with Sweden that a sound policy should prescribe to France, as more necessary than it was in the days of Gustavus and Oxenstiern. “We may also see the propriety of connecting together all the princes, who, during the course of the revolution, have experienced the same suf- ferings as those of France, and demand for them a justice, the effects of which should be useful to them. - “France, not demanding any thing of the Con- gress, and at once willing to cover the inferiority of the part she had to play—an inferiority very new to her, was obliged to depart from that po- licy in which she no longer occupied the prin- cipal place, in order to recur to those general principles, the discussions of which belonged to the whole world, and to assume the merit of jus- tice of peace to Europe, in place of being able to show herself its regulator. It was this circum- stance that produced the connection between France and Austria and Great Britain, and her avowed interference in favor of Saxony. By this means, she formed a principal member of the opposition in favor of Saxony. We cannot but render our homage to the force and the constancy with which the French ministers have defended a prince worthy of all the respect that the purest virtue commands ; worthy, from his misfortunes, of the interest of every sensible heart. * “But, in the extraordinary circumstances in which Europe discovered itself to be placed; above all, with the new dangers that the near ap- proach of Russia created; was it well to enter into the discussion of the present and future in- terests of Europe, by merely considering Saxony as the property of the king, and to show what in this grand question was the side termed legiti- feeling existed, suffer an attempt to be made? “There were many means of avoiding offence, which we shall point-out in a succeeding chapter. “Is it necessary, on this account, to avoid the discussion of the high considerations that com- manded the absolute union of Saxony to Prussia? Besides, what have they done for the King of Saxony, in restoring him but the half of his sub- jects and his states? As little for his virtue as his power. “We may perceive that France made no por- tion of that resistance to the union of Italy and Austria which she made to that of Saxony and Prussia. However, interest in favor of France, and interest in favor of Europe, were two very different things. The misfortunes of Italy were much greater and more affecting. Fraace, have ing a wish to make use of Austria against Prussia in favor of Saxony, was obliged to be tender on the score of Italy. This is the effect of that two- fold system that we have before- indicated. It will perhaps be said, that there was, on the part of Austria, an opinion so decided with regard to this question, that the attempt to alter it would have been ineffectual. France was more fortu- nate in the attempts she made for the restitution of the dominions belonging to the pope, and to procure an act, called for by justice, and by the rank that catholicism occupied in Europe. “Since the peace of Westphalia, France has adopted the maxim of exercising a species of pro- tectorate in Germany, in opposition to the house of Austria. Surely she was correct in endeavour- ing to renew it with the princes and the sove- reigns of the empire. “It is necessary to remark, that there are in Germany three species of states. “In the first rank, are Austria and Prussia. “ In the second, the ci-devant electorates, erected into kingdoms. “In the third, the petty princes or states, of which there were a great number, and which oc- cupied each their sovereignties, or territories, throughout the whole extent of the empire. “France had to consider these states in various points of view. Thus she could not regard Aus- tria in the same light as Prussia. “The former is always sufficiently powerful in Germany. Sometimes the latter is not enough. France ought no longer to view in the same light the two states, so various are their circumstances: thus it is not her province to mingle in disputes erfectly personal between Austria and Prussia. hese two powers possess in themselves the means of balancing each other. The interference of France only begins to be reasonable when ei- ther of the two should abuse its superiority, in order to destroy the balance, and lay too heavy a CHA P. * . Jºvº-M ls i 5. 1566 HISTORY OF THE WARS Book XVI. burthen on Germany. Till then they ought to CHAP. W. \º"Nºse’ 1815. remain uninterrupted. “But France should have a constant and ha- bitual connexion with the powers of the second order: they form a barrier against the two former states, if they should have any idea of encroach- ment. France did this for Bavaria in 1778; and she ought always to be ready to do it again for all the states of the second order in Germany, without any distinction as to Protestant or Ca- tholic. All these states are equally necessary to the safety of the empire and that of France. “With the states of the third order the case is widely different. They do not possess any strength; they can lend no support to any one ; they always require it from others. They do lit- tle else but render the machine more complicated, and serve to embarrass its movements. “We have no hesitation in saying, that, with regard to them, France should change the system which she has hitherto observed, and did actually support in the Congress. The difference in the events of the times is the reason. When Austria alone governed the German empire, the existence of this multitude of petty princes, who formerly were the sources of anarchy, might have had an useful result. Then too many obstacles could not be created, nor too many impediments offered. At that period France was the only support of the empire against Austria, and the only corrective of the diminutiveness of the German states. But, since the elevation of the Prussian power; since the states of Bavaria, of Wurtemberg, of Hanover, have acquired such an extent of territory, and in- crease of influence, Austria is sufficiently balanc- ed. The smaller states cannot act against her; it is much more probable that they will act for her, and that Austria will endeavour to create among them an honorable dependence upon her, and support them against the states of the second order. f “The interests of Germany and France equally require that this country should be relieved from the load of all the little sovereignties that hitherto have been of no use but to their possessors, and they should be incorporated with the states of the second order. This, in proportion as Russia ap- proaches Germany, will become more necessary. The appearance of this new danger should have induced a system of fortifying the German powers, whose care and defence of their common mother is prevented by the consequences arising from the existence of these little states. These powers are, with Austria and Prussia, the rulers of the second order. with the repetition of the opinion, that, since un- conquerable Russia has taken such a position as to enable her to knock at the doors of the Ger- man empire, every thing has undergone : total Prussia to the frontiers of France. The reader should not be tired change in that country, Instead of being inte- rested in the preservation of the petty states, it is rather for their abolition that we should now seek; for the simplification, rather than the com- plication; and for the concentration, rather than the dispersion, of sovereignties, in order to be able to oppose the largest masses to those masses by which they are menaced. New dangers ought to lead us to seek for new safeguards. The French system has been very erroneous on this subject. But, where its error has been at once the more remarkable and the more melaficholy, is in the mode of opposition to Prussia; to give effect to which, she uniformly paid such great attention. “In the system which France should establish between herself and Prussia, there are two inva- riable principles: alliance and distance. The one gives effect to the other. * “Hence, throughout the whole course of the Congress, France only laboured to put Prussia at a distance, and force her to withdraw to her own frontier. In short, to prevent that which at one and the same time precluded alliance, and cre- afed hostilility. This fatal mistake arose from. the warmth with which France defended Saxony: for it is impossible not to remark, that, in pro- portion to her exertions in favor of the latter country, she increased the difficulties she had to encounter in her opposition to the approach of here have been seen a vast number of notes on the subject of the incorporation of Saxony; but we have seen none on that of the inconveniencies likely to arise from the establishment of Prussia at the very doors of France, between the Meuse and the Rhine, as well as between the Rhine and the Moselle. . * “On her arrival at the Congress, France found Saxony abandoned by Prussia and Russia, aban- doned by Austria, neglected by Great Britain, and by the princes of the empire, who offered her nothing, but vain regrets. In this distressing si- tuation it was that France undertook her cause. We have seen her spend four months in setting all the springs of her policy at work to increase the number of the defenders of Saxony. “This system appeared alike contrary to the interests of France, of Saxony, and of Europe. “First, To France it occasioned the loss of the most necessary of her allies, and indeed it changed her into an enemy. It brought near to her a power that ought ever to have been kept at a distance. It has embittered the minds of the Prussians, whose animosity, so active and fatal to France, has proceeded, in a great measure, from their resentment on the score of an opposi- tion that frustrated the object of their most ardent. desires. If France remained silent on the inva- tº OF THE 1567 FRENCH REVOLUTION. svº- sion of Italy by Austria, why did she make such a noise on that of Saxony, of importance to the liberties of Europe, while that of Italy cut it up by the roots? “Second, The preservation of Saxony in its integrity being demonstrably impossible, but little service could be rendered to her by attaching so much importance to a question, the most fortu- nate result to which could not preserve her from being torn in pieces. Saxony should either have remained undivided under its own king, or that of Prussia. In fact, why was Saxony divided into two parts? Whom can the half of Saxony, by the side of Prussia, of Austria, and of Russia, serve or assist? In its state of consolidation it would have been lost amidst these three colossal powers. What situation will it occupy in its ac- tual condition ? Was it not a fine present to make to the King of Saxony, that of his domi- nions thus parcelled ? Was it very consolatory to his subjects that some Saxons joi. remain to Saxony and its king, while they had to behold their separation from their fellow-citizens, and the division of their country? Was not the King of Saxony a very happy prince, in the midst of the shreds of his states, and the wrecks of a family, in which he could only calculate on hearing sighs, and witnessing a flow of tears? Was royalty well defended, most honored, by being left on the half of a throne?, Let us be candid. It is not the title that makes the king, but the power. We can never conceive how they can re- concile the respect due to royalty, with the trifling consideration assigned to it in some coun- tries. The throne should be raised so as to be seen from afar, and afford an imposing spectacle; in all countries it comes within the definition given of it by Napoleon—“Four bits of wood and a velvet carpet.” “Third, The opposition made by France to the designs of Prussia in favor of Saxony; which, taking from the latter the means of de- fence against Russia, has deprived Europe of its principal defensive point. It has now become the great interest of Europe. The colossal power of Russia has changed all its relations, a circum- stance of which we must never lose sight. “ From all this, what has resulted? That Prussia has been rendered hostile to France; that she is weakened in the principal part of her defensive system against Russia; and ſº Saxony Aº- * -ºs---aºs-—- **- *—º. *r-, .* has been rendered useless either to its own sove- BOOK XVI. reign, who no longer possesses power, or to Prussia, who can reckon, for no great length of time, on the good-will of the Saxons. The Con- gress has taken too good care to catechise them on the subject of the union with Saxony, in order that the Saxons may, in a few years, become good Prussians. Of the probability of this alter- ation in character and feeling, we may judge by the circumstances that happened at Liege. “Nothing has occurred to show the F. ings of France in favor of Denmark. This state, that, in the midst of the troubles of Europe, has, for a century, exhibited an example of all the civil virtues, moderation, temperance, justice, and economy: this country, which has only rendered herself remarkable by the peaceable conquests she has made, by means of her industry and com- merce, beheld herself on a sudden enveloped in disputes to which she was, from her character and habits, as great a stranger as by her geogra- phical situation. There never was a more noble, nor more impartial conduct, than that which Den- mark observed during the whole course of the CHAP. W. \_ºvº-Z 1815, revolution; however, she has lost her Norwegian dominions, and the very important point of Heli- goland. There has only been assigned to her the shadow of an indemnity, notwithstanding the ‘promise she received. The idea which has been evinced of re-erecting the Hanseatic towns, has frustrated the wish she had for two of them, Ham- burgh and Lubeck, which, from their locality, appeared to belong to her. We cannot finish this chapter without paying a tribute of respect to the French legation. It was in a situation surrounded with difficulties: inheriting all the errors of French diplomacy for the last twenty-five years, although it was altogether a stranger to them : surrounded by jealousies, coalitions always directed against it, it was necessary for this legation to conduct itself through all these difficulties, and it has ef- fected it with so much ability as to produce the remarkable circumstance, that the power, by far the least considerable as to strength, should have occupied a most distinguished situation ; and the voice, which had been esteemed the least able, should have brought Europe to listen to it with the greatest attention: so well did the French ne- gotiators know how to recompense France for the difficulties of the part they had to act, by their personal consistency and distinguished talents.” 107. 17 X 1568 HISTORY OF THE WARS BOOK xvi. CHAP. VI. A_*N/~/ I815. *** CHAPTER VI. The Museum of the Louvre stript of its Fruits of Conquest by the Allies.—Letter of the Duke of Wellington on this Occasion.—Letter from Lord Castlereagh to the Allied Sovereigns on the same. —State of the South of France.—Persecution of the Protestants.-Report to the King on the State of France. WHILE Bonaparte was proceeding on his jour- ney through the billows of the Atlantic, under the protection of that flag, whose firmness alone had curbed his ambition, and broken his power, France continued in the most unsettled state, and exhibited a picture scarcely ever before known in any age or country. The situation of Louis, although surrounded with the legal authority of the nation, was at this time peculiarly hard and difficult. His obligations, on one hand, to the allied powers, who had placed him, and still maintained him, on the throne; and, on the other, to his own people, now galled and bound down under the yoke of those allies, pro- duced a conflict of feelings and duties which must have proved extremely harassing. A cir- cumstance, which exposed him to particular mor- tificatien, was passing directly in his view : the museum of the Louvre, rendered by a long series of French conquests the richest receptacle of the arts in Europe, was completely stript of its fruits of conquest by the allies. For the circumstances attending this interesting event, we are indebted to the narrative of Miss Helen Maria Williams, who was then on the spot:— “The period was now arrived when a new storm, no less horrible than unforeseen, brooded over Paris. It appears that the allied powers, amidst those rapid and brilliant successes, which, in the year 1814, had rendered them masters of the capital, had not overlooked the chefs-d'oeuvre of art which had been wrested from their respec- tive countries by the right of conquest. “The allied sovereigns, when they visited the gallery of the Louvre, beheld pictures and sta- tues onee their own, and saw them noted in the preface of the catalogues, sold at the door, as the fruit of French victories. The Prussians had not failed to observe that pictures, which had deco- rated the bed-chamber of their beautiful and la- mented queen, were then placed in the royal apartments of the palace of St. Cloud. “There was also a statue in the museum which was known by the name of the Ganymede of Sans Souci. This statue was of bronze, and of the most beautiful workmanship ; it was no less per- fect than the Belvidere Apollo, and held that re- putation in the north. It was erroneously called a Ganymede, the pose of the arms leading to this mistake; but it is a gladiator, giving thanks to the gods for a victory just obtained. “The Prussians demanded, in 1814, the res- toration of this statue, of two pieces by Correggio, and the pictures of St. Cloud, which had been taken from the apartment of their queen. “The restitution of these objects became the subject of a most fastidious negociation between M. Blacas and the ministers of Austria and Prus- sia. It had been agreed at the peace of Paris, that nothing should be touched that was then exhibited in the museum, and M. Blacas wished to extend this article to all the paintings in the royal palaces. The negociation failed; Paris preserved its statues and pictures; and the Prus- sians their regrets, at not having regained the trophies stripped from their queen's apartments. “The allied armies, in 1815, again crowned the hills around Paris, and a capitulation was asked and granted. The provisionary govern- ment demanded that the museum should remain untouched. The allied generals wrote with a pencil, on the margin of this article, non accordé (not granted). This refusal, it appears, did not arise so much from any decision taken with re- spect to the museum by the Duke of Wellington, who would not prejudge the question, but be- cause General Blucher, supported by the public opinion of his country, had, in his own mind, de- termined upon taking. The article on the respect to be paid to public and private property was loosely worded. The provisionary government were, perhaps, not sorry to have left room for mis- interpretation, since the surrender of Paris was unavoidable. The allies assert, that their respect for the monuments of the arts could never be justly applied to the retaking of objects which had at first been seized by violence. “General Blucher, immediately upon his en- trance into Paris, sent a letter to M. Denon, the director of the museum, demanding iſot only the objects of the last year's negociation with M. Blacas, but what was also in the museum. M. Denon answered, that it was an affair which must be negociated with his government, and that he would not give them up. M. Denon was ar- rested during the night by twenty men, and was OF THE FRENCH REVOLUTIONA I569 ---------- ~~~~~~ --→ ~~~ * -------- -- - - - - -- <---º-º------sº sº. ----------- --- *-* wº - *** *****a*s-sº-º-º-º-º-º-- threatened to be sent to the fortress of Graudentz in west Prussia. “From this argument there was no appeal. The objects demanded were delivered. This surrender was made in due order, and the Gladia- tor, the two pictures of Correggio, and some valu- able pieces of the old German school, were care- fully packed up by the persons employed at the museum. This would have been but a trifling loss, had not the King of Prussia taken not only what belonged to Potzdam and Berlin, but also to Cologne and Aix-la-Chapelle, countries on this side of the Rhine, and therefore not in his pos- session at that period, on the pretext that these objects belonged to the cathedral, and the muni- cipality of those towns. “The public mind again became tranquil; it was asserted these acts of Prussian violence had neither the assent of the Emperor of Russia nor of the Duke of Wellington, and it was currently believed, that they had condemned these mea- SUIT68, “Two months had now passed when the gal- lery of the Louvre was menaced from another uarter. The King of the Belgic provinces, now united to Holland, had published a constitution in the modern style, that is, on free and liberal prin- ciples. It was understood that it had met with a general acceptance, for who would refuse the blessings of fiberty? The acceptance, however, was not so.cordial as had been generally believed. There was a numerous and respectable class of the inhabitants of those provinces who were not eager to adopt strange doctrines, or suffer them to be adopted by those under their influence. “The Catholic clergy, in that country, had dis- Tlayed some, energy, twenty years since, when, threatened with liberal principles, they roused the faithful into insurrection against such innovations by their then lawful sovereign. The emperor, Joseph II., who will be ranked in the class of philosophic princes, was studious to introduce what he deemed free and liberal principles among his Belgian subjects. But the clergy saw, in toleration, the destruction of religion, and in liberal principles the subversion of the privileges of the church. They resisted, with force of arms, those dangerous tenets, and framed for them- selves a government exempt from such political heresies. º “A clergy, who had thus put themselves into rebellion, for their good old cause, against a Ca- tholic prince, might well hesitate in accepting the present of liberty which was now offered them by their new Protestant sovereign, the King of Hol- land. Like the cautious high-priest of Troy, who proclaimed his “fear of the Greeks and those who were the bearers of gifts; so they considered it as a duty to put themselves on their guard against this Protestant protection of the Catholic church, \ and narrowly inspect whether mischief might not lurk beneath a constitution, which was at least suspicious since it bore the name of iiberty. “ This was a knotty affair; it was an easier enterprise for the allies to overthrow the tyrant of the world, and deliver Europe from its boudage, than for a Protestant prince to render himself po- pular to a Belgian Catholic clergy. “The English government was highly inte- rested in supporting the authority of his new Bel- gian majesty. It was, in fact, a kind of eommon concern. The churches of those provinces had been stript of their principal ornaments, and it was believed that the restoration of the pictures from their bondage, in the museum of Paris, would be an homage rendered to the faithful and the church, and would, perhaps, soften the opposition of its ministers to the acceptance of liberty. “The public in England seemed at that time to have corresponding sentiments with the go- vernment, and to approve the removal of the paintings in sympathy with the Belgic churches. These two causes led the English minister at Paris to give in a note in their favor to the Con- gress of the four powers who now governed the world, and who were here assembled. The arri- val of M. Canova at Paris, at this period, led the English ininister to take the same interest for his holiness the pope. He represented that the peace of Tolentino could not be the foundation of any right, since the French, after taking the objects in guestion, had themselves broken the treaty, and that it was therefore just that the more powerful sovereigns should support the cause of the weaker, which was evidently the case with the pope. Lord Castlereagh furthermore represented the advan- tages which the arts would obtain by being culti- vated at Rome, and that this idea had been so strongly impressed on the French artists them- selves, that MM. Quatremere de Quincy, Denon, David, Giraudet, and forty other artists, had sign- ed a petition, before their removal, to the directory, not to displace those objects. “Those to whom the English minister's obser- vations were known, seemed to consider them as made rather in compliance with a feeling of na- tional jealousy than of strict justice; and, as ac- tions are seldom placed to the account of the prin- cipal agents, the ardor of the English cabinet was attributed to the under-secretary, Mr. Hamilton, a gentieman known in the literary world by his travels in Greece and Egypt, and highly inte- rested in the progress of the arts. “But, however doubtful might have been the right of the French, after the treaty of Tolentino had been broken, this reasoning could not be ap- plied to the anterior treaty made with the Prince of Parma, which was the first treaty in which there was any article respecting paintings. “ In answer to the note of f ord Castlereagh, . BC; K - VI. CHA e. VI. Jºrº A lol 5. 1570 HISTORY OF THE WARS BOOK XVI, a note Was iven in by M. de Nesselrode on the part of the Emperor Alexander. In this note, Chap. VI. the justice or the injustice of the measure was less 1815 insisted on than its expediency. It represented the painful situation in which it placed Louis XVIII. with regard to the public; and that if the allies forbore retaking, the last year, what they deemed their property in the museum, from their respect for the king, this motive ought to operate with double force at the present period. “ It was for a short time believed that the Russian note had produced some effect; but whether the Emperor Alexander relaxed in the energy of his representations, or because the Rus- sian troops had withdrawn from the capital, this hope proved delusive. “Further observations were made to the French government, by Lord Castlereagh, and some irri- tation excited at first by the silence which at- tended them ; but still more by a severe note from M. Talleyrand. The dismission of a popu- lar minister at this period had not, it was said, contributed to increase the cordiality of the Duke of Wellington with the Thuilleries. “The war of diplomacy now ceased; sentence was passed upon the gallery; a decree of retalia- tion had gone forth, and the attack on the museum began. § The king gave orders to the directors of the museum to authenticate whatever violence might be offered. The museum was shut up. It was opened on the requisition of an English colonel, who demanded, with authority, the surrender of the objects which had belonged to the Belgic pro- vinces. English troops were placed on guard at the Louvre. The king ordered the gates to be opened, but that on no pretence any assistance should be given to the invaders. “ A kind of custom-house was established at the gate to examine what should be taken. Sen- tinels were posted along the gallery of the mu- seum at every twenty steps, but this did not en- tirely prevent fraud. The Belgic amateurs, aided by the English soldiery, exercised in alliance their energies. The turn of the Austrians came next, who, though always slow in their operations, never swerve from their purpose. They had appeared to have limited their pretensions to the horses of Corinth; but, encouraged by the large and liberal example of the Belgians, in taking, they decided on removing the pictures which had come from Parma, such as the St. Jerom of Correggio, those from Milan, and Modena, and the Titians from Venice. It was now that the losses of the mu- seum were swelled into magnitude. “The report that a strong guard of foreign troops were posted all night at the Louvre was now repeated from mouth to mouth. The Parisians seemed ready to apostrophize the allies in the same tone of bitter irony with which Achil- ass- les addressed Agamemnon in the Iphigenia of Racine: “ Un bruit assez étrange est arrivé jusqu’à moi, “Seigneur, je l'ai jugé trop peu digme de foi.” It was sullenly whispered that the allies were going to take away some pictures of the Flemish school. A fearful apprehension, indeed, of some- thing more dreadful, dwelt in every mind; but no one dared to express it. We were in the situa- tion of Madame de Longueville, when she lamented the death of her brother, who had fallen in battle; but dared not inquire for her son. To be be. reaved of the Greek chefs-d'oeuvre, and of the Italian school, was an idea too full of horror to be borne; a sacrilege from which the minds of the Parisians started back aghast. * “But when the direful truth was promulgated, what language can paint the variety and violence of passion which raged in every Frenchman’s breast ! Curses, louder and longer than those heaped on the head of Obadiah, were poured out on the allies by the enraged Parisians. They forgot all other miseries; the project of blowing up bridges, pillage, spoliations, massacres, war- taxes, the dismemberment of empire;—all these they wiped away ‘from their tablets.” No longer were their heads plotting on tyranny, on liberty; they thought no more of the cession of for- tresses, and the fate of the constitutional chart; all principles, feelings, hopes, and fears, were absorbed in this one great and horrible humi- liation. “Whatever has been recorded in history of the depredations of the Goths and Vandals seemed light to the public of Paris, when weighed in the balance with these outrages of the nineteenth century. They were in vain reminded that these precious objects were the spoils of the vanquished, who had now become the conquerors in their turn; despair seldom reasons. The artists tore their hair, and even the lower classes of the people par- took of the general indignation. In the liberal access which in this country is accorded to all objects of arts and science, the poor had not been excluded. They, too, had visited these models of perfection, and felt that all had a right to lament the loss of what all had been permitted to enjoy. “ It may be observed by the way, that this violence of resentment, this desperate fury at the removal of those master-pieces of art, denote the feelings of a people arrived at a very high degree of civilization. The Parisians, while they had supported with equanimity the most signal cala- mities, and endured with cheerfulness the most cruel privations, deplored with sensibility, and goaded almost to madness, the loss of objects which, far from being necessary to the wants of ordinary life, are only fitted to charm and embel- lish its highest state of refinement. ºr OF THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 1571. -* *-*º- --a “While restitution carried on its labours within the galleries, the four Corinthian horses, once destined to be harnessed to the Chariot of the Sun, placed almost since their birth on triumphal arches, by ancient and modern tyrants; those fiery animals, who have pranced from east to west, and from west to east, as symbols of victory, were now to descend from their gilded car at the entry of the palace of the Thuilleries, in order to pro- ceed on their travels towards St. Mark’s church, at Venice, where they had been till lately sta- tioned. *. “It must be observed, in honor of the Austrians, that, in their attempt on the Corinthian steeds, they had at first the moderation to spare the royal feelings at the Thuilleries, by making their ap- proaches under cover of the night; perhaps, also, to avoid wounding the public, as well as the royal eye. There was some delicacy in this proceed- ing ; but the gardes du corps, on service at the palace, unsuspicious of such a mark of deference, mistook these Austrian dilettant; for robbers, and charged and drove them from their labours. “The following night, an Austrian picquet sum- moned to its aid a body of the national-guard. This was a most unwelcome duty to those citizen soldiers; but as the police of the capital always required their presence in any moment of conten- tion between the foreign troops and the inhabitants of Paris, they were, in the present case, forced to become the unwilling spectators, at least, of this act of national humiliation. Peace was thus pre- served: but no progress was made in these mighty operations towards the removal of the horses; and after three nights of ineffectual labour, those ani- mals on the fourth morning still stood on their arch, pawing the air. “But it was now deemed useless to consult feel- ings of any kind, except those of the claimants of the horses; and the operation of making them descend from their heights was continued in open day. The square was, however, disembarrassed of all French spectators, who were very noisy and troublesome in their disapproval of this spoliation. Picquets of Austrians were placed at every avenue leading to the Place of the Carousel, to prevent the entrance of any French. The palace and the court of the Thuilleries were thus put into a state of siege, of which it was not the king, but the bronze horses, who were the object. Foreigners alóne were admitted; and the monarch might have seen from his windows an English engineer exercising his industry to unfetter the animals from their pedestal, the Austrians being clumsy artisans; while English ladies placed themselves triumphantly on the Car of Victory, to which the steeds were yet harnessed. “If, in these days of retributive justice, due res- ect were to be paid to property, those steeds be- hº neither to his Austrian majesty nor to the 107. municipality of Venice. In a conversation which BOOK XVI. passed between M. de Tolstoi, the ambassador from Russia, and Bonaparte, in his days eftriumph, on a question respecting the right to the Byzan- time dominions, towards which Alexander was suspected to turn his thoughts; it was hinted with some pleasantry by the ambassador, that if Napo- leon disputed the pretensions of the Emperor of Russia, it was, perhaps, in consideration of the claims of Marshal Junot, in right of his wife, who was a Comnene, and really descended from the Pa- leologues. But in the present circumstances the claims of the house of Comnene, in right of their ancestors, were laid aside, and those of the house of Hapsburg, in favor of the last occupant, the senate of Venice, were admitted. “The horses at length descended from their airy station with safety; not such was the fate of the winged lion of St. Mark's Place at Venice, which surmounted the fountain before the hotel of the invalids. He was now destined to travel the same road with his antique neighbours, the horses of the sun. He had but a small height to descend; his wings outstretched, as if he would have flown to his old perch, or pillar of granite, served him here in no stead, .." the operation of his descent was so clumsily performed, that he broke his legs, as well as the edges of the bason of his fountain; while the Parisians felt a vindictive joy at the ac- cident which had befallen him, and which indeed is less to be regretted, as he is an animal of little worth, a whelp only of the middle ages. “While the allied troops were employed in the removal of the Corinthian horses, all the passes to the Place of the Carousel were guarded by Aus- trian cavalry, posted at the avenues of the streets that led to it. The Place of the Careusel was forbidden ground only to the French. Foreigners had liberty to cross it as often as they pleased. I heard an officer call out to an Austrian guard who hesitated, “I am an Englishman, and have a right to pass.” The claim was admitted. “The gates the most vigilantly guarded during some days, against the intrusion of the French, were those of the gallery of the Louvre. It was said that this measure was taken from motives of tenderness to those feelings which the scene within must naturallv have excited in the French: but it WàS i. also, that exasperation might pro- duce violence, and that the pictures might be de- faced, or statues mutilated. The troops of each nation took this post by turns. It was that of the Austrians at my last visit. There they stood, de- fiance in their eye against all Frenchmen, and fresh green branches stuck in their caps ; this is the usual ornament of the Austrian soldiers’ hat or cap, when in campaign; but these branches appear so much like symbols of victory, that they are highly offensive to the French. When fo- - reigners required admittance, the doors were 17 Y CHAP. VI. Jºvº-V 1815. HISTORY OF THE WARS BOOK XVI. CHAP. VI. Jºvº-Z 1815. * ------- - - - - ----- thrown open. The Frenchmen who were re- fused, glanced at the laurelled-cap, bit their lips, muttered inprecations, and withdrew. “Some few had, however, the address to pro- cure entrance—they were but few. I found some artists pacing the gallery of the paintings; they had an air of distraction, and were muttering curses, “not loud, but deep.’, ‘Que le tonnerre du Ciel'—Oh! c'en est trop!—g'en est trop!"— and other exclamations in the same style. A chill sensation came across my heart when I de- scended to the halls of the sculpture, and saw the vacant pedestal on which had stood “ the statue that enchants the world.' I gazed on the pe- destal. One of the old liveried attendants of the hall, interpreting my looks, said to me, in a sor- rowful tone—“Ah! madam, she is gone—I shall never see her again l’—“Gone !” said I.- Yes, madam, she set out this very morning, at three o'clock, et sous bonne escorte.” The old man seemed to mourn over Venus as if she had been his daughter. “The adjoining hall presented, a few days after, a most melancholy spectacle. There lay the Apollo on the floor, in his coffin. The work- men were busied in preparing him for his jour- ney, by wedging him in his shell; and an artist was tracing his celestial features, when the trowel, with its white paste, passed across his divine vi- sage. His arm was still majestically stretched out. The French artists, who were present, wept over it—they pressed his hand to their lips, and bade him a last adieu ! closed on that perfect image, worthy of almost divine honors. He was going to add a new glory to Rome, and draw new pilgrims to his shrine; but to Paris he was lost for ever, and she might well deplore her calamity. She had indeed seized him as her captive, but she had gazed on him with unwearied admiration ; she had hailed him as the most splendid trophy of victory; and she would have purchased his stay with her trea- sures, even with her blood, had not resistance been unavailing. ,w- “. In the package of these divinities much ap- prehension was felt of their sustaining some injury. The necessary aid and tools were wanting. No rewards, no menaces, however, could prevail on the French crocheteurs, porters, and labourers, plying in the streets for employment, to lend their aid. The French, of the lowest class, were too indignant and mutinous to be the abettors of such spoliation. The ladders of the master of an exhibition of singes savans, learned monkeys, in the neighbourhood of the Louvre, were at length * in requisition to unhang the pictures. The ythian divinity of Olympus lay in the streets all night, and might have suffered from any acci- dental tumult; and the Venus de Medicis was fated, like an abandoned female, to take up The scene was now , her abode for some hours in a common guard- house. “In taking down the Transfiguration, this in- valuable picture, the most perfect that exists, was suffered to fall to the ground. A general shudder from the artists around marked this disaster. The painting is on wood, and so worm-eaten, that in some parts it is not an eighth of an inch thick. The dust from the worm-holes covered the floor round the picture, and excited the most terri- ble apprehensions. It required some courage to inspect it; happily it was found not damaged. “The commissaries of the Duke of Tuscany having sent off the Venus, laid their hands on the Madonna della Seggia. “This beautiful production of Raphael is one of the few pictures that have suffered from their residence at Paris; though it is difficult to decide whether this picture was injured, because in Italy it was covered with a glass, and the evaporation of the oil could not freely circulate, or if a glacis has been taken off at Paris in cleaning the pic- ture. The seizure of the objects, which made part of the price of the treaty of Tolentino, con- summated the destruction of the museum, so that there does not remain above a twentieth part of the pictures. a “The Spaniards claimed their share in this general distribution, and succeeded better than they had done in their purpose of invasion; of which it appears, that the principal motive was that of obtaining new clothes, since they had heard, with some envy, that almost all the troops of Europe had made their toilette at the expense of France. “In the latter times of Bonaparte, in the year 1814, an exhibition had been made of the subjects of the Spanish school; of the Italian, before the time of Raphael; and of the German school. Some French marshals, to please their master, had sent their Morellos to swell this exhibition; which pieces had, by chance, been left during the reign of the Bourbons, the short invasion of Bo- naparte, and to the present period. . . “The Spanish ambassador would not have demanded the Morellos, had they remained in the houses of those who had taken thein; but as he found them collected in an exhibition, he took advantage of the negligence of their fresh owners, and sent them back into Spain. “And, lastly, presented themselves the commis- saries of the King of Sardinia. They came at an unlucky moment. The Austrian guard at the museum had been called away to assist in the removal of the horses at the Thuilleries. The guardians of the museum, raised into indignation at the attack of these new commissaries, collected their forces, consisting of numerous workmen, and with brush and broom swept the Sardinians out of the gallery. OF THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. I573 * -*. *w- ºg “An attack meanwhile was directed against the National Library. Among the manuscripts of the Vatican, which was ceded by the peace of Tolentino, were those which had been pillaged from the library of Heidelberg, in the Palatinate, during the thirty years war, by the soldiers of General Tilly. These spoils were at that period given to the pope. “The commissaries of the Margrave of Baden laid violent hands on those manuscripts, as the original property of their master, now sovereign of Heidelberg. These manuscripts, both Greek and Latin, amounted to 4,000, and had been taken from Rome, Venice, and the Ambrosian library at Milan. It would have been happy if all had gone that road, since the Vatican is the grave of manuscripts. Whatever appertains to the sci- ences and literature is there lost to the world; the arts only may possibly be gainers. On the principle of reclaiming the property of past ages, it would be extremely difficult to make out a re- gular European inventory. “Madame Junot, being descended from the Paleologues, might, on this enlarged plan of re- tribution, have put in her claim to the Horses of the Sun. A Belgic commissary had a reclama- tion to make for the town-clock of Troyes, in Champagne, which had been taken from Cam- bray, in the time of Charles VI. about 400 years since. * “The Duke of Wellington may, perhaps, be taxed with remissness, for having overlooked, in this hour of retribution, certain property that belonged to England. “When Bonaparte, some years since, was on the point of executing his threatened invasion of England, it was deemed expedient to excite the Parisians to a sympathy with such heroic enter- prize. Volumes of the history of fifteen or twenty invasions were circulated, but nobody read or believed them. On the maxim of Horace, that what is seen with the eyes produces much greater effect than what passes through the ear; the walls of the museum were covered with pictures, proving that the measu e was not only possible, but had really been executed. “The history of this marvellous transaction was impressed on Parisian incredulity by the dis- play of Matilda’s tapestry, work; d by the queen and her ladies of honor, representing in worsted epic, ſhe hero, c fea's of her husband, William the Couqueror. H ºne, in his history, refers to this tapestry, to authenticate some incident of that riod. “The Duke of Wellington, it appears, had made no inquiry afer this historical furniture; he bad, however, a clearer right to the tapestry than the Belgic commissary to the town-clock of Cambray. The tapestry is evidently the property of the Prince-regent, as heir-at-law to William the Conqueror, to whom it originally belonged, as the husband of Matilda. “The duke might, however, from a sentiment of generosity, have left it to adorn the now naked walls of the museum, and to console the French that their ancestors had once conquered England, and taken London, though it were nearly a thou- sand years since. “The French, when their days of mourning and humiliation are past, will reflect with some consolation on what they still possess. A respect- able gallery may yet be formed, when the sub- jects are duly collected. The Rubens, the Le Seurs, and the Vernets, now composing the col- lection of the Luxembourg, may be united with the Poussins, and the Miguards of the Trianon. There are also some Raphaels—that of Francis I. the Holy Family, and the St. Michael; some pieces of Leonardo da Vinci, of Claude Lorrain, of Champagne, and the battles of Le Brun. “The collection of sculpture that remains is unrivalled, except by that of Italy. Lord Elgin's collection is thought to be more precious for the learned artist, on account of the number of muti- lated fragments it contains; but can give no plea- sure like that produced by the sight of the Apollo, or the Laocoon. “ Paris retains the Diana from Versailles, the Pallas de Veletri, which was purchased by Bona- parte, and also the museum of the Prince Bor- shese, in which shines the Gladiator, and many other subjects, which may be compared with the first-rate pieces of the Vatican. Bonaparte had purchased this collection by the cession of estates in Piedmont to his brother-in-law. His Sardi- nian majesty, on his arrival in his domains, con- fiscated this property. Apprehensions, were en- tertained that this measure would occasion the loss of this precious collection; but the Congress of the four great powers, who deem themselves invested with the high police of Europe, signified to the King of Sardinia that he must repeal his act of confiscation. * “The Paris inuseum might also have been en- riched with the collection which had belonged to Prince Giustiniani, in which were the Michael Angelos of Caravaggio, Guidos, and Carraccis; but this collection has been purchased by the King of Prussia for 300,000 francs. The collec- tion at Maimaison contained the fine statues of Canova, the Paris, the Psyche, and the Dancing Girl; and some pieces of Claude Lorrain, which Bonaparte had taken from Cassel. The elector had an intention to claim them, but they have been purchased by the Emperor of Russia. “I anticipate all your observations respecting the justice of having stripped the walls of the museum of their treasures. You will tell me that they had been wrested from their rightful owners, that they never could be considered as * p BOOK XVI, Chap. VI., Jºvº 1815. 1574 HISTORY OF THE WARS BOOK XVI. CHAP. VI. s_ºlº-Z 1815. Aº-º-º: A- …& __rºw French property, and that consequently no prin- ciple of justice has been violated by their re- moval. You will add, no doubt, that these chefs- d'oeuvre ought to belong to the countries who had the genius to create them; though, at the same time, I presume that you would not wish to send them to modern Corinth, or Athens. You will have ten thousand things to say on this subject, all equally just and reasonable; but the French are in the paroxysm of despair, when nothing is more irksome than reasoning. “The Parisians assert, that, amidst the rapid revolutions of our times, a possession of some years gives as great a right to property as would have been acquired formerly by the lapse of ages. They remark also, with a kind of spiteful sar- casm, that this justice, so vigorously preached, and'so severely practised by the allied powers, in behalf of statues and pictures, has been less ri- gidly observed towards human beings; and that while they establish with such grave austerity the rights of inanimate objects, it would have been well if, in the treaties of Genoa and Venice, and the repartition of souls, the rulers of the globe had never lost sight of the rights of men. “But the most candid among the French have less attacked the justice of the retribution at the museum, than the mode of its execution. Instead of a solemn surrender by formal treaty, to which respect would have been paid, it bore the air of seizing spoils by force, and aggravating the loss by the infliction of useless humiliation. “It may be better for the world that these chefs d'oeuvre of the arts are disseminated. Paris ought not, perhaps, to be the spot where all were accumulated. There is also an intimate connexion between moveable objects of art and those which are fixed; such as the great monuments of archi- tecture, and the frescos. There exists, perhaps, a sort of secret sympathy between the Apollo, the Transfiguration, and the Dome of St. Peter's, and the School of Athens. “The French artists reject with horror the accusation that they have tampered in any man- ner with the paintings, by restoring draperies. No such profanation has taken place. The only USe ...}. made of the pencil has been con- fined to the replacing in similar colours small spots, not more than the eighth of a line square, where the original colour had scaled off. The artists declare, also, that these monuments, though -assembled at Paris, were always considered as common European property; that they were here in a centrical situation, where all had an equal access to them; that they were more carefully preserved in the museum than in churches, where their position is less favorable to the student; that the smoke of lamps and torches in the Catholic churches is so injurious to the colouring of pic- tures, that a great number of pieces of Julie Ro- ^ * mano, of Titian, and even of Raphael, were sº obscured, that it was only after having been cleaned at Paris that they could be admired in all their parts. “The artists assert, in reply to the observa- tion, that the student feels new energies on the classic ground of Rome, and that Italian skies are more favorable to inspiration than those of northern latitudes—that they have been taught, by their own experience, that Paris is a fitter abode for the student than Rome; since, unob- served in Paris, he can fly from crowds to that solitude which is so congerial to genius, and where it can best seek ideal perfection. It may be also observed that, although the morals of Paris may not be pure, they are still less corrupt than those of Rome; a consideration of the high- est importance, when we reflect on the eternal al- liance which exists between the progress of taste and virtue. * “Finally, the French artists feel great apprehén- sions respecting: the safe conveyance of some of those chefs-d'oeuvre, from the haste and want of skill with which they were packed; M. Canova, whom, when announced to a minister as M. l'Am- bassadeur du Pope, he had pleasantly called M. !'Emballeur, not having thought proper, from prudential motives, to attend and act in this latter office. M. Canova has had the precaution to send these monuments of art to Italy, by the Belgic, and the Pillars of Hercules; a circumstance which perhaps gave rise to the calumny that they were destined for Carlton-house. “The sacrifice of the museum was now consum- mated. The garden of plants, and its cabinet of natural history, were destined to undergo a visi- tation. This museum contained many objects which had been taken from the cabinet of natural history of the Prince of Orange, in the first period of the French republic. “Restitution was here a more difficult task than at the Louvre. Statues and pictures can easily be identified, and being insulated objects, may be placed without disadvantage in new situations. But in the chain of natural history, the subjects being linked together according to their respec- tive families, the separation of parts becomes a fatal injury to the whoſe. “The cabinet of the stadtholder was less exten- sive than has generally been thought. It was not so considerable as that of Paris, and the French commissaries had not taken the whole. In the difficulty of distinguishing this kind of property, the professors of the garden of plants proposed an expedient, which was, that of forming a com- plete duplicate of their magnificent collection for the King of Holland, without distinction of sub- jects belonging or not to the stadtholder's collec- tion. This proposition was readily accepted by the minister of the King of Holland. ÖF THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. w 1575 “Thus ends the long chapter of restitution. The die is cast, and fears and reasonings, remon- strances and complaints, are alike unavailing. Resentment now beats high in the bosom of the French, but time will exert its accustomed power of softening all impressions. Let us hope that France will learn to bear adversity with magna- nimity, and the allied powers to use prosperity nobly. They have had much to avenge, but ven- geance leads to eternal warfare; and a great na- tion, driven to despair, might be apt to say, with Hamlet, “I’ve something in me that's dan- erous.” The Duke of Wellington having been much reflected upon in France, for the part he took in º the Louvre, he wrote the following let- ter to Lord Castlereagh, in explanation of his conduct:— “Paris, Sept. 23. “My Lord.—A great deal has lately been said here respecting the measures I have been obliged to adopt, in order to obtain for the King of the Netherlands his paintings and other things out of the museum ; and as these reports may reach the ears of the prince-regent, I communicate to you the following account of the whole affair, for his royal-highness's information:— , , “A short time after the arrival of the sove- reigns at Paris, the minister of the King of the Netherlands demanded the pictures, &c. &c. be- longing to his sovereign, as did the ministers of the other sovereigns; and, as I was informed, could not obtain a satisfactory answer from the French government. After several conversations with me upon the subject, he sent to your lord- ship an official note, which was laid before the ministers of the allied powers assembled at a con- ference, upon which the business was several times taken into consideration, in order to dis- cover a means of doing justice to the claimants of the objects of art in the museum, without hurt- ing the feelings of the King of France. * Meanwhile, the Prussians had obtained from his majesty, not only all the pictures belonging to Prussia Proper, but also those which belonged to the Prussian territory on the left bank of the Rhine, and all those that were the property of his Prussian majesty: the affair now became ur- gent, and your lordship wrote a note of the –—, in which the matter was fully treated. . * “The minister of the King of the Netherlands having not yet received any satisfactory answer from the French government, applied to me, as commander-in-chief of the army of the King of the Netherlands, and asked, whether I had any objection to employing his majesty's troops to obtain possession of what was indubitably his majesty's property. ... I laid this question also be- fore the ministers of the allied monarchs; and, as 107. no objection was found, I thought it my duty to Book xvi. . the necessary steps to obtain what was his right. “I spoke in consequence with Prince Talley- rand upon this subject, communicated to him what had passed at the conference, and the rea- son I had for thinking that the King of the Ne- therlands had a right to the paintings, and re- quested him to lay the matter before the king, and to beg his majesty to do me the favor to de- termine the manner in which I might obtain the object of the King of the Netherlands, without, in any manner, offending his majesty. “Prince Talleyrand promised me an answer by the next evening; but, as I did not receive it, I repaired to him in the night, and had a se- cond conference with him, in which he gave me to understand that the king would give no orders upon the subject; that I might do as I thought proper, and negotiate with Mr. Denon, the direc- tor of the museum. “In the morning, I sent my aide-de-camp, Lieutenant-colonel Freemantle, to Mr. Denon, who told him that he had no orders to give up any paintings out of the gallery, and that he should suffer none to be taken away but by force. “I then sent Colonel Freemantle to Prince Talleyrand, to acquaint him with this answer, and to inform him that the troops would go the next morning at twelve o’clock to take possession of the paintings belonging to the King of the Netherlands, and to declare that, if any thing unpleasant should arise from this measure, the king’s ministers, and not I, were answerable for it. Colonel Freemantle likewise informed Mr. Denon of the measure that was to be taken." “It was, however, not necessary to send any troops, because a Prussian guard constantly oc- cupied the gallery, and the pictures were taken away without any assistance §. required from any of the troops under my command, except a few who assisted as labourers in the taking down and packing up. “It has been alleged that, by having been the instrument of carrying away from the gallery the ſº. of the King of the Netherlands, I had een guilty of a breach of a treaty which I had myself made ; and, as there is no mention of the museum in the treaty of the 25th of March, and as it seems now the treaty spoken of is the mili- tary convention of Paris, it is necessary to show how this convention is connected with the mu- Sellſ ſle “I do not want to prove that the allies were at war with France: there is no doubt that their armies entered Paris under a military convention concluded with an officer of the government, the prefect of the department of the Seine, and an officer of the army who represented both autho- I7 Z CHAP. VI. vºvº 1815. 1576 HISTORY OF THE WARS BOOK XVI. CHAP. VI. ~sº-Z 1815. - rities at that moment present at Paris, and em- powered by those authorities to negociate and conclude for them. “The article of the convention which is al- leged to have been broken, is the 11th, which relates to the public property: I positively deny that this article has any reference whatever to the gallery of paintings. . . “The French commissioners introduced in the original projët, an article to provide for the secu-. rity of this species of property; but Prince Blu- cher would not consent, saying, that there were in the gallery paintings which had been taken from Prussia, and which Louis XVIII. had pro- mised to restore; which, however, had never been done. I repeated this circumstance to the French commissioners, and they proposed to ac- cept the article, with the exception of the Prus- sian pictures; and to this proposal I answered, that I was there as the representative of the other nations in Europe, and that I must claim for ofher nations all that was conceded to the Prus- sians. I added, that I had no instructions con- cerning the museum, nor any grounds to form an opinion how the sovereigns would act; that they would certainly urge that the king should fulfil his obligations, and that I advised the omission of the article entirely, and the reserving this affair for the decision of the sovereigns when they should arrive. “Thus stands the affair of the museum, in reference to the treaty. The convention of Paris is silent upon it; and a negociation took place, which left the business to the decision of the sovereigns. “Taking it for granted that the silence of the treaty of Paris, of May 1814, respecting the mu- seum, had given the French government an in- disputable claim to the pieces contained in it; it cannot be denied that this claim was annihilated by this negociation. - “Those who negociated for the French govern- ment judged that the victorious armies had a right to take the works of art from the museum, and they therefore endeavoured to save them by introducing an article into the military conven- tion. This article was rejected, and the claim of the allies greatly advanced by the negociations on their side; and this was the reason that the article was rejected. Not only then was the pos- session of them not guaranteed by the military convention, but the above-mentioned negociation tended the more to weaken the right of the French government to the possession, which was founded on the silence of the treaty of Paris of May 1814. “The allies having now legal possession of the pieces in the museum, could do no otherwise than restore them to those from whom they had -Fe- been taken away, contrary to the usages of civil lized warfare, during the dreadful period of the French revolution and the tyranny of Bona- parte. “The conduct of the allies, with respect to the museum, at the time of the treaty of Paris, must be ascribed to their desire to gratify the French army, and to confirm the reconciliation with Eu- rope, to which the army seemed at that time to be disposed. - - “But the circumstances are now entirely dif. ferent; the army disappointed the just expecta- tions of the world, and embraced the first oppor- tunity to rise against its sovereign, and to serve the general enemy of humanity, with a view"to the renewal of the frightful times that were passed, and of the scenes of pillage against which the world has made so many gigantic efforts. “This army having been defeated by the armies of Europe, it is dissolved by the united councils of the sovereigns, and there can be no reason why the powers .#. should do wrong to their own subjects, in order to again satisfy this army: indeed, it never appeared to me to be necessary that the allied sovereigns should neglect this op- portunity to do justice and favor to their own subjects, in order to please the French nation. The feeling of the French people upon this sub- ject, can be no other than national arrogance. “They would desire to retain these works of art, not because Paris is the properest place for them to be preserved in (for all artists and con- noisseurs who have written on the subject, agree that they ought to be sent back to the places where they originally were), but because they have been acquired by conquests, of which they are the trophies. “The same feeling that makes the people of France wish to keep the pictures and statues of other nations, must naturally make other nations wish, now that victory is on their side, to restore those articles to the lawful owners; and the al- lied sovereigns must feel a desire to promote this object. & “It is besides to be wished, as well for the happiness of France as of the world, that if the French people are not already convinced that Europe is too strong for them, they may be made to feel that however extensive for a time their temporary and partial advantages over one or more of the powers of Europe may be, the day of retribution must at length come. “According to my feelings, then, it would not only be unjust in the sovereigns to gratify the French people, but the sacrifice they would make would be impolitic, as it would deprive them of the opportunity of giving the French a great moral lesson.—I am, my dear lord, &c. - “WELLINGTON.” OF THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 1577 º * --> ~ * ~ *-ºn- *—t *r The following is the note of Lord Castlereagh, to the ministers of the allied sovereigns, which is mentioned in the Duke of Wellington's letter:— “Representations having been laid before the ministers of the allied powers from the Pope, the Grand Duke of Tuscany, the King of the Ne- therlands, and other sovereigns, claiming, through the intervention of the high allied powers, the restoration of the statutes, pictures, and other works of art, of which their respective states have been successively and systematically stripped by the late revolutionary government of %. contrary to every principle of justice, and to the usages of modern warfare, and the same having been referred for the consideration of his court, the undersigned has received the commands of the prince-regent to submit, for the consider- ation of his allies, the following remarks upon this interesting subject:— “It is now the second time that the powers of Europe have been compelled, in vindication of their own liberties, and for the settlement of the world, to invade France, and twice their armies have possessed themselves of the capital of the state, in which these, the spoil of the greater part of Europe, are accumulated. ' “The legitimate sovereign of France has, as often, under the protection of those armies, been enabled to resume his throne, and to meditate for his people a peace with the allies, to the marked indulgences of which neither their conduct to their own monarch, nor towards other states, had given them just pretentions to aspire. “That the purest sentiments of regard for Louis XVIII., deference for his ancient and illustrious house, and respect for his misfortunes, have guided invariably the allied councils, has been proved beyond a question, by their having, last year, framed the treaty of Paris expressly on the basis of preserving to France its complete inte- grity, and still more, after their late disappoint- ment, by the endeavours they are again making, ultimately to combine the substantial integrity of France with such an adequate system of tem- porary precaution as they may satisfy what they. owe to the security of their own subjects. a “But it would be the height of weakness, as well as of injustice, and in its effects much more iikely to mislead than to bring back the people of France to moral and peaceful habits, if the allied sovereigns, to whom the world is anxiously looking up for protection and repose, were to deny that principle of integrity in its just and liberal application to other nations, their allies (more especially to the feeble and to the help- less), which they are about, for the second time, to concede to a nation against whom they have had occasion so long to contend in war. “Upon what principle can France, at the close of such a war, expect to sit down with the same º extent of possessions which she held before the revolution, and desire, at the same time, to re- tain the ornamented spoils of all other countries? Is it, that there can exist a doubt of the issue of the contest, or of the power of the allies, to effec- tuate what justice and policy require? If not, upon what principle deprive France of her late territo- rial acquisitions, and preserve to her the spolia- tions appertaining to those territories, which all mo- dern conquerors have invariably respected, as inse- parable from the country to which they belonged? “The allied sovereigns have perhaps something to atone for to Europe, in consequence of the course pursued by them, when at Paris, during the last year. It is true, they never did so far make themselves parties in the criminality of this mass of plunder, as to sanction it by any stipu- lation in their treaties; such a recognition has been on their part uniformly refused; but they certainly did use their influence to repress, at that moment, any agitation of their claims, in the hope that France, not less subdued by their generosity than by their arms, might be disposed to preserve inviolate a peace which had been studiously framed to serve as a bond of reconciliation be- tween the nation and the king. They had also rea- son to expect, that his majesty would be advised voluntarily to restore a considerable proportion, at least of these spoils, to their lawful owners. “But the question is a very different one now, and to pursue the same course, under circum- stances so essentially altered, would be, in the judgment of the prince-regent, equally unwise towards France, and unjust towards our allies, who have a direct interest in this question. “His royal-highness, in stating this opinion, feels it necessary to guard against the pessibility of misrepresentation. * “Whilst he deems it to be the duty of the al- lied sovereigns, not only not to obstruct, but to facilitate, upon the present occasion, the return of these objects to the places from whence they were torn, it seems not less consistent with their delicacy, not to suffer the position of their armies in France, or the ºf of these works from the Louvre, to become the means, either directly or indirectly, of bringing within their own domi- nions a single article which did not of right, at the period of their conquest, belong either to their respective family collections, or to the countries over which they now actually reign. “Whatever value the prince-regent might attach to such exquisite specimens of the fine arts, if otherwise acquired, he has no wish to become possessed of them at the expense of France, or rather of the countries to which they of right belong, more especially by following up a prin- ciple in war which he considers, as a reproach to the nation by which it has been adopted ; and so far from wishing to take advantage BOOK XVI. CHAP. VI. 1815. 1578 HISTORY OF THE WARS BOOK XVI. CHAP. VI. \le^^-) 1815. *===s* ! of the occasion to purchase from the rightful owners any articles they might, from pecuniary considerations, be disposed to part with, his royal- highness would, on the contrary, be disposed ra- ther to afford the means of replacing them in those very temples and galleries, of which they were so long the ornaments. * “Were it possible that his royal-highness's sen- timents towards the person and cause of Louis XVIII. could be brought into doubt, or that the position of his most christian majesty would be injured in the eyes of his own people, the prince- regent would not come to this conclusion without the most painful reluctance; but, on the contrary, his jºiº really believes, that his majesty will rise in the love and respect of his own sub- jects, in proportion as he separates himself from these remembrances of revolutionary warfare. These spoils, which impede a moral reconciliation "between France and the countries she has invaded, are not necessary to record the exploits of her armies, which, notwithstanding the cause in which they were achieved, must ever make the arms of . the nation respected abroad. But whilst these objects remain at Paris, constituting, as it were, the title-deeds of the countries which have been given up, the sentiments of re-uniting these coun- tries again to France will never be altogether ex- tinct: nor will the genius of the French people ever completely associate itself with the more limited existence assigned to the nation under the Bourbons. i. “Neither is this opinion given with any dispo- sition on the part of the prince-regent to humi- liate the French nation. His royal-highness's general policy, the demeanour of his troops in France, his having seized the first moment of Bo- naparte's surrender to restore to France the free- dom of her commerce; and, above all, the desire he has recently evinced to preserve ultimately to France her territorial integrity, with certain mo- difications essential to the security of neighbour- ing states, are the best proofs that, consideration of justice to others, a desire to heal the wounds inflicted by the revolution, and not any illiberal sentiment towards France, have alone dictated . . this decision. “The whole question resolves itself into this: —are the powers of Europe now forming in sin- cerity, a permanent settlement with the king? And, if so, upon what principles shall it be con- cluded ? Shall it be upon the conservation or the abandonment of revolutionary spoliations? . . “Can the king feel his own dignity exalted, or his title improved, in being surrounded by monuments of art, which record not less the suf- ferings of his own illustrious house, than of the other nations of Europe? If the French people be desirous of treading back their steps, can they rationally desire to prºſe this source of Aº- animosity between them and all other nations; and, if they are not, is it politic to flatter their vanity, and to keep alive the hopes which the contemplation of these trophies are calculated to excite? Can even the army reasonably desire it * The recollection of their campaigns can never perish. They are recorded in the military annals of Europe. They are emblazoned on the public monuments of their own country: why is it necessary to associate their glory in the field with a system of plunder, by the adoption of which, in contravention of the laws of modern war, the chief that led them to battle, in fact, tarnished the lustre of their arms ? “If we are really to return to peace and to ancient maxims, it cannot be wise to preserve just so much of the causes of the past; nor can the king desire, out of the wrecks of the revolu- tion, of which his family has been one of the chief victims, to perpetuate in his house this odious monopoly of the arts. The splendid col- lection which France possessed previous to the revolution, augmented by the Borghese collec- tion, which has since been purchased (one of the finest in the world), will afford to the king ample means of ornamenting, in its fair proportion, the capital of his empire; and his majesty may di- vest himself of this tainted source of distinction, without prejudice to the due cultivation of the arts in France. “In applying a remedy to this offensive evil, it does not appear that any middle line can be adopted, which does not go to recognise a va- riety of spoliations, under the cover of treaties, if possible more flagrant in their character than the acts of undisguised rapine, by which these remains were in general brought together. “The principle of property, regulated by the claims of the territories from whence these works were taken, is the surest and only guide to jus- tice; and, perhaps, there is nothing which would more tend to settle the public mind of Europe at this day, than such an homage, on the part of the King of France, to a principle of virtue, con- ciliation, and peace. . (Signed) “CASTLEREAGH.” A. Meanwhile, the south of France was a prey to all the horrors of war, anarchy, and confusion. At the city of Nisines, and the surrounding coun- try, private hatred and deadly political oppo- sition assumed the garb of religious animosity, and the most dreadful disorders took pla: e. From the 5th of July to the 3d of August, it was almost one continued scene of terror and death. The people professing the Protestant faith were the general sufferers; though with these there were others of a different persuasion, who had been on the same political side. On the 5th of July, several domains belonging to the Pro- OF THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 1579 wº- testants were burnt; and a still greater number on the 6th. On the 5th, a pretended national- guard, headed by a fellow of the name of Tois- lajon, previously a chimney-sweep, but now be- come a captain, murdered all the prisoners who were Protestants. The chimney-sweep boasted ...that he had killed fourteen. They broke open the grave of a young Protestant girl, to throw }. body into a common receptacle of filth. Gires- seur, the steward of an estate, was stretched over a fire. They exiled all whom they did not kill. The 7th, 8th, and 9th, were passed in pillage. From the 10th to the 14th, no courier arrived from Paris. On the 16th, the king was pro- claimed. On the 17th, bands of armed peasants, and ſhe national-guards of Beaucaire, came to disarm 200 military who refused to submit. These were almost all massacred.—On the 18th, massa- cre and pillage was general ; and the mad per- }. ran about, exclaiming, “Another Saint artholomew—let us wash our hands in the blood of the Protestants.” On the 19th, several of the inhabitants, who had fled, returned by order of fhe prefect, and were immediately put to death. From the 20th to the 29th, these bloody scenes continued. On that day the prefect, appointed by the king, arrived, but he found the place in such a state of confusion, that he was glad to leave it, after issuing a proclamation. On the 1st of August, sixteen Protestants were massa- cred. These unhappy people were seized in their own houses, brought out, and their throats cut before their doors. Many were massacred in the fields. As usual, in French massacres, these cruelties were accompanied with the most obscene and disgusting deeds. Even the women readily joined in them, and whipped several Protestants of their own sex, through the streets, in the most savage manner. What they had suffered at the commencement of the revolution, they now made others endure. All the horrors of that fatal pe- riod were renewed. The night of the 1st of Au- gust was most cruel. The former prefect, Cla- viere, commanded those who had fled to return, under pain of having the laws, concerning emi- gration, put in force against them. Many re- turned, and were massacred. Claviere either wanted the inclination or the power to restrain the multitude, but most probably it was the lat- ter. The number of murders were prodigious; but no accurate enumeration has been obtained of them. On the 2d of September, the king issued a roclamation, with the following preamble:— “We have learned with pain, that in the depart- ment of the south, several of our subjects have recently committed the most criminal excesses— that under the pretext of actins as ministers of public justice, Frenchmen. º their hatred *. private revenge, have shed the blood of 107. Frenchmen, even since our been universally established and acknowledged authority has Book xvi. throughout the whole extent of our kingdom. It Cnar. vi. is true that great crimes, infamous treasons, have been committed, and plunged France info an abyss of calamities: atrocious persecutions have been exercised against such of our faithful sub- jects as, following the banners of our dearly be- loved nephew (the Duke of Augouleme), have courageously endeavoured with him to save France: but the punishment of these crimes ought to be national, solemn, and regular.” The proclamation proceeded in this strain, hoping that this odious attempt to anticipate the action of the laws had already ceased, and expressing a conviction that his majesty's voice would not be heard in vain, in a country where he had “ received so many proofs of loyalty and affec- tion.” Such a reprimand was more a proof of favor than of displeasure, and threw the wrong rather upon the sufferers of present injury, than upon the party inflicting it. The fact appears to have been, that the Protestants in France were in general inclined to the cause of Bonaparte, who had not only been always a friend to reli- gious toleration, but in his new ecclesiastical es- tablishment had made a legal provision for the Protestant clergy. As, where opposite sects are nearest to a parity, their mutual animosity is most rancorous, it is probable that in this quarter party differences, religious and political, sub- sisted with uncommon violence, and each in its turn may have taken occasion, from the circum- stances of the time, to wreak its vengeance upon the other. The king's proclamation alludes to persecutions exercised upon the royalists during the sway of the usurper. Whatever they might have been, they were returned with usury as soon as the Bourbons were restored to power; and falling chiefly or solely upon the Protestants, they took the character of a religious persecution, and were marked with its peculiar severity. If the relations are to be depended upon, the bar- barities practised against the Protestant inhabit- ants of Nismes and its vicinity, would have dis- graced a nation of savages.—The oppressed party took up arms, apparently in self-defence, and disorders prevailed in the department which the authority of the government was unable to re- press. On August 30th, Count Neipperg, com- mander of a division of the Austrian army, pub- iished a proclamation at Nismes, informing the inhabitants.of the departments in which his troops were quartered, that he had received orders to concur with the civil and military authorities ap- pointed by the king, in maintaining the public tranquillity, and that he should particularly as- sist in the measure of disarming. Disturbances, however, still continued to prevail in that part of France, and at a late º of the year, the Pro- 8 A Jºvº-V 1815, 1580 HISTORY OF THE WARS BOOK XVI. CHAP. VI v_s^^_/ 1815. * -> *-m---—º- fº * testants at Nismes were obliged, by the popular violence, to suspend their public worship. The freedom of the press in France, from which a royal ordinance of the 2d of August had re- moved all restrictions, was soon found by the go- vernment to be too dangerous an instrument to be committed to the hands of the disaffected in the present conjuncture; and, on the 8th, Fouche made a report to the king on the subject. He observed, that “at all times, perhaps, it is impos- sible to give the same extent of liberty to the publications of journals and periodical works; and, in the existing state of France, and of Europe, in the midst of so many passions, which the powers wish to tranquillize, the journals which foster and excite those passions ought to be submitted to another legislation.” This remark was introduc- tory to a proposed ordinance which was adopted by the king, and the substance of which consisted in a revocation of all the licences given to public journals of every kind, up to the present time, which were not to appear again without fresh authority from the minister of police; and the submitting of all periodical writings to the exa- mination of a commission, to be appointed by the same minister. . The declared necessity of such a measure paints more forcibly the political condi- tion of the country at that period, than any partial details could do. Nothing was of so much importance to the security of the government, as the organization of a new army in the place of that which was to be disbanded. On August 11th, a proclamation was issued relative to this subject, which began with the observation that, “inasmuch as it has been endeavoured to detach the army from the interests of the country, for the purpose of making it a mere instrument of a personal and inordinate ambition, in the same degree it is essential for the public order to maintain that which is about to be formed in the principles of a truly national army.” A statement then followed of the number and species of troops of which the active military force of France was to consist; and an ordinance, con- taining the details of the new army. The great mass of infantry was to be composed of eighty-six legions, of three battalions each, one legion to be raised in every department, and to bear its name. The soldiers to be disbanded were allowed to enter, after examination, into the legion of the department to which they belonged. While civil war continued to rage in the south of France, numerous bands of armed robbers in- fested the public roads, and carried terror and death over other parts of the country. In Paris, though full of foreign troops, the rallying cries and the ensign of revolt were still seen and heard. The violet was thrown aside for the red pink, which designated the friends of Napoleon. The presence, however, of the allied armies, prevented ** *. the occurrence of scenes like those at Nismes. The gaiety of the Parisians, nevertheless, continued undiminished. The march and triumphant re- views of the allied armies, which should have re- called to their minds the humiliation and disgrace of their country, were, in general, to all outward appearance, beheld with satisfaction and exulta- tion. The king issued ordinances for the better observation of the sabbath, and the duties of reli- gion. But the capital had not time to attend to such serious matters. The theatres, more crowded on sabbath than on any other day of the week, afforded them greater pleasure. The receipts of these places of amusement, for a month, ending the 11th of September, was 462,312 francs, (about 23,000l.) The following extract of a letter, from a German officer, will shew, in some degree, the temper of the French people at this time:— “We arrived in this good city a few days ago, by the great road through Namur, Beaumont, St. Quentin, Compeigne, &c. The great military events have every where left visible traces behind. Graves upon graves, dead horses lying along the roads, which infect the air, villages wholly aban- doned, their windows and doors broken, and the trampled fields point out the road you have to take, without requiring any other guide. Yet this seems to be only upon the line where the storm of war raged; the country to the right and left seems. to have suffered but little. . With respect to the behaviour of the military, the French themselves confess that they have suffered infinitely more from their own soldiers than from our Prussians, who, in fact, behaved in an exemplary manner, and that much more from their own inherent good sense, than from any constraint that is imposed on them. * “If I may trust the first impression, I must confess that the people here have made a very unfavorable one on me. They are, it is true, by no means deficient in politeness and friendly gri- maces; but all their suppleness cannot conceal their internal malice and rage. “They are like a restive horse, which, though compelled to obedience by blows and severe treat- ment, still champs the bit. One should have thought no one could have showed himself before the king; but all that is arranged, and with noble assurance they announced immediately, on his return, the family féte, “the return to his paternal abode, and performed it with moderate effect. In the evening they hold assemblies with him, then a crowd of ragamuffins of all classes collects before the Thuilleries, and cry Wive le Roi, till the good old man appears, with a friendly nod of the head, at the window; there they dance till midnight, with great noise, so that he certainly cannot close his eyes; and then the people, as if they had satisfied a natural want, go quietly home, and are abused the next day in some of the news- OR THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 1581 F- *— papers. Amidst all these stage-tricks, it is evi- dent that the Bourbons are not loved, and have absolutely no party, except the few persons whose fortunes depend on them. They are become quite strangers to the nation, both historically, and in respect to their sentiments of each other; nay, one may even say that they stand in a hostile contrast with the nation. Both will never thoroughly amalgamate together. “With respect to our present position towards the French, it cannot afford any very flattering hopes. We come as the avengers of twenty years ill-treatment, as instruments in the hand of eter- nal justice to inflict punishment for innumerable crimes, and for fresh proofs of untameable perse- verance in sin. Field-marshal Błucher, with his just and penetrating mind, perfectly appreciated this respective situation, and treated the people with the cold austerity of the inflexible but just judge. All the measures which he adopted testi- fied a clear understanding, and uniform consist- ency. Meantime, much foreign influence and interference has since operated, so that we see every where signs of lame and half measures. It is difficult to see the drift of all this. Who is there in the world that can now cling to the allu- sion of gaining the French by these means, and rendering them less inimical to us? They hate us, once for all, with all their might and all their souls, and every alleviation which we may give them, they attribute to weakness and cowardice, and to their undiminished hate add a propor- tionate dose of contempt. What the valor of the army has nobly performed must be completed by a wise policy and administration. Like the war- rior who strips his fallen enemy of his armour, we must take what is our right, and not like vulgar thieves, who, amidst night and darkness, tear off, in haste, a few rags. A regular and firm admi- nistration of the conquered provinces, and a just and rigid police, can alone secure our hard-earned advantages. A great statesman is said to be named by Prussia. But the artful jugglers every where put their Louis in our way, and thus con- tinue to wrest from our hands one arm after an- other; while those who have been so tricked look at each other with surprise, and wonder what has happened to them. A contribution of 100 mil- lions was at first laid on the Parisians, a sum which is not equal to the yearly house-rent; but their papers now relate, with much complacency, how it is reduced to eight millions; and Ribben- tº op's first well-written letter of the 10th, is in direct contradiction with that of the 16th, at least as they have been published. As to the laudable precaution of planting cannon in the streets and on the bridges, it would be a shame, with such a mass of troops as we have here, to feel or to ex- press any apprehension, and still more wrong to neglect all precaution. Things will certainly not Eur- r *r A-a-Aº-----a. º —=- \, remain as they are, and chances, which no one BOOK XVI. can foresee, may very easily set the immense po- pulation of the capital in a commotion which, CHAP. VI. though upon the whole unattended with any suc- \-º-' cess, may he fatal to those persons who are im- mediately exposed to it. In the present state of things the French want a rallying-point for their efforts and opinions. If they had found one, the whole country might be in flames in one night— for the national-guards, far from being disembo- died, are, by a royal ordinance, to be everywhere completely organised. Even the gens d’armes, who are wholly imbued with Bonaparte's spirit, are left in full activitv. “Germany must, Herefore by no means fancy that all is now quite settled, and that every one may safely indulge in indolent repose. It must accustom itself to the heavy iron armour, till it becomes as easy to wear as an every-day dress, for hard trials may yet remain behind, since the devil well understands how to destroy by night what a good spirit has built by day. If the French succeed in breaking once more the chains by which they are now bound, the storm will break out with greater fury than ever, for there is no inclination to peace in these savage men, and, we know not either how to chastise or terrify them.” Although accounts had been received of the safe arrival of Napoleon at St. Helena, the allied powers evinced no disposition to withdraw their troops from France. On the contrary, their sol- diers were dispersed all over the country, and quartered upon the inhabitants, and the fortresses on the frontiers continued to be attacked; some of which, rather than surrender to a foreign force, underwent all the horrors of a regular siege, in which many thousands were killed and wounded on both sides. France was in a most deplorable state. The French ministry remonstrated with the allied sovereigns on the impropriety of conti- nuing hostilities without any ostensible cause, and keeping military possession of the provinces; but these having proved unavailing, they at length made a report to the king on the real situation of the country. This report was signed by Fouche, and is as follows:— “Sire, The devastation of France is at its height. Every thing is ruined, wasted, and de- stroyed, as if we had neither to hope for peace nor composition. The inhabitants fly before un- disciplined soldiers—the forests are filled with unhappy beings, who seek in them a last asylum —the crops are perishing on the ground; in a short time despair will no longer listen to the voice of any authority; and this war, undertaken for the triumph of moderation and justice, will equal in barbarity those deplorable and too cele- brated invasions, the memory of which is handed down in history with horror. The allied powers have too loudly proclaimed their doctrine, to allow 1815. 1582 HISTORY OF THE WARS -y------ -º-º-º: —ww. * , *Rºº y -º-º: --& -- BOOK XVI. us to doubt of their magnanimity. What advan- CHAP. VI. 1815. tage can be derived from so many useless evils? Shall there be no longer any bond of connection between the two nations ? Do they wish to re- tard the reconciliation of Europe with France? One of the views of the sovereigns seemed to be to secure the government of your majesty, and yet its authority is incessantly comprised by the state of impotency to which it is reduced by them. Its power is even rendered odious by the evils of which it seems to be the accomplice, because it is unable to prevent them. Your majesty signed, as ally, the treaty of the 25th of March, and yet the most direct war is carried on against you. The sovereigns are acquainted with the degree of in- telligence possessed by the French; no reason- ing, no description of faults, no kind of propriety escape the penetration of that people; though humiliated by necessity, they resign themselves to it with courage. The only evils which they cannot support, are those which they cannot com- prehend. Has not your majesty done every thing for the interest of the powers, and for peace, which depended on your efforts? Bonaparte has not only been dispossessed, but he is in the hands of the allies; his family is equally in their power, as it is within their territories. The chambers have been dissolved. Soon there will be no men in public functions, but those who may pended on, and friends to peace. The Bona- partists were dreaded, though none of them can any longer be dangerous. Your majesty, how- ever, has on this subject granted everything that could be granted or required by way of example. If, after vanquishing France, they pretend that it ought still to be punished, this language, which ought not to have been expected after the pro- mises of the sovereigns, requires that they should weigh well all the consequences. For what do they wish to punish us? Is it to expiate the am- bition of one man and the evils which it has pro- duced * We were ourselves the first victims, and we have twice delivered Europe from them. It is not in foreign countries, but in France, that ter- ror has constantly troubled his repose, notwith- standing his power. He was never able to ren- der the war national; instruments are not accom- plices. exercises tyranny finds always in the multitude a sufficient force to make himself obeyed? We are even reproached with his successes: they were compensated by a number of reverses. What image did the announcement of his victories hold up to us, but that of the conscriptions, which pe- rished and closed their short career, only to make new conscriptions which were again to be mowed down in battle! We were saved, like the rest of Europe, by the same mournings and the same ca- lamities. The army is submissive to your majesty, but it still exists. We ought to explain ourselves {; be de- Who does not know that the person who . on this subject without any reserve. What remains of the army is now only attached to peace and the public tranquility. Its state of re-union, far from being an evil, prevents the evil from extend- ing. The return of the soldiers into the bosom of the people will be attended with no danger, when the conclusion of the war shall allow the people the means of resuming their occupations and their habits, but before that time, and so long as the fermentation is not extinguished, nor obe- dience established, the mingling the soldiers with the citizens would be only throwing new inflam- mable matter into the flames. “It is grievous to think that the state of things originates in the error of some cabinets, in the judgments formed by them on the situation of France. The fulfilment of all their desires de- pends on themselves alone. There are no sacri- fices to which an enlightened people will not rea- dily submit, when they see the object for which they are exacted, and finding them the means of avoiding greater calamities. Such is the disposi- tion, such the wish of every Frenchman. But, if they, on the other hand, wish to obtain prepara- tory measures for unknown plans, they demand a thing impossible. There is no such thing as blind obedience in France. The powers have not yet published any of their designs; no one knows what idea he ought to entertain of the govern- ment, of the authority of your majesty, or of the future. Anxiety and suspicion are at their height, and every thing appears a subject of terror in the midst of this obscurity. But a single word would change every disposition; there would no longer be an obstacle to any measures, if they made a part of a general plan which should alto- gether afford some conciliation to obedience. Let the sovereigns then deign to explain themselves. Why will they persist in refusing this act of jus- tice? Let them deign to bring forward all their demands as so many conditions of the repose of the nations, and let our concession to their views make part of a reciprocal treaty, and there will no longer be any difficulties. The sovereigns do not, perhaps, sufficiently remark the circle of em- barrassments and obstacles in which they place both us and themselves. We require good order to second them, and their explanation to re-esta- blish good order. Are they desirous of sacrifices which require repartitions and prompt obedience? It is only requisite, for this purpose, that the au- thority of your majesty should be full and entire; nothing is possible, nothing can be executed, if peace does not exist in reality, at least provision- ally, and far from being in a state of peace, we experience all the calamities of war. Let the sovereigns bestow at least some attention to their own interests. When every thing shall be ruined and devastated around their armies, how will they find means of subsistence! Is there no dan- OF THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 1583 -mºv -ºw T- *– ger in dispersing the troops? All arms will not be taken away, and arms of all sorts are murder- ous in the hands of despair. With respect to warlike contributions, what new sacrifice can be demanded where every thing has already been destroyed by the soldier?...With respect to armed force, when once discipline is relaxed, it is not easily re-established. Germany is far from ex- pecting, after a glorious campaign, to receive back her soldiers, corrupted by a spirit of licen- tiousness, rapine, and pillage. This war ought to have been in every respect distinguished from others, instead of imitating and surpassing in France the excesses against which the sovereigns took up arms—Will their glory ever be satisfied? On our part we have done whatever they desired; and on their part every thing which had been an- nounced to the world is fulfilled, one point ex- cepted. What a contrast between what is actu- ally passing and their solemn promises! This is the age of reason and justice, and the public opi- nion never had more power. Who can explain such excessive evils after such promises of moder- ation ? The present war was undertaken to serve the cause of legitimacy. Is this manner of carry- ing on war calculated to render the authority of your majesty more sacred? They were desirous of punishing the individual who sported with the ealamities of nations, and they inflict on France the same violence, the same inhumanity. It was thought by all Europe that the entry of the sove- reigns into Paris would put an end to the war. What will be thought on learning that it was then only that the excesses of oppression com- menced, without combats and without resistance? The evils which we are reproached with having . inflicted upon others, were never so great; they never took place when the use of arms had no ob- ject; and though it were true that we had given the first examples of such an abuse of force, ought they to imitate what they impute to us as a crime? It is known in the north, it is known in Prussia, that our want of moderation gave birth to energy, and public spirit in our enemies. There will no longer be any end to the evils of humanity, if mutual vengeances are to become the rule of war, for nations never die. Your ma- jesty will deign to permit me to insist on one final consideration. So long as France has any thing to preserve, by the hope of maintaining its inte- grity as a nation, no sacrifice will be impossible, and all the plans of an equitable policy may be exe- cuted; but the day in which the inhabitants shall have lost every thing, in which their ruin shall be consummated, a new order of things, a new series of events, will be seen to arise, because there will no longer be either government or obedience. A blind fury will take the place of resignation. They will only seek counsel in despair; on both sides there will be ravage—pillage will make war on pil- 108. lage. Every step of the foreign soldiers will be Book xvi. marked with blood. France will be less ashamed of destroying herself than in allowing herself to be destroyed by others;–the monent approaches;– already the national spirit takes this frightful di- rection;–the most opposite parties are blending into one—La Vendée itself unites its colours with those of the army. In this excess of evils what line of conduct remains to your majesty but that of removal? The public functionaries, in 'the same manner, will quit their places, and the ar- mies of the sovereigns will then be at issue with individuals freed from all social ties. A nation of thirty millions of inhabitants may undoubtedly disappear from the face of the earth, but in this war of man to man, the oppressed and their van- quishers will lie together in more than one grave. ^ “FouchE.” The French ministers, Talleyrand and Fouche, in answer to an official note from the ministers of the allied sovereigns, on the military occupa- tion of the provinces, observed, that the allied powers “wish to persuade the king's ministers, that the measures which they have commanded to the government of Paris, are such as may con- tribute to diminish the exactions of the war, and to re-establish the royal authority. The king's ministers, however, unfortunately, cannot regard these measures in that point of view. They owe it to the sovereigns, to France, and to themselves, to explain themselves on this subject. The so- vereigns, doubtless, are the masters, and can do whatever they desire, but at any rate let them not say, that in taking every step calculated to ruin the cause of his majesty, that they wish to confer any favor on him. There is already in France too much odium and ill-will against the Bour- bons, to render it necessary still more to revelt every heart by making the nation experience the greatest losses and the deepest humiliation. What humiliation can be more afflicting than to see, in a time of peace, all the departments subjeeted to your military governors—what misfortune more to be deprecated than the dispersion of your troops over the whole face of the country? The sovereigns declared that they only made war against Napoleon, and yet all their measures belie their words, since, at the present moment, when the war ought to be finished, it is only about to commence." The present position of France is so much the more afflicting, as were war openly de- clared (which it is not), it is utterly impossible that she can suffer in a greater degree all its evils, and all its horrors. Every where, wherever the armies are (always excepting the English), pil- lage, fire, rape, and murder, have been carried to their fullest extent; avarice and vengeance have left nothing for the officers or soldiers to desire. To speak with freedº; they exceed even the º I CHAP. VII. Jºvº/ 1815, 1584 HISTORY OF THE WARS BOOK XVI. Chap. WI. v_s^^-) 1815. atrocities of which the French armies have been too often justly accused. The measures, how- ever, alluded to in your note, can have no other results than to extend the limits of this devasta- tion. The armies spread themselves in our pro- vinces, and all the horrors which we have de- picted follow in their train. Such are the senti- ments of the king's ministers on the new decree, and their answer to the appeal which has been made to them.” CHAPTER VII. w Occupation of the Island of Martinique by the British.-Insurrection in Guadaloupe, which declares jor Bonaparte.—Taken by the British-Affairs of Spain.—Of Italy.—Of Sweden.—Netherlands. —United States of America. WHILE France was bleeding at every pore from the effects of foreign invasion and internal commotion, the spirit of revolt had spread to her colonies in the Caribbean ocean. The prompti- tude and decision, however, of the British officers commanding on that station, with the loyalty and firmness of Count Vaugiraud, Governor of Marti- nique, saved that fine colony from any convul- sion. The inhabitants of Martinique, from being so long in the possession of the British, were, in general, well-affected to Louis XVIII. ; but- the garrison, who were newly arrived from France, were not. To a man, they were for their former master; on which account they were, no doubt, selected for that employment. No sooner was the arrival of Bonaparte in France known, than the governor, arming the militia, on whom he knew he could depend, placed them in the forts; and assembling the troops, he in- formed them of what had taken place in the mo- ther country, and declared his intention to re- main faithful to Louis XVIII. He called upon the garrison to do so also, which they refused; and, to a man, shouted out for their beloved Na- poleon. Count Vaugiraud then informed them, that, so situated, they had but one course left to choose, which was to return to France in vessels which he had provided for that purpose; as he was determined, with the aid of the inhabitants, to preserve the colony to the king, till the assist- ance which he was certain he would receive from the British, put it in his power to do so with safety. This expected assistance soon appeared, under Sir James Leith and Admiral Durham. The British general landed on the island, with a body of troops, on the 5th of June, and occupy- ing all the strong positions, kept the refractory soldiery in awe. The whole of the French troops, with the exception of part of a regiment, were afterwards permitted to depart from the island unarmed, in order to return to France. Pre- vious to the landing of the British troops, the governor issued the following proclamation to the inhabitants. “From the first moment of the crisis which again agitates Europe, the king has constantly fixed his attention on the fate of his children, however great may be the space which separates them frem him, and is united with his allies to preserve you from every disaster. The effects of his powerful intervention in your favor have quickly been manifested. Faithful to treaties, the British government does not separate her cause from that of the most Christian king. Their excellen- cies Sir James Leith and Sir Charles Durham have been ordered to join us in this archipelago, for the purpose of preserving the sovereignty of Martinique to the crown of France, under the immortal banner of its legitimate sovereign. They come in the name of their own sovereign and of yours, to assure to this island, favoured by providence, the repose which these princes and their allies have given to the world, but which the world has not been able to preserve; they come to aid us in guaranteeing from the scourge of war your agriculture, your commerce, and all the kinds of prosperity of which your country is susceptible;—they come, in fine, to support with you, on the same soil, the glory of the French name, which is now irrevocably at- tached to the destiny of Louis the TXesired, and his august house. You will read the noble con- ditions under which those generous auxiliaries ap- proach your shores. They wish no other reward for their important services than the happiness of having rendered them. Receive them with gra- titude, and remember, that if on the one hand the factious of our days resemble those of the league, on the other the sovereigns of France and Eng- land, in uniting their colours, present to our view the consoling aspect of the worthy successors of Henry and Elizabeth. “Count DeVaugirAUD.” The terms on which this succour was afforded OF THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 1585 -A- a sº- by the British commander were perfectly liberal. The sovereignty of the island was to remain en- tire with the King of France; the British troops, which were to act as auxiliaries to the governor, were to be maintained at the expense of the Bri- tish government, and to preserve strict discipline, and the persons and properties of the inhabitants were to be fully respected by them.' In the island of Guadaloupe the revolutionary cause obtained a temporary triuimph. A vessel having arrived from France, after a short pas- sage, an insurrection broke out on the 18th of June, in which both the military and citizens de- clared for Bonaparte. The governor, Admiral Count de Linois, was placed under arrest; but the next day he was set at liberty, and imme- diately issued a proclamation, acquainting the in- habitants and soldiers that Napoleon had been received in France without resistance; that the tri-coloured-flag was every where waving, and that the colonists were expected to concur in this change of government. He concluded with vive d'empereur ! On the same day, Bonaparte was proclaimed in grand ceremony at Point-a-Petre, under the direction of the commandant, Fromen- tin, acting for General Bowyer, and with every display of enthusiastic joy. It was not, however, by a sudden effervescence of this kind that a du- rable revolution was to be effected; and, as soon as the affairs of Martinique were settled, prepa- rations were making by the British commanders to wrest Guadaloupe from the imperial usurper. Sir James Leith, having collected troops from the Windward Islands and the continent of Ame- rica, and made arrangements with Rear-admiral Sir Charles Durham, sailed, on the 31st of July, from Carlisle Bay in Barbadoes, whilst the land- force from St. Lucie, Martinique, and Dominica, was ordered to rendezvous at the Saintes. On the 7th of August, the whoſe foree being as- sembled at the Saintes, it was resolved to lose no time in making the attack, expedition being rendered necessary, as well by the approach of the hurricane season, as by the internal state of Guadaloupe, in which the sanguinary scenes of the French revolution were about to be renewed. The 15th of the month, being Bonaparte's birth- day, was, according to report, to have been so- lemnized by the execution of a number of royal- ists already condemned to death; and their rescue was an object of interest to the British com- mander. Sir James Leith having made the necessary arrangements with the naval commander-in-chief, the whole fleet got under weigh at break of day, on the 8th, and stood towards the Ance St. Sau- veur, where the landing most to windward was to be effected. The British general received informa- tion that the troops of the line, and militia under arms in the island, altgether amounted to 6,000. He determined, therefore, to throw his principal force between that of the enemy in Grande-terre and Basse-terre, where it was his intention to have assembled nearly the whole of his force, imme- diately after the demonstration of the British to windward had of necessity terminated. It was the plan of Sir J. Leith to attack, in three co- lumns; the scarcity of boats and the surf re- quired that the whole should assist in each dis- embarkation, which was therefore effected suc- cessively. ' The first was made at the Ance St. Sauveur, where a detachment of the enemy, about 500 strong, moving from Grand-terre to join Admiral Linois and General Bowyer, shewed a disposition to oppose the landing. The brigs of war and gun-boats, however, soon scoured that point, and 850 of the Royal York Rangers, under Lieutenant-colonel Stark, dis- embarked (notwithstanding a heavy surf) with- out the loss of a man. Lieutenant-colonel Stark had instructions to make a rapid"movement, to drive and disperse the enemy occupying the strong country and ra- vines of Trou-auchun, Petit Carbet, and looking towards Trois Rivieres; to threaten the left flank and rear of the enemy, posted to oppose the land- ing at Grande Ance, and to drive him from the important communication of Pautrizel, which leads to turn the strong post of Dolé and Morne Palmiste, the latter being one of the principal keys to Basseterre. Meanwhile the fleet dropped down to Grand Ance, to effect the principal landing, where the enemy was in force, and pos- sessed a strong position, with batteries com- manding the landing-place, which was suscep- tible of obstinate defence. The brigs of war and a gun-boat, placed to enfilade, soon obliged the enemy to abandon his guns, one of which only, a long twelve-pounder, was found mounted. The surf was very great, and one of the gun-boats was lost, but the exertions of the navy, and the steadiness of the troops, surmounted every diffi- culty. A. The 15th and 25th regiments, with the re- mainder of the first, and second brigades, under Major-generals Sir Charles Shipley and Stehlin, were safely disembarked. Sir James Leith immediately moved forward after the troops to drive the enemy; and, after a sharp fire of musketry, drove him from Pautri- zel, placed his left flank en l'air, and obliged him to retire from his position. The approach of darkness left no farther means s of attack that night, and the troops were placed in their bivouac. º At the time of landing, the general and admi- ral circulated the following proclamation, of which they had previously sent a copy to Linois, with notice of their intention: * “Inhabitants of Guadaloupe —The misrepre- BOOK XVI. Char. VII. Jºvº-V 1815. 1586 HISTORY OF THE WARS BOOK XVI. Char. VII. Jºzº 1815. ~º-º-º-º. *— -v-wºmer *—sº- sentation of artifices, which have been employed to deceive you with regard to the true situation of Europe, the principles resulting at the same time from despotism and anarchy, by which your revolutionary chiefs have conducted you to the brink of the precipice on which you stand, can no longer prevail. The veil is torn—your eyes are opened. : “You are not ignorant that it was the intention of our sovereign to furnish every assistance for the support of your legitimate government; but these generous offers have been rejected by the men who have misled you. “We consequently come, with a formidable mi- litary and naval force, to place Guadaloupe under the protection of his Britannic majesty. “The loyal and honorable supporters of Louis XVIII. will see, that after having done every thing which depended on us to maintain the white flag, no other alternative remained, either for the salvation of Guadaloupe, or for our own security, but to hoist the British standard. ' “We are not the less, however, the allies of the legitimate government of France, and we invite all good and loyal Frenchmen to rally round us. “It is necessary to make known to you the si- tuation of Europe and France, which has, no doubt, been concealed from you by your revolutionary chiefs. Bonaparte has been defeated by the Duke of Wellington and Prince Blucher in a great and decisive battle, fought on the 18th of June—his army annihilated, and all his artillery and bag- gage taken. The usurper fled with some of his perjured generals, and reached Paris, where, knowing how desperate was his situation, he abdi- cated the pretended imperial crown. “The allies were at La Fere and Laon on the 24th of June, in full march on Paris, where they would arrive on the 26th; there was nothing to oppose them. g “The Austrians and Russians were penetrating into France, in mass, by Italy, Switzerland, and Alsace. At the same time, his most Christian ma- jesty had re-entered France, and by the latest ac- counts was advancing from Cambray. “The terms upon which we propose to receive the colony, and the consequences which will re- sult from a refusal are briefly these:— “As there is reason to believe that many offi- cers and soldiers of the line have only yielded to circumstances, and serve under the tri-coloured flag, and merely with the hope of seizing the first favorable opportunity to evince their loyalty; those who shall immediately so declare themselves, shall be admitted to the protection of the British flag, and shall be recommended in the strongest magner to Count Vaugiraud, governor-general of the French islands, and representative of his most Christian majesty. “All officers and soldiers of the line actually serving under the tri-coloured flag, who shall so declare and separate themselves from the parti- zans of Napoleon Bonaparte, and who shall sur- render with their arms to the British forces, shall be sent to France as prisoners of war, to be dis- posed of according to the orders of the Duke of Wellington. The officers and soldiers who shall thus surrender themselves, shall preserve their baggage. “The militia and other inhabitants, in arms under the tri-coloured flag, who shall immediately separate themselves from the troops of the line serving under the revolutionary banner, and lay down their arms, shall be permitted to return im- mediately to their respective homes, where they shall be protected as well as their property. “Every officer or soldier of the line who, after the publication of this notice, shall continue to op- pose the arms of his Britannic majesty, shall be sent a prisoner of war to England. . “Every officer or soldier of militia, and every other inhabitant, who, after this proclamation, shall be found in arms, shall be treated as a pri- soner of war, and sent immediately out of the co- lony, to be placed in confinement. “Provided Guadaloupe shall immediately sub- mit to his Britannic mºjesty's forces, and its in- habitants shall take an oath of fidelity for the time the colony may remain under British domi- nion, the inhabitants and their private property shall be protected, and the commerce of the co- lony shall be placed upon a more advantageous footing than during the last war. “The religion and laws of the country shall be respected. º “No person who shall avail himself of the ad- vantages of this proclamation shall be molested on account of his opinions or political conduct, pre- vious to the day of its promulgation. “Every person who shall not immediately avail him of his proclamation shall be treated, as well as his property, according to the laws of war, and the right of conquest., (Signed) “JAMEs LEITH. P. C. DURHAM.” At break-of-day, on the 9th, the troops were put in motion in two columns; the first brigade, under Major-general Sir Charles Shipkey, moved upon, and occupied Dolé; the second, under Ma- jor-general Stehlin, marched upon the left of the Morne Palmiste, by Pautrizel. It appeared, that Comte de Linois and General Bowyer had eva- cuated Dolé in the night. The enemy, however, shewed himself in considerable force on the left of the Morne Palmiste, and on the face of that mountain, commanding the main road to Basse- terre: his advance occupied Petit's plantation. Captain Leith Hay, Sir J. Leith's aide-de-camp, was ordered to gain the top of Morne Boucanier, OF THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 1587 –-º. *-- *- :--------" -------- * *-ºs-------- *------- by a difficult detour, with a rifle company of the royal West-India rangers and light company of the 6th West-India regiment, to alarm the enemy's right flank and rear, which being accomplished, obliged him to withdraw; his posts were every where driven, and he retreated to the Morne Pal- miste. It was determined to push the enemy as ra- pidly as was possible, considering the nature of the country, of which every part is not only sus- ceptible of defence, but is even difficult of access without resistance, especially under the heat of a tropical sun. i A heavy cannonade now announced the dis- embarkation of the third brigade, under Major-ge- neral Douglas, in the vicinity of Bailiff, and to leeward of Basseterre. He had been instructed to seize the Batterie des Trois, to occupy the ca- pital, to mask, or if practicable, to take Fort St. Charles by a coup-de-main, to open his commu- nication with the columns moving to the attack of Morne Palmiste, and to menace his retreat from thence to Morne Houel. Major-general Douglas was, if necessary, also to detach from his rear, for the purpose of taking the passes of Zougeres, Pont de Noziere and Con- stantine, commanding the approaches to the strong heights of Matouba, in reverse: so that the enemy might not have the means of .."; be- tween those positions, but be compelled to choose at once his dernier resource. The enemy, who had been driven by the ves- sels covering the landing, collected on the heights, and attacked the light company of the 63d regi- ment, who were advanced; they gallantly main- tained their ground against upwards of 300 of the enemy, who came down to attack them. Cap- tain Lynch and Lieut. Wigley were wounded on that occasion. Major-general Döuglas, in person, supported them by part of the York chasseurs, under Lieu- tenant-colonel Ewart, and he was immediately driven with loss. While this operation was going on, the columns of the first and second brigades gained the heights of Morne Palmiste, from whence the enemy was driven at all points, and was now retiring to Morne Houel, which he had fortified with eight pieces of artillery. This was the position where Comte Linois and General Bowyer had professed their determination of ultimately disputing the superiority in the field. Sir James Leith received information, that the gommandant of Grande-terre, with the whole armed force, was, as he expected, moving in his rear, to form a junction with the main body at Morne Houel. He accordingly reinforced the rear-guard to protect his communications, and occupied in force all the passes of the Gallion, a river running through a formidable ravine at the Q W foot of Morne Palmiste. Thus the troops from BOOK XVI. Grande-terre were completely cut off from formin their junction, which they attempted without suc- Chap. VII. v_s^vº. A cess by paths through the wood, late in the after- noon, but with light sufficient to point out to Comte Linois and General Bowyer that all their plans of concentration were defeated. After these laborious movements, which the troops executed in the most creditable manner, there was only time before night to place the co- lumns in readiness to attack the formidable posi- tion of Morne Houel at day-break in the morning. The troops accordingly took up their bivouacs. It rained heavily. At 11 o'clock p. m. in the night of the 9th, the commanding French engi- neer came to the British general on the top of Morne Palmiste verbally to propose a capitulation in the name of Le Comte de Linois, to which he replied, that the only terms he ever would accede to were already published in the proclamation issued on landing, and that he would not delay the attack on Morne Houel to wait for any farther communications. It was so dark, and the rain fell in such torrents, that the officer from the ene- my and Captain Moody, aide-de-camp to Sir J. Leith, took up the greatest part of the night in finding their way to the enemy's position. . The troops were put in motion at day-break. An officer soon after met the British general with written proposals, which he positively refused, and proposed some additional conditions. A white flag was displayed on Morne Houel, but Sir James Leith sent Major-general Murray (who had join- ed the army from Demerary the preceding night.) and his aide-de-camp, Captain Leith Hay, with the British flag, to say, that the only signal which should stop the troops would be to see it display- ed on the parapet. He had the satisfaction immediately after to see the British standard flying on Morne Houel, and thereby to ascertain that all the troops were pri- soners of war, and all the forts and the colony in his possession. * This conquest was obtained with a small loss, and by it an end was put to revolutionary attempts in the West Indies. Guadaloupe, however, though completely in the martial occupation of Great Britain, was not reduced to a state of tranquillity. A number of French soldiers, who had deserted previously to the surrender of the island, took re- fuge in the woods, where they carried on a desul- tory and precarious war against the posts of the English, several of whom were killed in their desperate sallies. Many of the inhabitants of Point-a-Petre, who formerly pursued the trade of privateering, were suspected of holding, corres- pondence with them, and supplying them with provisions and ammunition. Measures were, how- ever, taken to prevent this intercourse, and a force was sent again º insurgents. About 300 8 18 15. 1588 HISTORY OF THE WARS Book XVI. of Bonaparte's adherents in the island were after- CHAP. VII. Jºvº/ 1815. wards apprehended, who were sent to Europe. An exact police was maintained in the capital, by which order was perfectly preserved, though it was evident that the French inhabitants looked upon their conquerors with great aversion. We shall now turn our attention to the affairs of Spain. The degraded state to which that country was reduced, after the return of its king, by a relapse to arbitrary government and eccle- siastical domination, had rendered her, at the close of the last year, an object of little concern to the rest of Europe, and particularly had deprived her of the interest taken in her fate by those warm friends in England who had indulged the hope of seeing light and liberty extending their bene- ficial influence through a country of ancient re- nown. It was long expected that the training which the Spanish nation had received during its contest for independence, and the liberal senti- ments with which it had been impregnated, would have produced a struggle against the violence of despotism and bigotry; but experience seemed to prove, that it was only an inconsiderable minority who had imbibed the spirit of freedom and im- provement, and that the general mass was still fitted only for slavery and superstition. With respect to the estimation in which this country was held abroad, it may be noticed, that little attention was paid to the solicitations of the Spanish ambassador at the Congress of Vienna, in 'favor of the interest of his master. In conse- quence, on the breaking up of the Congress, the Spanish ambassador inade a formal protest against their decisions, which he communicated in a note to the Austrian minister, Prince Metternich. It is as follows : — “The undersigned, ambassador of his majesty the King of Spain, has remarked, that no mention appears in the protocol of that conference which took place yesterday evening. He presumes, that instead of a conference, it was rather an act of cour- tesy which Messrs. the plenipotentiaries of Austria, Great Britain, France, Russia and Prussia shew- ed towards him, in order to communicate to him the act with which they have resolved to terminate their labours, and in which they, as he is told, have irrevocably agreed among themselves alone respecting the º of his majesty the King of Spain, and his majesty the King of Etruria, in Italy, as well as respecting the singular recom- mendation made to his Catholic majesty, in an article of the treaty, respecting the cession of Oli- venza to Portugal, an affair with which the pleni- potentiaries of the above powers must surely have interfered by mistake, since it has at no time be- come the Congress, and much less any of its parts, to interfere in that business. And as it is of the greatest importance, that either in the protocols or —º. -** in the diplomatic archives, some record should remain of what the undersigned yesterday de- clared verbally, therefore he has the honor now to repeat it in writing. He then declared, that all that he could do, out of respect to the powers whose plenipotentiaries were assembled yesterday evening, was, that he must leave to his own court the decision in relation to the communicated treaty, and, till then, cannot subscribe it: 1. “Because his instructions forbid him to sub- scribe any agreement contrary to the immediate and complete restoration of the three duchies of Parma, Piacensa, and Guastalla, as he had the honor to make known to Prince Metternich, in a note of the 3d of April, which has remained unan- swered, and which has not been imparted to Con- gress, contrary to the express wishes thereinset forth. 2. “Because, while Spain has desired of Aus- tria, in its own name, the restoration of Tuscany, and subsidiarily of Parma, and while besides his Catholic majesty takes an immediate interest in the fate of his majesty, the King of Etruria, even had the undersigned not been summoned, like the plenipotentiaries of other powers who signed the treaty of Paris, even admitted to the Congress of Vienna, in no way could the plenipotentiaries of Austria, Britain, &c. legitimately decide respect- ing the fate of Tuscany and Parma, without this concert. And certainly it will be impossible to persuade any man that that can be called entering into negociation between two powers, when the plenipotentiary of the one is merely invited to adopt that which the mediating powers have irre- vocably fixed with the other, and which then is made the formal article of a treaty. 3. “Because, among the great number of arti- cles of which the treaty consists, there is only a small number, respecting which information was given in the conferences to the plenipotentiaries of the eight powers who signed the peace of Paris, and as all these plenipotentiaries are reci- procally equal, and the powers whom they repre- sent equally independent, it cannot be admitted that a part of them have the right of deciding and concluding, and the rest of them only that of subscribing, or refusing subscription, without an open contempt of the most essential forms, with- out the most manifest subversion of all principles, and without the introduction of a new law of na- tions, to which the powers of Europe cannot sub- mit without ipso facto renouncing their indepen- dence, and which, however general it may be- come, shall never be so on the other side the Py- TeilheeS. *. “The undersigned requests his highness Prince Metternich, in his capacity of president of the Congress, to lay this note before the other pleni- potentiaries, and to admit its insertion in the pro- tocol of conferences. “He embraces this opportunity of renewing to * → of the FRENch REvolution, 1589 —ws x- his highness the assurance of his high consider- ation. (Signed) * P. GoMEz LABRADoR.” “ Vienna, June 5, 1815.” At home, the system of rigorous and unrelent- ing persecution was still persisted in by the go- vernment, against the whole party of liberales, together with the re-establishment of civil and ecclesiastical authority, in its most arbitrary forms. These measures, though long passively submitted to, at length produced an insurrection, which, at first, put on a formidable appearance. ... General Juan Diez Porlier, who obained great distinction in the war for independence, under the name of the Marquesito, had incurred the suspicion of the restored monarch, and undergone confinement for a year in the castle of St. Antonio. Having ob- tained permission to visit a bathing-place, on ac- count of his health, on the 18th of September, at night, he assembled the troops quartered at St. Lucia, without the gates of Corunna, and enter- ing the city early on the next morning, he placed the governor, the *#. and a few other persons, under arrest. Tranquillity being re- stored, he issued the following proclamation to the soldiers of the Galician army:— . “Soldiers,—The happy and desired day is ar- rived, in which, by our heroic and glorious reso- lution, we begin to break the chains of the most fatal slavery that has ever been known. It would be useless for me to exert myself to convince you what has been the conduct of King Ferdinand since his restoration to the throne of Spain; that throne which cost the nation so many lives, so much blood, and such sacrifices, to deliver it from the influence of a tyrant. Nobody is ignorant that the king, surrounded by unjust and avari- cious counsellors, has consented to and executed a proscription so atrocious, that even the irrational have trembled at it; the most illustrious and de- serving men have been the first victims of it. Delivered, by this means, from those who had preferred the general good to their own interest, they opened the flood-gates of despotism, and the nation was in a moment inundated with the fu- rious torrent. Such, soldiers, is the mass of evils and misfortunes that we have suffered l—misery, contempt, disgrace, have been the recompense they have given us; the dissolution of the laws, punishments, contributions, duties (los semorias, las puertas); and, finally, the depression and discouragement of agriculture and commerce, have been the acknowledgment that has been made for the services of the people. , I will not speak to you of other vicious and infamous pro- ceedings, which have been committed with impu- nity, and audacity having even gone so far as to endeavour to sanctify them as precepts of our holy religion. To come out of a situation so des- —e- perate, and which scandalises all Europe, we need Book xvi. but to be resolved. We, if the case is properl considered, are the oppressors of the country, Char. VII. since these armies, intended only to combat the S-º- 1815. enemies of what is good, have been turned for this year past against ourselves, and against our fortune and interests. Do not fear, in attempting this enterprise, the armies of other powers, since, conducted by wise princes, endowed with the most splendid virtues, far from opposing our just cause, it is rather greatly to be j that they will maintain and support it. Yes: we have before our eyes most striking testimonies of this truth, which have made us conceive the most flattering hopes; they have disapproved, from the very be. ginning, the conduct of King Ferdinand; and, with a noble and generous unanimity, they have finished, by ºff. him from the European al- liance, having previously left no means untried to divert him from error, and from the precipice— all has been in vain. In this situation no alter- native remains to us but to take to our arms. Let us remove from his side those wicked counsel- lors; let us re-establish the cortes; and let them determine the system which is to govern us; and meantime, considering the nation as abandoned and destitute, the provinces, in imitation of this most noble kingdom of Gallicia, will appoint their internal juntas to govern them till the convoca- tion of the cortes. Henceforth the valiant soldier, the man of talent, and of real merit, shall meet with a solid recompense ; arts, agriculture, and commerce, shall resume their ancient splendour; the national wealth shall recover the same chan- nels which formerly nourished it; the soldiers, and others employed by the public, shall be punc- tually paid; the scale of justice shall return to that equilibrium of force which is the foundation of the tranquillity of the state. All this, soldiers, is offered you as a reward by the change of the present system; to obtain it, unite your forces with mine, and have confidence in your chiefs; doubt not but that the other armies will follow you, and that all will be actuated by the same impulse. And if even there should be obstacles and difficulties to overcome, valor makes every thing easy.” A long manifesto to the same, effect was also addressed to the Spanish nation, purporting to be from the provincial junta of Gallicia, under the presidency of Porlier, styled general-commandant of the interior of the kingdom. A column of grenadiers, and provincial light infantry of Galicia, was at this time quartered at Santiago, upon whose co-operation Porlier relied; and, being informed that they were hesitating how to decide, and that his presence would probably confirm them in his cause, he marched from Co- runna on the night of the 21st, at the head of 800 men, collected in haste, with four pieces of can- 1590 HISTORY OF THE WARS BOOK XVI. non- r The chapter of Santiago, which possesses great wealth, resolved to employ it in frustrating CaAp. VII. the revolutionary enterprize; and plaging a large ->> sum at the disposal of the governor of the place, 1815. it was employed to gain over the troops; and the result was, that a regiment, on its march to join Porlier, was ordered to halt. This leader arrived, on the night of the 22d, at a village three leagues from Santiago; where he halted his fatigued men, and with his officers took a slight repast. In the mean time some emissaries from Santiago intro- duced themselves among his men in the disguise of peasants, and made promises of advancement to the serjeants if they would assist in apprehend- ing the general and his officers. These promises, with a plentiful distribution of money, were suc- cessful, and a plan was laid, by which Porlier and his officers were secured without resistance. Such was the termination of this ill-fated and appa- rently rash enterprize at its very commencement. The unfortunate leader was brought to Co- runna on the 26th, and thrown into the prison of the inquisition; and having been hastily tried by a court-martial, on the 3d of October, he suffered death by the cord as a traitor. He directed that a handkerchief, steeped in his last tears, should be given to his wife; and that, when circum- stances should permit, he should be placed in a pantheon, with the following inscription :- “Here repose the ashes of Don Juan Diez Por- lier, general of the Spanish armies, who was for- tunate in what he undertook against the enemies- of his country, and died a victim of civil dissen- sions. “Feeling souls' respect the ashes of an unfor- tunate patriot.” He also sent the following letter to his wife:— “My beloved wife —The Almighty, who dis- poses of men according to his will, has deigned to call me to himself, in order to give me in eter- nal life that tranquillity and ease which I have not enjoyed in this world. We are all subject to this necessary condition of nature, and therefore it is useless to grieve when this hour approaches. On this account I most tenderly beseech you to receive this last blow of the ill-fate which has per- secuted us, with the same tranquillity and secu- rity as I retain while writing this to you. Be not afflicted at the kind of death they inflict upon me, since it can dishonor only the wicked, but covers the good with honor and glory. I repeat to you, that if I take with me any consolation to the world of truth, it is that of being persuaded, that obey- ing me at this moment, as you have always done hitherto, you will be consoled and resigned to the will of God, which is the supreme law of all mor- tals. In the sequel you will receive my last will, which you will endeavour to fulfil as far as possi- ble. Father Sanchez, who will be the bearer, a monk of our patron St. Augustine, will deliver you this, and will communicate to you, verbally, other things which I confide to him under conſes- sion. I again recommend you to conform to what I desire, since the contrary, besides being preju- dicial to your safety, will not tend to the good of your soul.—Adieu ! receive the heart of your husband. “ J. O. DE LA. C.” “Oct. 2–One o'clock at night.” From all that has been published, it would ap- pear that the people took no part in this move- ment, at least not in its favor. The citizens of Corunna were thanked for their conduct on the occasion, in the congratulatory proclamations that were issued after the suppression of the insurrec- tion. In one of these, from the members of the junta of Corunna, who were placed under con- finement during the insurrection, their deliverance is ascribed to the protection of the most holy Vir- gin of the Rosary, whose festival was then cele- brating. Towards the close of August, the Spanish army, stationed in the environs of Bellegarde, concen- trated and made a movement towards the French frontier. The French general, Ricard, immedi- ately advanced a division of troops in the direc- tion of Perpignan, and all the other troops in the departments on the Pyrenees were put in prepa- ration. On the 27th, the Spaniards, to the number of from 12 to 15,000 infantry, and 1,000 or 1,200 cavalry, crossed the Bidassoa, the commander-in- chief, Count Avisbal, publishing a proclamation announcing that his entrance into France had no other object than to support the throne of Louis XVIII. and the integrity of his kingdom. At the same time, another Spanish army, under Ge- neral Castanos, crossed the frontier on the side of Perpignan. So little, however, was such aid de- sired, that the Duke of Angouleme, in an inter- view with the latter commander, persuaded him to march back into Spain. Count Avisbal being informed of this transaction, by Lieutenant-gene- ral Count de Viomesnil, announced that as soon as he should receive official notice of it from Ge- neral Castanos, he would also repass the Bidas- soa. This intention he put in execution on Sep- tember the 4th, after having addressed a letter to Count Viomesnil, in which he extols the disci- pline observed by his troops whilst in France, who were neither provoked by the menaces of the local authorities, nor by the recollection of the enormities practised by the troops of Bonaparte in Spain, to acts of hostility. His letter concludes with the wish that the King of France may not one day have to repent of being deprived of the assistance of 80,000 Spaniards. This must ap- pear mere vapouring, at a time when the presence of nearly a million of foreign troops had quelled all resistance to the Bourbons; and it is difficult to discover the motive of this invasion of the OF THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 1591. Y. French territory, which must have excited high indignation in all ". and would have been powerfully resisted, unless it were that of seem- ing, though late, to do something in the cause of the allies, and earning a subsidy. The disgrace of several persons who had been favorites of the king, and the dismissal of some ministers, immediately after Porlier's insurrec- tion, were thought to indicate an intended change in the measures of government; and a free pardon to the confined liberales, and even a restoration of the cortes, were fondly predicted, especially as it was known that the allied powers disapproved the policy which had been pursued in Spain. Nothing of this kind, however, took place; and the remainder of the year exhibited the same predominance of arbitrary principles, superstition, and resistance to improvement, which had re- plunged this country into its former state of de- gradation.—The character of the monarch was exhibited in a peculiarly odious light by the des- potic rigor which he personally exercised upon the state prisoners. Having given orders that the trials of the liberales should be concluded within a fixed period, and that he should be con- sulted with regard to the sentences to be pro- nounced, he was greatly dissatisfied on being told that nothing appeared in evidence to convict the accused, and that it would be consonant to royal clemency to cast a veil over the past, and restore them to liberty. This recommendation only in- duced him to transfer the causes to another tri- bunal, to which he referred the consideration whether they were not comprised in certain laws relative to traitors and the exciters of tumults and disturbances. . Receiving a reply that none of those who had been seized were guilty of of fences of that nature, the king, in a rage, ordered the clerk of the court to bring to him the pro- ceedings, when he by himself pronounced sen- tence of exile or imprisonment for longer or shorter terms upon thirty-two persons, who had been the most distinguished deputies to the cor- tes, or promoters of liberal principles. Of the nature of these sentences a specimen may be given in that of the celebrated Arguelles, to serve ten years as a common soldier in the regi- ment stationed at Ceuta; and in that of Garcia Herreros, former minister of grace and justice, to serve eight years in chains in the garrison of Go- mera. Such is the prospect afforded of the reign of the beloved Ferdinand 1 In Italy, this year, the Roman pontiff continued to pursue the plan of restoring to his see all the authority belonging to the head of the Catholic church, and of renovating the impaired dignity of religious institutions. On the first day of the year he issued a bull against ecclesiastical abuses, which contained various injunctions for rendering more sacred and respectable the characters of persons |{}8. in holy orders. His expulsion from Rome, in con- BOOK XVI. sequence of the advance of King Joachim’s troops, and his subsequent restoration after the fall of Chap. VII. that temporary sovereign, were mentioned among the incidents of the Neapolitan war. That important change in the affairs of Italy was followed by an event, of which notice was given by a proclamation published at Bologna, on the 18th of July, by Cardinal Gonsalvi, secretary- of-state to the pope, and addressed to the lega- tions of Bologna, Ferrara, and Ravenna. The people of these districts are informed, that by the unanimous will of the allies they are restored to the holy see. The sentiments of his holiness on the occasion are then communicated to them, which are, that every display of political conduct and opinion which had taken place in these pro- viaces is banished from his mind, and that it is his desire that all shall look forward to the future with equal confidence and security; further, he expects that all the citizens shall imitate his ex- ample, and forgetting every thing past, shall re- gard each other as brothers, being all equally his sons. Moreover, his holiness engages, that pur- chasers of property from the preceding govern- ments, who have made their purchases according to the laws then subsisting, shall not be disturbed in their possession; and he also guarantees the public debt of the provinces, and the civil and military pensions, reserving only his claims on fo- reign countries in respect of them. The reduc- tion of the taxes is then declared, and assurance is given that his holiness will immediately employ himself on a new system of administration, con- formable to the welfare of his people. A particular account of the circumstances con- nected with the restoration of the papal territory was the subject of an allocution of the pope in the secret consistory, held on the 4th of September. His holiness begins this address with informing his “venerable brothers,” that he could have wished to apprize them earlier of the restitution of several of their provinces, but that he waited for its completion. He acquaints them that Car- dinal Gonsalvi, after fulfilling the commission with which he was charged to his most Christian majesty, proceeded to London, where were assem- bled the allied sovereigns, with the exception of the Emperor Francis, and renewed a spectacle which had not been seen for two centuries, that of the public appearance of a cardinal legate, de- corated with the distinguishing marks of his dig- nity. He was received (the pope says) at the court of the prince-regent with such marks of kindness and attachment to our person, that it was impossible to manifest more. The legate then delivered a brief to each of the sovereigns, soliciting the restitution of the provinces of which the holy see had been deprived, and stating its rights to them. The * of the legate t 1: \ 1815. 1592 HISTORY OF THE WARS BOOK XVI. Chap. VII. *Jºvº,” 1815, *—a– i- ** the Congress at Vienna is then mentioned, and his conduct there, the result of which was the resto- ration of the three legations. . For this event ac- knowledgments are made to those princes who do not belong to the Romish church, and particular gratitude is expressed to the Prince-regent of England for his earnestness in their behalf, which was of great advantage to their cause at the Con- gress. The pope then confesses that his joy at this restitution is somewhat abated by the still- continued retention of the province of Avignon, and the county of Venaissin, within France, and the province of Ferrara, on the left bank of the Po, belonging to the holy see as much as the re- stored parts, and of which he does not despair the restitution, or, at least, an equivalent compensa- tion. Proceeding to spiritual concerns, he men- tions that the legate had been instructed to seize the opportunity presented by the projected esta- blishment of the affairs of Germany, to secure upon their ancient footing the interests of the Ca- tholic church in that country; but that his labours : had not hitherto produced any effects, the Con- gress having been dissolved without any definitive arrangement. The attempts of the papal court to restore the ancient order of things even in Italy were not every where alike successful. At Florence the re-introduction of mortmain, and the re-establish- ment of the religious orders, met with difficulties from the government; and, in the Austrian domi- nions of Italy, little regard was paid to the wishes of the pope. The King of Sardinia, on the other hand, showed himself an obedient son of the church; and some useful public establishments were obliged to give way to the return of monks and nuns. That sovereign, and those of Sicily and Spain, appear to have been the only Catholic monarchs who yielded to the application for re- storing the order of Jesuits in their dominions. The occupation of Elba by the Grand Duke of Florence, though an event of no considerable im- portance, may deserve recording, on account of the interest attached to that island when the resi- dence of Bonaparte. A body of Tuscan troops landed upon it on the 30th of July, and invested Porto Ferrajo, the commandant of which at first asked for a suspension of arms, in order to treat of a surreader; but this not being granted, a con- vention was entered into, in consequence of which the Tuscans took possession of all the military posts of the island. in Sweden little passed this year deserving of notice. The crown-prince seemed desirous of preserving this country free from war; and as her situation favored his design, and the cam- paign against Bonaparte was very short, he suc- ceeded in preserving Sweden from hostilities. Indeed, she stood in need of tranquillity in many respects:—a country by no means richly endowed -*- rººf by nature, and containing a scanty and scattered population, remarkable rather for their virtues than their industry, it had been almost completely exhausted by the wars in which the madness of Gustavus had involved her. Besides, the nobi- lity of Sweden were to be reconciled to the do- minion of a French soldier : long and justly dis- tinguished by the ambitious restlessness of their character and habits, it was not to be supposed that they would, all at once, quietly sit down under the dominion of a low-born foreigner : they naturally regarded this as a favorable opportunity to regain some of those privileges that they had lost about forty years before. They anticipated— without foundation, however, as events proved— that the crown-prince, in order to secure some part of his acquired power, would willingly con- cede to them in other points. Such a nobility were to be managed with great prudence and caution; and it appears that the crown-prince has succeeded in this respect. It was also necessary to reconcile the Swedish people in general to a change of dynasty so com- plete as that which had been brought about. When this change first took place, they had suf- fered so deeply and dreadfully from the mea- sures of Gustavus, that they rejoiced at his de- thronement, and hailed his successor with plea- sure: but it was reasonable to apprehend, that when their sufferings passed away—when their national feelings and prejudices revived—they would look back with regret on their conduct towards Gustavus, and with dislike on the crown- prince. Some sovereigns, under these circum- stances, would eagerly have sought an opportu- nity to plunge their country in Bostilities; thus hoping to drive out all unfriendly feelings, and to quash all revolutionary movements. The crown-prince chose a more proper mode of pro- ceeding; he turned the thoughts of the people from the consideration of subjects unpleasant and dangerous to himself—not to war—but to the designs he was planning and executing for their benefit. He thus seems to have succeeded in gaining the confidence and affections of the great body of the Swedish nation; and while he pos- sesses these, he is safe from the machinations of the nobles. His situation, with respect to Norway, was yet more arduous than with respect to Sweden. The union of Norway with Sweden undoubtedly was effected, at the time, against the wishes of the Nor- wegians. We have already, in a preceding part of this work, inquired whether there was any justification of this union :-being accomplished, however, it was the duty of a wise prince, as soon and effectually as possible, to reconcile the Nor- wegians to it. To this the crown-prince seems to have directed all his views and efforts: he not only adhered most strictly and conscientiously to 6F THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 1593 rºar ***~~ assº-º-º-º-º-º: the terms of the union, but consulted the wishes and prejudices of the Norwegians on many points where he might have followed his own views and opinions. The Norwegians are a people of sreat simplicity: in a considerable degree uncontami- nated by the vices which exist in more populous and richer communities, they regard with great attachment the habits and feelings of their ances- tors. They disliked Sweden on many grounds: they were particularly apprehensive that their national independence, which had been preserved notwithstanding they were governed by a Danish prince, would be destroyed by their union with Sweden. It became, therefore, necessary to prove to them, that the crown-prince would care- fully guard their national independence; and that, when annexed to Sweden, they should pos- sess even more privileges than they had enjoyed under Denmark. By the prudence of his measures, the crown- prince reconciled the Norwegians to their new government much sooner than was expected. Their representatives were assembled: the first object of their deliberations and inquiries re- garded the advantages and disadvantages likely to result from the union; these they discussed with coolness and judgment. They à not lose sight of the rights, or even of the prejudices, of the nation whom they represented, and of whom they formed a part; but they at the same time gave due force to all those considerations which pointed out the benefits of the union. As soon as the representatives had finished their delibe- rations, deputies from the diet of Norway were sent to Stockholm ; here they were received b the king and the crown-prince with all proper respect. When his majesty had taken his seat on the throne, the marshals of the kingdom, at a given signal, conducted to the foot of it the spokesman of the people of Norway, who, in their name, delivered a speech, and presented the con- stitution adopted and signed by the diet at Chris- tial,a, on the 4th of November, 1814. Of this speech, the following address of the diet forms a art : — pa. The representatives of the Norwegian people, summoned to inquire into and consider the situa- tion of the kingdom, and to coine to the most mature conclusion for its welfare, have now finished their important task. They perceive that a union with the neighbour kingdom will not only put a period to the devastations of war, but also, if founded on equitable conditions, open a prospect of eternal friendship for the future, and give the kingdoms of the north complete ability and strength to resist external enemies. Your majesty, ready to form such a union, recognised the right of the people to constitute themselves as an independent state, and commissioned re- spectable men to make known your gracious in- tentions, and thus to promote the union. the kingdoms of Sweden and Norway, under a common king, gave to Norway a constitution founded on the aboriginal rights of a free people; and, on the 4th instant, unanimously elected and acknowledged your majesty as Norway's consti- tutional king. The representatives of the people have not, for a moment, doubted that your ma- jesty, who commenced by recognising the rights of the nation, will continue to maintain and pro- tect them. They are completely satisfied, that they have acted in conformity to the wishes of the nation, and venture to assure your majesty of the inviolable fidelity and devotedness of a peo- ple who hitherto have never forgotten their duty to their king.—May Almighty God strengthen you to govern, according to his gracious pur- poses, a kingdom which his wisdom has in- trusted to you! “CHRISTIE, President. “WEIDEMANN, Secretary. “Extraordinary diet, Christiana, Norway, Nov. 26, 1814.” The king returned the following gracious re- “Good lords, and men of Norway, deputies from the diet of that kingdom –I receive, with the sincerest pleasure, the assurances of fidelity and attachment which you have conveyed to me, in the name of the Norwegian people. This so- lemn moment, which puts the last seal to the so happily established union between Sweden and Norway, was long called for by the actual de- mands of the North. The two nations who inha- bit the Scandinavian peninsula, could not, in the lapse of ages, obey divided interests; every thing called for an union between them, founded on reciprocal respect, and supported by a com- mon spirit of freedom and honor. Though I ascended the throne of Sweden under gloomy prospects, yet I derived energy against dangers, and hope for the future, from an unbounded con- fidence in the Swedish people. They have not disappointed iny expectations; and this people, who were so often the victims of the severe blows of fortune, now stand respected among the na- tions. With equal confidence have I now, from the free and unanimous election of the diet, ac- cepted of the crown of Norway; and this trans- action, a guarantee for the principles of my go- vernment, will have the same happy conse- quences. Secured against foreign dangers, ani- mated by the same noble efforts to promote in- ternal welfare, the northern peninsula will be viewed with respect by the nations of Europe. “Norwegians! I have, through my well-be- & gº e The BOOK XVI, representatives of the nation, animated with zeal — and anxiety for the welfare of their native land, Chap. VII. thereupon decided for a perpetual union between -: si N 1594 HISTORY OF THE WARS BOOK XVI. CHAP. VII. Jºvº 1815, loved son, given you my assurances, to govern the kingdom of Norway according to its laws and constitution; and also adopted the fundamental principles which were discussed and agreed upon between my commissioners and the diet. I now repeat to you this solemn declaration. Be as- sured that I shall ever feel it a sacred duty to meet the wishes of the Norwegian people with friendly readiness. Let us thank that Providence which, after such fluctuation of events, and such lengthened internal discord, has establishéd se- curity and unamimity in the North; let us give ourselves up to the pleasing hopes which futurity opens to our view. Norwegians and Swedes shall alike share my paternal regard. Behold here, at my side, honored by your joint gratitude, the hero who, next after the Almighty, has been the author of the fraternal league between you. As king and father, I embrace this opportunity to express to him my own and the common acknow- ledgements of our country. To him will I, when on the confines of eternity, deliver, with full con- fidence, both the crowns, which will from him receive a new and heightened lustre. It is he who must finish the great work of which he laid the foundations, and which I can only commence, to reign over you with mildness, to respect your freedom, and to defend your independence with valor. Then will you bless the hour which gave birth to the union of the Scandinavian nations, and my memory will live among you on account of my paternal efforts for your welfare, and for the prince whom I give you still further to pro- mote it.”, The King of the Netherlands seemed as much and as sincerely disposed as the Crown- prince of Sweden to reconcile and benefit his new subjects; and, notwithstanding the diffi- culties which he had to encounter, principally from the superstitious prejudices of his new sub- jects, proceeded gradually and deliberately, but resolutely, in the prosecution of those designs which he conceived would benefit all classes of his people. His first object of course was to give to them such a constitution as would secure : their liberty and happiness: a committee, there- fore, was appointed to draw it up; and from the following extracts from their report, we may safe- ly conclude that the object of the sovereign was favorable to the liberty of his people, and that the constitution proposed was in conformity with that object. Our extracts will also shew that the committee consisted of men of sober and sound sense, who were persuaded that practicability, and a regard to the peculiar habits and eircum- stances of the people from whom the ... was to be framed, were of infinitely more import- ance than the soundest theoretical notions on the subject of liberty.—[The figures refer to the ar- ticles of the constitution.] +x “Sire,—The committee whom you had charged to revise the fundamental law of the United Pro- vinces, and to propose the modifications required by the increase of territory, the erection of the Low Countries into a kingdom, and the stipula- tions of the treaties of London and Vienna, has applied to this work with all the zeal inspired by its importance, and by the desire of justifying your majesty's confidence. “You declared, Sire, to the notables assembled last year in the city of Amsterdam, that you had accepted the sovereignty on the express condition that a fundamental law should sufficiently gua- rantee personal liberty, the security of property, and, in a word, all those civil rights which cha- racterize a people really free. “From these words, which gratitude has en- graved on every heart, from the manners and ha- bits of the nation, from its public economy, from institutions tried by the experience of ages, were derived, with a distrust of theory too well justi- fied by so many ephemeral constitutions, the principles of this first law, which is not an ab- straction more or less ingenious, but a law adapt- ed to the situation of Holland at the commence- ment of the nineteenth century. “It has not rebuilt what was entirely worn out by time; but it has raised again what might be preserved with advantage. It is in this spirit that it has re-established the provincial assem- blies, modifying their organization. In its rela- tions to the general government, this organization had not always been free from just censure. These relations have ceased. “But the provincial assemblies, as directing the internal administration, had greatly contri- buted to the prosperity of the country: this ad- ministration has been restored to them. The fundamental law has also restored to the cities and rural districts all the independence com- patible with the general welfare. “It has invested the sovereign authority with all the prerogatives calculated to make it re- spected at home and abroad. “It assigns the legislative power jointly to the prince and the states-general elected by the pro- vincial states, who are themselves elected by all the inhabitants of the kingdom, who are interested in its prosperity. “In such a system of laws and institutions, well combined together, the members of the commit- tee, who belong to the southern provinces, have recognised the basis of their ancient constitutions, the principles of their ancient liberty and inde- pendence; and it has not been difficult to modify this law so as to render it common to both na- tions, united by bonds the breaking of which has been followed only by their own misfortunes and those of Europe; bonds which it is their wish and the interest of Europ. to render indissoluble. OF THE FRENCH REVOLU';"| ON. *********------- * --> *** -------- ~~~ - - --~~~~~----- - - *** *-***-------- “ Confined to this task, and taking for the basis of our labours this first law, formed on liberal and aternal views, we have examined, in succession, its general principle and its particular dispositions. “We have endeavoured, sire, to imbue our- selves with your spirit, and to impress on the con- stitution, which is to govern your fine kingdom, that character of justice and benevolence which is found in all your actions, in all your sentiments. We have not had the presumptuous pretension to foresee, to regulate every thing; we have left room for future experience, to contribute its part to the completion of the work; we have only laid foundations on which your wisdom, enlightened by time and other counsellors, will raise institu- tions rather indicated than fixed, and which will complete, without useless delay, but without pre- eipitation, the edifice of which we have traced out the dimensions and laid the foundations. “All the safeguards which the first fundamental law had given to individual liberty and property, have been retained. We have found but little to add to them. “. Every arbitrary arrest is forbidden (Article 168). If, on urgent occasions, the government causes an individual to be arrested, he must be brought within three days before the judge whom the law assigns him. (169.) * No one can, under any pretext whatever, he withdrawn from the jurisdiction of this judge. (167.) “The unjust penalty of confiscation is abo- lished. (171.) “ All judicial sentences must be pronounced in public, (174.) Those in civil causes must con- tain the grounds on which they are founded. (173.) In criminal cases, they must declare the circumstances of the crime, and the law applied by the judge. (172.) “No one can be deprived of his property, ex- cept for the public benefit, and for a reasonable indemnity. (164.) “The abode of every subject of the king is inviolable. (170.) “ The right of petitioning, duly regulated, is recognised by the law. (161.) “It admits of no privileges in respect to taxes. (198) * – “Every subject of the king is eligible to all employments, without distinction of birth, or reli- gious belief. (11 and 198.) “ In reserving the first function of the state, to natives born of parents domiciliated in the king- dom. (8), the law admits to other employments both natives of the country, and those who may be naturalised in it; this hospitable country will always offer protection and kindness to those whom liberal laws, and a paternal government, may induce to settle in it; but the right of voting "Pºº dearest interests, or of sharing in their .3% º – direction, must belong to those alone who have sucked in with their mothers’ milk the love of their country. “The liberty of the press will have no other restraint than the responsibility of him who writes, prints, or distributes. (227.) “We have placed among the first duties of the government, that of protecting public instructions, which must spread among all classes the know- ledge useful to all, and among the higher classes, BOOK XVI. CHAP. VII. Jºv-/ 1815. that love of literature and the sciences which embellish life, make a part of the national glory, and are intimately connected both with the pros- perity and security of the state. (226.) “The most precious of all rights, that of li- berty of conscience, is guaranteed, as formerly, as far as it is possible to be. (190.) We venture to be- lieve, sire, that these divers dispositions will fulfil the condition which you have so nobly imposed. “We have recalled to your majesty's mind the good which has accrued to the country, from the administration of the provincial states. Free in future from all participation in the go- vernment, it will be still more useful. Equally respected in the northern and southern provinces, where numerous institutions, public works of a most interesting nature, and constantly increasing prosperity, attested their useful influence; pre- ferred to all other modes of administration, by enlightened men in a neighbouring country, where such a regime was not generally known, it will be for our government a wholesome means, the more proper to make the laws loved and re- spected, as it will inspire more esteem and con- fidence. Far, sire, from our hearts, are those per- nicious maxims which separate the interest of the prince from the interest of his subjects, and mis- take the strength and the happiness which result from their constant and intimate union. “ It is to the provincial states that the project which we lay before your majesty, gives the elec- tion of the members of the states-general. “An electoral body, being always formed of members, elected either directly or indirectly by the nation, it was superfluous to organise another. This mode, besides, enters into the general system of the constitution, which makes all powers emanate from each other, descending, without the inconvenience of popular elections, to those classes of society which bear but a small part in the bur- thens of the states, yet, having an interest to de- fend, have a right to be represented, (183, 134.) “ The number of deputies to be sent by each province to the states-general, has been subjected to some difference of opinion. Some members thought that the most just and simple basis was the population. “Plausible reasons and numerous examples were not wanting to support this opinion; these reasons have been contested ; the justness of the 18 E 1596 HISTORY OF THE WARS BOOK XVI. Chap. VII. \º"Sy". 1815. application of these examples, to the union of our provinces, has been disputed; and, it has been observed that, the colonies which acknowledge the northern provinces as their mother-country, the importance of their commerce, and the many millions of inhabitants subjected to the laws of the metropolis, did not permit the adoption of the European population, as the only basis of repre- sentation ; that the only means of establishing perfectly, and for ever, an intimate and sincere union between the two countries, was to give each an equal representation. The majority acceded to this opinion. The present number of deputies sent by the northern provinces remains unchanged. That of the southern provinces has been regu- lated in an equitable manner, paying particular attention to their population, and to the propor- tional number of deputies by which they have been already represented. (79.) “But there is a part of the states-general, which we have thought ought not to be subjected to a periodical election. The great increase which the state has received, the rank it assumes among the nations of Europe, the diversity of the ele- ments of which it is composed, its more compli- cated interests, have imposed it upon us as a duty, not to disdain the lessons of experience. “. We have thought, that to hinder precipitation in the deliberations, to oppose in difficult times a barrier to the passions, to surround the throne with a bulwark which may baffle the attempts of faction, to give the nation a perfect guarantee against all arbitrary extension of power, it was expedient, after the example of powerful king- doms and flourishing republics, to divide the re- presentatives of the nation into two chambers. “To effect this division, we have not adopted foreign institutions, which might not well amal- gamate with our national institutions. We have sought the principles of this division in the spirit which induced its adoption. “The king proposes to the chamber, elected by the provincial states, the projects of laws which have been deliberated on in his council of state. (106.) “This chamber examines them, and having adopted them, sends them to the other chamber, which is to examine them in the same manner. (109.) The chamber, whose members are chosen for life, receives and discusses the propositions which the other thinks it proper to make to the king. It never makes any itself. (114, 115.) “. If it adopts the proposition, it transmits it to the king, who gives or refuses his sanction. (116.) “By not adopting, it will for the most part only save the king from exercising, not only a necessary and indispensable right, but which, if too often repeated, might weaken that reciprocal confidence so useful to the monarch, and so for- tunate for the people. In “g case, the law is the result of the assent of the king and of the two chambers. (119.) In most of our provinces, and especially in the northern ones, a great proportion of the inhabitants took part in the direction of affairs, by the effect of the organisation of the public authorities; and this participation kept alive public spirit, which is i. most powerful spring of representative governments. “The government finds itself much stronger, it is much better obeyed, when it makes known to the nation the motives of its determinations, the object of the sacrifices which it imposes, and of the efforts which it commands. Recent examples prove what vast resources arise to government when the whole people follows from conviction the grand measures it adopts. “We have thought that to preserve this pre- cious advantage it was necessary to render the sittings of the states-general public, restraining, however, this publicity within the limits which may prevent the abuse of it, and remove all kinds of danger. (108.) * “The bases of the organization of the judicial power in the first fundamental law, nearly ap- proaching the ancient laws of Holland, do not essentially deviate from the ancient legislation of Belgium. We have retained them. “In civil causes, the judges in the first resort are placed nearer to those under their jurisdiction. (184.) A court of appeal is for one or more pro- vinces. (182.) A high court, superior to those tri- bunals, regulates their acts, and to this the law, which will organize the whole judicial system, may give more extensive attributes. (180.) “In criminal matters, the prosecution and pu- nishment of crimes are committed, in a certain resort, to magistrates already invested with the cognisance of civil causes, and tempering, by this double capacity, the habit of severity which may be contracted by the daily exercise of the right of punishing. (183.) “A high military court, composed of military persons and lawyers, is charged with the revision of the sentences of courts-martial, to which numerous reasons make it proper to leave the cognisance of all crimes committed by military persons. (188.) “Codes common to the whole kingdom shall be formed of the civil, penal, and commercial laws, and of the organization of justice. (163.) “The independence of the judges is guaran- teed; they receive from the public treasury a salary fixed by the law, and are named by the king, the most of them for life, upon the presenta- tion of the provincial states, or of the second cham- ber of the states-general. (176, 182, 186.) “Such, sire, are the bases of a system of laws, which, matured in your council, and submitted to the sanction of the states-general, will be a new benefit conferred on your people. “We have adopted, also, all the principles laid of THE FRENch REvolution. 1597 —º - s=– down by the first law, for the defence of the state. A permanent army will be as it were the advanced- guard of the nation. (204.) “A militia, wisely organized, will always be ready to fly to the defence of the country. (206 and 212.) “The nation, wholly included in the guards of the communes, will defend in a mass, if neces- sary, its liberty and its independence. (210.) “Several religious communities have been at- tracted to Holland by the mildness of its laws, and by the protection which the government afforded them. This protection will remain the same. (191.) “The law might have stopped here, and have left to your majesty the care of proving how great is your care for the ministers of religion; but it seemed to us, that the fundamental law might make it duly for your successors to take your noble sentiments for the rule of their conduct, (193), and contain, besides the assurances, that no form of worship shall ever trouble the liberty of the rest, all being equally guaranteed by the laws of the state. (196.) “We think, sire, that a constitutional law, which consecrates all legitimate rights, whose principles are derived from the manners and the character of the nation, may hope for a longer duration than one founded upon mere theory; but time changes and modifies every thing; and a means of revision not foreseen, nor fixed at a cer- tain period, but possible, if the necessity of some changes should be strongly felt, seemed to us use- ful, if attended with forms that prevent or check all spirit of innovation. (229,233.) “The fundamental law had reserved to the committee, which has drawn it up, the right of in- terpreting its dispositions for the three first years. We have thought, that to a law necessarily express- ing the unanimous sentiments of the king, and of the two chambers of the states-general, this inter- pretation must be left, which is no other than the just application of the articles of the constitutional act of the kingdom. “ To effect, with a prudent circumspection, without shock or collision, the changes which the fundamental law makes necessary, it attributes to your majesty, by organic dispositions, the care of successively introducing the divers institutions which it has created or re-established; to name, for the first time, the members of the two cham- bers of the states-general, and all the magistrates, whatever may be otherwise the mode of nomina- tion that it has adopted. (Additional art. 1.) “It maintains in force all the laws which go- vern the different parts of the kingdom, till the moment when they shall be replaced with the desirable celerity, but without precipitation, by other laws maturely weighed; and it thus gives itself the best support, the most powerful auxiliary it can have, your wisdom, and your love for your subjects.” (Add. art. 2.) l On the 18th of July, a proclamation was issued "BOOK XVI. by the king, notifying the union of the United Provinces with Belgium, as agreed upon by the "º". allied powers, and accepted by himself, with the leading articles of that union. The first of these : is, that the two countries shall form one state, go- j verned by the constitution already established in Holland, modified by consent, according to the new state of things. It declares, that the Belgianº, provinces shall be duly represented in the states- . general, which are to be held alternately in a town of Holland, and in one of Belgium. It mentions the appointment of the committee, and the present- ing of the report above cited ; but says, that be- fore the introduction of the fundamental law, his majesty has resolved to convince himself of the assent of his subjects, for which purpose he has convoked deputies, or notables, from each district, to be the organs of the general opinion. The constitutional plan was laid before a spe- cial assembly of the states-general of the United Netherlands, on August 8th, and its unanimous acceptance was announced on the 19th, by a de- putation which waited on the king. One great difficulty, which might be foreseen in effecting a coalescence of the whole Netherlands under one form of law and government, arose from the very different feelings concerning reli- gion which pººl. in the two portions of the country. The seven Dutch provinces were in a great measure indebted for their prosperity to that principle of general toleration in which they long stood distinguished among the nations of Europe. and which was fundamental in their political sys- tem. The ten Flemish provinces, on the contrary, from the time of their separation from the others, adopted in its extreme the exclusive maxim of the Roman Catholic church, and acquired the charac- ter of some of the most bigotted and intolerant members of that community. The attempts of the Emperor Joseph to enforce a toleration of different religions were reckoned among his most heinous violations of the Belgic rights, and were finally defeated with the rest of his projects. It might be supposed, that the great political changes since his time, and particularly the long subjection of those provinces to France, would have produced a change in men's opinions on this subject: and this was probably #. case with respect to the body of the laity; but, among the high clergy, whose prejudices and interests combined in the support of the ancient system, there existed all the former repugnance to admit a principle equally hostile to both. The operation of these combined motives was remarkably manifested by the publi- cation of an address from certain of the Beigian prelates to the King of the Netherlands, dated July 28th. Beginning with the king's assurance, in his proclamation, of confirming to the Catholic church its establishment and privileges, they af- firm that these are inconsistent with an article in º & * 1815. 1598 HISTORY OF THE WARS B \, . K XVI. CHAP. VII. Jºvº 1815. the plan of the new constitution, by which equal favor and protection-are promised to all religions. They next endeavour, historically, to prove the incompatibility of such a toleration with the ca- nonical laws and fundamental principles of the Ca- tholic church. They say, “We are bound, sire, incessantly to preserve the people entrusted to our care from the doctrines which are in opposi- tion to those of the Catholic church. We could not release ourselves from this obligation without violating our most sacred duties; and, if your ma- jesty, by virtue of a fundamental I w, should pro- tect in these provinces the public profession and spreading of these doctrines, we should be in formal opposition to the laws of the state.” In a kind of menace, they proceed to inform the king, that such regulations, if confirmed, could only lead to a renewal of the troubles which desolated these provinces in the sixteenth century, and that they must, sooner or later, alienate the hearts of his faithful subjects in this part of his kingdom, “ with whom attachment to the Catholic faith is stronger and more lively than in any other coun- try in Europe.” From these purely religious complaints, they turn to another of a civil na- ture. “The clergy of these provinces have ob- served, not without pain, that your majesty has been persuaded to exclude them from the assem- blies in which the great interests of the state were discussed; that the plan of the new constitution contains honorable distinctions for the nobility; and that the clergy, one of the first class in the state, are deprived of them; that they will not even have the right of being represented- in the provincial assemblies; that their influence on the acceptance of the new constitution is carefully re- moved, so that the most distinguished members of the clergy are not, according to the expressions of your majesty's proclamation, among the persons most worthy of the confidence of their fellow- citizens; lastly, that they are not allowed to in- scribe their dissenting votes on the lists of the no- tables.” This address, which contains many other remarks of a similar nature, was signed by the bishops of Ghent, Namur, and Tournay, and the vicars-general of Liege and of Malines. An eeclesiastical protest of this kind was capable, at a former period, of lighting up a dangerous flame. At the present, it was more likely to throw discre- dit upon the nº-ligion of which it was the advocate, as being radicahy intolerant, and admitting no union with other forms of Christianity. It does not appear to have produced any alteration in the resolutions formed by the ruling powers relative to the system of religious affairs for the Nether- lands. The king, on September the 10th, issued an ordinance with the following preamble: “Con- sidering that it is just and expedient to recur to the advice of functionaries professing the Catholic religion, for every measure of administration rela- - tive to the public exercise of this religion, and es- pecially for what regards the relations between the clergy of our kingdom and the holy see, and desiring to confirm, by a special and permanent institution, our resolution to remove every thing which might tend to weaken the real guaranty which the constitution secures to the liberty of all forms of worship, or which might in any degree affect the dogmas and the discipline of the Roman Catholic religion, or hinder those who profess it from freely exercising their faith as heretofore, we have decreed,” &c. From' this formula, it will appear, that only protection, and not mastery, and still less an exclusive power, is given to the Roman church in Belgium. The subsequent articles contain the appointment of a committee of the council of state, consisting of three or four Catholic members, to which is to be referred every thing relating to Catholic worship. On September the 21st, the ceremonial of the inauguration of the King of the Netherlands was performed at Brussels, with all due solemnity, and with every exterial mark of general satisfaction. His majesty in his speech took notice of the union, under the same sovereign and laws, of the seven- teen provinces in the reign of the Emperor Charles V., and congratulated the assembly on the prospect of its renewal, after a separation of nearly three centuries. He was replied to in an appropriate speech by the president of the first chamber; after which, the constitution was read, and the king pronounced the oath with peculiar energy. The procession then repaired to the church of St. Gudule, at the door of which the king was received by the very Reverend M. Mille, entitled chief priest and pleban, who addressed to him a discourse entirely free from any of the sen- timents of the prelatic address above-mentioned, and claiming only the protection for the Catholic religion guaranteed by the constitution. The first sitting of the states-general at Brussels opened on the 25th, and one of the earliest of its acts was a donation to the Duke of Wellington, as Prince of Waterloo, of an estate on the very the- atre of his triumph. The sessions, in which every thing passed with unanimity, was soon after closed. In October was officially published the boun- dary treaty between the King of the Netherlands and the Emperor of Austria, concluded at Vienna, on May the 31st. It marks out topographically all the limits between the seventeen Belgic pro- vinčes and their neighbours, _comprising aíso a part of the ancient Duchy of Luxemburg, to be possessed in perpetuity by the Sovereign of the Netherlands, as a compensation for some princi- palities in Germany, which are to form one of the states of the German confederation. The King of the Netherlands also renounces, for himself and his successors, in favor of the King of Prussia, of THE FRENch Revolution. 1599 Fºº- the sovereign possessions of the house of Nassau Orange in Germany. * The session of the states-general at the Hague, was opened on October the 16th, by a speech from the king; the principal object of which was, to prepare the public mind for those great finan- cial sacrifices which the unforeseen events of the year had rendered necessary, and which darkened the favorable prospects of the former year. In a short space of time it had been requisite to arm whole lines of fortresses, to double the national army, and to maintain the still more numerous armies of the allies. It was intimated, that the means of providing for all these expenses, would be the most serious subject for the assembly’s deliberations; and a hope was expressed, that an introduction of taxes of the same kind throughout the kingdom, would put an end to the difficulties at present experienced. Some consolation was derived from the revival of various branches of industry, in consequence of the return of peace, and the renewed connection with the colonies; and hope for the future was suggested, as a result of the new guarantees for general tranquillity, to be expected from the treaty of the associated so- vereigns. The address, in answer to the speech, drawn up by the second chamber, and approved by the first, expressed entire satisfaction with all the measures suggested by his majesty to recover the nation from its difficulties, and promised their cordial co-operation in bringing his plans to effect. At a sitting of the second chamber, a report was made by the minister of finance," in which the deficit was stated at forty millions of guilders, for which it was proposed to provide by an issue of exchequer-bills, to be liquidated during the course of ten years, by an additional fifteen per cent, upon a number of existing taxes. At the sitting on October 24, a communication was made to the chamber, of a convention concluded between the Kings of Great Britain and of the Netherlands, relative to the ceded Dutch colonies in the West Indies, in which various advantages were stipu- lated for the trade of the Netherlands. The Bel- gians were at this time highly gratified with the recovery of their valuable works of art from the museum of the Louvre. On the discussion in the second chamber of the proposed war-tax, those differences appeared which are always to be expected in a representative as- sembly amidst opposing interests. The members of the southern provinces particularly declared against it, as highly unjust with respect to those districts which had suffered so much from the war; and a voluntary loan, and the sale of na- tional domains, were proposed in its stead. When, however, the question was put to the vote, the tax-law was carried by seventy-seven to twenty- seWelle A Iº important event to the new kingdom of the Netherlands, was announced to the states- BOOK XVI. general, on December 13, in a message from the king. This was a contract of marriage between the Prince of Orange, heir apparent to the crown, and the Grand Duchess Anna Pawlowna, sister of the Emperor of Russia. His majesty, among the desirable consequences of such an union, men- tioned the new support which it offered to the interests of the commercial part of the nation in the north of Europe; and the guaranty, it af. forded to the whole kingdom, of the durable kindness of a court which had so powerfully con- tributed to its foundation. The pressing the con- sent of the states to the marriage, as required by the constitution. This was unanimously given, and the union took place. The extent of its po- litical consequences, time alone can determine ; but it is obvious, that the crown of the Nether- lands will obtain a strong additional security by its connection with a court apparently destined henceforth to take the lead among the continen- tal powers of Europe, whilst Russia will acquire an augmented weight in the general balance of political influence. In the United States of America little calls for our notice. The war with Great Britain had left them nearly exhausted in their means and finances; specie there, as in Britain, had nearly disappeared; and paper money, even as low as the lowest coin in circulation, had been substi- tuted; but it was soon evident, that a paper cir- culation in America and Britain was very dif- ferent; such a circulation must entirely depend on credit and confidence: in Britain these are carried to a very high degree of perfection ; in America, on the contrary, there was little of ei- ther. Hence, and likewise from the circumstance that the people of the United States were very averse, and not easily compellable, to pay taxes; the government there, soon after the war closed, found itself greatly embarrassed. Their first ob- ject, therefore, was the finances: many plans were proposed; among others, the establishment of a national bank; but there seemed difficulties and serious objections in the way of all the plans. The chairman of a finance committee of congress was directed to take the opinion of Mr. Dallas, the secretary to the treasury, on the subject of the embarrassments of the United States. The following passages, from Mr. Dallas's answer, will point out his ideas on this subjeet:— “Sir.—I have the honor to acknowledge the receipt of your letter, requesting for a committee of the house of representatives an opinion upon the following inquiries:— “ i. The effect which a considerable issue of treasury-notes, with the quality of being receivable in subscriptions to a national bank, will have upon the credit of the government, and particu- larly upon the prospect of a loan for 1815. 109. 18 F CHAP. VII. Jºvº/ 1815, HISTORY OF THE WARS BOOK XVI. CHAP. VII. Jºvº-2 I 815 -º-º-º- —º- 2. “The practicability of getting forty-four millions of treasury-notes (forming, with six mil- lions of specie, the capital for a national bank) into circulation without depreciation. “The inquiries of the committee cannot be sa- tisfactorily answered in the abstract; but must be considered in connexion with the state of our finances and the state of our public credit. “When I arrived at Washington, the treasury was suffering under every kind of embarrassment. The demands upon it were great in amount, while the means to satisfy them were comparatively small, precarious in the collection, and difficult in the application. “The demands consisted of dividends upon the old and new funded debt, of treasury-notes, and of legislative appropriations for the army, the navy, and the current service—all urgent and important. The means consisted—first, of the fragment of an authority to borrow money, when nobody was disposed to lend, and to issue treasury- notes, which none but necessitous creditors, or contractors in districts, or commissaries, quarter- masters, and navy-agents, acting, as it were, officially, seemed willing to accept: second, of the amount of bank credit, scattered throughout the United States, and principally in the southern and western banks, which had been rendered in a degree useless, by the stoppage of payments in specie, and the consequent impracticability of transferring the public funds from one place to meet the public engagements in another place: and, third, of the current supply of money from the imports, from internal duties, and from the sales of public land, which ceased to be a foun- dation of any rational estimate, or reserve, to pro- vide even for the dividends on the funded debt, when it was found that the treasury-notes (only requiring, indeed, a last payment at the distance of a year), to whomsoever they were issued at the treasury, and almost as soon as they were issued, reached the hands of the collectors, in payment of debts, duties, and taxes: thus disappointing and defeating the only remaining expectation of roductive revenue. “The actual condition of the treasury thus de- scribed, will serve to indicate the state of the public credit. Public credit depends essentially upon public opinion. The usual test of public credit is, indeed, the value of the public debt. The facility of borrowing money is not a test of public credit; for a faithless government, like a desperate individual, has only to increase the premium according to the exigency, in order to secure a loan. Thus public opinion, manifested in every form and in every direction, hardly per- mits us, at the present juncture, to speak of the existence of public credit ; and yet it is not im- possible that the government, in the resources of its patronage and its pledges, might find the means of tempting the rich and the avaricious to supply its immediate wants. But when the wants of to-day are supplied, what is the new expedient that shall supply the wants of to-morrow? If it is now a charter of incorporation, it may then be a grant of land; but, after all, the immeasurable tracts of the western wilds would be exhausted in successive efforts to obtain pecuniary aids, and still leave government necessitous, unless the foundations of public credit were re-established and maintained. “With these explanatory remarks, Sir, I pro- ceed to answer, specifically, the questions which you have proposed :— 1st. “I am of opinion, that a considerable issue of treasury-notes, with the quality of being re- ceivable in subscriptions to a national bank, will have an injurious effect upon the credit of the government, and also upon the prospects of a loan for i815. “Because it will confer, gratuitously, an ad- vantage upon a class of new creditors, over the present creditors of the government standing on a footing of at least equal merit. “Because it will excite general dissatisfaction among the present holders of the public debt, and general distrust among the capitalists, who are accustomed to advance the money to the government. “Because, a quality of subscribing to the na- tional bank attached to treasury-notes exclusively, will tend to depreciate the value of all public debt not possessing that quality; and whatever depre- ciates the value of the public debt, in this way, must necessarily impair the public credit. “Because, the specie capital of the citizens of the United States, so far as it may be deemed ap- plicable to investment in the public stocks, has already, in a great measure, been so vested; the holders of the present debt will be unable to be- come subscribers to the bank (if that object should eventually prove desirable) without selling their stock at a depreciated rate, in order to pro- cure the whole amount of their subscriptions in treasury-notes; and a general depression in the value of the public debt will inevitably ensue. “Because, the very proposition of making a considerable issue of treasury-notes, even with the quality of being subscribed to a national bank, can only be regarded as an experiment, on which it seems dangerous to rely: the treasury-notes must be purchased at par, with money; a new set of crediors are to be created; it mayor it may not be deemed an object of speculation by the money- holders, to subscribe to the bank; the result of the experiment cannot be ascertained, until it be too late to provide a remedy in case of failure, while the credit of the government will be affected by every circumstance which keeps the efficacy of its fiscal operations in suspense or doubt. of the FRENch Revolution. 1601 “Because, the prospect of a loan for the year 1815, without the aid of a bank, is faint and un- promising; except, perhaps, so far as the pledge of a specific tax may succeed; and then it must be recollected, that a considerable supply of mo- ney will be required for the prosecution of the war, beyond the whole amount of the taxes to be levied. - “Because, if the loan for the year 1815 b made to depend upon the issue of treasury-notes, subseribed to the national bank, it will probably faii for the reasons which have alread gested: and if the loan be intº of that operation, a considerable issue of treasury-notes, for the purpose of creating a bank capital, must, it is believed, deprive the government of every chance of raising money in any other manner. 2d, “I am of opinion, that it will be extremely diffieult, if not impracticable, to get forty-four miſ- lions of treasury-notes (forming with six millions of specie the capital of a national bank) into circu- lation with or without depreciation. “, Because, if the subscription to the bank be- comes an object of speculation, the treasury-notes will probably be purchased at the treasury and at the loan offices, and never pass into circulation at all. “Because, whatever portion of the treasury- notes might pass into circulation, would be spee- dily withdrawn by the speculators in the subscrip- tion to the bank, after arts had been employed to depreciate their value. “Because it is not believed that, in the present state of the public credit, forty-four millions of treasury-notes can be sent into circulation. The only difference between the treasury-notes now issued, and those proposed, consists in the subscrib- able quality: but reasons have been already assign- ed for an opinion, that this difference does not imply such confidence in the experiment, as seems re- quisite to justify a reliance upon it for accomplish- ing some of the most interesting objects of the government. “I must beg you, sir, to pardon the haste with which I have written these general answers to your inquiries: but knowing the importance of time, and feeling a desire to avoid every appear- ance of contributing to the loss of a moment, I have chosen rather to rest upon the intelligence and candour of the committee, than to enter upon a more laboured investigation of the subject re- ferred to me. - “I have the honour to be, very respectfully, sir, your most obedient servant, - - “A. J. DALLAs. “Wm. Lowndes, esq. chairman.” Thus it will appear, that the arduous war from which Europe and America have just extricated themselves, have inflicted on them both deeper been sug- financial wounds (if the expression may be allow- ed) than were anticipated; and that it must neces- sarily be a long period before they can be healed. Of the European states, it is probable that Bri- tain, notwithstanding her load of debt, will recover first. In favor of America there is the vigour of youth, great natural advantages, and a wonderful spirit of enterprise, aided by a popular constitution. As, however, good and evil are much and closely intermixed in the affairs of this world, we may console ourselves with the hope that, by the ex- haustion of all the great powers, hostilities cannot soon be revived to any considerable extent, or for any great length of time. - In one respect the United States and Britain have manifested a wise dereliction of popular pre- judices on the subject of trade; for they have formed a commercial treaty, not clogged with those jealous, and at the same time for the most part ineffectual, restrictions which all preceding commercial treaties display;-they evidently, by BOOK XVI. Char. VII. l 815. the framing of this treaty, consider it possible that two commercial countries may respectively flourish, not only without injuring each other, but even with mutual benefit. The government of the United States, proud of the triumphs of their navy during the war with Britain, resolved to pay great and immediate at- tention to it. That they could bring to bear on this subject a large portion of good sense, of deep reflection, and of the temper and spirit which profit by the good regulations of others, while it avoids all prejudices however long and deeply es- tablished, is manifest from the report of the se- cretary of the navy. On the 18th of March, 1814, the senate came to the resolution to direct the se- cretary of the navy to devise and digest a system for the better organization of the department of the navy of the United States. In obedience to this resolution, the report was made, of which we shall give the following abstract, convinced, as we are, that America, if Britain do not follow her plans, will soon become too powerful for us on the ocean. The report also is worthy of no- tice, as pointing out some faults in our navy system. The secretary sets out with saying, it had been generally admitted that imperfections existed in the civil administration of the naval establishment; and hence it had been inferred, that a radical change of system could alone remedy the evil. The secretary, after observing at length on the waste, bad agency, and other defects of the naval system, next refers to those qualities and causes which have exalted the reputation of their infant navy, in the following terms. “That our navy is not excelled in any thing which constitutes efficiency, perfect equipment, and general good qualities, it is believed will be admitted. That our seamen are better paid, fed. e I602 HISTORY OF The wars . SOOK XVI. CHAP. VII. Jºvº-A 1815. and accommodated, is no less true. That all the imported, and many of the domestic, articles of equipment and of consumption in the service are exceedingly enhanced ; that the wages of me- chanical labour is more than double that which is paid by Great Britain; that our expenditure is greatly increased by the interruption to navigable transportation, and the great extent of the local service, is equally obvious. Yet, under all these circumstances, it is demonstrable, that upon a comparison of an equal quantity of tonnage and number of guns and men, or in proportion to the number of men alone, our naval expenditure is con- siderably less than that for the navy of Great Bri- tain, in which “one hundred and forty-five thou- sand men are employed, at an expense of more than twenty millions of pounds sterling, annually.” “The manning of large ships of war (seventy- fours, &c.) now out of commission, is recom- mended by government as the cheapest and the most effectual mode of defending the American coast. — The nature, construction, and equip- ment of the ships,” &c. continues the secretary, “ which constitute a navy, form the basis of its efficiency, durability, and economy, and the most important branch in the civil administration of its affairs. “The defects in this part of the British system have been the theme of criticism and reprehension for many years past. The most minute, laborious, and able investigation, has from time to time ta- ken place, under the direction and scrutiny of the parliament, yet nothing approximating to radical amendment has been adopted; and the advocates of reform, either from the subtile ramifications of the evil, or the agency of some sinister influ- ence, appear to despair of success.” The secretary next speaks of the diversity in the form, dimensions, and proportions of the Bri- tish ships of war in general, and illustrates his argument by the following statement:– “When Lord Nelson was off Cadiz, with se- venteen or eighteen sail of the line, he had no less than seven different classes of seventy-four gun ships, each requiring different masts, sails, yards, &c. so that if one ship was disabled, the others could not supply her with appropriate Stores. “The consequences resulting from this defective organization and want of system are strongly illus- trated in the fact related by a recent professional writer of rank and talents, that “out of 538 ships, &c. in the British navy, now at sea, there are only sixty-nine which are in reality superior in the discharge of metal or force of blows, but inferior in sailing, to some of the American frigates; and that there are but eighteen, which, unless in smooth water, are equal to contend with the United States, leaving 451, out of 538, which are admitted to be incompetent to engage, single handed, with an American frigate.’ “These facts,” says the secretary, “are encou- raging; and if the American navy is made formid- able upon the principle proposed, the host of British frigates and smaller vessels would be struck out of the account, or added to the list of American navy, if they came in contact. “These views, it is true, are prospective; but with a stable, judicious, and liberaſ system, the Fesult would be realized at no remote period. “Having noticed these exceptions to the civil administration of the British navy, it is but just to observe, that the organization of the military part of the system is much more perfect.” After discussing the subject further, as to the system to be adopted in dock-yards, and in the other departments of the naval establishment, he concluded by submitting, with great deference, a new system for the organization of the department of the navy, which he presented in the form of a bill, for the better organization of the navy de- partment. The naval force of the United States, which had been set free by the peace with Great Britain, was usefully and honorably employed in avenging the piracies of the Barbary States upon the com- merce of the Americans, and compelling them to a future pacific conduct. A squadron, com- manded by Commodore Decatur, sailed to the Mediterranean; and, on June the 20th, engaged an Algerine fleet, two ships of which were taken, one being that of the admiral. After this victory he proceeded to Algiers, the dey of which speedily entered into a treaty, by which the tribute de- manded from the Americans was for ever relin- quished. Decatur then, anchoring in the bay of Tunis, demanded satisfaction of the government for having suffered two prizes made by the Ame- ricans, and carried into that port, to be taken out by a British ship of war, and he obliged the bey to pay the damage into the hands of the American consul. Sailing thence to Tripoly he compelled by menaces the pashaw of that place to pay 25,000 dollars by way of indemnity. Commodore Bambridge, the American commander-in-chief, afterwards took precautionary measures for pre- venting any future depredations on the commerce of the United States by the Barbary corsairs. The war with Great Britain having left the American warehouses exhausted of their store of many necessary articles, as soon as peace was re- stored, their ships came in numbers to the British ports, and renewed their usual commercial trans- actions, to the benefit of both countries. The sense each entertained of the mutual advantages to be derived from an intimate correspondence, and their disposition to forget past animosities, were agreeably displayed by a “convention to * of THE FRENch Revolution, 1603 Yºr ~~~º- regulate the commerce between the territories of the United States of America, and those of his Britannic majesty,” agreed upon by the negocia- tors, on each part in London, on the 3d of July, and ratified by the American president in Decem- ber. Of its articles, the first stipulates generally, a reciprocal liberty of commerce between the ceuntries. 2. That no other duties, on export, or import, on either side, shall be imposed on the produce, or manufactures of each country, than on , the like goods to or from any other country; and that the duties on shipping, and goods im- ported, shall be the same, whether the vessels be BOOK xvi, British or American; the same principle also to apply to drawbacks and bounties. 3. American vessels are to be admitted to trade with the four principal British settlements in the East Indies, paying no higher duties than the most favored nations; but they are not to carry their cargoes direct to any other port than in the United States, there to be unladen; and, also, are not to engage in the British coasting-trade of the East Indies. 4. Consuls for the protection of trade are to reside freely in each country. * CHAPTER VIII. JWegociations for Peace.—Change in the French Ministry.—Character of the new JMinisters.- Conclusion of Peace between France and the Allied Powers.-Treaties of Alliance between Great Britain, Austria, Russia, and Prussia.-Notes of the Allied Ministers to the Duke of Riche- lieu-Treaty between Russia and Great Britain.—Remarks. THE attention of Europe had, for some time, been directed to the meeting of the French new legislature, in order to see what measures they would follow, to heal the wounds of a distracted country. Their meeting, also, was generally un- derstood to be the period intended for disclosing the terms of peace. Every argument had been exhausted, and delay created, in adjusting this important matter. The allied ministers would not listen to any terms, till the French army was com- pletely disbanded. When that was accomplished, the negociations for peace commenced; but, not- withstanding the degrading situation to which the French government was reduced, they objected to the terms proposed by the allies. On the 20th of September, the allied ministers delivered in the first proposals, to which the French plenipoten- tiaries replied as follows:— “The undersigned plenipotentiaries of his most Christian majesty forthwith laid before him the communications which were made to them, in the conference of yesterday, by their excellencies the ministers-plenipotentiary of the four united courts, respecting the definitive arrangement, as bases of which their excellencies have proposed : 1. “The cession, by his most Christian majesty, of a territory equal to two-thirds of what was added to old France by the treaty of the 30th of May, and in which should be comprehended the fortresses of Condé, Philippeville, Marienbourg, Givet, and Charlemont, Sarre-Louis, Landau, and forts Joux and L'Ecluse. 109. 2. “The demolition of the fortress of Huninguen. 3. “The payment of two sums; the one of 600 millions, under the denomination of indemnity; the other of 200 millions, to serve for the construc- tion of fortresses in the countries conterminous with France. 4. “The military occupation, during seven years, of the fortresses of Valenciennes, Bouchain, Cam- bray, Maubeuge, Landrecy, Lequesnoy, Avesne, Rocroy, Longwi, Thionville, Bitche, and the tété- du-pont of Fort Louis, as well as of a line along the northern and eastern frontiers, by an army of 150,000 men, under the orders of a general nominated by the allies, and to be subsisted by France. “His majesty, ardently desirous of hastening, as far as lies in his power, the conclusion of an arrangement, the delay of which has caused to his people so many evils, which he daily deplores, and has prolonged in France, and still prolongs, that internal agitation, which has excited the solicitude of the powers; but, still more, animated by a desire to make known his good dispositions to sovereigns his allies, has wished that the undersigned should communicate, without delay, to their excellencies the plenipotentiaries of the four courts, the prin- ciples on which he thinks the negociation ought to be prosecuted, relatively to each of the bases pro- posed, by ordering the undersigned to present the following considerations, on the first of these bases, that respecting territorial cessions,—in which that important object is examined, in the L8 G Ch Ap. VII. \,Lºvrº A 1815. 1604 HISTORY OF THE WARS BOOK XVI. twofold relations of justice and utility, which it gºsº CHAP. VIII. v_s^vº- and 1815. would be so dangerous to separate. “The want of a common judge, having authority power to terminate the disputes of sovereigns, leaves no other course, when they cannot come to an amicable agreement, but that of referring the decision of such disputes to the fate of arms, which constitutes between them the state of war. If, in this state, possessions of the one are occupied by the forces of the other, these possessions are under conquest, by right of which, the occupier acquires the full enjoyment of them during all the time that he occupies them, or, until the re-esta- blishment of peace. He is entitled to demand, as a cºrdition of that re-establishment, that the ter- ritory which he occupies should be ceded to him in whole or in part ; and the cession, when it has taken place, transforming the enjoyment into pro- perty, from a mere occupier of it he becomes the sovereign. This is a mode of acquisition which the law of nations authorises. “But the state of war, conquest, and the right of exacting cessions, are things which proceed from and depend upon each other, in such way, that - the first is an absolute condition of the second, and the latter of the third; for, out of the state of war, there can be no conquest made : and where con- quest has not been made, or no longer exists, the right of demanding territorial cessions cannot exist, since a claim cannot be made to retain that which one has not, or that which he no longer has. “There can be no conquest where there is no state of war, and as you cannot take from him who has nothing, you can only make conquest of what a man possesses; hence it follows, that in order to constitute the possibility of conquest, there must have been war by the occupier on the possessor, that is, on the sovereign; right of possession of a country and sovereignty being things inseparable, or rather identical. “If, then, you make war in a country, and against a number more or less considerable of the inha- bitants of that country, while the sovereign is excepted therefrom, you do not make war on the country, the latter word being merely a trope by- which the domain is put for the possessor. A sovereign, however, must be considered as ex- cepted from the war which foreigners carry on in this country, when they acknowledge him, and maintain with him the accustomed relations of peace. The war is then made against men, to the rights of whom he who combats them cannot suc- ceed, because they have no rights, and from whom ii is impossible to conquer what does not belong tº them. Neither the object nor the effect of such a war can be to make conquests, but to recover. He, however, who recovers that which does not belong to him, cannot recover it but for him whom he acknowledges as the legitimate pos- SęSSOr. 7 -gº “To entitle you to deem yourself at war with a country, without being so with him who has been previously acknowledged a sovereign, two things must necessarily happen; the one is, that of ceas- ing to hold him as such, and to regard the so- vereignty as transferred to those whom you fight against, by the very act for which you fight against them ;—that is to say, you then recognise, pursue, and sanction those doctrines, which have over- thrown so many thrones, shaken them all, and against which all Europe was under the necessity of arming itself: or, you Inust believe that the sovereignty can be double, while it is essentially one, and incapable of division; it may exist under different forms, be collective or individual, but not each of these at once, in the same country, which cannot have two sovereigns at the same fime. \ “The allied powers, however, have neither done nor believed either the one or the other of these two things. “They have considered the enterprise of Bona- parte as the greatest crime that could be com- mitted by men, and the very attempt of which alone placed him without the law of nations. In his adherents, they viewed only accomplices of that crime, whom it was necessary to combat, to put down, and punish, circumstances which irrefraga- bly exclude every supposition that such men could naturally either acquire, or confer, or trans- mit any right. “The allied powers have not, for an instant, ceased to recognise his most Christian majesty as King of France, and, consequently, to recognise the rights which belonged to him in that capacity; they have not, for an instant, ceased to be with him in relations of peace and amity, which alone conveyed with it the engagement to respect his rights; they took upon them this engagement in a formal, though implied manner, in the declara- tion of the 13th of March, and in the treaty of the 25th. They rendered it more strict, by making the king enter, by his accession to that treaty, into their alliance against the common enemy; for if you cannot make conquests from a friend, you can still less do it from an ally. And, let it not be said, that the king could not be the ally of the powers, but by co-operating with them, and that he did not do so; if the total defection of the army, which, at the time of the treaty of the 25, h of March, was already known, and deemed inevita- ble, did not permit him to bring regular troops into action, the Frenchmen who, by taking up arms for him to the number of 60 or 70,000, in the departments of the west and the south, those who shewing themselves disposed to take them up, placed the usurper under the necessity of dividing his forces; and those whé, after the defeat of Waterloo, instead of the resources in men and money which he demanded, left him no other but OF THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 1605 that of abandoning every thing, were, for the allied powers, a real co-operation, who, in propor- tion as their forces, advanced into the French pro- vinces, re-established there the king’s authority, a measure which would have caused conquest to cease, had these provinces been really conquered. It is evident, then, that the demand which is made of territorial cessions cannot be founded upon conquest. - “Neither can it have, as adequate reason, the expenditure made by the allied powers; for if it be just, that the sacrifices to which they have been forced by a war, undertaken for the common good, but for the more particular benefit of France, should not remain chargeable on them, it is equally just that they should satisfy themselves with an indemnification of the same kind with the sacri- fices. The allied powers, however, have made no sacrifice of territory. - - “We live at a period, when, more than at any other, it is important to strengthen confidence in the word of kings. The exaction of cessions from his most Christain majesty would produce a quite contrary effect, after the declaration in which the powers announced, that they took up arms only against Bonaparte and his adherents; after the treaty in which they engaged to maintaia, against all infraction, the integrity of the stipulations of the 30th of May, 1814,-which cannot be main- tained unless that of France is so; after the pro- clamations of their generals-in-chief, in which the Same assurances are renewed. - “The exaction of cessions from his most Chris- tian majesty would deprive him of the means of ex- tinguishing totally, and for ever among the people, that spirit of conquest fanned by the usurper, and which would inevitably rekindle, with the desire of recovering that which France would never believe she had justly lost. - - “Cessions, exacted from his most Christian majesty, would be imputed to him as a crime, as if he had thereby purchased the aid of the powers, and would be an obstacle to the confirmation of the royal government, so important for the legiti- mate dynasties, and so necessary to the repose of Europe, in as far as that repose is connected with the internal tranquillity of France. “In fine, the exaction of cessions from his most Christian majesty would destroy, or at least alter, that equilibrium, to the establishment of which the powers have devoted so many sacrifices, efforts, and cares. It was themselves who fixed the extent that France ought to have. How should that, which they deemed necessary a year ago, have ceased to exist 3 There are, upon the continent of Europe, two states that surpass France in extent, and in population. Their re- lative greatness would, necessarily increase in the same proportion as the absolute greatness of France should be diminished. Would this be con- formable to the interests of Europe 3 Would it even be suitable to the particular interests of these two states, in the order of relations in which they are placed towards each other ? “If, in a small democracy of antiquity, the people, in a body, learning that one of their gene- rals had to propose to them something advan- tagous, but not just, exclaimed unanimously, that they would not even hear it mentioned, is it pos- sible to doubt that the monarchs of Europe should not be unanimous, in a case where that which is not just would even be perpicious? . “It is, therefore, with the most intire con- fidence that the undersigned have the honour of submitting to the allied sovereigns the preceding observations. “Notwithstanding, however, the inconveniences attached, in actual circumstances, to every ter- ritorial cession, his majesty will consent to the re-establishment of the ancient limits, in all the points in which additions were made to old France by the treaty of the 30th of May. His majesty will also cºnsent to the payment of such an in- demnity as shall leave means of supplying the wants of the interior administration, without which it would be impossible to arrive at that settlement of order and tranquillity which has been the object of the war. - “His majesty will, likewise, consent to a provi- sional occupation. Its duration, the number of fortresses, and the extent of country to be oc- cupied, will be the subject of negociation; but the king does not hesitate to declare, at present, that an occupation of seven years being absolutel incompatible with the internal tranquillity of the kingdom, is utterly inadmissible. - “Thus the king admits, in principle, territorial cessions as to what did not appertain to old France; the payment of an indemnity; and a provisional occupation, by a number of troops, and for a period to be determined. “His most Christian majesty flatters himself, that the sovereigns, his allies, will consent to establish the negociations on the footing of these three principles, as well as to carry into the cal- culation of conditions, that spirit of justice and moderation which animates them, in order that the arrangement may be brought to a conclusion speedily, and with mutual satisfaction. “If these bases should not be adopted, the undersigned are not authorised to receive or pro- pose any other.” To this note, the ministers of the allied so- vereigns immediately sent the following reply:— “ Paris, Sept. 22, 1815. “ The undersigned, &c. &c. have received the note, in which messieurs, the plenipotentiaries of France have replied to the communications made to them in the conference of the 20th of this BOOK XVI. CHA P. VIII. Jº. Tº V 1815. 1606 History of the wars BOOK XVI, Chap. VIII. Jºvº-Z 1815. month, with reference to a definitive arrange- ment. They have been surprised to find in it a long series of observations on the right of con- quest, on the nature of those wars to which it is applicable, and on the reasons which should in- duce the contracting powers not to recur to it in the present instance. “The undersigned consider themselves so much the more fully exempted from the necessity of following the plenipotentiaries of France in their reasoning, inasmuch as no one of the propositions which they have made, by command of their august sovereigns, with a view to the regulation of the present and future relations between Europe and France, was founded on the right of conquest; and because they have carefully avoid- ed, in their communications, whatever might lead to a discussion of that right. The allied powers, always considering the restoration of order, and the confirmation of the royal authority in France, as the principal object of their proceedings, but persuaded, at the same time, that France cannot enjoy a solid peace, whilst neighbouring nations continue to cherish, with regard to her, either bitter animosities or perpetual alarms, have recog- nised the principle of a just satisfaction for losses and past sacrifices, as well as that of a sufficient guarantee for the future security of neighbouring countries, as the only means of putting an end to all discontents and apprehensions, and, conse- quently, as the only true bases of every solid and durable arrangement. “It is only upon these two principles that the allied powers have fixed their propositions, and in drawing up the projet, which the undersigned have had the bonor to transmit to the plenipoten- tiaries of France, they were distinctly expressed in every one of its articles. “The plenipotentiaries of France themselves admit the first of these principles, whilst they re- main silent with respect to the second. It is, however, abundantly clear, that the necessity of guarantees, for the future, has become more sen- sible and urgent than at the period of the signa- ture of the treaty of Paris. The subsequent events have carried consternation and alarm to every part of Europe; at a moment when the sovereigns and their people flattered themselves that, after so many afflictions, they were about to enjoy a long interval of peace, these events have every where produced agitation, as well as the burthens and sacrifices inseparable from a gene- ra! arming. It is impossible so soon to efface from the minds of cotemporaries the recollection of such-a convulsion. That which was sufficient to satisfy them in 1814, cannot content them in 1815. The line of demarcation, which appeared to guarantee the security of the states bordering on France, at the epoch of the treaty of the 30th - *** *-*. -*==== of May, can no longer satisfy the just pretensions which they now prefer. “It is indispensable that France should offer some new pledge of security. She ought to take this step, as well from sentiments of justice and expediency, as from her own interest, well under- stood. For, in order that the French may be happy, and tranquil, it is absolutely necessary that their neighbours should be happy and tran- quil also. “Such are the powerful considerations that have induced the allied powers to demand of France some territorial cessions. The inconsiderable ex- tent of these cessions, and the selection of the points upon which they bear, sufficiently prove, that they have nothing in common with views of aggrandizement and conquest, and that the se- curity of bordering nations is their only object. These cessions are not of a nature to compromise the substantial integrity of France. They em- brace only detached districts or points remote from her territory; they cannot really weaken her in any relation, either administrative or mili- tary, nor can her defensive system be affected by them. France will remain not the less one of the best rounded and best fortified states of Eu- rope, as well as one of the richest in means of every description, for resisting the danger of II]. Was IOI. “Without entering into these higher considera- tions, the plenipotentiaries of France admit, how- ever, the principle of territorial cession, as far as respects the points added to old France by the treaty of Paris. “The undersigned find it difficult to under- stand upon what this distinction can be founded, or under the point of view adopted by the allied powers, in what the essential difference between ancient and recent territory consists. It is im- possible to suppose, that the plenipotentiaries of France wish to revive, in the actual state of affairs, the doctrine of the pretended inviolability of the French territory. They too well know that this doctrine, put forward by the chiefs and apostles of the revolutionary system, formed one of the most revolting chapters in that arbitrary code which they wished to impose on Europe. It would be to destroy entirely every idea of equality between the different powers, if it were once established as a principle, that France may, without difficulty, extend her limits, acquire new provinces, and unite them to her territory, either by conquest or treaty, whilst she alone shall enjoy the privilege of never losing any of her ancient possessions, either by the misfor- tunes of war, or by the political arrangements that may result from it. “With regard to the latter part of the note of the plenipotentiaries of France, the undersigned © F THE FRENCH REVOLUTION, 1607 *- 1-a- reserve themselves for a serious-explanation in the next conference which they will have the honor of proposing to the plenipotentiaries of France. (Signed “RASUMoffsky, * CAPo D'IsTRIA, * WEISSENBERG, “HUMBoldt, “ METTERNICH, “HARDENBERG, “CASTLEREAGH.” The French ministers, finding the allied powers resolute in enforcing their demands, de- termined to resign, rather than sign a degrading peace. This event was hastened, in a great mea- sure, through the intrigue of the king's brother, the Duke and Duchess of Angouleme, and the Duke of Berri. The conduct of these branches of the Bourboa family had done no good to the cause of Louis during his former reign; and they seemed not disposed to change that conduct. As these princes naturally regarded the ministry of Louis with abhorrence, they had used their ut- most endeavours to bring about a change; and this they soon effected. Fouché and Talleyrand were dismissed; the former was sent to Dresden, as ambassador; and the latter had some trifling situation given him, which permitted him to be near the king's person. The new ministry con- sisted of the following persons: The Duke of Richelieu, minister for foreign affairs, and, of course, prime-minister; the Duke of Feltre, minis- ter of war; the Viscount Dubouchage, minister of the interior; the Sieur de Cazes, for general olice; and M. Barbé Marbois, keeper of the seals. he following character of some of them appears to be just, and may therefore be acceptable. “The Duke de Richelieu, grandson of the celebrated mareschal of that name, emigrated at the beginning of the revolution, and en- tered into the Russian service, in which he has acquired general esteem. For some years he has held the government of Odessa, much to the satis- faction both of the sovereign and the people. If he does not bring with him a knowledge of the men and things of his own country, he returns at Heast with a spotless reputation. “Clarke, Duke de Feltre, was an aide-de-camp of the late Duke of Orleans, at his entrance into ablic life: he served the republic most zealous- y, under Carnot, with whom he was intimately connected. He evinced equal devotion to the imperial government; and, embarking in the royal cause, after the landing of Bonaparte, he sustained it with that ardour which forms the leading feature of his character. In all stages of his political career, he has proved himself both able and incorruptible. “M. de Vaublanc was a distinguished mem- ber, and one of the most conspicuous orators of the first legislative assembly. Among other ºpºlº of his, there exists a very eloquent one I º —m- in favor of General La Fayette, who was ac- Book XVI, cused by the jacobin-party, shortly before the catastrophe of the 10th of August. M. de V. was Chap. VIII. violently persecuted during the reign of terror, and, by flight, he escaped the fate of his colleagues, en, the 18th Fructidor. Since that period, his 9pinions have become highly royalist. His pro- bity has never been questioned by any party. He has been a member of the legislative body under Bonaparte, and also prefect of Metz. There are several speeches of his, at that period, which at- tested his devotion to the imperial throne.. “M. Barbé Marbois was secretary of legation, and afterwards chargé d'affaires to the United States. . Soon after the treaty which France made with that republic, he was subsequently intendant of St. Domingo. On the 18th Fructi. dor he was banished to Cayenne, from whence, in consequenee of that stoicism which marks his character, he refused to escape with Barthelemi' and Pichegru. He was minister of finance un- der Bonaparte, and also president of the chamber of accounts; but having made a speech very of fensive to the latter, during his residence at Elba, Bonaparte dismissed him, on his return from that island. M. Barbé Marbois is a man of talents, and of the most austere virtue. His opinions are highly favorable to the royal cause. “M. de Cazes was attached to the family of Bonaparte, and counsellor of the imperial court, where he merited consideration. He strongly espoused the part of the king, and was, in conse- quence, dismissed by Bonaparte, on his return. He is much esteemed both for virtue and talent. “M. Corvetto was counsellor of state under Bonaparte, and was considered as one of the most "Pºº and enlightened of that body.” The old ministers sent the following letter to the king, in which they explained their motives for retiring. .6 “Sire,—Your majesty deigned to confide to us the administration of your empire, when the whole of Europe in arms occupied the northern provinces, when they menaced those of the east and the south, and when civil war was kindled and diffused over the west. A triumphant fac- tion, which was restrained, but net discouraged; portions of the population who had become indif- ferent, from the excess of their fears or their suf- ferings, to any events which might ensue; equally ready to support alternately the tyranny of the faction and the yoke of foreign arms, until some greater misfortunes should at length unite them against their oppressors;—such has been the si- tuation of the kingdom since your majesty's re- turn. “The love of our country was no longer to be found but under the tri-coloured flag. The party which called themselves royalists proscribed, in their projéts, both the º and the men who did T *Vº 1815. 1608 HISTORY OF THE WARS &- Bo0K XVI. not encourage the subversion of social order. Were France buried beneath her own ruins, and Chap. VIII, your majesty reigned over desert provinces, this ^*Y*/ 1815. party would prefer the destruction of the glory, the strength, and the political existence of France, to seeing her consoled for her misfortunes, and regaining her losses under the wise and liberal laws vouchsafed by your majesty. This party became hostile in the west, in the south, and in the north, because it believed itself supported by authority. Good citizens waited, in silence, to hear the voice of your majesty. At present, they are preparing their arms in Auvergne, in the Ce- vennes, in the Vosges, in Franche Comté, and in Alsace. “You cannot, sire, be ignorant what was our devotion to your sacred person: we had partaken of your dangers, your misfortunes, and your exile; we know the wishes and the wants of the French people; we expressed them to your ma- jesty with a respectful candour. You seemed to listen to us: and now that we are quitting your councils, we hope that you will permit us to re- cal them to your recollection. “Successive revolutions have changed the con- ditions of families, have overthrown the fortunes which they had amassed, have closed up the paths they had opened, have tarnished the na- tional glory which they had exalted; but those revolutions have also taught the people, that there is no happiness for them except under a fixed and steady government, because that will replace the conditions of families in a state of harmony with existing manners, because it will consolidate ex- isting fortunes, because it will permit the citizens to go on in that career which they have begun, and because it will establish the national honor on the principles of unalterable justice; results of the utmost importance to the nation, because it will place individuals in that relative condition which the state of society requires. “If we could have given this direction to your majesty's government, Frenchmen would have been united in heart and in conduct with the wishes of their king; their interests would have been eonfounded with the glory, the love, and the safety of the prince. Those desires and those fanatical passions which would have disturbed an order of things so auspicious to the general good, would gradually have died away, or have been lost in the emptiness of an ineffectual op- position. “Your subjects would have submitted to your daws, whatever their opinions might have been, or their former condition. The republican or the imperial party is no longer to be feared; the mass ef the nation wish only for liberty and tranquil- Hity. Foreign cabinets, in seeing Frenchmen ified round your thrºne. would have limited ºl pretension, which then you might have with- stood. “The constitution having rendered us respon- sible for the acts of your authority, we proposed to regulate it by those principles which we have here unfolded. We soon had to struggle with the ignorance, the passions; and the hatred of the persons who surrounded you: they soon be- gan to intermeddle with the government. Orders were given, and measures adopted, in which we did not participate. Royal commissaries went and kindled civil war in the provinces, gave arms to the seditious, directed their ferocity against peaceful citizens, and spread around terror and dismay ! They easily succeeded in this, when they announced that foreigners were their auxi- liaries; when they profaned the name of your majesty, by invoking it in their addresses; and when in the south, which foreigners did not yet occupy, they permitted the entrance of eighty thousand Spaniards. A marshal of France was murdered on the banks of the Rhone, and his as- sassins were neither apprehended nor punished : Was it by oppression that the people were to be inspired with a love for your government Oat- rage soon extended itself; in some cities colours were displayed which were not those of your ma- jesty. Frenchmen themselves wished to dismem- ber your kingdom, and separate the north from the south. Your majesty became sensible that it was necessary to recal to their submission the blind partisans of a cause whose legitimacy was acknowledged 1 Our orders were not Histened to: magistrates whom we sent in your name were sa- crificed by those who acted in the name of the king ; we remained without power; secret in- structions rendered all our efforts and intentions unavailing. In sueh circumstances, what coułd your majesty's ministers do? The Duke of Otranto, when Napoleon still reigned, had sue- ceeded, by negotiation, in disarming La Vendée. Your majesty was scarcely seated on the throne when the insurrection broke out in this same Ha Vendée, with more violence than ever. What could be its object after your restoration? Your minister-at-war declared that he had no troops with which to subdue these provinces; it was not the intention of your court that this insurrection should be opposed. - “We cannot conceal from you, sire, that these attacks are levelled at your throne; you suffer legitimate authority to be despised, and the au- thority of faction supplies its place. Factions produce revolutions, and those who triumph to- day may be overthrown to-morrow; your throne will no longer have even the support of their legitimate authority. Your ministers, always de- voted to your person, still endeavoured to oppose this re-action; the princes of your house, the QF THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 1609 wº— f *— nobles of your court, designated as crimes, and ; tremity. . Your majesty. has no longer the means Book xvi. as attacks upon your crown, their efforts to re- º of opposing the pretensions of foreigners. They store order and submission to the law ; we lost i have presented a treaty which would consum. Caar. VIII. all influence with your majesty ; we became 3 mate the ruin of the nation, and which would ºv- guilty in the eyes of the nation. . . iſ cover it with eternal shame. We have not thought 1815. “The elections were made; a factious minority ; it became us to give an assent which would have directed them; that minority alone is represented. rendered us culpable towards that nation, which The choice which they recommend to your majesty for the chamber of peers indicates the same spirit. “Ministers, without authority, a prey to the persecutions of the court, without support in the public opinion, exposed to the opposition of the chambers, what should we be able to reply to the clamors of the people, when at length they shall demand the reasons for so many calamities? “Meanwhile, foreigners, possess France as a conquered country; to civil discord they add the ravage of provinces; they dissipate the funds which ought to find their way into the treasury; they devour the provisions of the people, who are threatened with an approaching famine; they carry off the magazines of arms, the ammunition of war, and the cannons from the ramparts of our cities. The white flag floats only over ruins! They despoil us of our public monuments, the tokens of our former glory; they seize the monu- ments of art, which alone remain to us after twenty years of conquest. It is dishonor, sire, which the people are most reluctant to pardon, and your majesty has remained silent in the midst of all these attacks on the national honor! “We were, for a long time, ignorant that se- eret treason had connected you with foreigne.s —your majesty wished to negociate yourself—we could not prevent the disbandment of the army; and this measure being completed, left France and your person in the power of foreigners. 'What had your house to fear from that army? Napoleon no longer existed for France. The na- tional colours granted, and some concessions made to public opinion, that army would have become yours—it would have served you to re- ‘sist the ambitious projects of your allies. Was every thing to be abandoned to the combinations and the seductions of your court and of foreign princes? Your court is led astray by prejudices: the foreign sovereigns have interests opposed to yours. The Emperor of Russia was, perhaps, the only one whom you could believe sincere in his promises. “The allies, at this moment, oppose the recruit- ing of the departmental legions. “Such are the misfortunes of the situation in which unwise councils have placed your majesty. Your subjects are almost-every where in oppo- sition or in arms against each other, and almost ..every where the partisans of your house are the smallest number. The French, humiliated and discontented, are ready to proceed to the last ex- may be humiliated, but which cannot be beat down. “Since your majesty has confided authority to our hands, we have constantly been with- out the power of doing good, without the power of preventing evil. Our opinions have no influence; the cabals of your court have prevailed. We have to obey, through respect to your majesty, and to sanction, by our sig- nature, acts which we disapprove. We could have sacrificed our lives to save your majesty and the country; but those who are near your ma- jesty know, that the revolution which they would excite, would surround the vessel of the state with new perils; that they would give to fac- ...tions, to whom you are opposed, the means of seeing a resting place beyond the legitimate au- thority of your majesty; that they would raise pretenders to the throne where you are seated. It is not by means of a faction that your majesty ought to reign, but by a constitution, by a royal prerogative, recognized and established. Let that faction tremble, and suspend their efforts to substitute passion in their place. Their agents would be the first victims, and they would cause the greatest misfortunes to your majesty. “We are, therefore, convinced, that we can no longer contribute to the welfare of your subjects, that we cannot govern the state in the spirit of the councils which direct your majesty. Your wisdom will doubtless do more than our zeal and our efforts to remedy the evils which afflict the state ; we, therefore, venture to supplicate you to believe in the regrets that we experience, in not being able any longer to contribute to serve you, and in the wishes that we have formed for the prosperity of your house, and for the safety of the country.” sº. In consequence of the protracted delay of the negociations, the allied troops, which were eva- cuating France, were commanded to halt; but, on the entrance of the new ministers into office, matters were soon brought to a conclusion, and the treaties were at length concluded and signed on the 20th of November. They consisted of a definitive treaty between France and the allied powers, signed at Paris, on the 20th of November, 1815 :—an additional article to the preceding treaty, relative to the abolition of the slave- trade;—a eonvention relative to the payment of a pecuniary indemnity to be furnished by France to the allied powers;–a convention relative to 1610 HISTORY OF THE WARS BOOK XVI. CHAP. VIII. -ºvº-Z 1815. -- - - —r: a- - ->~ : -- - W. - --- -------------. the occupation of a military line in France by . the allied army:--a note from the ministers of , + -------> upon these bases, in a definitive treaty. For this purpose, and to this effect, his majesty, the King the allied powers to the Duke of Richelieu, on iſ of the United Kingdom of Great ritain and Ire- the nature and extent of the powers attached to * land, for himself and his allies on the one part, the command of the Duke of Wellington;—a " convention between Great Britain and France, relative to the claims of the British subjects on , the French government;-and a note from the ministers of the allied cabinets to the Duke of and his majesty the King of France and Navarre on the other part, have named their plenipoten- tiaries to discuss, settle, and sign, the said defi- mitive treaty ; namely, his majesty the King of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ire- Richelieu, communicating, a copy of a treaty of a land, the Right Honorable Robert Stewart, Wis- alliance between Great Britain, Russia, Austria, and Prussia;-besides other documents of less . importance. As these papers are of the highest and most permanent interest, and point out most clearly the measures which the allies took to punish France, and to prevent her future agressions, we shall lay the chief of them before our readers. They are five in number. º Definitive Treaty of Peace between France and, the Allied Powers. “In the name of the Most Holy and Undi- vided Trinity.—The allied powers having, by their united efforts, and by the success of their arms, preserved France and Europe from the convulsions with which they were menaced by the late enterprize of Napoleon Bonaparte, and by the revolutionary system re-produced in France, to promote its success; participating at present with his most Christian majesty in the desire to consolidate, by maintaining inviolate the royal authority; and by restoring the operation of the constitutional charter, the order of things which had been happily re-established in France, as also in the object of restoring, between France and her neighbours, those relations of reciprocal confidence and good-will, which the fatal effects of the revolution, and of the system of conquest, had for so long a time disturbed: persuaded, at the same time, that this last object can only be obtained by an arrangement framed to secure to the allies proper indemnities for the past, and solid guarantees for the future, they have, in concert with his majesty the King of France, taken into consideration the means of giving ef- fect to this arrangement; and, being satisfied that the indemnity due to the allied powers can- not be either entirely territorial or entirely pecu- niary, without prejudice to France in the one or ether of her essential interests, and that it would be more fit to combine both the modes, in order to avoid the inconvenience which would result, were either resorted to separately, their imperial and royal majesties have adopted this basis for their present transactions; and agreeing alike as to the necessity of retaining, for a fixed time, in the frontier provinces of France, a certain num- ber of allied troops, they have determined to combine their different arrangements, founded count Wellington o count Castlereagh, knight of the most noble or- der of the garter, a member of his said majesty's most honorable privy-council, a member of par- liament, colonel of the Londonderry regiment of militia, and his said majesty's principal secretary- of-state for foreign affairs; º the most illustri- ous and most noble Lord Arthur, Duke, Marquis and Earl of Wellington, Marquis of Douro, Vis- # Talavera and of Wellington, and Baron Douro of Wellésley, a member of his said majesty's most honorable privy-council, a field-marshal of his armies, colonel of the royal regiment of horse-guards, knight of the most no- ble order of the Garter, knight grand-cross of the most honorable order of the Bath, Prince of Wa- terloo, Duke of Ciudad Rodrigo, and a grandee of Spain of the first class, Duke of Vittoria, Mar- quis of Torres Vedras, Count of Vimiera in Por- tugal, knight of the most illustrious order of the Golden Fleece, of the Spanish military order of St. Ferdinand, knight grand-cross of the impe- rial military order of Maria Theresa, knight grand-cross of the imperial order of St. George of Russia, knight grand-cross of the order of the Black Eagle of Prussia, knight grand-cross of the Portugueze royal and military order of the Tower and sº knight grand-cross of the royal and military order of Sweden of the Sword, knight grand-eross of the orders of the Elephant of TPenmark, of William of the Low Countries, of the Annunciade of Sardinia, of Maximilian Joseph of Bavaria, and of several others, and commander of the forces of his Britannic majesty in France, and of the army of his majesty the King of the Low Countries; and his majesty the King of France and Navarre, the Sieur Armand Emanuel du Plessis Richelieu, Duke of Rich- elieu, knight of the royal and military order of St. Louis, and of the orders of St. Alexander Newsky, St. Wiadomir, and St.George of Russia, peer of France, first gentleman of the chamber of his most Christian majesty, his minister and , secretary-of-state for foreign affairs, and president of the council of his ministers; who, having ex- changed their full powers, found to be in good and due form, have signed the following arti- cles:— Art. 1. “The frontiers of France shall be the same as they were in the year 1790, save and except the modifications on one side and on the OF THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 1611 -* *-***----- - --------------> --- ------------------------- --- other, which are detailed in the present article. First, on the Northern Frontiers, the line of de- marcation shall remain as it was fixed by the treaty of Paris, as far as opposite to Quiverain, from thence it shall follow the ancient limits of the Belgian provinces, of the late bishopric of Liege, and of the duchy of Bouillon, as they ex- isted in the year 1790, leaving the territories included (enclaves) within that line of Philippe- ville and Marienbourg, with the fortresses so called, together with the whole of the duchy of Bouillon, without the frontiers of France.—From Villers, near Orval, upon the confines of the de- partment Des Ardennes, and of the grand duchy of Luxembourg as far as Perle, upon the great road leading from Thionville to Treves, the line shall remain as it was laid down by the treaty of Paris. From Perle it shall pass by Lauensdorff, Walwich, Schardorff, Neiderveiling, Pelweiler (all these places, with their banlienes, or depen- dencies, remaining to France), to Houvre: and shall follow from thence the old limits of the dis- trict (Pays) of Sarrebruck, leaving Sarrelouis, and the course of the Sarre, together with the places situated to the right of the line above de- scribed, and their banlienes, or dependencies, without the limits of France. From the himits of the district of Sarrebruck, the line of demarca- tion shall be the same which at present separates from Germany the departments of the Moselle and of the Lower Rhine, as far as to the Lauter, which river shall, from thence, serve as the from- tier until it falls into the Rhine. All the terri- tory on the left bank of the Lauter, including the fortress of Landau, shall form part of Germany. “The town of Weissenbourg, however, through which that river runs, shall remain entirely to France, with a rayon on the left bank, not ex- ceeding 1,000 toises, and which shall be more particularly determined by the commissioners, who shall be charged with the approaching de- signation of the boundaries. Secondly, leaving the mouth of the Lauter, and continuing along the departments of the Lower Rhine, the Upper Rhine, the Doubs and the Jura, to the canton de Vaud, the frontiers shall remain as fixed by the treaty of Paris. The Thalweg of the Rhine shall form the boundary between France and the states of Germany; but the property of the islands shall remain in perpetuity, as it shall be fixed by a new survey of the course of that river, and con- tinue unchanged, whatever variation that course may undergo in the lapse of time. Commis- sioners shall be named on both sides, by the high- contracting parties, within the space of three months, to proceed upon the said survey. One half of the bridge between Strasbourg and Kehl shall belong to France, and the other half to the grand duchy of Baden. Thirdly, in order to establish a direct communication between the 110. canton of Geneva and Switzerland, that part of Book xvi. the Pays de Gex, bounded on the east by the lake Leman; on the south, by the territory of the Chap. VIII. canton of Geneva; on the north, by that of the ‘’Cº-’ canton de Vaud; on the west, by the course of the Versoix, and by a line which comprehends the communes of Collex Bossy, and Meyrin, leaving the commune of Ferney to France, shall be ceded to the Helvetic confederacy, in order to be united to the canton of Geneva. The line of the French custom-houses shall be placed to the west of the Jura, so that the whole of the Pays de Gex shall be without that line. Fourthly, from the frontiers of the canton of Geneva, as far as the Mediterranean, the line of demarcation shall be that which, in the year 1799, separated France from Savoy, and from the county of Nice. The relations which the treaty of Paris, of 1814, had re-established between France and the prin- cipality of Monaco, shall cease for ever, and the same relations shall exist between that princi- pality and his majesty the King of Sardinia. Fifthly, all the territories and districts included (enclaves) within the boundary of the French ter- ritory, as determined by the present article, shall remain united to France. Sixthly, the high-con- tracting parties shall name, within three months after the signature of the present treaty, com- missioners to regulate every thing relating to the designation of the boundaries of the respective countries, and as soon as the labours of the com- missioners shall have terminated, maps shall be drawn, and land-marks shall be erected, which shall point out the respective limits. 2. “The fortresses, places, and districts, which, according to the preceding article, are no longer to form part of the French territory, shall be placed at the disposal of the allied powers, at the periods fixed by the ninth article of the mili- tary convention, annexed to the present treaty ; and his majesty the King of France renounces for himself, his heirs and successors for ever, the rights of sovereignty and property which he has hitherto exercised over the said fortresses, places, and districts. - 3. “The fortifications of Huninguen, having been constantly an object of uneasiness to the town of Basle, the high-contracting parties, in order to give to the Helvetic confederacy a new proof of their good-will, and of their soli- citude for its welfare, have agreed among them- selves to demolish the fortifications of Huninguen; and the French government engages, from the same motive, not to re-establish them at any time, and not to replace them by other fortifications, at a distance of less than that of three leagues from the town of Basle. The neutrality of Switzerland shall be extended to the territory situated to the north of a line to be drawn from Ugine, that town being included to the * of the lake of Annacy, 18 i8 lj. 1612 THE WARS HISTORY OF BOOK XVI. CHAP. VIII. Jºzº-Z 1815. ~gºm- by Faverge, as far as Lecheraine, and from thence, by the lake of Bourget, as far as the Rhone, in like manner as it was extended to the provinces of Chablais and of Faucigny, by the ninety-second article of the final act of the Con- gress of Vienna. 4, “The pecuniary part of the indemnity to be furnished by France to the allied powers, is fixed at the sum of 700 millions of francs. The mode, the periods, and the guarantees for the payment of this sum, shall be regulated by a special convention, which shall have the same force and effect as if it were inserted, word for word, in the present treaty. 5. “The state of uneasiness and of fermenta- tion which, after so many violent convulsions, and particularly after the last catastrophe, France must still experience, notwithstanding the paternal intentions of her king, and the advantages secured to every class of his subjects, by the con- stitutional charter, requiring, for the security of the neighbouring states, certain measures of precaution, and of temporary guarantee, it has been judged indispensible to occupy, during a fixed time, by corps of allied troops, certain mili- tary positions along the frontiers of France, under the express reserve, that such occupation shall in no way prejudice the sovereignty of his most Christian majesty, nor the state of possession, such as it is recognised and confirmed by the present treaty. The number of these troops shall not exceed 150,000 men. The commander-in- chief of this army shall be nominated by the allied powers. This army shall occupy the for- tresses of Condé, Valenciennes, Bouchain, Cam- bray, Le Quesnoy, Maubeuge, Landrecies, Aves- nes, Rocroy, Givet, with Charlemont, Mezieres, Sedan, Monthiedy, Thionville, Longwy, Bitsche, and the téte-du-pont of Fort Louis. As the maintenance of the army destined for this service is to be provided by France, a special convention shall regulate every thing which may relate to that object. This convention, which shall have the same force and effect as if it were inserted word for word in the present treaty, shall also regulate the relations of the army of occupa- tion with the civil and military authorities of the country. The utmost extent of the duration of this military occupation, is fixed at five years. It may terminate before that period, if at the end of three years the allied sovereigns, after having, in eoncert with his majesty the King of France,. maturely examined their reciprocal situation and interests, and the progress which shall have been made in France in the re-establishment of order and tranquillity, shall agree to acknowledge, that the motives which led them to that measure have ceased to exist. But whatever may be the result of this deliberation, all the fortresses and positions occupied by the allied tºp. shall, at the expi- ration of five years, be evacuated without further delay, and given up to his most Christian ma- jesty, or to his heirs and successors. 6. “The foreign troops, not forming part of the army of occupation, shall evacuate the French ter- ritory within the term fixed by the 9th article of the military convention annexed to the present treaty. 7. “ In all countries which shall change sove- reigns, as well in virtue of the present treaty as of the arrangements which are to be made in conse- quence thereof, a period of six years, from the date of the exchange of the ratifications, shall be alkowed to the inhabitants, natives or foreigners, of whatever condition and nation they may be, to dispose of their property, if they should think fit to do so, and to retire to whatever country they may choose. 8. “All the dispositions of the treaty of Paris, of the 30th of May, 1814, relative to the countries ceded by that treaty, shall equally apply to the several territories and districts ceded by the pre- sent treaty. & 9. “The high-contracting parties have caused representation to be made of the different claims arising out of non-execution of the 19th and foi- lowing articles of the treaty of the 30th of May, 1814, as well as of the additional articles of that treaty, signed between Great Britain and France, desiring to render more efficacious the stipulations made thereby, and having determined, by two se- parate conventions, the line to be pursued on each side for that purpose, the said two conventions, as annexed to the present treaty, shall, in order to secure the complete execution of the above-men- tioned articles, have the same force and effect as if the same were inserted, word for word, herein. 10. “All prisoners taken during the hostilities, as well as all hostages which may have been car- ried off or given, shall be restored in the shortest time possible. The same shall be the case with: respect to the prisoners taken previously to the treaty of the 30th of May, 1814, and who shalk not already have been restored. 11. “The treaty of Paris, of the 30th of May, 1814, and the final act of the Congress of Vienna, of the 9th of June, 1815, are confirmed, and shall be maintained in all such of their enactments which shall not have been modified by the articles of the present treaty. 12. “The present treaty, with the conventions: annexed thereto, shall be ratified in one act, and the ratifications thereof shall be exchanged in the space of two months, or sooner if possible. “In witness whereof, the respective plenipoten- tiaries have signed the same, and have affixed thereunto the seals of their arms. “Done at Paris, this 20th day of November, in the year of our Lord 1815. *. (Signed) (Signed) (L. S.) “CASTLEREAGH. (L. S.) “Richelieu.” (L. S.) “WELLINGTON. OF THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 1613 •º- -*-- - ~~ *-*-*-*- -a. = <-- * --. -- *m- JAdditional Article. “ The high-contracting powers, sincerely desiring to give effect to the measures with which they occupied themselves at the Congress of Vienna, relatively to the complete and uni- versal abolition of the African slave-trade; and having already, each in his respective states, pro- hibited, without instruction, their colonies and subjects from taking any part whatever in this traffic, engage to unite again all their efforts to ensure the final success of the principles which they have proclaimed in the declaration of the 4th of February, 1815, and to concert, without loss of time, by their ministers at the courts of London and Paris, the most efficacious measures to obtain the entire and definitive abolition of a traffic so odious and so highly repugnant to the laws of religion and of nature. The present ad- ditional article shall have the same force and va- lidity as if it were inserted word for word in the treaty of this day. . It shall be comprehended in the ratification of the said treaty. “In testimony whereof the respective pleni- potentiaries have signed it, and affixed to it the seal of their arms. “Done at Paris, the 20th of November, in the year of grace 1815.” [Signatures.] [The same day, in the same place, and at the same moment, the same treaty, as well as the conventions and articles annexed to it, was signed between France and Great Britain, France and Prussia, and France and Russia.] * Separate Article.—(Signed with Russia alone.) “In execution of the additional article of the 30th May, 1814, his most Christian majesty en- gages to send, without delay, to Warsaw, one or more commissioners, to concur in his name, ac- cording to the terms of the said article, in the examination and liquidation of the reciprocal elaims of France and the late duchy of Warsaw, and in all the arrangements relative to them. His most Christian majesty recognizes, in respect to the Emperor of Russia, in his quality of King of Poland, the nullity of the convention of Ba- yonne, well understood, that this disposition can- not receive any application, but conformably to the principles established in the conventions men- tioned in the 9th article of the treaty of this day. “The present separate article shall have the same force and validity as if it were inserted word for word in the treaty of this day. It shall be ratified, and the ratifications shall be ex- changed at the same time. “In testimouy whereof the plenipotentiaries have signed it, and affixed to it the seal of their aſ IIlS, “Done at Paris, the 20th of November, in the year of grace 1815.” Convention concerning the Occupation of a Military Line in France. Art. 1.-" Composition of the army, and choice of its commanders. 2. “The French furnish it with fire, candle, lodging, provisions, and forage, in kind. How- ever, the portions which are to be delivered, ac- cording to a fixed tariff, are not to exceed 200,000, and the rations not 50,000. For pay, equipments, clothing, and other necessaries, the government is to pay fifty millions annually; but the allies, in order to assist France as much as possible, will be content with thirty millions for the first year, on condition that the deficiency shall be paid in the following years. 3. “France provides for the keeping up of the fortifications, as well as of the buildings belong- ing to the civil and military administration, and for the provisioning of the fortresses in the occu- pation of the allies. The furnishing of what is necessary for these purposes, in which the maxims of the French military administration are ob- served, is made upon the application of the allied armies to the French government, which has to arrange with them the means of providing for these supplies and works, in a manner suitable to both parties. 4. “According to the fifth article of the prin- cipal convention, the line to be occupied by the allied troops extends along the frontiers which divide the departments of the Pas de Calais, the North, the Ardennes, the Maese, the Mozelle, the Lower Rhine, and the Upper Rhine, from the interior of France. It is further agreed, that (unless particular reasons should, with the con- sent of both parties, cause an alteration to be made,) the following districts and territories shall not be occupied either by allied or French troops. In the department of the Somme, the whole country, northwards of that river from Ham, to its failing into the sea; in the department of the Aisne, the district of St. Quentin, Vervin, and Laon; in the department of the Marne, those of Rheims, St. Menehaud, and Vitry; in the de- partment of the Upper Marne, St. Dizier, and Joinville; in the department of the Meurthe, Toul, Dienze, Saarburg, and Blamont; in the department of the Vosges, those of St. Diez, Bruyeres, and Preineremont; in the department of the Upper Saone, the district of Leere; in the department of the Doubs, that of St. Hypolite. The King of France may have garrisons in the towns which lie in the territory occupied by the allies, the strength of which garrisons is limited as follows:–In Calais, 1,000 men; Gravelines, 500; Bergin, 500; St. Omer, 1,500; Bethune, 500; Montreuil, 500; Nisden, 250; Andres, 250; Acre, 500; Arras, 1,000; Boulogne, 300; St. Venand, 300; Lille, 3,000; Dunkirk, and its BOOK XVI, CHAP. VIII. l 815. 1614 HISTORY OF THE WARS book XVI. CHAP. VIII. Jºvº-Z 1815. forts, 1,000; Douay and Le Louche, 1,000; Ver- dun, 500; Metz, 3,000; Lauterberg, 200; Weis- semberg, 150; Petite Pierre, 100; Strasburg, 3,000; Schelestadt, 1,000; New Brisach, and Fort Mortier, 1,100; Befort, 1,000. It is, how- ever, agreed, that the materiel of the engineer and artillery-departments, and the arms not pro- perly belonging to these places, shall be removed from them to other places, at the option of the French government, which must, however, lie without the lines occupied by the allied troops, and without the line not occupied by the troops of either party. If the commander-in-chief is informed of a violation of these arrangements, he makes a remonstrance to the French govern- ment, which promises to pay due attention to it. As the above places are at present without garri- sons, the French government may send thither the stipulated number of troops as soon as it pleases, first, however, informing the commander- in-chief. 5. “The military command in the whole extent of the departments, through which passes the mi- litary line formed by the allied troops, belongs to the commander-in-chief of the allies. The places mentioned in article 4th, which are to be garri- soned by French troops, together with a rayon of 1,000 toises, are excepted from this military command. 6. “The civil administrative justice, levying of taxes, remain in the hands of the French govern- ment. The same is the case with the customs.- They remain in their present state; and the com- manders of the allied troops not only put no ob- stacles in the way of their officers, but, in case of need, lend them assistance. 7. “To prevent all abuses in respect of the cus- toms, the clothes, &c. for the troops, shall not be imported, except provided with certificates of origin, and, in consequence of a previous commu- nication of the commander of the corps to the ge- neral-in-chief, who, on his side, gives information to the custom-house officers. .* 8. “The gens d'armes continue to do duty in the countries occupied by the allies. 9. “ The troops not belonging to the army of occupation leave France in —— days after the signature of the principal treaty. The territories ceded to the allies, as well as the places Landau, Saar-Louis, and Versoix, will be evacuated in —— days from the same time. The places will be given up in the condition in which they were on the 28th of September. Commissioners will be named on both sides, to report on this situation, aud to deliver up and receive the military stores, plans, models, and archives, belonging to the ceded places and districts. Commissioners will be also named, to examine and report the situa- tion of the places to be given in depôt to the allies, which are still in the hands of France, and -º-º-º-º-ºxºº. _º -*=º. which are to be delivered up in —— days. Com- missioners shall also report the state of the for- tresses already in the hands of the allies, on the day when they are considered as occupied. The allies promise to restore, at the end of the occu- pation, all the places named in article 5th of the principal treaty, in the same state in which they found them, without, however, being answerable for the dilapidations caused by time, which the French government has not prevented by the necessary repairs.” * Protocol—respecting the Partition of the seven hundred JMillions, to be paid by France to the Allied Powers, and which Protocol is to be instead of a Special Convention on that Subject. “The undersigned plenipotentiaries agreeing to fix the principles of the partition of the sums to be paid by France, in virtue of the treaty of Paris, of the 20th of November, 1815, among their respective courts, and the other allied states; and taking into consideration, that it ap- pears to be superfluous to conclude a special con- vention on the subject of this agreement, have resolved to set forth, in the present protocol, every thing that relates to this object; and to regard this protocol as having the same force- and effect as a special and formal convention, in virtue of their full powers and instructions from their respective courts. Art. 1. “The allied powers, convinced of the necessity of securing the tranquillity of the coun- tries bordering on France, by the fortification of some of the most threatened points, destine, for this purpose, a part of the sums which France has to pay, whilst they appropriate the remainder of those sums for general partition, as indemni- ties. The sums destined for the erection of these fortresses shall form the fourth part of the total which France has to pay; but, as the cession of the fortress of Saar-Louis, a measure equally founded on motives of general security, renders the erection of new fortifications, on the side where that fortress is situated, superfluous : and as the sums for the above purpose were estimated by the commission, appointed by the council of ministers, at fifty millions; therefore, this fortress, in the amount of the sums destined for fortifica- tions, shall be reckoned at fifty millions, in such way that the above-mentioned fourth shall not be deducted from the actual 700 millions, promised by France, but from 750 millions, thus including the cession of Saar-Louis. In conformity to this regulation, the sum destined for the erection of fortresses is fixed at 1374 millions, viz. at 137% millious of actual money, and fifty millions in- cluded in the valued cession of the fortress of Saar-Louis. OF THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 1615 A-ºrsº.--—º. > - 1 Great Britain may conclude, in regard to the Book xvi. 2. “In the partition of these 1874, millions, sum thus coming to her, with the powers whose — among the states bordering on France, the under- signed ministers take into consideration, partly the more or less urgent wants of these states, to establish new fortresses, the more or less consider- able expense in their erection; and partly the means which those states possess, or may acquire, through the present treaty. In consequence of these principles, the King of the Netherlands re- ceives sixty millions; the King of Prussia, twenty millions; the King of Bavaria, or any other so- vereign of the country bordering on France, be- tween the Rhine and the Prussian territory, fif- teen millions; the King of Spain, seven millions and a half; the King of Sardinia ten millions. Of the remaining twenty-five millions, five mil- 'lions are destined for the fortification of Mentz, sand for the building of a new league fortress on the Upper Rhine, twenty millions. The applica- tion of these sums shall take place according to the plans and regulations which the allied powers ‘shall settle in that behalf. 3. “After the deduction of the sums destined for fortifications, there remain 562; millions ap- propriated for indemnities, the partition of which shall take place as follows:— 4. “Although all the allied states have dis- played equal zeal and devotedness to the com- mon cause, yet there are some who, like Sweden, dispensed from all active co-operation, from the first, and on account of the º of transport- ing her troops across the Baltic, have made no efforts; or who, actually making such, like Spain, Portugal, and Denmark, were prevented, by the rapidity of events, from actually contributing to the result. Switzerland, which has done very essential service to the common cause, did not ac- cede to the treaty of the 25th of March, under the there expressed conditions, like the other powers. As to these states, they find themselves in a dif- ferent situation, which does not permit them to be classed with the other allied states, according to the number of their troops; it has, therefore, been agreed, that they shall receive, as far as circumstances will permit, an equitable indem- mity, and that the sum of twelve millions and a half shall, with that view, be divided among them, in such way that Spain shall receive five millions, Portugal two millions, Denmark two millions and a half, Switzerland three millions.— Total, twelve millions and a half. 5. “As the burthen of the war fell chiefly on the armies under the command of the Duke of Wellington and Prince Blucher, and these ar- mies besides took Paris, it is therefore agreed, that out of the French contributions, a sum of twenty-five millions shall be assigned to Great Britain, and twenty-five millions to Prussia, viº prejudice to the arrangements which 110. troops formed part of the Duke of Wellington's Char. VIII. vºvº army. 6. “The 500 millions, which still remain, after the deduction of the sums fixed in the preceding articles, shall be so divided, that Prussia, Austria, Russia, and Britain, shall each receive a fifth. 7. “Although the states, who acceded to the treaty of the 25th of March last, set on foot a less number of troops than each of the allied chief powers, it is nevertheless determined, that no regard shall be paid to this inequality. In con- sequence, these states shall receive conjunctly the fifth, which remains after the appropriation of the 500 millions contained in the preceding article. 8. “The partition of this fifth among the dif. ferent acceding states shall be regulated by the number of troops respectively set on foot by them, and also in conformity to treaties, and particu- larly to the way in which they shared in the sum of 100 millions, which were assigned by the French government for the pay of the troops. 9. “As the King of Sardinia recovers that part of Sardinia, and the King of the Netherlands, besides the fortresses of Marienburg and Philip- peville, obtains that part of Belgium, which the treaty of Paris, of the 20th of May, left to France: and as these two sovereigns, in this en- largement of their territories, find a fair indem- nity for their efforts, they, therefore, shall have no share in the money indemnities, and their proportion, as fixed in the table adjoined to the preceding article, shall be divided between Prus- sia and Austria. * 10. “As the payments of the French govern- ment are to be made at periods fixed by the treaty of the 20th of November, 1815, and the conventions thereto annexed, it is agreed that each state, which, according to the present pro- tocol, shares in these payments, shall receive, at each of these periods, the pro rata part of his proportion; and the same shall also be the case, when a state has its share thereof under different titles at the same time; as, for instance, Austria for her fifth, and for her allotted share of the proportion of Belgium and Sardinia. This prin- ciple shall, in like manner, be followed, when, in the event of the default of payment by the French government, it should be necessary to sell a part of the inscriptions which serve as pledges. 11. “As Prussia and Austria have urgently represented the advantage which they would na- turally derive from the receipt of a larger sum than the general division assigns to them, in the first months, Russia and England have agreed, in order to facilitate the general arrangement, that each of these two powers shall, from the 18 K. - 1815. 1616 HISTORY OF THE WARs: * **w-r-ţ ***Tºy wºrw --~~~ -* TOOK XVI. date of the first payment, receive an advance of CHAP. VIII. 1815. $. *- ten millions of francs on their shares, under the condition that they account to them for this sum in the following years. 12. “This re-payment shall be made by instal- ments, so that Austria and Prussia shall pay each, from its share in each of the four following years, the sum of two millions and a half of francs to Russia and England. 13. “To avoid the numerous inconveniencies which might arise from want of unity in levying the sums to be paid by France, it is resolved, that a commission, residing at Paris, shall alone be charged with the receipt of those sums, and that none of the powers which have a share in these payments, shall negociate for itself on this head with the French government; none shall ask or receive from the French government, the bonds in which the payments will be made im- mediately, and without the intervention of the said commission. This commission shall consist of commissioners named by Austria, Russia, Great Britain, and Prussia, who shall negociate with the French government. The other allied states shall be at liberty to name commissioners in the same manner, in order to concert for their interests directly with the said commission, which will be charged to deliver to them the effects, or the money, which it shall receive for them. Re- gulations shall be drawn up without delay, to fix their functions more exactly; to which shall be added, a table of the pro rata, which every party will have to claim in each payment, accord- ing to the bases fixed in the present protocol. 14. “The fifty millions of francs fixed for the pay and other necessaries of the armies occupy- ing a part of France, according to the arti- cle of the military convention annexed to the treaty of the 20th of November, are to be divided as follows:— Russia . . . . . 7,142,857 francs. Austria . . . . . 10,714,285 England . . . . 10,714,285 Prussia . . . . . 10,714,285 The other Allies . . I0,714,285 “If France, as shall be the case in the first years, shall pay only thirty millions, or any other sum than fifty millions, for the above object, the same proportion shall take place in the partition of the sums, thus modified. The money here mentioned, shall be received and divided by the commission to be appointed, according to the 18th article of this protocol, to receive the indem- nity in money. 15. “Four copies of this protocol shall be made out, which shall be provided with the signatures of the undersigned plenipotentiaries, and shall have the force and validity above-mentioned. wºrmwºm-ºx * * **-*ºr +– * Eatract of a Protocol for regulating the Dispo- sitions relative to the Territories and Places ceded by France, by Articles 1, 2, and 3, of Treaty. “The ministers of the imperial and royal courts of Austria, of Russia, of Great Britain, and of Prussia, having taken into consideration the mea- sures become necessary by those arrangements with France, which are to terminate the present war, have agreed to lay down, in the present protocol, the dispositions relative to the territorial sessions to be made by France, and to the con- tributions destined for strengthening the line of defence of the bordering states. Art. 1. “Ringdom of the Low Countries.— Considering that his majesty the King of the Low Countries ought to participate in a just proportion in the advantages resulting from the present ar- rangement with France; and, considering the state of his frontiers on the side of that country, it is agreed, that the districts which formed part of the Belgic provinces, of the bishoprie of Liege, and of the duchy of Bouillon, as well as the towns of Philippewille and Marienbourg, with their ter- ritories, which France is to cede to the allies, shall be assigned to his majesty the King of the Low Countries, to be united to his dominions. “His majesty the King of the Low Countries shall receive, moreover, out of that part of the French contribution which is destined towards strengthening the line of defence of the states bordering upon France, the sum of sixty millions of francs, which shall be laid out in fortifying the frontiers of the Low Countries, in conformity with the plans and regulations which the powers shall settle in this respect. “It is besides agreed, that in consideration of the advantages which his majesty the King of the Low Countries will derive from these disposi- tions, both in the increase of, and in the means for defending, his territory, that that preportion of the pecuniary indemnity payable by France, to which his said majesty might lay claim, shali serve towards putting the indemnities of Austria and Prussia on the level of a just proportion. 2. “Acquisitions of Prussia.—The districts which, by the new treaty with France, will be detached from the French territory in the depart- ment of the Sarre and the Moselle, including the fortress of Sarre Louis, shall be united to the dominions of the King of Prussia. 3. “Acquisitions of Austria.-The territories which France is to cede in the department of the Lower Rhine, including the town and fortress of Handau, shall be united to those possessions on the left bank of the Rhine, which devolve to his imperial and royal apostolic majesty, by the final act of the Congress of Vienna. His majest may dispose of his possessions on the left bank of ÖF THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 1617 -*** the Rhine, in the territorial arrangements with Bavaria, and other states of the Germanic con- federation. 4. “ Helvetic Confederation.—Versoix, with that part of the Pays de Gex which is to be ceded by #. shall be united to Switzerland, and form part of the Canton of Geneva. “The neutrality of Switzerland shall be extend- ed to that territory which is placed north of a line to be drawn from Ugina (including that town), to the south of the Lake of Annecy, and from thence to the Lake of Bourget, as far as the Rhone, in the same manner as it has been ex- tended to the provinces of Chabiris and Fau- cigny, by the 92d Article of the final act of the Congress of Vienna. 5. “Sardinia.-In order that his majesty the Ring of Sardinia may participate, in a just pro- portion, in the advantages resulting from the present arrangement with France, it is agreed, that the portion of Savoy which remained to France, in virtue of the treaty of Paris, of the 30th of May, 1814, shall be re-united to the dominions of his said majesty, with the exception of the commune of St. Julian, which shall be given up to the Canton of Geneva. “The cabinets of the allied courts will use their good offices for inducing his Sardinian majesty to cede to the Canton of Geneva the communes of Chesne, Thonex, and some others necessary for disengaging the Swiss territory of Jassy from the £ffects of the retrocession, by the Canton of Ge- neva, of that territory situated between the road of Euron and the lake, which has been ceded by his Sardinian majesty, by the act of the 29th of March, 1815. “The French government having consented to withdraw its lines of custom and excise from the frontiers of Switzerland, on the side of the Jura, the cabinets of the allied powers will employ their good offices for inducing his Sardinian majesty to withdraw, in like manner, his lines of custom and excise, on the side of Savoy, at least upwards of a league from the Swiss frontiers, and on the out- side-of the great-road of Saieve, and of the moun- tains of Sion and of Waache. “His majesty the King of Sardinia shall receive, moreover, out of that part of the French contri- bution which is destined for the strengthening the line of defence of the states bordering upon France, the sum of JO,000,000 of francs, which is to be laid out in fortifying his frontiers, in con- formity with the plans and regulations which the powers shall settle in this respect. “It is likewise agreed, that, in consideration of the advantages which his Sardinian majesty will derive from these dispositions, both in the exten- tion and in the means for defending his territory, that part of the pecuniary indemnity payable by France, to which his said majesty might lay claim, *** *- shall serve towards putting the indemnities of Book xyl. Austria and Prussia on the level of a just propor- tion. Besides these terms, France engaged to liqui- date all the just claims of British subjects for their property which was vested in the French funds, at the commencement of the revolution; and which the French government had confis- cated, and every succeeding one refused to pay. At the same time that the above important treaties were laid before the world, documents of even greater importance made their appearance and accompanied them. The most important was the following treaty of alliance, offensive and defensive, between Great Britain, Austria, Russia, and Prussia, founded upon the treaties of Chaumont and Vienna. Treaty of Alliance and Friendship between his Pritannic Majesty and the Emperor of Austria. “In the name of the Most Holy and Undivided Trinity.—The purpose of the alfiance concluded at Vienna, the 25th day of March, 1815, having been happily attained, by the re-establishment in France of the order of things which the last cri- minal attempt of Napoleon Bonaparte had momen- tarily subverted; their majesties the King of the TInited Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland, the Emperor of Austria, King of Hungary and Bohemia, the Emperor of all the Russias, and the King of Prussia, considering that the repose of Europe is essentially interwoven with the con- firmation of the order of things founded on the maintenance of the royal authority and of the con- stitutional charter, and wishing to employ all their means to prevent the general tranquillity (the object of the wishes of mankind, and the con- stant end of their efforts,) from being again dis- turbed; desirous, moreover, to draw closer the ties which unite them for the common interests of their people, have resolved to give the principles solemnly laid down in the treaties of Chaumont, of the 1st of March, 1814, and of Vienna, of the 25th of March, 1815, the application the most analogous to the present state of affairs, and to fix beforehand, by a solemn treaty, the principles which they propose to follow, in order to gua- rantee Europe from the dangers by which she may still be menaced; for which purpose the high-contracting parties have named to discuss, settle, and sign, the conditions of this treaty, namely—[Here follow the names and titles of the plenipotentiaries, viz. Lord Castlereagh, Duke of Wellington, Prince of Metternich, and Baron of Weissenburg, who, after having exchanged their full powers, found to be in good and due form, have agreed upon the following articles:– . Art. 1. “The high-contracting parties recipro- cally promise to maintain, in its force and vigor, the treaty signed this day with his most Christian CHAP. VIII. \ºyº-y I81 Å 1618 HISTORY OF THE WARS BOOK XVI. CHAP. VIII. 1815. *— majesty,and to see that the stipulations of the said treaty, as well as those of the particular conven- tions which have reference thereto, shall be strictly and faithfully executed in their fullest extent. 2. “The high-contracting parties having engag- ed in the war which is just terminated, for the pur- pose of maintaining inviolably the arrangements settled at Paris last year, for the safety and in- terest of Europe, have judged it adviseable to renew the said engagements by the present act, and to confirm them as mutually obligatory, sub- ject to the modifications contained in the treaty signed this day with the plenipotentiaries of his most Christian majesty, and particularly those by which Napoleon Bonaparte and his family, in pur- suance of the treaty of the 11th of April, 1814, have been for ever excluded from supreme power in France, which exclusion the contracting powers bind themselves, by the present act, to maintain in full vigor; and, should it be necessary, with the whole of their forces. And as the same revo- lutionary principles, which upheld the last crimi- nal usurpation, might again, under other forms, convulse France, and thereby endanger the repose of other states; under these circumstances, the high-contracting parties, solemnly admitting it to be their duty to redouble their watchfulness for the tranquillity and interests of their F. en- gage, in case so unfortunate an event should again occur, to concert amongst themselves, and with his most Christian majesty, the measures which they may judge necessary to be pursued for the safety of their respective states, and for the gene- ral tranquillity of Europe. 3. “The high-contracting parties, in agreeing with his most Christian majesty that a line of mi- litary positions in France should be occupied by a corps of allied troops, during a certain number of years, had in view to secure, as far as lay in their power, the effect of the stipulations contained in articles 1st and 2d of the present treaty, and uniformly disposed to adopt every salutary mea- sure calculated to secure the tranquillity of Eu- rope, by maintaining the order of things re-esta- blished in France, they engage, that in case the said body of troops should beattacked, or menaced, with an attack on the part of France, that the said powers should be again obliged to place themselves on a war-establishment against that power, in order to maintain either of the said sti- pulations, or to secure and support the great in- terests to which they relate, each of the high-con- tracting parties shall furnish, without delay, ac- cording to the stipulations of the treaty of Chau- mont, and especially in pursuance of the 7th and 8th articles of this treaty, its full contingent of 60,000 men, in addition to the forces left in France, or such part of the said contingent as the exigency of the case may require should be put in motion. s -—rrºr-rºw -*. 4. “If, unfortunately, the forces stipulated in the preceding article should be found insufficient, the {j parties will concert together, without loss of time, as to the additional number of troops to be furnished by each, for the support of the common cause; and they engage to em- ploy, in case of need, the whole of their forces, in order to bring the war to a speedy and success- ful termination; reserving to themselves the right to prescribe, by common consent, such conditions of peace as shall hold out to Europe a sufficient guarantee against the recurrence of a similar ca- calamity. 5. “ The high-contracting parties, having agreed to the dispositions laid down in the pre- ceding articles, for the purpose of securing the effect of their engagements during the period of the temporary occupation, declare, moreover, that even after the expiration of this measure, the said engagements shall still remain in full force; and vigor, for the purpose of carrying into effect such measures as may be deemed necessary for the maintenance of the stipulations contained in the articles Ist and 2d of the present act. 6. “To facilitate and to secure the execution of the present treaty, and to consolidate the con- nections which at the present moment so closely unite the four sovereigns, for the happiness of the world, the high-contracting parties have agreed to renew their meetings at fixed periods, either under the immediate auspices of the sovereigns themselves, or by their respective ministers, for the purpose of consulting upon their common in- terests, and for the consideration of the measures which, at each of those periods, shall be consi- dered the most salutary for the repose and pros- perity of nations, and for the maintenance of the peace of Europe. 7. “The present treaty shall be ratified, and the ratifications shall be exchanged within two months, or sooner, if possible. “In faith of which, the respective plenipoten- tiaries have signed it, and affixed thereto the seals of their arms. “ Done at Paris, the 20th of November, A. D. 1815. s , (Signed) (L. S.) “CASTLEREAGH, *: (L. S.) WELLINGTON, (L. S.) METTERNICH, . (L. S) Wessenberg.” Note.-Similar treaties were signed on the same day by the plenipotentiaries of his majesty, with those of the Emperor of Russia and the King of Prussia, respectively. Along with this document, the ministers of the allied powers transmitted to the Duke of Riche- lieu, a note explanatory of their views, and also another, informing him that the Duke of Welling- § Op THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. #619 Assame----a-rºa -amº- wº-r -y * ton was appointed to the chief command of their forces left in France, with powers to act as he may see neeessary. These notes are of such im- portance as to deserve insertion. A JVote, addressed by the JMinisters of the four united Courts, to the Duke of Richelieu, on the 20th of Movember. “The undersigned ministers of the united cabi- nets have the henor to communicate to his excel- lency the Duke of Richelieu, the new treaty of alliance which they have signed, in the name, and by the order of their august sovereigns—a treaty, the object of which is to give the principles con- secrated by the treaties of Chaumont and Vienna, the application most analogous to present circum- stances, and to connect the destiny of France with the common interests of Europe. “The allied cabinets regard the stability of the order of things happily re-established in that country, as one of the essential bases of a solid and durable tranquillity. To that object their united efforts have constantly been directed, and their sincere desire to maintain and consolidate the result of those efforts, has dictated all the stipulations of the new treaty. His most Chris- tian majesty will in that act recognize the solici- tude with which they have concerted the measures most proper for removing whatever might here- after compromise the internal repose of France, and prepared remedies against the dangers with which the royal authority, the foundation of pub- lic order, might yet be menaced. The principles and intentions of the allied sovereigns are in this respect in variable. — Of this, the engagements which they have now contracted, furnish the most unequivocal proof; but the lively interest they take in the satisfaction of his most Christian ma- jesty, as well as in the tranquillity and prosperity of the kingdoin, induces them to hope that the occurrences provided against in these engage- ments will never be realized. “The allied cabinets perceive the first guaran- tee of this hope in the enlightened principles, magnanimous sentinents, and personal virtues of his most Christian majesty. His majesty has recognized with them, that in a state which has, during the quarter of a century, been torn by re- volutionary movements, it does not belong to force alone to re-produce calm in the minds, confi- dence in the hearts, and equilibrium in the dif- ferent parts of the social body; and that wisdom must be joined with vigor, and moderation with firmness, in order to operate these happy changes. Far from fearing that his most Christian majesty will ever lend an ear to imprudent or passionate counsels, tending to nourish discontent, renew ałarm, reanimate hatred and divisions, the allied cabinets are eompletely assured, by the equally wise and generous dispositions which the king has | 10. announced in all the epochs of his reign, and par- ticularly that of his return after the fate criminal usurpation. They know that his majesty will op- pose to all the enemies of the public welfare and tranquillity of his kingdom, under whatever form they may present themselves, his attachment to the constitutional laws promulgated under his own auspices; his will deeidedly pronounced to be the father of all his subjects, without any distinc- tion of class or religion; to efface even the recol- lection of the evils which they have suffered, and to preserve, of past times, only the good which Providence has caused to arise even amidst pub- lic calamities. It is only thus that the wishes formed by the allied cabinets, for the preserva- tion of the constitutional authority of his most Christian majesty, for the happiness of his coun- try, and for the maintenance of the peace of the world, can be crowned with a complete success, and that France, re-established on her ancient basis, can resume the place to which she is called in the European system. “The undersigned have the honor to reiterate to his excellency the Duke of Richelieu their high consideration. (Signed) “ METTERNICH, CASTLEREAGH, HARDENBERG, CAPo D'Istri.A. “Paris, November 20th, 1815.” To his Eacellency the Duc de Richelieu. “The allied sovereigns having confided to Marshal the Duke of Wellington the command in chief of those of their troops which, accord- ing to the fifth article of the treaty, concluded this day with France, are to remain in this coun- try during a certain number of years, the under- signed ministers, &c. &c. &c. think it their duty to give some explanation to his exceliency the TXuke de Richelieu, as to the nature and extent of the powers attached to this command. “Although chiefly guided, with it spect to this measure, by motives tending to the safety and welfare of their subjects, and being very far from having any intention of employing their troops in aid of the police, or of the internal administration of France, or in any manner that Inight compro- mise or interfere with the free exercise of the royal authority in this country, the ałłied sove- reigns have, however, in consideration of the high interest which they take in supporting the power of legitimate sovereigns, promised to his most Christian majesty to support him with their arms against every revolutionary convulsion which might tend to overthrow by force the order of things at present established, and to menac.', also, again the general tranquillity of Europe. They do not, however, dissemble, that in the variety of forms under which the revolutionary spirit 18 L. BOOK XVf. --------- CHA p. VIII. Jºvº-2 1815. 1620 HISTORY OF THE WARS *- Book xvi. might again manifest itself in France, doubts Cri A P. VIII. v_s^^_^ HS15. W might arise as to the nature of the case which might call for the intervention of a foreign force; and feeling the difficulty of framing any instruc- tions precisely applicable to each particular case, the allied sovereigns have thought it better to leave it to the tried prudence and discretion of the Duke of Wellington, to decide when, and how far it may be advisable to employ the troops under his orders, always supposing that he would not in any case so determine without having con- certed his measures with the King of France, or without giving information as soon as possible to the allied sovereigns of the motives which may have induced him to come to such a determina- tion. And as, in order to guide the Duke of Wellington in the choice of his arrangements, it will be important that he should be correctly in- formed of the events which may occur in France, the ministers of the four allied courts, accredited to his most Christian majesty, have received or- ders to maintain a regular correspondence with the Duke of Wellington, and to provide, at the same time, for an intermediate one between the French government and the commander-in-chief of the allied troops, for the purpose of transmit- ting to the French government the communica- tions which the Duke of Wellington may have occasion to address to it, and of communicating to the marshal the suggestions or requisitions which the court of France may wish in future to make to him. The undersigned flatter them- selves that the Duke de Richelieu will readily recognize in these arrangements the same cha- racter, and the same principles, which may have been manifested in concerting and adapting the measures of the military occupations of a part of France. They carry with them also, on quitting this country, the consoling persuasion, that not- withstanding the elements of disorder which France may still contain, the effect of revolution- ary events, a wise and paternal government, pro- ceeding in a proper manner to tranquillize and conciliate the minds of the people, and abstain- ing from every act, contrary to such a system, may not only succeed in maintaining the public tranquillity, but also in re-establishing universal union and confidence; relieving, likewise, as much as the proceedings of the government can effect it, the aliied powers from the painful necessity of having recourse to these measures, which, in case of any new convulsion, would be imperiously prescribed to them by the duty of providing for the safety of their own subjects, and the general tranquillity of Europe, &c. “The undersigned have the honor, &c. (Signed) “ METTERNICH, CASTLEREAGH, HARDENBERG, CAPo D'Istria. “ Paris, November 20th, 1815.” wr- Another interesting treaty was concluded at the same time, between Great Britain and Russia, whereby the Ionian islands were given up to the latter power, and to be erected into an indepen- dent state, under the sole direction of Great Bri- tain. The positions of these interesting islands gives Great Britain, not only the command of the Adriatic, and the preponderance in the Mediter- ranean, but opens an easy communication with the countries which composed the states of an- cient Greece, and thereby into the very heart of Turkey in Europe. The advantage of these possessions to the political power and commercial greatness of this country is incalculable, and such as future times can only fully develope. This treaty we shall subjoin. * Treaty between Great Britain and Russia, re- specting the Ionian Islands, signed at Paris, 5th November, 1815. “In the name of the Most Holy and Undivided Trinity.—His majesty the King of the united kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland, his ma- jesty the Emperor of all the Russias, his majesty the Emperor of Austria, King of Hungary and Bohemia, and his majesty the King of Prussia, animated by the desire of prosecuting the nego- ciations adjourned at the Congress of Vienna, in order to fix the destiny of the seven Ionian islands, and to insure the independence, liberty, and happiness of those islands, by placing them and their constitution under the immediate pro- tection of one of the great powers of Europe, have agreed to settle definitively, by a special act, whatever relates to this object, which, ground- ed upon the rights resulting from the treaty of Paris, of the 30th of May, 1814, and likewise upon the British declarations at the period when the British arms liberated Cerigo, Zante, Cephalonia, Santa Maura, Ithaca, and Paxo, shall be con- sidered as forming part of the general treaty con- cluded at Vienna, on the 9th of June, 1815, on the termination of the Congress; and, in order to settle and sign the said act, the high-contracting powers have nominated plenipotentiaries, [here follow the names of the plenipotentiaries], who, after having exchanged their full powers, found to be in good and due form, have agreed upon the following articles:— Art. 1. “ The islands of Corfu, Cephalonia, Zante, Maura, Ithaca, Cerigo, and Paxo, with their dependencies, such as they are described in the treaty between his majesty the Emperor of all the Russians, and the Ottoman Porte, of the 21st of March, 1800, shall form a single, free, and independant state, under the denomination of the United States of the Ionian islands. . 2. “ This state shall be placed under the im- mediate and exclusive protection of his majesty the King of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland, his heirs and successors. *- of THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 1621 ***— ===- The other contracting powers do, consequently, renounce every right or particular pretension which they might have formed in respect to them, and formally guarantee all the dispositions of the present treaty. 3. “ The United States of the Ionian islands shall, with the approbation of the protecting power, regulate their internal organization ; and in order to give to all the parts of this organiza- tion the necessary consistency and action, his Britannic majesty will employ a particular solici- tude with regard to the legislation, and the gene- ral administration of those states; his majesty will, , therefore, appoint a lord-bigh-commissioner to reside there, invested with all the necessary power and authorities for this purpose. 4. “In order to carry into execution, without delay, the stipulations mentioned in the articles preceding, and to ground the political re-organi- zation which is actually in force, the lord-high- commissioners of the protecting power shall regul- late the forms of convocation of a legislative assembly, of which he shall direct the proceedings, in order to draw up a new constitutional charter for the states, which his majësty the King of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland shall be requested to ratify. “ Until such constitutional charter shall have been drawn up, and duly ratified, the existing constitutions shall remain in force in the different islands, and no alteration shall be made in them, except by his Britannic majesty in council. 5. “In order to insure, without restriction, to the inhabitants of the United States of the Ionian islands, the advantages resulting from the high protection under which these states are placed, as well as for the exercise of the rights inherent in the said protection, his Britannic majesty shall have the right to occupy the fortresses and places of those states, and to maintain garrisons in the same. The military force of the said United States shall also be under the orders of the com- mander-in-chief of the troops of his Britannic majesty. 6. “His Britannic majesty consents that a par- ticular convention with the government of the said United States shall regulate, according to the revenues of those states, every thing which may relate to the maintenance of the fortresses already existing, as well as to the subsistence and payment of the British garrisons, and to the number of men of which they shall be composed in time of peace. “The same convention shall likewise fix the relations which are to exist between the said armed force and the Ionian government. 7. “The trading flag of the United States of the Ionian-islands shall be acknowledged by all the contracting parties, as the flag of a free and indepenly state. It shall carry with the colours, and above the armorial bearings thereon displayed BOOK XVR- before the year 1807, such other as his Britannic majesty may think proper to grant, as a mark of 9”. vur the protection under which the said Ionian states are placed; and, for the more effectual furtherance of this protection, all the ports and harbours of the said states are hereby declared to be, with respect to honorary and military rights, within British jurisdiction. The commerce between the united Ionian states, and the dominions of his imperial and royal apostolic majesty, shall enjoy the same advantages and facilities as that of Great Britain with the said united Ionian states. None but commercial agents, or consuls charged solely with the carrying on commercial relations, and subject to the regulations to which commercial agents or consuls are subject in other indepen- dent states, shall be accredited to the United States of the Ionian islands. 8. “All the powers which signed the treaty of Paris, of the 30th of May, 1814, and the act of the Congress of Vienna, of the 9th of June, 1815; and also his majesty the King of the two Sicilies; and the Ottoman Porte, shall be invited to accede to the present convention. 9: “The present act shall be ratified, and the ratifications shall be exchanged in two months, or sooner if possible. “In witness whereof the respective plenipoten- tiaries have signed it, and have affixed thereunto the seals of their arms. “Done at Paris, the 5th day of November, in the year of our Lord 1815. “CASTLEREAGH, (L. S.) “WELLINGTON, (L. S. “Le Prince de Rasoumor FSKY, (L. S.) “Le Compte CAPo D'Istria, (L. S.)” Before we proceed to offer any remarks upon the treaty of peace, we shall first notice the open- ing of the French legislature, which at length met on the 7th of October, when the king, with a heavy heart, communicated to them that this im- portant document was ratified, and wanted only some diplomatic formalities to enable him to lay before them the extent of the sacrifices demanded of them. His majesty having taken his seat on the throne, with the princes on his right, the mem- bers of the two chambers uncovered, and placed themselves in a circular manner. His majesty then took off his hat, put it on again, and de- livered the following speech:— “Gentlemen,_When last year I assembled the two chambers, for the first time, I congratulated myself upon having, by an honorable treaty, restored peace to France. She began to taste the fruits of it; all the sources of public prosperity were re-opening, when a criminal enterprise, seconded by the nost inconceivable defection, arrested their course. The evils which this 1815. fö22 HISTORY OF THE WARS BOOK XVI. *-*. CHAP. VIII. Jºvº-Z 1815 epheineral usurpation &aused our country deeply afflicted me. Yet, I ought to declare here, that had it been possible to affect none but myself, I should have blessed Providence. The marks of affection which my people have given me, in the most critical moments, have consoded me in my personal sufferings; but those of my subjects, of my children, weigh upon my heart; and, in order to put a period to this stafe of affairs, inore burthensome even than the war itself, I have concluded with the powers which, after having destroyed the usurper, still occupy a great part of our territory, a convention which regulates our present, and future relations with them. It will be communicated to you without any restriction, as soon as it has received its last formality. “You will know, gentlemen, and all France will know, the profound grief I must have felt— but the very safety of my kingdom rendered this great determination necessary; and when I took it, I felt the duties it imposed upon me. I have ordered that there should, this year, be paid from the treasury of my civil-list, into the treasury of the state, a considerable portion of my revenue. —My family were no sooner informed of my re- solution, than they offered me a proportionate gift. I have ordered similar diminutions in the salaries and expenses of all my servants, without exception. I shall always be ready to share sa- crifices which imperious circumstances impose upon my people. All the statements shall be submitted to you, and you will know the import- ance of the economy which I have commanded in the departments of my ministers, and in all parts of the government: happy if these mea- sures sha}l suffice for the burthens of the state. In all events I rely upon the devotedness of the nation, and the zeal of the two chambers. But, gentlemen, other, sweeter, and not less im- portant cares, unite you at present; it is to give more weight to your deliberations; it is to collect more lights myself that I have created new peers, and that the number of deputies of departments have been increased. “I hope I have succeeded in my choice; and the eagerness of the deputies, at this difficult con- juncture, is also a proof that they are animated by a sincere affection for my person, and an ar- dent love for the country. It is, then, with sweet satisfaction, and full confidence, that I have assembled you about me, certain that you will never lose sight of the fundamental basis of the happiness of the state, a frank and loyal union of the chamber with the king, and respect for the constitutional charter. That charter, which I weighed before I gave it, to which reflection attaches me more and more dearly, which I have sworn to maintain, and to which all of you, beginning with my family, are about to swear obedience, is, without doubt, susceptible, like all human institutions, of being more per- fect; but none of us ought to forget, that the danger of innovation is not far remote from the advantage of melioration. “Many other objects of importance require our labours to make religion re-flourish, purify morals, found liberty upon respect for the laws, render them more and more analogous to these great views, , give stability to credit, recompose the army, heal the wounds that have but too deeply torn the bosom of our country; in fine, insure in- fernal tranquillity, and thereby make France res- pected without: such are the objects that our efforts ought to lead to. I do not flatter myself that so much good can be the work of one session, but if at the close of the present legislature, it is seen that we are approaching it, we ought to be satisfied with ourselves. I shall leave nothing undone, and in order to arrive at it, I rely, gen- tlemen, upon your most active co-operation.” After the speech, the Duke of Angouleme. Duke of Berri, and the Duke of Orleans took the oath which follows:—“ I swear fidelity to the king, and obedience to the constitutional charter, and the laws of the kingdom.”—The names of the peers were afterwards called over, who indi- vidually took the following oath:-" I swear fide- lity to the king, obedience to the constitutional charter, and the laws of the kingdom, and to con- duct myself in every thing which appertains to my situation as a good and loyal peer of France.” —When the oath was administered, one of the peers, M. de la Bourdonnaye Blossac, being a Protestant, wished to take it with some reservation in regard to religion : one of the deputies, M. Domingon de Broussac, of the Tărn, wished to make a similar reservation. They were both overruled, and not permitted, as they had de- manded, to address the throne. In communicating the doeuments to the chambers, the Duc de Richelieu disclosed the disagreeable fact, that the ministers had been forced to conclude the convention as it was, “after having exhausted all the means of discussion and resistance which could be suggested, because ‘the disposition of the ministers of the powers’ and their “determination was irrevocably fixed’ on this point. Recurring to the re-appearance of Bonaparte, he described, in just language, the alarm and indignation of Europe, “at this terrible appearance.’ A common instinct of preservation, instantaneously concentrated on the same object, all the fears, all the hatred, all the interests, of the alarmed nations. The rivalry of politics was forgotten; all the products of agricultnre, of commerce, of all kinds of property, have been offered in sacrifice; all ages and sexes, all classes of the population, have been led away by the same impulse, and more than a million of soldiers precipitated themselves upon our frontiers.” With *. OF THE FRENCH REVOLUTION, 1623 aºr------------ ~~-- - - - - - , that vality, however, characteristic of the nation, he stated, that the allies were ill-informed of the true feelings of the French nation with regard to Napoleon, for, “without doubt, such a display of force was not necessary” to put down his party. * We are but too well authorized,” said he, “to tell foreign nations that they have been in an er- ror concerning the extent of the forces they had to combat; and, that at the very moment when faction poured forth its furies, the French people were united by their wishes to their legitimate so- 'vereign.” They (the allies), have considered the fall of the tyrant as the immediate effect of their victory; and, continuing, he complained that France thus situated should be forced to suffer, and, to be punished for what “might have been the result of an exaggerated alarm.” Proceed- ing, the duke disclosed the appalling fact, that whatever were the personal dispositions of the so- vereigns of Europe for generosity, that the people they governed would no longer permit then to be, generous to France by neglecting their se- curity. “Nations,” said he, “ on their side, in- fluence the councils of sovereigns, by the power- ful action of opinion;” and, “doubtless these de- terminations” on the part of the sovereigns, “sa- vour of the passions which their personal gene- rosity, disclaims.” The duke then proceeded thus:– “The burthensingosed upon us are heavy, and the distrust which is shewn towards us is, well calculated to affect us; but reflect, gentlemen, on the fatal impression which must have been made oneastenished, and, irritated 'Europe, by the un- happy catastrophe of which France has just been the victim, and, still more by the facility with which the seditious succeeded in triumphing over their own country; reflect that the times, in which we have the misfortune to live, immediately, suc- ceed a fatal period, in which, for twenty-five years, the respect due to alliances, to the engaggr ments of peace, fidelity...to promises, gºod, #. probity, the basis formerly, so revered as the ser curity of states, have been shaken, to their very foundation? observe, that the habitual, and 'as, it were systematic, violation, of all the moral rules of politics, is, as it were, inherent in, the very principle of revolutions, a terrible and fatal prinr ciple, which, has been unhappily professed, in France with so much eclat, and so recently, Think, in short, that these multiplied infractions of, all that is sacred among men, have caused by turns the unhappiness of all people; and that the greatest of our misfortunes is, that of being still, after all our misfortunes, and the useful lesson which you wish to draw from them, an object of distrust and of fear, to all those upon whom we have exercised rights, which fortune has put it in their, power to exercise, in their turn upon, us. Forced to submit to the evil which Providence 111. sends us, let us turn our eyes upon the king, whom heaven has restored to us; let us share his grief; let us imitate his noble and affecting resignation. He is personally the object of the confidence and the veneration of the nations and kings: his mag- nanimous constancy has conquered for us the friendship of the sovereigns; this friendship, if it is aided by our prudence, by out moderation, and by our fidelity in fulfilling the engagements which we have contracted, will acquire us the confidence and affection of all nations. We have sufficiently aspired to, we have sufficiently ob- tained, the fatal glory which is gained by the car- nage of armies, and by the bloody trophies of their victories; there remains a better glory for us to acquire—let us force other nations, notwith- standing the evil the usurper has done them, to be affected at that which they do us; let us force them to confide in us, to know us well, and con- duct themselves to us frankly and for ever.” Having made these observations, the Duke of Richelieu read to the chambers the several con- ventions concluded between France and the allies. Among these was the convention relative to the claims of British subjects upon the French government, which we have before noticed, and which is of such peculiar interest to this country, that we shall here insert it entire. tº Convention concluded in-conformity to the JVinth Article of the principal Treaty; relative-to,the examination and liquidation of the Claims of the Subjects of his Britannic Majesty against the Government of France. * Art, 1. “The subjects of his Britannic mak jesty, having claims upon the French government, who, in contravention of the second article of the treaty of commerce, of 1786, and since the lst of January, 1793, have sufféred on that account, by the confiscations or sequestrations decreed" in Traice, ashall, in coliformity to the fourth addi- tional” articlé of the treaty of Paris, of the year 1814, themselves, their heirs, or *j. sub- jects of his Britannic majesty, be indemnified and paid, when their claims shall have been ad- mitted as, legitimate, and when the amount of them shall have been ascertained, according to the forms, and under the conditions hereafter stipu- latéd. 2. “ The subjects of his Britannic majesty, holders of permanent stock under the French government, and who on that account have, since the 1st of January, 1793, suffered by the confis- cations or sequestrations decreed in France, shall themselves, their heirs or assigns, subjects of his Britannic majesty, be inscribed in the great book of the consolidated debt of France, for an amount of stock equal to the amount of the stock they possessed prior to the laws, and decrees o BOOK XVI. CHAP. VIII 1815. sequestration or of confiscation above-mentioned” . - Sº- * l 8 g * f624 htsºroity of THE WARS BOOK XVI. CRAP. VIII. *vº- | 8 || 5. “In the cases in which the edicts or decrees constituting the above-mentioned stock, shall have added thereto profitable conditions, or favor- able chances, account shall be had thereof in favor of the creditors, and an addition, founded upon a just valuation of such advantages, shall be made to the amount of the stock to be in- scribed. . . “The new inscriptions shall bear date and bear interest from the 22d of March, 1816. “Such subjects of his Britannic majesty, who, by receiving their annuities at a third, after the 30th of September, 1797, have submitted them- selves, by their own acts, to the laws existing upon this subject, are exempted from the above-men- tioned dispositions. 3. “Such of the subjects of his Britannic ma- jesty, or their heirs or assigns, subjects of his Britannic majesty, as possessed life-annuities from the French government before the decrees of eonfiscation or sequestration, shall equally be in- scribed upon the great book of the life-annu- ities of France, for the same sum of life-an- nuities as they enjoyed in 1793. Such of the subjects of his Britannic majesty, however, as have changed the nature of their claims, by re- ceiving their annuities at a third, and thus by their own act have submitted themselves to the laws existing upon this subject, shall be excepted from the above dispositiens. “ The new inscriptions shall bear date, and hear interest, from the 22d of March, 1816. “Prior to the delivery of the new inscriptions, the claimants shall be bound to produce cer- tificates, according to the usual form, declaring, that the persons in whose names their life-au- nuities were constituted are still alive. “With respect to those of the above-mentioned subjects of his Britannic majesty, possessing life- annuities in the names of persons who are dead, they shall be bound to produce certificates of demise, in the usual forms, stating the period of the decease; and, in that case, the annuities shall be paid up to such period. 4. “Such arrears of the perpetual and life-an- nuities as shall have been liquidated and allowed, and as shall be due up to the 22d of March next exclusively, save the cases of exemption spécified in the second and third articles, shall be inscribed in the great book of the public debt of France, at the rate which shall be the medium price between par and the current market-price of the day, at the date of the signature of the present treaty. The inscriptions shall bear date and bear interest from the 22d of March, 1816, inclusively. 5. “Hin order to determine the capital due on immoveable property, which ºf to subjects of his Britannic majesty, to their heirs or assigns, equally subjects of his Britannic majesty, and * which was sequestrated, confiscated, and sold, the following process shall be had : “The said subjects of his Britannic majesty shall be obliged to produce, 1st, the deed of pur- chase, proving their proprietorship; 2dly, the acts proving the facts of the sequestration, and of the confiscation against themselves, their ancestors or assignors, subjects of his Britannic majesty. In default, however, of all proofs in writing, con- . sidering the circumstances under which the con- fiscations and sequestrations took place, and those which have since arisen, such other proof shall be admitted, as the commissioners of Tiquidation hereafter-mentioned shall judge sufficient in lieu thereof. “The French government further engages to facilitate, by every means, the production of all titles and proofs serving to substantiate the claims to which the present article refers, and the com- missioners shall be authorised to make all search, which they shall judge necessary, to arrive at such information, and to obtain the production of such titles and proofs; they shall also be empowered to examine upon oath, in case of need, such per- sons employed in the public offices as may have it in their power to point them out, or to furnish them. * “The value of the said immoveable property shall be determined and fixed by the production of an extract of the “matrice,” of the “roles,” of the “contribution fonciare’ for the year 1791, and . at the rate of twenty times the revenue mentioned in the said ‘roles.” “If the “matrices’ should no longer exist, and that it should, therefore, be tripossible to produce the extracts, the claimants shall be authorised to furnish such other proofs as shall be admitted by the commission of liquidation mentioned in the following articles. | “The capital thus liquidated and allowed shall be iº upon the great book of the public debt of France, at the rate which has been fixed in the fourth article for the inspection of the ar- rears of the annuities; and the inscriptions shall bear date, and shall bear interest, from the 22d of Manch next, inclusively. 4. “The arrears due upon the said capital, from the period of its sequestration, shall be caleulated at the rate of four per cent. per annum, without deduction, and the whole amount of those arrears, up to the 22d of March next exclusively, shall be inscribed in the great book of the public debt of France, at the rate above-mentioned, and shall bear interest from the 22d day of March next, in- clusively. 6. “In order to fix the capital, as well as the ar- rears, which shall be due to such of the subjects of his Britannic majesty, whose moveable property in France has been sequestered, confiscated, and A. 6F THE FRENch REvolution. 1625 w-r- *~~~--------------- sold, or to their heirs or assigns, subjects of his Britannic majesty, the following process shall be had :— “The claimants shall be obliged to produce, 1st, the proces verbal containing the inventory of the moveable effects seized or sequestered; 2d, the proces verbal of the sale of the said ef- feets; or, in default of proofs in writing, such other proof as the respective commissioners of the two powers shall judge sufficient in lieu thereof, according to the principles established in the preceding article; the French government engaging, in this respect, to give the same faci- lity, and the commissioners are authorized to make the same search, and to take the same measures, as have been detailed in the foregoing article, with respect to immoveable property. The amount of the stock arising from the seizures and sales of the moveable property, shall be thus determined; regard being always had to those F. during which paper-money was in circu- ation, and to the fictitious augmentation of prices resulting therefrom. * - “The eapital, liquidated and allowed, shall be inscribed upon the great book of the public debt of France, at the rate which has been fixed by the preceding articles, and the inscription shall bear date, and shall bear interest, from the 22d of March next, ificłusively. “The arrears liquidated and allowed, due upon the said capital, from the period at which the claimant was deprived of the possession of his †r her moveable property, shall be calculated at the rate of three per cent per annum, without deduction, and the whole amount of the said ar- rears, up to the 22d of March next, exclusively, shall be inscribed upon the great book of the ublic debt of France, at the rate above-men- tioned, and shall bear interest from the 22d of March next, inclusively. --- “The vessels, ships, cargoes, and other move- able property, which shall have been seized aud confiscated, either to the profit of France, or to the profit of the subjects of his most Christian majesty, in conformity to the laws of war, and the prohibitory decrees, shall not be admitted to the liquidation, nor to the payments mentioned in the present article. f 7. “The claims of the subjects of his Britan- nic majesty, arising from the different loans made by the French government, or from mortgages upon property sequestered, seized, and sold by the said government, or any other claim what- soever, not comprised in the preceding articles, and which would be admissible according to the terms of the 4th additional article of the treaty of Paris, 1814, and of the present convention, shall be liquidated and #. adopting, with respect to each claim, the modes of admission, of veri- fication, and of liquidation, which shall be con- -------sº" formable to their respective natures, and which book xy} shall be defined and fixed by the mixed commis- sion mentioned in the following articles, accord- ing to the principles laid down in the above articles. v “These claims, thus liquidated, shall be paid in inscriptions in the great book, at the rate above-mentioned, and the inscriptions shall bear date, and shall bear interest, from the 22d of March next, inclusively. “In the cases wherein the edicts or decrees, constituting the claims above-mentioned, shall have assured to the creditors the re-imbursement of the capitals, and other profitable conditions or favorable chances, account shall be had thereof to the benefit of the claimants, as detailed above, in article 2. 8. “The amount of the inscriptions arising to each creditor from his claims liquidated and al- Howed, shall be divided by the commissioners of deposit, into five equal portions: the first of which shall be delivered immediately after liquidation; the second, three months after ; and so on with respect to the other portions every three months; the creditors will, nevertheless, receive the in- terests of the whole of their debts liquidated, and allowed from the 22d of March, 1816, inclusive, as soon as their respective claims shall have been allowed and admitted. 9. “A capital, producing an interest of three millions five haſhdred thousand francs, commencing from the 22d of March, 1816, shall be .# as a fund of guarantee, in the great book of the public debt of France, in the name of two or four commissioners, the one half English and the other half French, chosen by their respective governments, These commissioners shall receive the said interest from the 22d of March, 1816, every six months; they shall hold it in deposit, without having the power of negociating it: and they shall further be bound to place the amount of it in the public funds, and to receive the ac- cumulated and compound interest of the same, for the profit of the creditors. In case the three millions five hundred thousand francs of interest shall be insufficient, there shall be delivered to the said commissioners inscriptions for larger sums, until their amount shall be equal to what may be necessary to pay all the debts mentioned in the present act. These additional inscriptions, if there shall be any, shall be delivered, .# interest from the same period as the three mil- lions five hundred thousand francs above stipu- lated, and shall be administered by the commis- sioners, according to the same principles, so that the claims which shall remain to be paid, shall be paid with the same proportion of accumulated if compound interest, as if the fund of guaran- tee had been from the first sufficient; and as soon as all the payments due to the creditors shalk * ("t. A P. VIII ~ºvº/ 1815, 1626 His TORY &F THE WARS +- B00K XVI. have been made, the surplus or the interest fund not employed, with the proportion of accumulated C*Y* and compound interest which shall belong thereto, 1815. shall, if there be any, be given up to the disposal of the French government. 10. “In proportion as the liquidation shall be effected, and as the claims shall be allowed, dis- tinction being made between the sums represent- ing the capitals, and the sums arising from the arrears or interest, the commission of liquidation, which shall be mentioned in the following articles, shall deliver to the creditors, allowed to be such, two certificates, for the value of the whole in- scription to be made, bearing interest from the 22d of March, 1816, inclusive; one of the certi- ficates relating to the capital of the debt, and the other relating to the arrears or interest liquidated up to the º of March, 1816, exclusively. 11. “The certificates above-mentioned shall he delivered over to the commissioners holdi the annuities in deposit, who shall check the same, in order that they be immediately inscribed into the great book of the public debt of France, to the debit of the deposit fund, and to the credit of the new creditors, acknowledged as such, bearers of the said certificates, care being taken to distinguish the perpetual from the life-annui- ties. And the said creditors shall be authorized, from the day of the definitive liquidation of their claims, to receive, for their profit, from the said commissioners, the interests which are due to them, together with the accumulated and com- pound interests, if there be any, as well as such portion of the capital as shall have been paid, according to what has been regulated by the preceding articles. 12. “A further delay shall be allowed, after the signature of the present convention, to the subjects of his Britannic majesty, who shall, have claims upon the French government, for the matters specified in the present act, in order that they may bring forward their claims, and produce their titles. * r “This delay shall be extended to three months, for the creditors residing in Europe; six months for such as are in the western colonies.; and twelve months for such as are resident in the East Indies, or in other countries equally distant. After the expiration of these periods, the said subjects of his Britannic majesty shall no longer ‘have the benefit of the present liquidation. 13. “In order to proceed in the liquidation and allowance of the claims mentioned in the preceding articles, there shall be formed a com- mission, composed of two French and two Eng- lish, commissioners, who shall be nominated and appºinted by their respective governments. * These commissioners, after they shah have allowed and admitted the titles to the claims, shall proceed, according to the principles painted -ms out, to the allowance, liquidation, and determi- nation of the sums which shall be due to each creditor. “In proportion as the claims shall be allowed and ascertained, they shall deliver to the credi- tors the two certificates mentioned in the 10th article; one for the capital, the other for the interests. 14. “A commission of arbitration shall, at the same time, be named, composed of four mem- bers, two of whom shall be named by the British government, and two by the French govern- lment. “If it shall be necessary to call upon the ar- bitrators, in case of an equality of votes on an point, the four names of the arbitrators, É.i. and French, shall be put into an urn, and the one of the four, whose name shall be drawn first, shall be the arbitrator of the particular affair upon which there shall have been such equality of votes. * “. Each of the commissioners of liquidation shall, in his turn, take from the urn the ticket which is to point out the arbitrator. A proces verbal shall be made of this operation, and shall be annexed to the one which shall be drawn up for the liquidation and determination of the par- ticular claim. “If a vacancy shall take place, either in the commission of liquidation, or in that of arbitra- tion, the government, which ought to provide for the nomination of a new member, shall proceed to that nomination without delay, in order that the two commissions may always remain, as far as, possible, complete. “If one of the commissioners of liquidation shall be absent, he shall be replaced, during his absence, by one of the arbitrators, of his nation; and as, in that case, there will remain, but one arbitrator of that nation, the, two arbitrators of the other nation shall, also be reduced tº 9he by lot. And if one of the arbitrators should absent him- self, the same operation shall take place, in order to reduce to one the two arbitrators of the other nation. It is generally, understood, that in order to obviate all manner of delay in this business, the liquidation and adjudication shall not be sus- pended, provided there shall be present, and in activity, one commissioner and one arbitrator of each nation, the principle of equality, between the commissioners, and the arbitrators of the two nations being always preserved and re-established, if necessary, by Iot. * “Whenever either of the contracting powers shall proceed to the nomination of new commis- sioners of liquidation, of deposit, or of arbitra- tion, the said commissioners shall be. obliged, previously to their eptºring upon their functiºns, to make the oath; and in the forms denilº the follºwing article. ..º :- of The rRENch REvolution. 1627 tº- 15. “ The commissioners of liquidation, the commissioners of deposit, and the arbitrators, shall together make oath, in presence of the am- bassador of his Britannic majesty, and between the hands of the keeper of the seals of France, to proceed justly and faithfully, to have no pre- ference either for the creditor or for the debtor, and to act in all their proceedings according to the stipulations of the treaty of Paris, of the 30th of May, 1814, and of the treaties and conven- tions with France, signed this day, and more particularly according to those of the present convention. “The commissioners of º and the arbitrators, shall be authorized to call witnesses whenever they shall judge, it necessary, and to examine them by oath in the usual forms, upon all points relative to the different claims which form the object of this convention. 16. “When the 3,500,000 francs of interest, mentioned in the 9th article, shall have been inscribed in the name of the commissioners who are to hold that sum in ". and on the first demand which shall be thereafter made by the French government, his Britannic majesty shall give the necessary orders to carry into execution the restoration of the French colonies, as stipu- lated by the treaty of Paris, of the 30th of May, 1814, comprehending Martinique and Guada- loupe, which have been since occupied by the , British forces. * * º “ . The inscription above-mentioned, shall be made before the 1st of January next, at the latest. 17. “The prisoners of war, officers and sol- diers, both naval and military, or of any other description, taken during the hostilities which have lately ceased, shall, on both sides, be im- mediately restored to their respective countries, under the same conditions which are specified in the convention of the 23d of April, 1814, and in the treaty of the 30th of May of the same year: and the British government renounces all elaim to any sums or indemnities whatsoever, which might belong to it from the surplus arising from the maintenance of the said prisoners of war, subject, nevertheless, to the condition specified in the 4th additional article of the treaty of Paris, of the 30th of May, 1814. “ Dated at Paris, the 20th day of November, 1815. Signed L. S.) “CASTLEREAGH. (Signed) §: § “WELLINGTON. (L. § “RICHELIEU.” Additional Article. “The claims of the subjects of his Britannic majesty, founded on a decision of his most Chris- tian majesty, relative to the British merchandize introduced into Bourdeaux, il conformity to the III. tarif of customs published in the above-mentioned Book xvi. city, by his royal-highness the Duke d’Angou- leme, on the 24th of March, 1814, shall be liqui- dated and paid, according to the principles and the object declared in the above-mentioned deci- sion of his most Christian majesty, “The commission instituted by the 13th article of the convention of this day, is directed to pro- ceed immediately to the liquidation of the said claim, and to fix the dates of its payment to be made in money. “The decision which shall be made by the commissioners, shall be executed immediately, according to its form and tenor. “ The present additional article shall have the same force and effect as if it were inserted word for word in the convention, signed this day, relative to the examination and liquidation of the claims of the subjects of his Britannic majesty against the government of France. “. In witness whereof the respective plenipoten- tiaries have signed it, and have thereto affixed the seals of their arms. ," ". . is Done at Paris, the 20th day of November, 5. * (Signed) (L. S.) “CASTLEREAGH. (L. S.) “WELLINGTON. (L. S.) “RICHELIEU.” After this reading, the minister continued- “After long and continued discussions, in which, demands still more important had been produced to us, and at length withdrawn, those which have been communicated to you, were presented to us. as an ultimatum, and the most urgent and inape- rious considerations imposed it on us a law to subscribe to them. These demands are certainly the Imost burthensome, the hardest, the most pain- ful part of the stipulations that we have had to discuss; and it is enough to know that they have been proposed to Frenchmen, to be justified in the conclusion, that indispensible necessity alone could induce them to subscribe to them. But if, after the example of the king, whom you heard, gentlemen, at the opening of your session, with that love of frankness and goodness, which is the most striking feature in his noble character, ex- º to you the profound affliction with which is heart is penetrated; if, I say, we may be per- mitted to give an account before you, and in the face of Europe, of the impressions which we may have felt, I will say, that arrived at this period of the negociation, the most thorny that ever exer- cised the zeal and tried the devotion of the ser- vants of an unhappy king; after having exhaust- ed all the means of discussion and resistance which could be suggested by reason, and by that political foresight which in good as well as in bad fortune ought to be the constant guide of the conduct of cabinets, * on the one part, in the CHAP. VIII. v_ſ^vº/ 1815. 1628 HISTORY OF THE WARS BOOK X Vl. £HAP. VIII. Jºvº-2 1815. *- disposition of the ministers of the powers, a deter- mination irrevocably fixed; seeing, on the other hand, that the present crisis brought incessantly into action, in the whole extent of France, the principle of an oppression, of an impoverishment, of an irritation, and, in short, a series of devasta- tions, which seemed daily to increase and to ac- quire new strength; we judged, that if we suf- fered this crisis to be indefinitely prolonged, the fate of France was at stake, even the fate of those who have imposed upon us such great sa- crifices, and perhaps the destiny of social order in Europe. And it was in the prospect of so many dangers, that sacrificing, without hesitation, all our repugnance, we accepted, in the name of the king, in the name of the country, the conditions which have been laid before you.” The minister, on ending his discourse, observed for the information of the chamber, that there were no secret conditions accessory to those which he had just communicated. Having given the Pºſ. treaties and con- ventions at length, we shall make only a few ob- servations. In perusing the principal treaty be- tween France and the allies, it is sufficiently evi- dent, that they considered that country as by no means in a tranquil state; and from the extraor- dinary powers which they were pleased to bestow on the }. of Wellington, it is equally evident, that they regarded it as by no means improbable, that circumstances might arise which would ren- der absolutely necessary the most vigorous mea- sures, with a promptness that would not admit of the allies themselves being consulted. By the terms of the treaty, they placed themselves on their guard against revolutionary measures; for such they supposed most likely to occur. In a country, which for the last twenty-five years had passed through such scenes as France had wit- nessed, it was not to be expected that the love of tranquillity, order, and justice would soon regain their proper and safe dominion. But though the allies effectually guarded against any attempts on the part of the people to disturb Louis on his throne, they do not appear to have been equally solicitous to guard the people against the en- croachments of the sovereign on their rights and happiness. They did, indeed, in a very indirect and gentle manner, hint to him, that he ought to forget what was past, and secure himself on the throne '3 the moderation and justice of his ac- tions. ut, in the event that he did not so con- duct himself; in the event that, by the injustice of his measures, the people were roused to op- position and resistance, would not their conduct be deemed revolutionary; , and, consequently, would not the allies deem themselves at liberty to support the monarch against his subjects 3 France complained loudly and most bitterly of the conditions of peace, which she termed harsh and severe. Galling and humiliating it no doubt was, to a nation which only three years before, with her arms, threatened the confines of Asia; not only to have lost every thing, but thus to have the bridle of Europe placed in her jaws, in order to curb her future motions. This short revolution was certainly most fatal to France: and the expenses which she incurred, in conse- quence, were immense. We shall here put into a short compass what it has cost her, in consequence of the return of Bonaparte from Elba. Francs. Her own expences estimated at . . 1,500,000,000 Contributions by allies. . . . . 700,000,000 Requisitions, food, clothing, &c. &c. 690,000,000 Maintenance, 150,000 men, 5 years 650,000,000 Total . 3,540,000,000 or about 148,000,000l. sterling, in money; and at least 150,000 lives in France, and 50,000 in Italy. Such was the bitter cup of humiliation which she was doomed to drain, after so many triumphs over her neighbours, enjoyed with so little moderation. As she had risen higher un- der Napoleon than at any former period, so was she called upon to submit to a greater abase- Inent. tº- OF THE FRENCH. It EVOLUTION. J 629 BOOK XVII. CHAPTER I. Charaoter of the Chamber of Deputies.—Addresses from the Chambers to the King.—Law for the Suppression of Seditious Cries.—Debates on the same.—Budget for 1816. In our last chapter we noticed the opening of the two chambers by the king. The character and proceedings of the chamber of deputies astonished and alarmed the real friends of the peace and liberty of France. It was soon dis- covered, that the majority displayed undoubted and avowed symptoms of restoring the govern- ment of France much nearer to the standard and principles which distinguished it before the re- volution, than the constitutional charter admitted. The cause of this character of the deputies is not well ascertained ; but it is certain they did not re- resent the feelings and wishes of the nation. %. it is absurd to suppose that the nation, the greatest part of whom had grown up in the midst of the revolution, and consequently, though suffering from its evils, must have imbibed many of its notions on government, and had especially benefited by the abolition of tithes and feudal rights, and by the sale of emigrant property, &c. should wish to return to the state and government of 1786. But, though it is difficult to learn the real causes which produced this character in the chamber of deputies, yet there are some which undoubtedly tended towards its production. In the first place, the deputies were chosen while the allies were in possession of France; of course they could not be the free and unbiassed choice of the people. , Secondly, the deputies were not chosen by the people, but by the electoral colleges. The members of these colleges were originally chosen by the people, and were by Bo- naparte made members for life. The vacancies occasioned by death, &c. not being regularly filled up, on the return of the Bourbons a vast num- ber of emigrants and royalists were nominated by the king to fill up the vacant situations. The number of deputies was reduced to 396: the qualification necessary for a candidate was enact- ed to be the payment of 5,000 francs (208l.) of contribution; and such presidents were named to the electoral colleges, as precluded the suc- BOOK XVII. cess of any but a court candidate. . Conse- quently, most of the deputies, chosen by these CHAP. I. colleges, were warm friends of the Bourbons, STXT-' and decided enemies of the Jacobins and Bona- partists. The members of the chamber of peers were all nominated by the king, and consisted principally of royalists. Soon after the opening of the chambers, they both voted loyal addresses to the king, which we shall insert. The following is the address of the chamber of peers:— “Sire, Your faithful subjects, the peers of France, have been profoundly, moved by the words which your majesty delivered from the throne, and which are still felt in all hearts. They hasten to deposit at your feet the homage of their respectful and ardent loyalty; that of their regret for your sorrows, of their hope in your wis- dom; that of all the sentiments which circumstances so important must excite ; of all the resources which can be offered by our love for your person, our fidelity to your blood, our interminable and boundless devotion for our country and our ki ng “Yes, sire, when, last year, #. lis- tening to the wishes of the world, restored you to the wishes of France, re-erected for you the throne of your fathers, our patrimony as well as yours, the appearance of your majesty was the signal of a peace, with which you doubtless fe- licitated yourself as much as we blessed it. That peace was more than honorable; it was glorious for you, whose presence brought with it all the in- spirations of virtue; for the French, who even in their reverses gathered the tributes of admiration due to their valor; for the powers, who, free in their resentment, then enchained it by their mag- nanimity, “To the benefit of a glorious peace, your ma- jesty immediately added that of a free constitu- tion, the object of our desires, the work of your wisdom, and the present of your love. *r 1815. I 630 * HISTORY OF THE WARS BOOK XVII. CHAP. I. \ºvº- 1815. “We began, sire, to taste the fruit of your double benefit. º “The foreign armies retreated before you, re- lying on your royal word with as much confidence as on the most solemn treaties; Europe remained no longer in arms, except for protecting the most sacred of causes; all thrones, by defending the legitimacy of power, seemed mutually to guaran- tee their own duration; the fatal genius of revo- lution was about to disappear before that salutary doctrine; even national hatreds were extinguish- ing along with civil discords, all nations wished to be friends. “Within, all the sources of public prosperity were re-opened to us; the justice of the prince brought back the reign of the laws; the empire of good morals was revived by his example; re- ligion enlightened the minds and reconciled the hearts of men; public prosperity was re-esta- blishing on the bases of a constitutional credit: each day saw unfolding, in a wise progression, the freedom of agriculture, commerce, industry, and the noblest liberty of man—that of thought: no- thing capable of formi g the happiness and glory of human life was fore n to our hopes. “A year has passed away. Fidelity was again deceived, and legitimate power was again torn from it. The new triumph of usurpation had an ephemeral duration, but it at once dried up the sources of so much prosperity. The usurper fled, leaving France a prey to all the disorders he had introduced, and all the invasions he had drawn upon her. The king re-appeared. Love receiv- ed him in the capital of his kingdom, and sorrow has overtaken him amidst his people full of hopes. Never did so short a space of time threaten to leave behind it consequences more deplorable, changes more unexpected and fatal. “However, sire, history, in speaking of such painful alterations, will arrange, with what re- mains unalterable, the constancy of the legitimate king, and the devotion of his faithful subjects. “The hour is come, sire, in which all French- men are about to rally. Your majesty announces to us painful communications. A wise and re- spectful reserve prescribes to us to wait for them in silence. But we can declare to you that there is net a single Frenchman who will not share with us that profound pain which your heart has al- ready revealed to us, and that to mitigate its an- guish, to imitate and second your constancy, no effort will appear difficult to us, no sacrifice im- possible. “Your majesty's sacrifices have already pre- ceded ours. The generous relinquishment of a considerabłe portion of your personal revenue, the treasure of the king transferred by his order to the treasury of the state ; that example, fol- lowed with so much ardour by your august family, •r Er- will inflame all hearts with a noble and patriotic emulation. “Sire, we recognize in the augmentation of the number of deputies from the departments, the be- neficent intentions with which your majesty is con- stantly animated. We have the pleasure to hope, that each deputy will prove one pledge more for the firm stability and salutary union of the royal power and the national liberties. “All the peers, sire, feel the duties which the sacredness of their functions, joined to the honor of your choice, imposes upon them. Hereditary counsellors of the crown, born defenders of the rights of the prince and liberties of the people, supreme judges of attempts which menace the security of the throne and the state, they will, sire, always be ready, as subjects, to obey you, as citizens to devote themselves to the safety of the country, as peers of France to strengthen the royal prerogative with all the powers which the two chambers may judge necessary for dissipat- ing factions and causing the laws to triumph. “Finally, sire, that full confidence with which * have beheld us assemble around you, shall e entirely justified. We will always bear in mind those fundamental, principles which your majesty has recommended never to lose sight of -A frank and loyal union of the chambers and the king—respect for the constitutional charter. .These sacred words from the mouth of your ma- jesty shall be for ever our rallying cry. In the name of all Frenchmen, we will swear at your feet to forget internal divisions and sacrifice per- sonal interests. We will all, with common "ac- cord, press round that tutelary throne which has become the altar of the country. We will there bring with us doubtless vows of love and not ideas of resentment: but we are perfectly confi- dent that your majesty will always know how to conciliate with the benefits of your clemency the rights of justice, and we dare humbly to solicit from your equity the necessary retribution of re- wards and punishments, the execution of the existing laws, and the purity of public adminis- tration. “Sire, it is by pursuing, invariably, this line of conduct, by never departing from that consti- tutional law for which we are indebted to you, by observing it such as it now exists, and leavin the period of its perfection to him who had the glory of creating it; in one word, it is by now fixing our whole attention on the great objects pointed out by your majesty, and attending con- stantly to our first wants, that we shall succeed in repairing our last calamities. “Thus, with the aid of religion, the first prin- ciple of all human societies, with the support of purified morals, or liberty founded on the laws, and the re-establishment of credit, with the gua. OF THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 1631 *ms-ºs-sº- 2’ rantee of an army re-composed on those prin- ciples of loyalty, which can never become ex- tinct in the hearts of Frenchmen, we shall re- store to the crown and the nation the force and dignity which should belong to them. * Thus, after having seen last year the em- perors and kings of Europe united, accept, as the only guarantee, the moral character of your ma- jesty, we will offer to you, sire, a fresh security to present to them, in the wise energy of a na; tion which can renounce the fatal ambition of making itself feared, but which nourishes the firm resolution of impressing around it, in concert with its sovereign, the respect ever due to its rights, . the confidence henceforward due to its prin- ciples.” *w. %. king replied—“I receive, with the most lively sensibility, the assurance of the sentiments of the chambér of peers. . In assembling, the chambers around me, I had to express to theim, on that solemn occasion, the profound grief with which my heart was penetrated; I will now speak to them only of my hopes. I know my duties, and will fulfil them all. I rely with confidence upon the assistance of the chaniber of peers, to repair the misfortunes of our country, and I see a sure pledge of this in the manner in which it has expressed its sentiments to me.” he address of the chamber of deputies is as follows:– “Sire, —-Your majesty's words have deeply moved the hearts of your faithful subjects, the members of the chamber of deputies. They have filled them with respect, sire, with love, and, why must they add, jº, a grief, so much the more cruel because, after so many encouraging pro- mises, it was the more unforeseen. “The ills of the country are great-they are not irreparable. If the nation, inaccessible to the incitements of the usurper, must bear the penalty of a defection to which it was a stranger, it will support its misfortune. * * Its first consolation is in the return of its le- gitimate king. What guarantee, in fact, exists in this doctrine of legitimacy, created much more for the interest of the people than for that of kings! This tutelary principle has watehed for us, it maintained the succession of our kings, and prepared for us, after so many storms, an asylum : in the shade of the throne. Violence usurped authority, but imperishable right survived vio- lence. “Legitimate kings alone know how to devote themselves for their people. Your majesty has proved it more than once. Your majesty, in order to soften our miseries, does not fear to iln- pose great privations upon yourself; your august family follows your example. A severe economy is about to reduce the public expenses. What Frenchman could refuse any thing which the | | }. z- * —rººm-º-º: wants of the state shall require? Make them Book xvii. known to us, sire, and you shall see the nation shew itself worthy of you. “We have all need of consolation—we seek it in the good of which your majesty has pointed out to us the route. Union is your first desire– it is our first want: we shall be able to melt down all the names of parties into the name of French- men, which we shall be always proud to bear. “Let men cease to agitate the people by chi- merical fears of the resurrection of rights for ever abolished. We have sworn the charter.—Sire, let your majesty suffer this pride, it is not even permitted to entertain a doubt of our good faith. We would repair the miseries of France, repair them without fresh convulsions, with wisdom, with speed. It is by our acts, by the eagerness with which we shati welcome the measures ne- cessary to the maintenance of the franchises of the people and the public peace, that it will be seen whether we are faithful to our promises. “However, sire, in the midst of wishes for uni- versal concord, and even to cement it, it is our duty to solicit your justice against those who placed the throne in danger. Your clemency has been ahmost unlimited, yet we do not come to ask you to retract it: the promises of kings ought, we know, to be sacred; but we intreat you, in the name of the people who are the victims of cala- mities, whose weight overwhelms them, to order at least that justice shall march where clemency has stopped. Let those who, even now, encou- raged by impunity, do not fear to nake a parade of their rebellion, be delivered up to the just se- verity of the tribunals. The chamber will con- car with zeal in the making of laws mecessary to the accomplishment of their wish. “It will shew the same zeal in the meanis to restūre to religion, which consoles us in our mise- ries, which preseribes oblivion of injuries, which lends its sanctity to the faith of oaths, that power more strong than the law. “We will not speak, sire, to your majesty of the necessity of entrusting only to pure, hands the different branches of your authority: the minis- ters who surround you, afford us, on this head, encouraging hopes; their vigilance, on this so es- sential point, will be so much the more easily ex- ercised, inasmtſch as the ‘ordeal of events has re- vealed all sentiments and all thoughts; ours, sire, have no other object than the happiness of your majesty and the safety of the country, and our wishes will be fulfilled if we obtain this glorious reward of our zeal and our labours.” The king replied:— “I am deeply touched with the sentiments ex- pressed by the chamber. I embrace, with eager- ness, the hopes it offers of a better futurity. “It may rely upon the confidence with which I shall express myself to it upon the wants of the 18 O CHAr. I. Jºvº/ 1815, :I 632 THE WARS HISTORY OF 4 -ms- 'Book xvii. state, and upon the firmness which I shall always Chap. I. *Jºv-/ > H31.5. ... administrations. shew to maintain the rights that are to ensure the public safety.” In the commencement of the session, the de- bates in the chamber of peers were much more important than those in the other chamber. The "address of the peers, presented to the king, was not adopted without much discussion and great difference of opinion. There were many altera- tions in the one originally proposed by Lally Tollendal. For instance, instead of soliciting from the king, justice, the retribition of rewards for fidelity, punishment of the guilty, and, finally, 'purifications, he is asked for a just retribution of rewards and punishments, and for the purity of In addition to these alterations, the following words were inserted, to cause the administration of justice to flourish according to the eacisting laws. In the discussion, M. de Trondeville proposed to omit the words easisting laws, because, accord- ing to his opinion, extraordinary measures ought to be adopted. * Count Barbe Marbois, opposed the clause which asked from the king justice, and the retri- bution of punishments. He appealed to the an- cient and modern laws, which agree in regarding a judge as challengeable if he have made any re- commendation or solicitation in an affair on which he is called to decide. Public opinion would apply this principle to the chamber of peers in the situation in which it stood, whether regarded as to its constitutional competency, or to its know- ledge of the lists already published. He moved the omission of the clause. A peer remarked, that only general observa- tions were, in the present case, under the con- sideration of the chamber. Count Barbe Marbois replied, that the recom- mendation evidently applied to persons accused, and who were already under cognizance of the law, and insisted on the omission. The Duke of Richelieu supported the motion, and expressed a wish, if it should be thought pro- per to retain the clause, that the recommendation of justice should not apply to the past, but only to the future. The Duke of Broglie spoke to the same effect. __The Bishop of Langres opposed the change. He thought that the judges might with propriety recommend the exercise of justice, provided they make no mention of the criminals. Baron Seguier, in support of this doctrine, re- ferred to the celebrated affair of the Duke d'Aiguillon, in which the parliament claimed its violated competence. The Duke de Broglie observed, that the com- etence of the chamber was not disputed. M. de Lally Tollendal, defended the new draft of the address with regard to the part in question. It appeared to him to contain only general ex- pressions and the most perfect moderation. The Duke de Broglie voted for the omission, precisely on the ground of the cautious manner in which the clause appeared to be expressed. “. It is proper to declare plainly what we mean. The phrase signifies something or nothing; but what is deducted from it in appearance is added to it in reality. If, as the Duke of Richelieu un- derstands it, only future offences are referred to, let that be frankly stated; if it be not, the objec- tion must remain, however much the language may be softened. It is to the substance of the idea the public will look, under whatever form you may present it to them. I move the sup- pression of the whole paragraph after the words, tutelary throne become the altar of the country.” Count Castellane supported the amendment for inserting the words in future. He observed, that the chamber of deputies, which did not try the crime of high-treason, might with less impropriety solicit from the king, or recommend to him, the exercise of justice. Count Monville declared, that he had been struck with the silence observed by his majesty, respecting the acts of rigor which it was wished to recommend to him; and also respecting that purity of administration which he did not under- stand, and of which the king had said nothing. “If you do not suppress the paragraph, in ques- tion you will deteriorate, by the influence you are attempting to exercise, that independence in which the distinct powers of the government ought to exist.” Count Mole, on the reading of the passage in the address, which expresses an eulogium on the measure adopted by the king, for augmenting the national representation, proposed its omission, unless the same motive which was assigned for the measure by his imajesty was added, namely, the imperious circumstances in which the throne is placed. Count Montesquieu moved its total omission, as a question of so much importance ought not to be prejudged. *- The Duke of Orleans proposed the amend- ment, which was finally adopted in the following terms:—the chamber recognizes the beneficent in- tentions of his majesty, in the augmentation of the number of deputies. º The apprehensions of the French court, from the prevailing spirit of discontent, were mani- fested by a law-projet or bill, presented by the king to the chambers, on the 17th of October, for the suppression of seditious cries, speeches, papers, and other incitements to insurrections, which descended to minute particulars, that, in a well-established government, would scarcely have been thought worthy of notice. In pre- senting this bill to the chamber, the French OF THE FRENCH REVO LUTION, 1633 *- .*-*- —w • ‘ºº smºs- minister proposed it, with the following obser- pursuit, and a punishment, which, to serve as an BOOKXVIſ. vations:— effectual example, must be inflicted promptly af. “Our old and new laws,” said he, “contain ter the crime. Offences so frequent that it is ne- Char. I. sufficient regulations for the suppression of these cessary to characterise them, may be pursued -º- crimes in times of tranquillity, and when no ex- traordinary circumstance interrupts the order and accustomed proceedings of the government. But if great crimes have been committed, if the laws have been disregarded, if a peaceable and dis- armed multitude has been forced to yield to vio- lence and arms; if, for his own preservation, the citizen, who was subject to the laws, has been forced to remain motionless before seditious bands, without discipline or control, assembled as the last support of a desperate faction ; if ini: quity has for a length of time enjoyed its fatal triumphs, calamities are still prolonged even when these events are interrupted. Rebels then en- deavour, by means of audacity, to recover their lost advantages. The seditious mutually insti- gate each other, and make efforts to be perceived in all places, and at every hour, as if certain of a new victory, should they succeed in inspiring terror. They receive into their society all whom the armies have rejected with indignation, and all those criminals who, through obscurity, have evaded the action of the law. Should the public force arrest the progress of their designs, still they do not renounce them; they have recourse to injurious speeches and calumnions writings; they have their signs and rallying words, and the weaker their numbers are, the more powerful they wish to appear, by means of noise and tumºult. They are encouraged by impunity; several shew themselves openly, and though their indiscretion betrays their weakness, it is nevertheless cer- tain, that their practices disturb social order; and the public interest requires, that their turbu- lent designs and detestable enterprises should be efficaciously repressed. There are men whose moral conduct depends solely on the fear of punishment. It is against these criminals, who form the greater portion of the species, that our present laws are, in many respects, unavailing. The penal code does not express itself in a man- ner sufficiently precise on the subject of seditious cries and speeches, tending to instigate crimes against the internal safety of the state. That code could not foresee the attacks which might be directed against the constitutional charter, since the latter did not exist when the code was framed. Calumnious imputations, insults, and outrageous expressions, publicly offered to the monarch, or the members of his family, were not ranked among crimes. The law only took cog- nizance of outrages and violence directed against the depositaries of the public authority, and in- sults and calumnies directed against private individuals. But to the negessity of a positive , law on these matters, is joined that of a speedy correctionally ; , now, pursuit in a correctional manner, is in its nature very speedy, and the judges are in general very near the spot in which the crime has been committed. The plan of law which we lay before you, gentlemen, has for its object different sorts of seditious actions, not no- ticed in the penal code; cries, speeches, writings which excite rebellion, calumnious imputations, insults and outrageous expressions against the king and his family, and the plan proposes to determine the punishments due to these crimes. We think it defines them with precision. Cries, speeches, calumnies, cannot be punished but in the case of their publicity; writings which re- produce, or, as it may be said, multiply these offences under another form, acts which attack publicly and wickedly the respectable ensigns of the royal authority, ought to be equally punished. The same observation applies to different acts and speeches which derive their principal offen- sive character from present circumstances, and which tend to shake the confidence which is one of the promises of the king, and the constitu- tional charter. Without doubt we should have considered the king and his august house as too highly elevated to be reached by calumny, insult, or injury, did not a long and grievous experience teach us that these proceedings form the prelude of revolution and treason, and that they tend, b destroying respect, to undermine the throne, a; to diminish the veneration and love due by so many claims to the monarch, for the purpose of weakening his authority. Insults directed against him, are offered to the state. They compromise the dignity and safety of the nation. A system followed by calumnies and insults, insensibly pre- pares minds for the developement of the most abominable designs, and at last, by means of spreading the opinion that an event cannot be avoided, it becomes inevitable. The punish- ments in the law proposed to you, are imprison- ment, surveillance, under the authority of the high police of the state, privation of the rights of voting, election, and eligibility, and qualification for public and administrative functions or bearing arms. The punishments are correctional, because it is believed, that their immediate application, without being injurious to justice, will be still more effectual than their extent. We have en- deavoured to proportion these punishments to the nature of the crimes. Thus, we have supposed that he who shall endeavour to excite tumult in the state, cannot justly pretend to exercise his political rights; that he who disturbs the public order should be excluded, at least for a time, from exercising public functions; that he who 1634 HISTORY OF THE WARS BOOK XVII, threatens, by indirect provocations, public and Chap. I. Jºvº-J 1815. private safety, cannot, without endangering the tranquillity of the citizens, obtain the privilege of bearing arms.” The law-projet was then read by the secretary, the substance of which is as follows:— Art. H. “Are declared seditious all cries, all speeches uttered in public places, or such as are allotted to the habitual meetings of citizens. “All printed papers, or such not having been printed, which shall have been posted up, sold, distributed, or delivered to the press, and which shall express the menace of an attack against the life, the person, or the authority of the king, the life or person of the members of the royal family; “Which may be injurious or calumnious to- wards the king or the members of his family; “Which shall excite to the taking up arms against the royal authority, to disobedience of the constitutional charter, and the laws, disre- gard of the authority of the magistrates or agents of the government, legally constituted, or to the disturbance of public-tranquillity by acts of vio- dence towards persons and property; “By which shall be invoked the name of the usurper, or of an individual of his family; by which shall be provoked, directly or indirectly, either the overthrow of the government, or a “change of the order of succession to the throne. 2. “The speeches or writings mentioned in the first clause of the preceding article, whether con- taining indirect provocations to the offences.de- scribed in the said article, or wickedly announcing that crimes or offences of that nature should or ought to be committed, or manifesting an inten- tion to commit them, are equally declared sedi- tious. 3. “Are guilty of seditious acts, all persons who shall circulate or countenance, either alarms concerning the inviolability of the property called national, or reports of a pretended re-establish- ment of tythes, or feudal rights, or accounts tend- ing to alarm the citizens respecting the mainte- nance of the legitimate authorities, or to shake their fidelity. 4. “Are declared seditious acts, the removal or degradation of the white flag, of the arms of France, and other signs of the royal authority; of placards of laws or public regulations; the erection of any flag, or the wearing of any cock- ade, or any other sign of rallying forbidden, or even not authorised by the king. 3. “All persons guilty of the aforesaid speeches, cries, or acts—all authors, printers, and distribu- tors of the seditious writings defined by the pre- sent law, shall be punished by an imprisonment of at least three months, and not exceeding five years. * The persons thus convicted, shall further re- main, after the expiration of their punishment, *— -*-*-**** *****-*-* under the superintendance of the high police, for a space of time, which shall be determined by the sentence, and which shall not exceed five years, the whole conformably to the third chap- ter of the first book of the penal code, without prejudice to the criminal prosecution, and appli- cation of the more serious punishments prescribeo by the penal code, in case of the seditious cries, speeches, writings, and acts, having certain effect. “The repetition of the offence shall be punished conformably to the 58th article of the penal code. 6. “The tribunals of the correctional police shall take cognizance of the offences mentioned in the present law. t 7. “The dispositions of the code of criminal process, and of the penal code, shall continue to be executed in all cases, in which it is not super- seded by the enactments. (Signed) * Louis. (Countersigned) “BARBE MARBors. “Given at Paris, at the Thuilleries, Oct. 19.” This proposed measure was the subject of much discussion, and various amendments were suggested, which were consented to by the king. M. Pasquier, the reporter of the central commis. sign, appointed to examine the law, in the sitting of the 24th, observed, that there existed two maté. rial distinctions in the means afforded by the law for repressing crimes and offences. “Crimes are proceeded against, in the courts of justice; of. fences are repressed in a summary manner, by tle correctional police. Special courts afford no greater security than courts of assize; and they should have preference in no case, except where it is necessary that justice should be exe- cuted speedily; but this is not the case, because they must lay their proceedings before the court of cassation, which considerably retards their proceedings. From this consideration, it appear- ed to us desirable, to establish prevotal jurisdic- tions, which all the friends of public peace and order call for, at least for a certain time, and as far as circumstances shall require; we have been assured, by the keeper of the seals, that the de- termination of the committee has been approved of by his majesty; and, that the plan of a law, for the organization of prevotal courts, shall be laid before you. In the meanwhile, the crimes pointed out in the law we are about to propose, shall be tried by the courts of assize. In examin- ing the plan first proposed, every body was struck with surprise at the disproportion in the punish- ments. All the offences stated there, were uni- formly punished by correctional imprisonment; and no one ever:thought of punishing by fines, still more terrible than imprisonment, The erec- tion of colours of revolt, was assimilated to a mere seditious proposal, although the former was OF THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 1635. the most glaring act of rebellion. ... Crimes were to be punished by banishment. This chastise- ment was illusory with regard to most offenders. It was of little consequence to those wretches where they pursued their industry. Driven from the kingdom through one door, they would enter it at another. Your commission has thought proper, therefore, to substitute deportation for banishment; that being a severe and infamous punishment, coming next to hard labour. It is just, that those who wish to convulse the country should be sent to a distant climate, excluded for ever from their native land, and the family to which they unfortunately belong. “We have felt it our duty, in this plan of a law, to trench upon two privileges which the penal code and the code of criminal jurisdiction concur in granting. No offender shall be permitted to obtain his provisional liberty on giving bail. The judges shall not be , allowed to prónounce, the commutation of punishment provided by the 463d article of the penal code. They shall be required to pronounce at least the minimum of the punish- ment enjoined by the present law, and the con- vict shall not in any case be exempted from ims prisonment. I am, gentlemen, about to read the law, such as we have prepared it, and of which the keeper of the seals will read to you the pre- amble.’ M. Barbe Marbois—“ Gentlemen, the king has consented to the amendments set forth in the report. They are the result of observations made by your committee, and which we have re- vised.” M. Barbe Marbois then read the preamble to the amended projet, which was as follows :- “Louis, by the grace of God, &c. “It was our wish to have left, at all times, the repression of crimes to the ordinary tribunals; but, after so, many troubles, and amidst so many mis- fortunes, great passions are still in a state of agi- tation. In order to repress them, and to prevent the disorders which their impulse might produce, more simple forms, a more summary justice, and punishments that shall reconcile the rights of clemency with the safety of the state, are neces- sary. Our constitutional charter, in article 63, has reserved the formation of prevotal ju- risdictions, if circumstances should require them. Such jurisdictions are sanctioned by the expe- rience of past times; and they promise the happy results which they produced under the kings our ancestors. But while our council of state is ma- turely deliberating on the means of re-establish- ing them, we have thought it our duty to seek. 8. momentary remedy, by an act of provisional legis- lation. Therefore we have ordered, and do order, as follows.” Here M. Pasquier remounted the tribune, and read the articles as new modelled. Art, 1. “All persons guilty of having compos- 112. ed, distributed, or sold writings, tending to excite Bookxvii. the overthrow of the government, &c. shall be F. and tried, and, upon conviction, shall e punished with transportation. 2. “Applies the same punishment to the pull- ing down of the white flag and hoisting any other. 8. “Declares that the court of assizes shall take cognizance of these crimes. 4. “Béclares seditious all cries, speeches, and writings, tending to diminish the respect due to the king and his family, or by which, either the name of the usurper, or the overthrow of the con- stitutional charter, may be invoked. 5. “Includes, in the same description, all sel- lers and distributors of images tending to the same end. 6. “Is directed against persons who may dis- play any other arms, cockades, or signals, than those acknowledged in France. 7. “Affects those who may endeavour to spread alarm concerning the re-establishment of tithes, and the spoliation of the purchasers of national property. 8. “ Provides against provocations to these crimes, although indirect, if it be understood that they are committed. * 9. “T)irects, that persons accused of the of. fences described in the five articles immediately preceding, shall be tried before the courts of cor- rectional police; and, on conviction, sentenced to not less than three months, and not more than five years, imprisonment, and to a fine not ex- ceeding 3,000 f. The culprits, if pensioners, or in service, may be suspended from all or part of . income during the time fixed by the tribu- I}^lse 10. “Provides that the interdiction mentioned in art. 42, of the penal code, may be added to the condemnation for ten years at most, or five years at least. The culprits, besides, to remain under the superintendance of the high police, for a time not exceeding five years. 11. “In case of relapse, the offender shall be punished with a double penalty, to the extent of ten years imprisonment, and ten years inspection. 12. “The articles 144 of the code of criminal instruction, and 463 of the penal code, cannot be hºpied in cases which come under the present 3.W. 13. “The tribunals are empowered to print and publish their sentence in all public places in their district. 14. “ The dispositions of the code of criminal instruction, and of the penal code, shall continue to be executed in every case not affected by the present law, especially in all which affeets the at- tempts and plots against the safety of the king, and of his family, and the crimes tending to trou- ble the state by civil war. 18 P CHAP. I. ~en~/ 1815. 1636 HISTORY OF THE WARS BOOK XVII. CHAP. l. Jºvº–2 1815. The discussion on the amended law was, on the suggestion of the president, deferred till the 28th. On that day the debate was resumed, and was remarkable for the strong desire manifested by most of the speakers to augment the penalties in almost all the articles, although they had in most instances been previously rendered much more severe in the committees than when first pro- posed by the ministers. For the sake of forming a proper opinion of the sentiments of the mem- bers composing this assembly, we shall give a short abstract of the debate on this occasion. M. Chefflet having mounted the tribune, spoke as follows:— “I wish to make a few remarks on one article of the law, which has not been sufficiently ex- plained. One of our colleagues has proposed to add to the 7th article, the words wickedly and with intent to excite to revolt.’ This addition had been proposed to the committee, who, how- ever, thought proper to dispense with it, in con- sequence of the arguments advanced yesterday by M. Pardessus. Another of our colleagues has conceived the 7th article useless, because its ob- ject is attained by a law of the year nine. But this article has another object; to punish agita- tors, to dissipate the alarms circulated for several months among the people, and which wickedness is gratified in keeping up. These alarms turn solely on these three words— Feudal rights, tithes, and national property.” These words constitute the sole lever, which has served to agi- tate the people; they were elmployed in the month of March, and since, in every proclama- tion, and in the acts of the federations. The first words of the usurper, on his debarkation, were, that the people were threatened with witnessing the restoration of tithes and seignorial privileges. To attach the public mind to the government, to tranquillize apprehensions—these are the two ob- jects which it is our duty to propose. If you suf- fer the pretexts of alarm to exist, our provinces will still be agitated by disturbers. I vote for the preservation of the article, with the amend- inent of M. de Germiny.” -f M. Michellet.—“Two persons prosecuted be- fore an assize-court, for one of the offences desig- nated in the 1st and 2d articles, may suffer a different fate, if there be any shade of distinc- tion in their conduct. One will undergo the pu- nishment of deportation, the other, a wretch from the dregs of the people, who shall have addressed himself to an individual of his own class, will find juries more indulgent, and will be acquitted. It is necessary, however, that this last may not go. unpunished, if it appear on inquiry, that he may be considered guilty of one of those crimes, men- tioned in the 4th, 5th, and 6th articles. I de- nuand that there be added to the 3d article this regulation:—‘The judges composing the courts. -sº of assize, shall send the prisoners acquitted to the correctional tribunals, when they see that they are merely guilty of offences.” The keeper of the seals.—“The projet which the ministers have presented to you, has been considerably ameliorated by the committee to whom you have vouchsafed your confidence. The king hath assented to their amendments, but, the discussion which took place yesterday, renders some observations necessary. The two first articles have appeared to several speakers susceptible of modification. One member has required to have the deportation extended be- yond the continent of Europe. This determina- tion would be superfluous; it results expressly from the penal code. Several speakers, pene. trated with the enormity of the offences, have conceived the punishment disproportionate to it. But we know of crimes still more enormous, and if you would denounce the punishment of death against these, what could be pronounced against those offences which are more atrocious The 3d article submits the accused to the court of assizes; several, speakers have desired special courts. ...The following are some reasons capable of deciding you. The military, who would enter into the composition of the special courts, have been dispersed. To re-establish these courts would require a long and tedious operation. Se- veral months would elapse before the organiza- tion would be complete. No person knows better than I, the consequences of this state of things. It is proposed to add to the 3d article, that in case of acquittal by the courts of assize, the pri- soners shall be sent back to the correctional tri- bunals. This would be superfluous, as such a case is provided for in the criminal code. The amendments which have been proposed to the 7th article, are measures of mildness. It is with a sort of repugnance that I make any observa- tions tending to put them aside. I will, however, do so. It would result from the words which are sought to be introduced into this article, that those who should have spread alarms, but not with the intent imputed, would be innocent. One of the members of the committee has seemed to decide for the proposed amendment; but the committee itself É. not judged it necessary, and has agreed with the ministers to preserve the ar- ticle as it was proposed. The importance of it has been appreciated. But, gentlemen, it is not intended to confound powerless regrets with: alarms wickedly spread. Could we punish, or even blame, the regret of those who, in the land of exile, and confined to a simple cabin, remem- bered the palace of which they have been depriv- ed by the revolution? We hope the chamber will perceive the danger of introducing the proposed. amendment. The projet of the law will undoubt. edly be adopted in its full extent.” OF THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 1637 *-*. 3. * -- . ~~~~~~ M. Chateauroux—“God forbid that I should wish to infringe what is ever most sacred among men—the rights of hospitality; but there may arise circumstances, when it would be necessary to banish from France, men who, being driven from their own country, bring here their madness and excesses. I demand to add to the projet the following article:—Foreigners declared guilty or accessary to the crimes provided for by the 4th, 5th, 6th, and 8th articles, shall, after the ex- piration of the punishment, be placed at the dis- P. of the government, to be sent out of the ingdom. They shall be deprived of every pen- sion or pay, civil or military.” M. de Salaberry proposed, that the punishment of inferior agents should be remitted, in case of their discovering the principal authors, and that the third of the fine levied in consequence upon the latter should be given to the informer. He also proposed to add, sequestration of property to perpetual banishment. “I pass,” said he, “to the 2d article. The act of raising, in public places, a flag other than the white one, can have for its object nothing short of civil war; and, in such case, why should we not apply the punish- ment of death, as denounced by the 91st article of the penal code.” M. de Briges required that there be added to the end of article 1:—“That the crimes therein designated should be punished with death, if fol- howed by any effect, or connected with any con- spiracy.” M. Kergorlay.—“The plan of law submitted to you, is intended to specify misdemeanours, which were not mentioned with sufficient preci- sion in the penal code. The 7th article is di- rected against a particular class of conspirators, who hope for success in their guilty designs, from the alarms which they excite, by raising doubts respecting the punctual execution of various arti- cles of the charter. I cannot find fault with the intention of that article, but I am of opinion, that it might be better worded. Some persons have proposed that this article should be couched in such terms as to afford to the citizens a new gua- rantee that the possessors of national domains shall not be molested, and that the privileges shall not be revived. Is it then necessary to give any other guarantee than that of the charter itself? If there be men who doubt the intentions of the king, what guarantee is there that can sa- tisfy them? Let us beware, gentlemen, of letter- ing the future, or of answering for it, that such a state of things shall never change. Neither the king nor the legislative chambers have it in their power to give such an assurance. God alone can do this; but he would not. Would he deprive men of that liberty which he has given, and which he will continue to them, of making or º our present institutions a pledge of stability Bookxvii. which they did not formerly possess. Thanks to the division of the legislative power into three distinct branches, the concurrence of which is ne- cessary for the slightest alteration, we may hope that there will be no innovations. I boldly as- serf, and without fear of contradiction, that there is nothing to be dreaded from the alarms which malevolence may attempt to excite; and that those who will be the most scrupulous to de- nounce eternal poverty against others, will be the most resigned to events which are injurious to their own interests. I propose, therefore, to sub- stitute what follows for the 7th article: –All persons who shalf circulate or accredit either alarms respecting the execution of the constitu- tional charter, and the laws which it has con- firmed, or news tending to alarm the citizens, concerning the stability of the legitimate autho- rity, and to shake their loyalty, are guilty of sedi- tious acts.” M. Grinolles submitted amendments relative to peeuniary fines.—“It is not,” said he, “that fines should be proportioned to the means of the delin- quents. I propose that they be fixed at one-fifth of their income; and, consequently, at ten times the amount of their collective contributions. I pro- pose, that culprits, who are pensioners of the state, shall be deprived of one-fifth of their pen- sion, during the time of their confinement.” M. De Serres combated the opinion of the pre- ceding speakers, who wished to substitute the punishment of death for transportation, on the 1st and 2d articles. As to fines, they cannot be fixed at the excessive rate proposed, without indirectly re-establishing the principle of confis- cation abolished by the charter. “Confiscation,” said the speaker, “ has been abolished, not as un- just—for the justice of it could not be disputed— but because it affords room for arbitrary proceed- ings; because the government, which is the ac- cuser, is interested in finding the accused guilty.” The closing of the discussion was loudly called for. The President—“I must, first, allow the re- porter to be heard.” 4. M. Pasquier—“The existing legislation is not only strong, but extremely rigorous. But it was found deficient in sufficiently reaching the first movements of sedition. This is the object pro- posed by the present law. Almost all the cases ointed out in the proposed amendments, are to i. found in our laws. The end of article 1.- “When the said incitements shall not have been productive of any evil consequences,’—destroys all the objectio s that have been made. It is the same with the 2d. Nothing is mentioned about the tri-coloured flag, but of a flag other than the white, because it was desirable to provide for the setting aside their laws? Nevertheless, we find in case in which a different standard from that CHAP. L. Jºrº-2 1815 1638 HISTORY OF THE WARS. BOOK XVII. CHA P. I. -—r----- odious signal might be displayed.” The reporter next proceeded to show, that the other amend- ments were nugatory. “Alterations had been pro- posed to the 7th article, because it might apply to men in possession of public esteem, or to misera- ble wretches, whose complaints might be well founded and excusable, and because it has been affirmed, that it tended to add security to the constitutional charter; but the article applies only to those who attempt to disturb the public tranquillity, by spreading doubts on the faith which is due to the king's promises. Who does not know that these rumours are the work of those same men, who have now involved us in eountless calamities 4 This species of detestable calumny is one of those which has been most dis- tressing to the feelings of the king. The senti- nients of discontent manifested by the former proprietors, need never be the cause of alarm for the new. The amendment, in this view, is ground- less. The word “wickedly,” which is proposed to be added, was in the principles of the old laws, but it is contrary to those of our present jurispru- dence. I cannot forbear, gentlemen, to notice some ideas of a philosophy rather too abstract, which have been submitted to you by a preced- ing speaker (M. de Kergorlay.) They are inge- nious speculations of the human mind, which strives to soar aloft, and penetrate, in some mea- sure, into the night of time. But such reflections are not without danger; they tend to shake the ideas of stability, which are important. Though man cannot command the future, he ought to labour for eternity. It was thus that Rome be- came the eternal city;-it is thus we should wish that the house of Bourbon may reign eternally in France.” At this passage, a simultaneous and unanimous movement took place in the assembly; but for the strictness of the regulations, the plau- dits would have broken out into shouts of Vive le Roi! “I think also, with M. de Serres,” con- tinued M. Pasquier, “on the subject of fines. If carried to excess, they would renew the odious system of confiscations, which were more fre- uently the cause than the consequence of ju- j. condemnations. It is likewise to be fear- ed, that, by cutting off the whole salary of pen- sioners of the state, after their condemnation, we might deprive their innocent families of bread.” The close of the discussion was now called for, from many parts of the chamber, and voted. The law was then taken into consideration, article by article. . Some unimportant amendments, proposed in the preamble, and in the 1st article, were dis- posed of by the previous question. A member observed, that the law, while it pu- nished the printers and distributors of seditious writings, had *:::::::: to chastise the authors of these works, The president showed, on the con- trary, that authors were comprehended in these words of the article:—“Those who shall have sent to press.” & M. Bellart remarked, that in the classification of writings, the act of writing them was not in- troduced, because it was considered that he who commits to writing mischievous ideas, and shuts them up in his desk, has not yet committed the overt-act which the law is intended to punish. . The law cannot punish the act of thinking. The amendment, which tended to introduce into the 1st article the punishment of death, in- stead of transportation, was rejected. M. Sosthenes de la Rochefoucault.—“ The 4th article punishes, with a mere correctional punishment, him who shall have invoked the name of the usurper. This action is equivalent, at least, to an indirect attempt against the go- vernment. Yet the 1st article punishes with transportation, indirect attempts of a similar ten- dency. There is, consequently, a contradiction between the two articles. I propose that the words “ or indirectly, be erased in the 1st ar- ticle.” - - M. Pasquier.—“ These are two acts which have no connexion with one another. The 1st article relates to threats or attempts against the life of the king.” x- The lst article being put to the vote, was adopted without restriction. A longer and more lºsing discussion took place on the 2d ar- ticle. - - r M. De Castelbajac proposed, that the punish- ment of death, and not mere deportation, should be decreed against the erection of the tri-coloured standard. “It was,” said he, “on the appear- ance of this baneful standard on the soil of France, that the best of kings was obliged to quit the palace of his ancestors, and retire to a foreign land, and that every kind of calamity was drawn down upon France. The man who imakes an attempt upon the life of his equal, is punished with death; and ought he to be suffered to live, who has caused the death of such a multitude of victims! It was yesterday asserted, that the standard of rebellion might be hoisted in a mo- ment of passion. This is imanifestly impossible; it can be no other than a premeditated act.” M. de Serres.—“I entreat you to reflect, that the law is not merely provisional; it is a perma- nent law. We ought to look beyond the present circumstances. If you fix an excessive punish- ment, you are certain that the judges and juries will not apply it. Whenever, a law has been made with passion, and dictated by cruelty A member observed, “We do not make laws with passion.” M. de Serres.—“The flag may be hoisted by an insignificant person—by a child—by a drunk- en man.” OF THE FRENCH REVOLt}TION. 1639 *-------------------~...~ -------------- - -—- - ------- *----------, --- The Keeper of the Seals.-‘The sentiments nishment of death be decreed, if the seditious flag Bookxwm. which animate you are eminently French; and, I be hoisted by an assemblage of twenty men, whe. — must confess, that the sight of the calamities which the usurpation has brought upon the coun- ry, has nearly made me share them with you. Nevertheless, I beg of you to consider the nature of the punishment of transportation. Perhaps you have not a correct idea of its severity. Trans- portation is one of the most dreadful punishments that can be inflicted—it deprives the wretched convict of wife and children, and all that is dearest to him in the world—it dooms him to a civil death, and often banishes him to an un- healthy clime, where he soon finds a natural death. The gradation of punishment is an infal- lible method of preventing the judges themselves from being ever worked upon by false pity, and ſailing to give due effect to the severity of the laws.” M. Bellart.—“In ordinary times, the election of anybther than the white flag, would be the most criminal act; but, it must be confessed, that in our present state, this act might be committed by some of those ignorant and misguided persons whom it has hitherto been impossible to correct. These men, in a paroxysm of folly, might be guilty of that which would be an act of criminal imbecility, but ought not to subject them to capi- tal punishment.” M. Marcelius agreed with the preceding speakers, but proposed that an addition be made for resorting to the penal code, in regard to such cases in which the intention should have been begun to be carried into execution. M. de Broglio was for confining the punish- ment of death to the hoisting of that flag which is eminently the ensign of rebellion; and which he would not name, because the name alone re- volted his feelings. M. Des Sesmaisons.—“Had that man been unished with death, who first planted the tri-co- oured flag on the shores of Provence, we should not, at this moment, be in the state in which we are. I know the influence of this kind of signs. An inhabitant of the West, I have seen blood flow on the hoisting of the white flag, which, nevertheless, proclaimed the return of peace and order.” M. De Salaberry.—“When the critical time shall be past, and the instigators punished, there will be no more guilty. Those whom the law may strike, are wretches unworthy of pity. The erection of a seditious standard inight produce the most fatal consequences. There are wretches who wish for nothing less than the overthrow of the present government. They care not if the usurper appears in the purple of the Caesars, or in the rags of Manzaniello. It is in the invisible host of incendiaries into whom it is necessary to “º, a salutary terror, I propose that the pu- 12. ther armed or not. CHAP. I. M. Try—“The article refers merely to a fact º' insulated from every conspiracy. I will not re- peat, all that has been said on this point; but, gentlemen, those who have spoken in favor of indulgence, are almost all magistrates, men in- cessantly occupied in the administration of the law. This, perhaps, deserves consideration.” M. Bordesoult.—“The crime entirely consists in the erection of a seditious flag; this is an act which cannot be instantaneous, which requires preparations.” M. Pasquier reminded the chamber of the principles he had already set forth in his report, and in his speech.of that day. “We have,” said he, “heard, with regard to the severity of the punishment of transportation, the most respecta- ble testimony, that of the keeper of the seals him- self. We all know the fate of the unfortunate men transported to Sinamary.” The amendment, to introduce the penalty of death, was put to the vote, and rejected by a small majority. They next proceeded to the 3d article, which places the accused before the assize-courts. M. Marcellus moved, by way of addition, “un- til the establishment of prevotal courts.” This amendment was negatived. The 4th article declares seditious, those who shall have sought to weaken the respect due to government, or shall have invoked the name of the usurper, or any of his family, &c. M. de la Bourdonnaye-" It is not enough to say, “the usurper;’ the words should be “an usurper, or any other rebel.” M. Hyde de Neuville.—“I will remind you of that terrible period, when the legitimate kin was at the gates of Paris. The factious men, who had the audacity to be the bearers of their own infamy, and that of their accomplices, into the foreign camps, did not reclaim “the usurper,' but “an usurper.” It was of very little conse- quence to them whether this was Bonaparte, or a member of his family; it was the throne of St. Louis which they wished to destroy.” M. de Serres.—“Can we legislate against an usurper yet to come 3" M. Becquey.--" The precise persons who are objects of the law, are the partisans of the usur- per, the partisans of Bonaparte.” M. Marcellus.- "The dispute may be conci- liated, by adding the words ‘or any other usur- €ite p This amendment was adopted. The close of the article spoke of “ disobedience of the constitutional charter and of the king.” A member remarked, that as the charter emanated from the king, the natural order of ideas was, “ of 18 Q ºp 1815, 1646) HISTORY OF THE WARS —- ~ —t - ..Book XVII, the king and the constitutional charter.” This CHAP. I. *N*-y 1815. . " modification was adopted. The chamber also adopted articles 5 and 6, relative to other sedi- tious acts, and the exposition or sale of prints, calculated to diminish the respect due to govern- ment. It was proposed to defer till Monday the discussion on the 7th article, and the amendments thereon proposed. The chamber, though it was very late, decided in the negative. The discus- sion was continued. The amendment of M. Ger- miny, tending to introduce into the article the words “wickedly, and with design to destroy the government,” was first taken into consideration. M. Sosthetie de la Rochefoucault.—“ It were to be wished, that article 7 should not be inserted in the law ; but it could not be retrenched with- out furnishing food for malevolence. I demand, however, greater clearness of expression.” . The amendment of M. Germiny was got rid of by the previous question. The pºiſºn then read the new article, proposed by M. Kergor- lay, in the place of article 7. M. Feuillant moved, that the discussion be adjourned. M. Kergorlay's article was rejected. . M. de Betizy demanded the total suppression of the article of the commission. The article was adopted in its primitive state. The discussion on the remaining articles was then postponed till the 30th, on which day some debate took place ou the 9th article, respecting the fine to be imposed on persons guilty of of fences defined in some of the previous articles. The maximum of the fine was fixed in the law at 3,000 fr. in addition to five years' imprisonment at the most, and three months at the least. It was contended, however, by M. Voysin de Gar- tempe, and others, that the maximum of the fine should be proportioned to the means of indivi- duals; and, after some discussion, it was agreed, that the minimum of fine should be fifty francs, while it was carried, by an immense majority of votes, that the maximum of fine should be 20,000 instead of 3,000 francs. On that part of the same article which autho- rised the tribunal, by which an individual was found guilty, to deprive him of a part, or of the whole, of his pension, of retreat or half-pay, son.e discussion arose. One member moved, that he should be deprived of the whole; contending, that if the decision were left to the judges, the guilty would find friends and protectors, and be enabled to evade the law. M. Bellart.—“We have all but one sentiment, that of hatred to rebels; but we should not allow this hatred to carry us too far. If the judges were not even worthy of all our confidence, this would be a reason för leaving them the latitude proposed. In that case, they would probably rather acquit the guilty, a once, rather than ruin them by the loss of their means of subsistence.— * Besides, why should an innocent wife and chil- dren be reduced to despair.” Ultimately, the paragraph was left as in the plan of law, with some verbal alterations. The next article which engaged attention was the 4th, declaring that the enactments of the penal code against attempts and conspiracies against the person of the king, should continue to be executed. M. Brenet, (of the Cote-d'Or) spoke warmly against the expression “continue to be executed.” “Fatal experience must have convinced us of the impotence of these penal laws, in an age fertile in crimes. Since the sacrilegious enterprise of the 5th and 6th of October, 1789, down to the fatal day of the 20th of March, 1815, no plot, no con- spiracy against the throne had been punished, nor even repressed. What had been the effects of that impunity? We had witnessed them in the destruction of the throne, the triumph of the most audacious attempts, while the conspirators actually gloried in their execrable success.”— (Interruption.) M. Brenet, raising his voice with more force, repeated the passages where he had been inter- rupted. “What,” continued he, “ became of all the ordinances of the king—of all the penalties meant to terrify the guilty, on the epoch of March last? Even yet the ministry remain in- active. We have a right to demand of them, why the penal laws are not executed? We have a right to demand this incessantly, if we do not wish to see the king, the state, and the country, sink under the danger which threatens to over- whelm them. Let the chambers show a salutary energy, and our laws will not fall into disuse.” He concluded by moving—“That instead of ‘con- tinue to be executed, the words should be “shall be executed.’” M. Pasquier acknowledged the force of much that the previous speaker had said, but still thought the wording of the article should be con- tinued. The amendment would be giving a sort of new creation, to the penal code. M. Brenet's motion was got rid of by the pre- vious question. The Keeper of the Seals.-‘A speech has been delivered, which appeared to be listened to with a good deal of attention. It referred to the labours of ministers. All must be aware, that seven ministers very recently succeeded to the ministry at one time. We have at least brought the greatest diligence to all the duties imposed upon us; and, I must say, to the credit of our predecessors, we found the deposit which they left to us in a good state. Many things had been maturely prepared by them; but we have been obliged profoundly to study them: hence a ne- cessary relaxation has resulted in the march of the administration. In future, that march will be more rapid, and secure. He had little to say or OF THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 1641 ==- the present discussion : but he would state, that the perfect understanding and harmony which appeared to exist between the king and the . afforded the surest means of remedying the past, and guaranteeing the future. He had no doubt that the king would sanction the various alterations which the chamber had introduced into the law.” The last alteration which was made, was that enacting, that seditious cries, uttered in any of the king's palaces, or in his hearing, should subject the guilty to deportation. The various clauses having been thus gone through, the question was put on the law as a whole, when it was adopted by 293 votes against 69. The president proclaimed its acceptance. The ſaw also passed the chamber of peers, by a large majority. t The next business of interest which occupied the chambers, was the passing a law, similar in its import to the suspension of the habeas corpus act in Great Britain. M. de Caze, minister of police, in submitting the law to the chamber of deputies, observed, that it was “a plan of law, which had for its object to give to government the force necessary to repress dangerous men, to deprive them of the means of doing mischief, and render it impossible for those to signalise them- selves by new excesses, who seemed even to take offence at the clemency of the monarch. “The charter,” he observed, “contained all the elements of the power necessary to government; and it was, above all, in difficult times, that one learned to appreciate its benefits, and to seek in it for remedies necessitated by circumstances; it was for the legislature to investigate and to deve- lope these elements, and to make them serve as the bases for laws which events shall shew to be indispensable. The charter places in the king the care of taking every measure necessary for the maintenance of government, and of the public tranquillity; it was not, therefore, merely the right, but the duty, of government to supply, in extraordinary circumstances, the insufficiency of existing laws. It was this duty which his ma- jesty wished to fulfil, by the plan of law about to be communicated to the chamber. Such, gen- tlemen,” pursued the minister, “is the magnitude of the criminal attempts which call for your soli- citude; that the prince, whose first care it has been to secure public as well as personal liberty, finds himself compelled, in order to fulfil that obligation, to resort to repressive measures, which will be a ground of security to peaceable citizens, and of terror to those who seek for liberty only in anarchy. If we would not, on the one hand, exaggerate the dangers which threaten us, nei- ther ought we, on the other to dissemble them. * ‘º I- They are less formidable, from the number of the BOOK XVII, factious, , than from their audacity. It may be said, indeed, that their chief force is in their impunity. They attack the throne itself; to that portion of the people who are too easily deceived, .# represent the authority of the king as weak and uncertain, incapable of punishing, incapable of repressing. By the aid of these manoeuvres, they succeed in weakening confidence, in shaking fidelity, in pushing into the abyss those miserable men, the instrumeñts of their treason, whom the deliver up to public vengeance. It is thus that we are to explain those odious cries, from time to time heard, which would excite pity rather than indignation, if they did not disclose (if not in the immediate agents, at least in their instiga- tors) criminal hopes, sinister designs to disturb the public peace, and the wish for anarchy and blood, under pretext of the love of glory and liberty. The impatience to which their rage has been reduced, since the fall of the usurper, far from moderating, has but increased from all that portion of weight which public and private cala- mities could give to their declamations. These men, like the genius of mischief who inspires them, do not stop in the career of crime; in spite of the calamities which they themselves have brought upon France, they have the audacity to accuse those as the authors of these calamities, who have been their chief victims; and they still meditate crimes of which they wish to gather the fruits. The madmen I Know they not that all France would rise at the mere suspicion of a new treason; that it never participated in crimes which are all their own, and that public opinion, against which they bear up in vain, has struck them with ineffaceable disgrace? With the aid of the law which we propose, those who are only misled, recalled by a salutary fear, will stop on the brink of the precipice. The factious, no doubt, will utter a cry of alarm; all is lost, they will say, because authority will watch them : but the peo- ple must be saved from the delirium of deceiving excitements. The goodness of the king is doubt- less unbounded; but it is high time that that goodness should no longer serve as a covering for the plots of wicked men. The guilty, whom the laws attempt to reach, take refuge in the temples of the gods; all is lost, say they, if that asylum be violated. But the king has promised to will every thing which the interests of his peo- ple shall will, and his people wish to be saved. The king will perform his duty; the law must furnish him with the means. This law will be a ground of alarm to none but traitors. The good citizen will see in it protection, and will bless the power which secures to him the first want of social man,—public order, respect for the laws, and personal security.” !CHAP. I. 1815, 1642 H1 STORY OF THE WARS i-- BOOK XVII. Cha P. l. \*Y*/ 1815. -*. M. de Caze then proceeded to give some lumi- nous explanations or the different articles of the law, which he concluded with reading as follows:-- “Louis, &c.—We have ordered, and do order, that the plan of law, of which the following is the tenor, shall be presented to the chamber of deputies by our ministers-of-state for the interior and general police, to whom we assign the ex- planation of its motives, and its support in dis- CUISSIOI) º- Art. 1. “Every individual, whatever be his profession, civil or military, who shall have been arrested on a charge of crimes or offences against the person or authority of the king, against the persons of the royal family, or against the safety of the state, may be detained in-custody until the expiration of the present law, if not brought be- fore the tribunals. 2. “The warrants for thus proceeding against the individuals charged with one of the crimes mentioned in the preceding article, can only be issued by functionaries on whom the laws confer that power: within twenty-four hours each of them shall render an account of his so acting, to the prefect of department, and the latter again to the minister of general police, who shall submit it to the king in council. “The public functionary who shall have de- divered the warrant, shall, besides, be bound to inform thereof the king's procurator of the dis- trict, who shall inform the procurator-general, and who again shall acquaint the minister of justice. 3. “In cases where the grounds of charge shall not be serious enough to determine arrest, the person charged may provisionally be placed under the surveillance of the high police, as is regulated in the penal code, chap. 3, book 1. 4. “If this law be not renewed in the next session of the chambers, it shall then expire and cease to be in force.” The plan of law was received by the chamber, and ordered to be transmitted to the bureaux. A long report was made by M. Bellat to the chamber on this law, in which he remarked, that among “ the Romans, when the spirit of faction threatened the safety of the state, a simple for- mula was pronounced, and at once the power of the consuls knew no limits. In a neighbouring country, which all politicians have cited as the * classic land of liberty,’ very frequently, without any appearance of intestine commotions, and only because foreign war creates an apprehension, lest the enemy should practise secret schemes to draw to their assistance traitors and domestic agitators, the law, which suffers none to be de- tained but by virtue of forms purely judicial, is suspended. The social compact of these two nations did not at all times admit of this measure; justice and the voice of reason. *— -º-º-º-º-º-ºr -º-; 3. *—t zºº -g but the paramount motive of public safety must supersede the social compact, for the purpbse of defending its existence against popular convul- isions. These two nations, with infinite wisdom, thought that words were nothing in comparison with things—that the security of society must ‘precede the existence of liberty—and that none but inadmen could coldly amuse themselves in discussing vain sophisms, to discover whether they could defend themselves against their ene- imies, when their enemies are plotting their de- struction.” A very animated discussion took place, in which most of the members took a part. On the opening of the debate, M. Tourneri ascended the tribune:—“It is true,” said he, “that in the midst of the great consolation which France has experienced, in seeing, at last, at its head, the heir of the virtues of Henry IV. and of St. Louis, that in the midst of hopes, of blessings, and of general confidence, some persons dare again to disturb the peace which the cessation of a disas- trous invasion has at length restored to France, and to propagate odious calumnies, whose result would be to attack all that we have most dear and most sacred; crimes so odious excite our unanimous indignation; we all feel, with equal zeal, the necessity of putting a stop to them. If our opinions are divided, it can only be as to the means of arriving at that end. In the investiga- tion of the projet of the law, the committee has thrown out some opinions different to those of the ininisters who presented it. I have myself some particular observations to submit to you. I will confess, that being unknown in this circle, I feared, for a moment, to expose myself to that species of anathema, with which, in these kind of assemblies, it is usual to put down those whose opinions do not harmonize with the ruling opinion. But I did not think that a faithful subject of the king ought to sacrifice, to a momentary fear of unpopularity, the duties which he has sworn to fulfil as a good and loyal deputy. The preceding assembly affords a recent example of the influ- ence which the acclamations of a party may ex- ercise over our deliberations. How many times, in that meeting, have we not seen a factious mi- nority check, by its exertions, the impulse of But the cham- ber, of which I have the honor to form part, by its excellent composition, and the unanimity of its views, affords the assurance, that it will receive, with indulgence at least, the observations which I have to submit to it, and which are the result of a laborious examination. However, gentlemen, our manner of viewing things may differ on the point of legislation submitted to us, strong in our good intentions, in our love fol our country and for our king, we shall obtain what we desire ** OF THE FRENCH HREVOLUTION. 1643 * -> == the maintenance of the charter, internal and ex- ternal peace, national prosperity, and the esteem of the French people.” ‘. . " The speaker then passed to the examination of the prºjet of the law, *- i. - - , , He thought that the new law had none of the advantages which could be expected from it. ander the important circumstances that it would Rºe in tual for the preservation; of order, be- cause it presented no real suppression. . “If the penal code,” said he, “no more than the criminal code, has not provided in a manner sufficiently precise for the punishment of state- crimes, no more does the law presented to you attain that result. Obe readily, coaceives that it is necessary to render, the power of the police sufficiently strong, by permitting it to delay the sentence either of punishment or discharge of the prisoner; but such a measure must be.conform- able with justice, without which there can be no stable, goverlamént. I see great.in-conveniencies in delaying the .information before the tribunals, which is commanded by the fundamental laws of our society. I find them also in the postpone- ment of the just punishment, of the guilty, or of the discharge ef the innocent, which would be to the malignant a motive for murmurs and sedi- tiens. I seek, in vain, how the measure can be useful to the public seeurity. After the events which, for five-and-twenty years, have changed the interests of all Frenchmen, there have been some really culpable, and others who have been only wrong in allowing: themselves to be misled. —It is indispensable, gentlemen, that this po- litical distinction be not conferred on all fung- tionaries and local authorities, who would not fail to put their passions and their interests in the place of the public interest. In the disposition of mind in which those men are who have sup- ported different parties, the object of sound policy should be to prevent all approximations, to pre- vent the opinion of one set of men from aceord- ing with those of another; and, above all, to be- ware that the party, yet smarting from the per- seeutions which it has suffered, may not be put in pessession of arbitrary power. “And I would rather,” said the speaker, “see the temporary establishment of the prevotal juris- dictions, which have nothing vague or indeter- minate, and which allow the law to be seen in- -stead of the passiens of individuals. I should be the first to give the example of an implicit sub- Thission to the acts of this assembly; but, before its decision, I thought it ºnly duty to express my entire opinion. ... I move that the chamber declare that the projet of the law is reječted, as not sufficiently fulfilling its object.” ſº M. Royer Coplard ascended the tribune.— “Gentlemen,” said be, “ the committee, whose report you have heard, that under the extraor- } 12. dinary circumstances in which the government is BOOKXVII placed, it was it dispensable to confer upon it unlimited power. The committee saw in this measure, not the suppression of the charter, but the suppression of a civil law for a political law. The reporter of the committee has quoted the example of two nations who have resorted to similar measures; but it was always in the hands of supreme magistrates that they deposited; this extraordinary power. It was my opinion, gen- tlemen, that the executive power should alone be invested with this terrible duty; but, I ac- knowledged at the same time, that the ministers, being unable to , watch over the whole extent of this vast territory, the authority would of course be conſerred on inferior magistrates, whose num- ber will be immense. Ho are the functionaries whom it would be proper, exelusively, to invest with this authority ?. On this question, the opi- nions of the committee, up to this point unani- mous, were divided. I set out from a principle. The sole object of the proposed law, is conspira- cies against the state; it does not relate, in any way, to other species of crime. The safety of the public should not be confounded with the safety of the state. The presumption of con- spiracy is . the only ground of this plan of law. This presumption is independent of every sort of proof; it resides wholly in the conviction of the magistrate, and the magistrate who is deeeived is not responsible for his error. The more the abuse of the vested authority would be perni- cious, the more necessary is it, that it should be exercised with discernment. I hence deduce, that the functionaries who shall exercise this power, ought to be expressly designated, few in number, and of the most elevated rank. In par- rallel cireumstances the Bomans had only one dictator: the English had but six counsellors. They ought to be of the most elevated rank, be- cause persons of this description alone have ac- guired a kind of superior sagacity, by being liabituated to important affairs, and by their con- nection with government; because they are less accessible to papular prejudices, and are elevated enough to withstand powerful men. In fine, gentlemen, these functionaries should be re- movable; far this ſeason alone, that they are irresponsible. Were they at once immovable and irresponsible, the tyranny would 9pperate against the state aud, against the citizens. May not the law be charged with a sort of dissimulation ? Is it not necessary that every man should know who has the right to deprive him af his liberty with- out forts and without trial? If the number of functionaries be sogneat as the law would induce us to believe, the consequence will be, that the majority of them will be subject to lacal preju- dices, and may frightfully abuse their authority. I propose two amendº ; one is, to substitute 18 CHAP. I. *L*vº 1815. 1644 HišTORY OF THE WARS —r- - Book XVII. prefects instead of the vague denomination of CRA*. I. we ºvº-V 1815. public functionaries; the other is, to fix the interval within which the ministers must be in- formed of the arrest.” The Marquis de Voyer Argenson mounted the tribune. “His speech,” he said, “might be heard with impatience by some géntlemen. When we stand in need of examples in legislation, it will not be unreasonable to seek them in England. In that country, before suspending the cause of justice, an enquiry is instituted into the reasons which may require such an extraordinary mea- sure. This is what was done in 1794.” The speaker here discussed the question, whe- ther the proposed law be conformable to the principles of the charter; it seemed to him im- prudent to adopt it, without being well informed of the reasons which made it necessary. “Those reasons alone should influence our determina- tions; it is essential to know whence proceed the evils that overwhelm us. We are still in a con- fusion of interests, which we must preliminarily disentangle. The Protestants have been massa- cred in the south.” Here violent murmurs were heard. Many voices cried to order; this cry became general. The president had much difficulty in restoring silence. “Gentlemen,” said the president, “if you will call M. D'Argenson to order, you must permit him to justify himself.” M. D'Argenson was in- vited to justify himself. “Gentlemen,” said he, “I have not made an alle- gation; I did not pretend to set forth any fact; I spoke of reports which are in circulation, which I recollect having read in the journals; reports which I believe to be false, as you yourselves believe them to be; but it is important to tell you, that amidst the reports which are current, it would be useful for the chamber to be officially informed.” Scarcely had M. D'Argenson ceased speaking, when the same cries of order' order 1 re-com- menced. Read the words again, said a member. The president suggested, that the expression having produced a disagreeable effect on the as- sembly, it was useless to re-produce it. On the invitation of the president, it was put to the vote, by seated and upstanding, whether M. D'Argenson should be called to order. The affirmative was decided. The speaker resumed his discourse, whieh he concluded by moving, “that a special committee should be chosen from the assembly, to examine i. grounds which render necessary the proposed aw.” M. Bourdan mounted the tribune, and made a long speech, supporting the acceptance of the law, without amendment. -ms *r. Lefevre, after a speech heard with great interest, proposed that the plan should be sent to a committee, which might propose a clearer ‘drawing up of the law. M. de Vaublane mounted the tribune. After examining the various remarks that had been made, and supporting those of M. Royer Collard: “It is pretended,” said he, “that an enquiry is necessary to make us acquainted with the situa- tion of France. The wishes of the immense ma- jority of Frenchmen are known; France wishes ſº and, to speak in one word, she wishes the II] %. these words, pronounced with warmth, shouts of Vive le Roi proceeded from all sides. The transports of the assembly cannot be de- scribed. Silence being restored, M. de Vau- blanc continued:— “ Yes, gentlemen, were we to traverse the whole of France, we should witness there the same sentiments, the same love.” At this, by a spontaneous movement, all the deputies rose from their seats. Yes, yes, was heard from all quar- ters. } , , 4 - " ' ". “It is by the side of this majority,” resumed M. de Vaublanc, “that a factious minority is on the watch; it is weak, doubtless. . If they were counted, they would be ashamed of their number; but let the majority slumber for a moment, this simall number will triumph. “ The proposed law will be their saviour: it will prevent them from effecting their perfidious -designs. Nothing will arrest, thein, neither mo- rals nor religion; foree alone can save them; this minority must be protected against itself.” Lively applauses followed the speech of. M. de Vaublanc. . . . . The president remarked, that by the standing -orders, no one must express, either applause or disapprobation; and, that it became his duty to * a feeling in which he himself partici- pated. +. { - The law ultimately, passed, by a considerable majority. The discussion, on this law, in the chamber of peers, was conducted with much warmth; but what was most singular, the mem- bers, after delivering their sentiments, were, either ashamed or afraid to avow them; for the Moni- teur, in publishing the report of the debate, omit- ted the names of the speakers. The only dis- tinction made, was that of first speaker, second speaker, &e. The first speaker, without any preamble, en- tered at once into the consideration of the two main branches, into which the question divided itself—Is the proposed law just? Is it necessary? —With respect to the first point, private interests should yield to the general exigency: and evil- disposed men should be deprived of the means of carrying their plots into effect. If on discover- OF THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. I645 -—º-º-º- -—-------- ing a house on fire, and breaking open the doors, to rescue the inhabitants from the flames, a com- plaint should be made, that these inhabitants were disturbed in their rest, would not such complaint be deemed absurd and ungrateful?. On the point of necessity, he appealed to the experience of the late disasters, in proof of the insufficiency of the law as it stood, when assailed by conspirators and factions. ' The charter against which conspiracy was directed, served as an aegis to the conspira- tors, and betrayed the government it should have protected. The regimen of health will not answer in sick- ness; and the management of a ship in a storm, must be very different from what it is in a calm. This speaker voted for the simple adoption of the law as it stood.—The assembly ordered that his speech should be printed. The second speaker disputed the justice and the necessity of the measure. It was not neces- sary, because the, responsibility of the ministers éxisting as yet but in principle; the minister of general police could in all cases, of his own act, make with impunity all such arrests and deten- tions as "he should deem necessary to the safety of the king and the state. The measure was un- just, because it converted mere suspicions into grounds of charge, and, upon these charges, lega- Iised arrests and imprisonments for indefinite pe- riods; unjust, because it deprived the accused of the sacred right of being fried,—of being tried by their natural judges, by judges not removeable; it was unjust in extending over the whole coun- try provisions which, if necessary any where, could not be necessary every where, and yet would be every where applicable, and would be dangerous wherever they were not indispensable. How dangerous would be a law under which any body might be considered as suspected, and all who were suspected liable to be so severely pu- nished?" He did not think that the suspension of the habeas corpus in England, or the Roman form of caveunt consules, constituted precedents in point: being determined to vote against the measure, he wished the chamber, if resolved to adopt it, at least to refer it to a committee for modification. A 'third speaker, convinced of the justice and necessity of the measure, wished, on those very grounds, to propose some amendments. First, he wished the warrants of arrest and detention to be issued by the ministers alone, and on their responsibility, by the prefects: 2d, that the mi- nisters should, in fifteen days after the opening of the next session, give to the chambers an ac- count of the acts done by them in virtue of this law: 3d, the liberation of all persons detained, who should not have been brought to trial by -\hat time. On these conditions, he was prepared to vote for the law. He thought a new wording requisite to the second clause, which, as it stood, was explained in a different sense, by every dif- ferent member of both chambers. The assembly ordered that this speech should be printed. A fourth speaker approved of the law as a temporary measure. “It was impossible to con- ceal from ourselves the manoeuvres, the hopes of a party, to which we owed all our calamities. If the government had possessed, at a recent epoch, the powers now proposed to be granted, could the triumph of crime that occurred have been so easily effected? Let us profit from experience; and let the return of similar mischiefs be prevent- ed by adopting this measure, the inconveniencies of which were not by any means to be coinputed with its advantages.” This speech was ordered to be printed. - } A fifth speaker, admitting the urgencies of the times, and the necessity of confiding extraordi- nary powers to the government, pressed the pro- priety of defining the authorities to which the execution of the Iaw should be entrusted. If every local magistrate was to act upon it at his discretion, it might become vexatious in the ex- treme. w * i A sixth speaker, thought the safety of the state depended on the adoption of the law. He, therefore, wished serious attention to the wording of the clause, respecting those who should have the authority for executing it. He thought this authority should rest with the ministers, subject to an account to a jury of both chambers. He condemned the use of the king's name in an measure of justice, other than the exercise.óf cle- mency. He recommended deliberation; there was no need of haste, as the police was on the watch while the chambers deliberated. This speech was printed. 2 * * A member thought the discussion had gone' to a sufficient length, and that the committee of special examination ought to be named. ' - Other members being of a different opinion, the discussion proceeded. . . . A seventh speaker thought this law coincided with the expression in the address to the king, recommending to his majesty the rights of justice. The deputies of the departments, whose local knowledge rendered them best qualified to judge, had adopted the measure purely and simply. He wished the peers to imitate their example. The report extends in this way, in speeches of nameless orators, to a length incompatible with our limits, and, indeed, productive of little novelty Or interest. A peer observed, that the indecision of the as- sembly seemed chiefly influenced by the idea, that the formidable power of ordering arrests BOOK XVTI. ~" Ch Ap. I. * Aſºvº 1885, 1646 HISTORY OF THE WARS BOOK XVII. GMAP. I. vº 1815. *Yºr would be delegated by an infinity of subaltern officers; while, in his opinion, this power was confined to those functionaries alone, who en- joyed it in virtue of anterior laws; and that the officers of whom he spoke had merely the right, like all other citizens, of arresting, on hue and cry, an individual taken in the fact, or of issuing, in cases specified to each of them, summons of appearance or depôt. He begged the minister of general police, who was present, to give some information on this subject. The minister, after confirming the explanation of the previous speaker, added, that the law con- tained no innovation in this respect. The power of ordering arrests would continue to rest in the hands which already exercised it. The number of magistrates who §: be armed with it, was not restrained; but it would not be extended. To limit the power to ministers alone, and their special delegates, would be to mistake the object of the law. The . which it was proposed to reach, were not conducted in the centre of the kingdom alone. A spark, destined to produce a conflagration, might proceed from one of its ex- tremities, and if orders from a minister were ne- cessary to quench it, before they arrived the fire might have burst forth. It was necessary to dis- tinguish the different kinds of warrants. Those of arrest would be issued by judges of criminal process alone, irremoveable magistrates. War- rants of summons and of depôt would be issued by other functionaries, to whom the right be- longed. Was this what could be called an arbi- trary regime, a law of suspected? He might be allowed to say, that the government would not go back to times of crimes and calamities, for exam- ples applicable to present circumstances, and em- ploy, in support of legitimate authority, the means which strengthened usurped power. The close of the discussion was again called for, but being opposed by a number of members was again continued. * Y A new speaker observed, that the measure was called by its enemies a law of terror. But was it riot rather destined to terrify crime? “Could the days in which we live be compared to revolu- tionary times, or the reign of the best of kings to the domination of the vilest of tyrants?” * f * Another peer, with a view to obviate the dan- gers which might attend the execution of the law in its present #. proposed, that the power of issuing warrants should be confined to the minis- ter of police, and under his orders to the prefects and attorney-general. He quoted the example of England, where, during the suspension of the habeas corpus act, the terrible power thence re- 'sulting could only be exercised by authorities of the first rank, on their own responsibility. A. . A speaker, in reply to this allusion, adverted to \ -v- Y----- -** the severities exercised in England in 1715 and 1745, when the habeas corpus act was suspended. On adverting to these periods, it would be seen with what severities a sedition was put down, 500 individuals punished with death, a thousand others transported, four peers sent to the scaffold; and yet this law is charged with rigor, which, by the side of measures indispensable to the safety of the state, places all the precautions calculated to tranquilize the citizens. The necessity of the law has been called in question. If facts did not speak loudly enough, he would invoke, in their support, the universal sentiment, which, from one end of France to the other, called for a law of re- pression. He examined, for a moment, what that man would have done in tircuihstances much less weighty, who lately sat on the throne of our kings. “The secrets of correspondence violated,—the in- terior of houses, of families, violated,—such would have been among the mildest means employed to calm his inquietude... And now, when the question was about the mildest of kings, when, the danger, would justify the severest measures, could were- ject a proposition as wise as moderate?. We, the peers of France, and the hereditary supporters of the monarchy?”, . . . . . . . . . a After several other speeches, the debate was, closed by the vote. It was then proposed, that the final deliberation should take place, without the intervention of a central committee; the clauses having been read, it was conceived already sufficiently discussed. . . . . ; This proposition, was finally adopted, notwith. standing some opposition.—In consequence of the lateness of the hour, the final deliberation was de- ferred till next day, the 27th. .. +. On that day the law was adopted. f The next business which occupied the attention of the chambers, was the budget for 1816, which is important, as shewing the situation of France at the close of the year, after all the disasters she had sustained from the effects of civil war and foreign invasion. It was presented by Count Corvetto, the minister of finance, as follows:– “Genthenren, -the circumstances in which we present to you, by order of the king, the budget of I816, by no means confirm jº, presages announced last year to your predecessors, when the budgets of 1814 and 1815 were laid before them. †. was, no reason to presume, that these presages would not have been realized, when revolt and war unexpectedly arrested the legitimate government in its beneficent, march, and destroyed the tranquility and sécurity which, it had restored to us: The effects of this commo- tion on the finances, were easy to be foreseen. It is, our duty to lay open to you, as we have done to the king, the wounds of this branch of the administration; for it is necessary to be well 2 * * of THE FRENCH REvolution. 1647 acquainted with evils, in order to seek remedies proportioned to their extent, and to derive, from tire resolution to cure them, the force requisite to support them. . The service of 1816 is about to open under the pressure of a considerable arrear, and with a perspective of wants which may ap- pear appalling. But you know it, gentlemen, the king, with Frenchmen, never despairs of the safety of the country. We shall first consider the existing state of the arrears, "nterior to the 1st of April, 1814, and shall propose to you to determine the fate of the posterior debts, which have gone beyond the limits of the budgets. We will then examine how the scheme of the budget of 1814 was realised; and, after having set forth the state of that of 1815, we will close, with presenting to you the means of rising to the level of our wants, and wit ‘placing alongside our charges the cre- ation of a new system of sinking-fund. . The arrears, anterior to the 1st of April, 1814, in the first instance stated at 759,000,000 f, may, in con- sequence of estimates which time has enabled us to make more correct, be reduced to 593,000,000f, of which has been paid, as well in specie, up to the law of the 23d of September, 1814, as in real- ized obligations and annuities, since that law, a sum of ISI,000,000 f., which reduces at present these arrears to 462,000,000 f. This debt, com- pared with the triple pledge appropriated for its discharge, by the law of the 23d of September, 1814, would have nothing intimidating in it, if there was nothing to increase it. But you will see farther on, in the exposition of the results of the budget of 1814, that the resources properly belonging to that service, weakened by the em- ployment which was made of them, up to the enactment of the law of the 23d of September, in the payment of the arrears, present, in relation to the expenses, a difference of 103,000,000 francs. “You will also learn, by the account we are about to give you of the state of the receipts and expenses of 1815, that the resources of that year, notwithstanding the great sacrifices which in- creased them, are surpassed by the expenses by the sum of f:\},000,000 francs. --- “Total of excess of expenses for the service of the two years 233,000,000 fraucs. “How, then, are we to make good that deficit in the services of 1814 and 1815, which may equalise the resources and expenses? Is it possible to increase still farther the load of taxes 3 You will perceive, that after having satisfied our charges, the taxes wifl have reached their utiliost limit. Can we reckon upon their producing an ex- cess above the fiew expenses which will enable us to pay the old? This would be an illusion. If, then, there are not in the ordinary revenues any probable means of making good these deficits, we mºgeek them elsewhere. The principles which -zº-sºr the government must follow, in order to meet a BOOK XVII debt which it cannot pay with its ordinary reve- nues, are laid down in the law of the 23d of Sep- tember, 1814. These principles tie our hands, and it is not in our power to follow a different rule, it would be unjust, if the last creditors of the state were treated differently from the first, to whom they are assimilated. ... We know the weight of the opinions which declare for the con- solidation. The law that we cite does not prohi- bit this mode; it merely does not render it exclu- sive; and, in fact, could it be so for the one, while it is hot so for the others? The use which has al- ready beeh made of forced consolidation may have had its excuse in the difficulty of the times; but notwithstanding the difficulty of, our existing po- sition, there remain to us more latitude and liberty in the choice of our means of liberation. And were our embarrassments even greater than they are, it would still be fine, it would be moral, it would be worthy of the king and of France, to rocłaim, in the midst of ruins, the maintenance of pledged faith. Our n.eans of liberation are consecrated by the law of the 23d, of September, 1814, and it appears to us, that they should be: common to all the creditors of the arrears. “It is in the meaning of that law, that the trea- i. obligations it creates should have a course as high as the integrity of the debts. But we have not now the excess of 70,000,000 f of ordinary re- ceipts, as we had before the 20th of March, to depend upon for that purpose. This resource of 70,000,000 f, which has escaped us, may, however, be replaced by an additional guarantee; and, therefore, the king has ordered us to add 100,000 hectars of woods to the 300,000 hectars granted by the law of the 23d of September; while, on the other hand, the obligations are made receivable in payment for these woods and communal property, under the condition of paying one-fifth in cash. “If the finance-law of last year appropriated to the payment of arrears, amounting to 759, 00,000 f, 300,000 hectars of woods, besides the communal property and inscriptions, you will think, géntlé- men, that 400,000 hectars may, with the same auxi- liary resources, sufficiently guarantee the éxisti arrears, which, joined to those of 1814 and 1815, do not amount to 700,000,000 f, and of which a Lareful liquidation may still occasion some im- ortant reduction. “The creditors of the state will perceive in this ample guarantee, the resolution of the state to give them the most entire satisfaction. It is the only satisfaction that it is proper to offer them; it has been solemnly promised to them, and in spite of the circumstances that oppress us, it ought to be secured to them. We will not dishonor our adversity by making it a pretext for bad faith. If the situation of the ſººn changed, the CHAP. I. Jºvº 1815. 1648 HISTORY OF THE WARs .* Ch Ap. I. -ºr Book xvii. probity of the nation, supported by that of the king, is invariable. “We now proceed to detail to you the execu- Sºº-Z tion which the budgets of 1814 and 1815 have °, 1815. received, and of which a detailed account of the receipts and expenditure will be delivered to you. We shall only call your attention to that part of the budget of 1814, which belongs to the go- vernment of the king, that is, to the nine last months of that service. The matters which have reference to anterior times are regulated by the law of the 23d of September. The budget of the three last quar- Francs. ters of 1814, had been fixed at . 442,000,000 It produced . . . . . . . . . 534,000,000 But the expenses having amounted . 637,000,000 Exceeded the receipts by . . . 103,000,000 The excess of the receipts above the estiniates was caused by the greater º: of the revenue than was expected, and various other CallSeS, The budget of the nine last months of 1814, fortified by the extraordinary aids which it re- ceived, would have sufficed of itself, if, from the effect of its connection with the three first months, it had not been, until the law of the 23d of Sep- tember, charged with expenses belonging to that first portion of the year. • rf The deficit of 103,000,000 f, presented by the budget of the last nine months, is, therefore, an effect of the mixture of periods; and, by disem- barrassing it of this surcharge, we replace it in the state in which it would have been, if its ser- vice had not been complicated with that of the first quarter, - “The auspices under which the year 1815 com- to O Ö © o © © º o © © menced, must be ranked among the epochs of the monarchy which leave the most affecting re- collections. All France respired after twenty- five years of agitation; an honorable treaty had reconciled it with Europe. The population, re- stored to itself, and no longer fearing to be deci- mated by conscriptions, delivered itself up on all hands to the industrious activity that characte- rises it. “The finances began to feel the effects of the general prosperity; the inscriptions had risen from forty-five to eighty per cent.; the arrears were at a price which placed them on a par with cash; a saving of fifty millions was waiting at the trea- sury to be disposed of by the ministers. You need not be told what fatal event suddenly changed this prosperous situation. All the ar- mies of Europe marched against France, which was no longer shielded by the presence of the le- gitimate government from their resentment, The saving of fifty millions disappeared; the pledge for the arrears was broken in upon ; the last re- lics of the sinking-fund were annihilated. France was inundated by more than one million of sol- diers; and, besides the calamities of foreign war, it had also to suffer internal troubles, and the dis- orders of a retreating army, soured by its reverses and its wants. “The legitimate government, amidst this con- flict of calamities, could not make the influence of its return immediately felt. The different sources of our revenue, already impoverished by preparations for war, were still more so by re- quisitions and contributions of every kind, im- posed for wants always extreme and always springing up. “The local authorities, left to themselves, stood, as much as they could, between the people en- trusted to them and the foreign agents, to raise extraordinary levies with the ſeast possible rigor and inequality. . It is consoling to state, that they discharged their functions with a prudence, a courage, a discernment, which, by raising the French character in the eyes of foreigners, have rendered honorable that melancholy period of our history. Several local impositions, established under these circumstances, have been successively approved by the king. We propose the confir- lamation of them. “As soon as government saw the possibility of making itself heard, it persuaded the allied powers that they would receive more certain and regular resources, through its intermedium, than by the exercise of force. Conventions were ac- cordingly entered into on this subject, which im- posed on us engagements, for the accomplish- ment of which the ordinance of the 16th of August last was issued. If that measure was imperfect, it was necessary, at any price, to re-seize the reins of government. - “The extraordinary levy of the 16th of August could, in the absence of the chambers, be only a provisional measure. It was less a tax fixed, than an advance demanded of the more affluent upon an impost to be fixed and generalized. The law of finance which we propose contains enactments for sanctioning this measure, and rectifying what may have been arbitrary in its effects. “The law proposed, in demanding the half of the total of direct contributions, does not confine it- self to merely regularising the levy of 100,000,000 f. that is, to establishing a better graduated repar- tition of that sum : it has also for its object to cover the contributors reached by the ordinance of the 16th of August, for that which they shall have paid beyond their legitimate contingent: 2d, to reimburse the local impositions, the produce of which has been converted to the benefit of the treasury, in the different conventions with the al- of THE FRENch REVOLUTION. 1649 -" --- - - --- - - - - - - - - -- lied powers: 3d, by repayments to relieve the districts which have suffered the most. “It is in times of calamity that justice is most valuable, and should have supreme sway; it shall preside over the redress of hardships, which were the inevitable effect of a measure undertaken amidst circumstances, when government had no choice of means, axd over the relief of misfor- tunes which it is not in our power entirely to re- alſ, “But this measure, salutary as it will appear to be, is very far from balancing the receipts with the expenses that belong to 1815. The scourge of three months, and its effects, have broken all proportion and all equilibrium. “It became necessary, amidst the calamities into which the invasion threw us, to make extra- ordinary efforts for fulfilling the double task of relieving the immense wants of the allies, and dis- charging the total of the pay due to the army which was disbanding. We have succeeded in fortunately seconding the wisdom of the measures which rendered that disbanding peaceable, and obviated the disorders of discontent and indisci- pline which might have accompanied an opera- tion so important, so delicate, and unexampled in history. “You will easily conceive, gentlemen, that so many charges could not be met, without hea- vily burthening the service of 1815. Hence it is, that it presents a mass of expenses, paid, and to be paid, of 945,000,000 francs, and that there being applicable thereto, receipts made, or to be made, only to the amount of 815,000,000 francs; it results, as we have already stated, that there is a deficit of 130,000,000 francs. “If it is considered that this deficit represents nearly what remains due for the service of the 100 days of disasters, it will be found that the justice of the king is very liberal, in deigning to adopt it as the debt of the state. Thus no one will have to fear a denial of payment, even for debts whose origin might ill recommend them to attention. º “The arrears of the service of 1814 and 1815, having, for their extinction, resources indepen- dent of taxation, the service of 1816, cleared from every anterior charge, opens with its own means at its own disposal. “But its budget presents us a debt entirely new, of which ſhe weight will be felt for several years, and which demands, in order to be sustained, all our strength. France exhausted, but united, may come out, if not without suffering, at least with honor, from the trial which makes her so severely expiate her fatal, prosperities. And can there exist divisions, when the only question is to afford one another mutual aid in order not to sink? Can we view an enemy in a companion of misfortune? Shall the impulse of safety in a common danger BOOK XVII* be insufficient to reconciſe us? Should not all efforts, all sentiments, be uniform for the purpose of restoring to the royal sceptre all its force, and raising under its protection a glorious people, which, in spite of its reverses, has not forfeited its right to be numbered among great nations. “. It can make no pretension to preserving its rank but by fulfilling its engagements. It will thus do itself honor in adversity, as it has dis- tinguished itself in arms; to its military renown so dearly paid for, it will cause to succeed a re- nown less noisy, but more salutary—that of credit and good faith, which is its source. “The habit of punctuality in our payments will give the creditors of the state that of confidence, a feeling, free and delicate, which nothing can command, and which is the fruit of unshaken probity. It is on this confidence that the king founds the most solid hope of relieving his people, and of obtaining savings and resources that will render the condition of the taxed more tolerable, and the march of the administration more easy. “ Under these painful circumstances, it is of chief importance to put this rule in practice, and we shall be esteemed by foreigners, after having been feared by them, * “We have, for 1816, ordinary and extraordi- nary wants, of which we shall present the sum. ** ORDINARY WANTS. “We place, in the first line, the interest on the public debt, augmented by seven mullions, con- formably to the treaty of the 20th of November, which makes it amount to francs 115,000,000 The civil list and the royal family, excluding the important sacrifice of which his majesty and the princes give so touching an ex- ample, and which appears in the budget of receipts © . 33,000,000 The chamber of peers reduced to one half of its dotation e . 2,000,000 The chamber of deputies, for its ad- ministrative expenses º 700,000 The ministry of justice © . 17,000,000 The war ministry . ſº-, . 180,000,000 The ministry of the interior . 70,000,000 The ministry of marine © . 48,000,000 The ministry for foreign affairs . 6,500,000 The ministry of general police . 1,000,000 The ministry of finance . . 16,000,000 Sinking-fund © º . 14,0' 0,000 Expences of negociations . 12,000,000 Interests of securities © 8,000,000 Interests on royal obligations . 1,500,000 * EXTRAORDINARY WANTS. “ These would amount, in the whole, to 275,300,000 francs, and their items are as fol- lows:— * CHAP I. 1815. 1650 HISTORY OF THE WARS * CHAP. I. **N*_/ 1815. $60K XVII. First fifth of the war-contribution of -ºr 700,000,000 . Q . 140,000,000 Maintenance of the allied troops . 130,000,000 Payment to the house of the Counts of Bentheim and Steinfurth © 800,000 Eventual expenses and re-payments to be made in execution of the 4,500,000 treaty of peace . •' s © Francs 800,000,000 “These expenses have been fixed only after having been recognised to be indispensable; the public service requires that the means which we ask of you to maintain it should be entirely granted. “Every minister is ready to give you any ex- planations you may deem proper to ask, as to the elements that have served as a basis for the esti- mate of the expense of his department. By such communications, you will be in a capacity to ap- preciate their moderation and indispensable ne- cessity. You will have ulteriorly another proof of that moderation and that necessity, when the account of the payments shall be submitted to you. You will then judge whether the ministers have wisely employed, for the service of the state, the funds confided to their responsibility. “It was not difficult to give a view of our wants, of which the evidence is but too apparent, but the task of finding sufficient resources, with- out bearing too heavy on a people already shaken by so many losses, was of a very different kind. “Those which, above all, ought to fix our at- tention, are, first, the suppression of useless ser- vices; secondly, economy in such as are neces- sary; and, lastly, a proportionate drawback on those very services. The king has afforded al- ready, in this respect, an affecting example. His majesty has condescended to become the first contributor to the wants of the state, in conse- crating a considerable portion of the income of the throne, to the relief of the most unfortunate districts. “The royal family has shown the same gene- rosity. These sacrifices will make you, as well as us, feel, in a more lively manner, the misfortunes of an epoch, when the king and his family add, by such acts, to the claims, which, in so many other respects, they have acquired to the grati- tude of the nation. The examination to which every expense has been subjected, and the dif- ferent abatements and deductions produce a saving of nearly 250,000,000. It is after being convinced that this economy could not be carried further, that we have resorted to the computa- tions of imposts. We all know how severe the pressure of the land-tax is; nobody feels more than his majesty the desire of alleviating it. This ºx-y- wry- -msmº, alleviation would have been proposed to you, if Providence had permitted, that the good inten- tions of his majesty had been fulfilled. But is this the moment to diminish the resources of the state 3 And, however just, however desirable it would be, to relieve the proprietors of lands, can it be thought surprising that such relief should be still postponed ? We therefore are obliged, gen- tlemen, to propose to you to establish, for 1816, the four direct contributions, upon the same footing as in 1815, which will amount to - 320,000,000 fr. We may hope there will arise -- from the tax on registers, from the royal domains, and from the sale of wood § - - 150,000,000 From indirect contributions, and the tobacco-duty * - - 147,000,000 From customs and salt - - 75,000,000 From the post-office, the salt ma- nufacture of the east, &c. - 29,000,000 From the abatements in the civil Hist tºº * - tº tº - 10,000,000 From reductions of services - 13,000,000 From securities gº sº - 50,000,000 Total gº tº - 800,000,000 “The receipts will be raised to the same sum, if you sanction our operations; but an additional aid is still indispensably necessary. The least burthensome that has occurred to us, is an addi- tional security to be demanded of such public functionaries as owe to the state a pledge for their good conduct. We hope that you will maintain the system established of last year, in regard to the additional centimes, and that, not- withstanding their destination for local expenses, they will still continue, till their employment, to be deposited at the royal treasury. The consi- derations which led to the adoption of this mea- sure are now more imperious. “Let us hope, gentlemen, that by means of the unanimity of the king and the chambers, we may be able, with the aid of Providence, to keep our- selves from sinking under the weight of our cala- mities, and to provide for all our necessities; or, in other words, to observe the faith of treaties—to keep the annuitants of the state from languishing in painful suspense—to assure to the throne its splendour and its strength—to create a new army, without slighting or . the veterans, whom their principles and their g "..." rečOIſle mend to the national gratitude ay the pro- posed law obtain from your wisdom an unanimity of votes, and may the people answer them by submission and devotion. “Your example is the most authoritative lesson they can receive, and ought likewise to be most efficacious.” The minister then entered into various details, respecting the re-establishment of the sinking- OF THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 1651 fund, and certain measures for the relief of the clergy, for which we have not room. The minister having left the tribune, M. Dudon took his place, and read the projet de loi, con- sisting of seventy-seven articles, arranged under ten heads. The most important of these are as follow :— & The first title or head states the calculation of income and expenditure for 1814. § Art. 1. “The budget of the last nine months of 1814 is definitively fixed, as to the receipts, at the sum of 533,715,940 fr. 4 c.; and as to the ex- penditure, at 637,462,562 fr. 65 c. “The excess of the expenditure shall be pro- vided for by extraordinary means. “ The second title refers to the finances of 1815. 3. “The budget of the receipts of the year 1815, is fixed at 814,567,000 fr. “The budget of the expenses is fixed at 945 millions. “The third title refers to the extraordinary contributions of 1815. * 4. “The ordonnance of the 16th of August, 1815, which authorised the raising of a loan of 100 mil- lions, and all the other ordonnances which have approved of the levying of local imposts, in the departments, by the administrative authorities, during the military occupation, are confirmed. ' 5. “There shall be raised, during the year 1815, in additional centimes, and in the form of an extraordinary subsidy, half of the total amount of land-tax, personal contributions, and taxes on moveables, doors, windows, and patents, for 1815. 14. “The payment of this subsidy shall be made in eight monthly instalments, commencing the 1st of January, 1816. sº & 15. “The present subsidy, not bing assimi- lated to the ordinary direct contribution, the amount of the contribution on land, levied in virtue of the present law, shall be, notwithstand- ing every stipulation relative to the payment of contributions, of whatever nature they are, dis- charged half by the farmer, and half by the pro- prietor, at a fixed rate, whether in money or com- modities. 16. “An account of the manner in which the present law is carried into execution, will be pre- sented along with the budget of 1817. “The fourth title refers to the discharge of **Tear'Se ſº “The debts incurred anterior to April, 1814, and the expenses remaining to be discharged for the service of the last nine months of 1814, and for that of 1815, in exceeding the receipts for thesetwo services, will be consolidated under the title of the arrears of January, 1816, to be liquidated, and paid in the form and after the valuation deter- mined by the law of the 23d of September, 1814. is, The alienation of the woods of the state, authorised by the law of the 23d of September, Bookxvii, 1814, may be carried to 400,000 hectares The produce of the sale of these woods, or that of the property of the communes, and of domains ceded to the sinking-fund, shall be specially and exclu- sively appropriated to the payment of arrears. “The fifth title fixes the budget for 1816. 21. “The receipts of the year 1815 are fixed at 800 millions, and the expenditure at the same SUIIIle 22. “The land-tax, the personal-tax, &c. shall continue on the same footing in 1816 as they were in 1815. • * 25. “Independently of the contributions autho- rised by the above articles, the councils-general of the departments shall have it in their power, with the approbation of the minister of the inte- rior, to establish facultative impositions, the amount of which shall not exceed five per cent. on the principle of the land-tax, the personal-tax, and the tax upon moveables of 1816. 26. “The produce of these extraordinary local contributions shall be recovered by the receivers- general of the direct contributions; and may be deposited in the sinking-fund, which will hold them at the disposition of the department, and advance interest for them at the rate of four per cent. per annum. * “The seventl, title refers to duty upon regis- tering. 28. “All judicial acts, in civil matters, shall be subject to the duty of registration, on the minutes and on the originals. “Title eight, details the deductions from the ay of public functionaries, in 1816. 34. “All persons in the service of the state shall suffer a deduction from their salaries, pay, &c. conformably to a fixed tariff The table, by which the proportions of the abatement are deter. mined, divides public functionaries into thirty- three classes, the first having from fifty francs to 1,000, and the last from 151,000 to 300,000, and every class suffers a deduction of one per cent. Those who have only 500, are not subject to this regulation. “The ninth and tenth heads refer respectively to the securities, and the sinking-fund. 57. “The sinking-fund actually existing shall be liquidated. The sums for which it is indebt. ed shall pass to the account of the treasury, which shall be held bound to reimburse the ca- pitals, and to pay the interest according to the rules, and at the epochs fixed for the discharging of the said capitals, and the payment of the said interests, 58. “There shall; be created a new sinking- fund, which shall be placed under the superin- tendance of six commissioners. This commiss sion of surveillance shall be composed of a peer of France, as president; % two members of the 18 CHAP. I. 1815. 1652 HISTORY OF THE WARS #00KXYi}. * , CHAPa’ī. JS-ºwº- 1815. –4. chamber of deputies; of an individual, selected by the king, from among the three presidents of the court of accompts, of the governor of the *ank of France, and of the president of the chamber of commerce, at Paris. The nomina- tions of the peer of France, and of the two mem- bers of the chamber of deputies; shall be made by, the king, out of a list of three candidates, presented by the one chamber, and six by the other. They shall hold the appointment for three years.” M. de Barente, charged with the office of presenting the project of a law on the consolidat- ed taxes, mounted the tribune, and, in an eloquent exordium, demonstrated the impossibility of di- minishing, under the present circumstances, the burden of the contributions, and of the indirect contributions in particular. “It is tributes,” said he, “and not imposts, that we have the pain to demand of you.” The tax on liquors is taken at fifty-six mil- hions in the one hundred and forty-seven millions composing the indirect taxes. These duties, not only by their produce, but likewise by the mode in which they are raised, are the most important of the indirect taxes. Means have been sought in the projet to diminish the abuses in raising them; but it was impossible to abolish this ne- cessary species of tax. As the tariffs remain nearly the same, it was necessary to find new subjects for taxation. The duties which for- merly existed upon iron, copper, paper, and oil, have been again imposed. The plan of a mark upon all kinds of woven stuffs has been rejected as vexatious; but a duty has been laid on those which receive a preparation necessary for fulling. Duties have, moreover, been laid upon transpor- tation by land and water. As this projet coin- prehends 368 articles, and was to be distributed when the sitting was over, the counsellor-of-state thought it necessary to read it. For the same reason, M. de St. Cricq did not read the long projet on the customs. CHAPTER II. * Trial and Execution of Colonel Labedoyere—Trial of Marshal Ney.—His Eaecution.—Remarks ren, the Legality of his Punishment.—His Appeal to the Ministers of the allied Powers, and Letter to the Duke of Wellington.—The Duke's Answer.—Ney's Defence. , * * For a considerable period after the second re- storation of the Bourbons, it seemed as if the king, was disposed to pass over all those who had betrayed him, and contributed to seat Bona- parte on the throne; but, at length, measures were taken for punishing the principal offenders, and a commission was authorized to examine “the conduct of officers who served during the usur- pation.” The functions of this commission were announced in the following decrees:– “Louis, by the grace of God, &c. “When divine providence recalled us last year to the throne of our fathers, we thought it our duty to remove from public functions, some men to whom good reasons did not permit us to grant that confidence with which magistrates and ad- ministrators ought always to be invested. Yet, upon the account given us of the long services of some of them, and with the intentions of giving to our subjects a fresh proof of justice and royal munificence, we were pleased to grant to several functionaries, so removed from the places occu- pied for a long time, pensions of retreat or provi. sional salaries. The hope we had conceived of restoring, in a few years, the finances of our king- dom, and the success of our first efforts, permitted us even to extend this beneficent measure, and to introduce into it great liberality. But we have been informed, that in the disastrous days, that suspended the course of the benefits we were occupied in spreading among our people, several individuals, to whom we had granted these marks of our goodness, were eager, under the domina- tion of the usurper, either to return to their old Yuctions, or to accept new. The part they took in the support of the criminal enterprise that has caused all the miseries which France now groans under, has made them lose all right to the favors we had conferred upon them; and the disorder which those evils have introduced into the finances of the state, the immense charges which our faithful subjects are called upon to support, notwithstanding all our care to alleviate, the bur- then, imposes upon us the obligation to confine, for the future, our Hiberality within the bounds of severe justice and strict economy. “ However, in fulfilling this duty, we would be sure that the measure we propose to order oR THE, FRENCH REVOLVT10x. 1653 2 should be executed with equity and discernment; that the offences of the men to whom it is to be applied, should be examined and judged with the most rigorous impartiality; that they should be placed in the balance with the length and im- portance of the services formerly rendered; in fine, that if, in certain cases, that which is super- fluous ought to be taken from men to whom our generosity was pleased to grant it, our justice nevertheless should still leave them what is ne- cessary. * f “For these causes we order— Arf. 1. “There shall be formed with our mi- nister, secretary for the departnient of finance, a commission charged to take cognizance of pen- sions and salaries granted by us since the 1st of April, 1814, to the functionaries of the adminis- trative and judicial order, whom we did not think proper to preserve in their employments. 2. “This commission shall have the documents. it may deem necessary to ascertain the origin and motives of these recompences, together with the names and qualities of those who have ob- tained them. 8. “It shall, besides, examine what part these men have taken in the events that occurred since the 20th of March to the 7th of July, to whom the said pensions or salaries were granted, in or- der to enable us to decide what treasures and reductions it may be necessary to order. 4. “The commission shall make a report upon each of the erasures and reductions which it may be their duty to propose. * Simeon, the father, is appointed president; and Becquey, Royer Collard, Travon de Lang- lade, and Harmond, are appointed the committee, of which Rosman is to be secretary.” The ordonnance is dated on the 20th of Sep- tember. A second ordonnance orders:— Art. l. “There shall be formed with our mi- nister-at-war, a committee, which shall be pre- sided by one of our cousins, marshals of France, and composed of two lieutenants-general, one marechal-de-camp, one inspector or sub-inspector of reviews, and a commissary. A superior officer shalf be the secretary. p 2. “This commission shall be charged with the examination of the eonduct which all officers of all ranks have adopted during the usurpation. “None of the officers mentioned in article 2 shall occupy an employment in our army, until the commission shalf have"examined their con- uct, and reported favorably. 3. “ The %. of BELLUNo is president. “Lieutenant-general Count LAURISTON. “Lieutenant-general Count Bonnessoult. “Marechal-de-camp, Pierre de BRoglie. “Sub-inspector, Chef de Bien. “The secretary, Chevalier de QUERELLFs.” The king, in ordaining the formation of the commission, had for his object:- First, To remove from the list of activity dan- gerous men, capable of yet corrupting the spirit of the troops. . g Second, To establish a necessary distinction be- tween officers who associated themselves with the usurper's criminal attempt, by the zeal with which they seconded him, and icº who yielded to the fatal example which was set them. It is not the king's intention to confound the latter with the former; for thus there would be a danger, of classing, with the most guilty, men who may in future perform actual service to the king and state ; and though the reduction which has taken place in the battalions of the army removes, to many of them, the moment when they can be invited to the honor of serving his majesty, it is proper not to place them, at this moment, under a sort of reprobation, which might render them accessible to the intrigues of the enemies of legi- timate authority. To afford the commission rules, with the aid of which it may be able to estimate the degree of confidence which it may yet grant to officers who served during the usurpation, the king has re- solved that certain classes shall be fixed, cor- responding to the particular position in which these officers were placed, and according to the more or less active part which they took in the rebellion of the army. t The numerical order of classes will serve to fix the order of classes for their replacement in activity. The business of the committee will be reduced to ascertaining, by examination of the conduct of each officer, the class to which he ought to be- łong. This indication will determine the rank which he must take among those to whom the king's indulgence still leaves the hope of re- entering the army, or it will mark his place among the officers who must be excluded there- from. Thus there will be arranged, in the first class, the general officers, officers of all ranks, military administrators, and employés, who, within twenty days after the arrival of Bonaparte at Paris, abandoned the military service. 4. * In the second class: those who, without quit- ting the service, refused to sign the oath of fide- lity to Bonaparte, and to the additional articles of the pretended constitutions of the empire. In the third class : those who, without quitting the service, expiated that oblivion of their duty, by quitting, by voluntary resignation, the service of the usurper. In the fourth class: the officers who, in the first. instance drawn into the rebellion, abandoned the usurper's party before the return of the king, and . rallied with the partisans of the royal authority. Book xvii. ~~ * Ca ºf i I Jºvºv 1815. 1654 HISTORY OF THE WARS BOOK XVII. CHAP. II. 1815. *-*-es----- In the fifth class: those who, employed in the army in the first instance, were cashiered, as sus- pected by Bonaparte's government, and not on grounds bringing their reputation in question. In the sixth class: those who remained in the service, but against whom there exist, in the public offices, denunciations creditable to their attachment to the cause of the king. In the seventh class: those who, not being in active service on the arrival of the usurper, did not make application for active service until the king's return. In the eighth class: the officers of all ranks and arms, and the military administrators, who retained the destination they had obtained before the king's departure, and did not solicit any IºW Orlee * In the ninth class : the officers who did seden- tary duty in the interior, either in the fortresses, or with the national-guards. In the tenth class: the officers of all ranks and arms, and the military administrators, who, after the king's departure, applied for and obtained the appointments, ranks, rewards, or the confir- mation of ranks and rewards which it had pleased the king to grant them. In the eleventh class - the officers of all ranks and of all arms, the military administrators and employés, who formed part of one of the armies formed by Bonaparte, and who followed its movements until the return of the king to Paris. Th the twelfth class: those of the above deno- minated persons who signed addresses to Napo- leon Bonaparte. In the thirteenth class: the officers who com- manded battalions of federés or corps of partizans. The fourteenth class will consist of officers and military administrators, placed in one or other of the underinentioned positions:— I. The officers of all ranks and of all arms, military administrators and employés, who de- clared for Bonaparte within the twenty days which preceded the king's departure, excited the troops to insurrection, and favored, within that period, in any way, the progress of the usurper, 2. The general and superior officers who, in the military divisions, and fortresses, hoisted, of their own accord, the standard of usurpation, and published seditious proclamations. 8. The general and superior officers who, in their districts, repressed or punished the move- ments of the king's faithful servants in support of lawful authority. 4. The commandants of places and forts who, summoned in the king's name, and by officers sent by the minister-at-war, refused to open their fortresses, and exposed them to all the dangers of a siege, if it be ascertained that they inten- tionally opposed a criminal resistance to the er- ders of the king. 5. The general and superior officers who marched against the royal troops collected in the interior. 6. The officers of all ranks and arms, and mi- litary employés, who shall be convicted of having insulted the effigy of the king or princes, or the decorations which they had previously obtained from the kindness of his majesty. 7. The officers on half-pay, who voluntarily quitted their homes to meet Bonaparte, and who accompanied him to Paris. The officers comprehended within the 14th class shall remain in a state of non-activity, un- less ulterior information furnish proof of their repentance and return to true principles. The commissioners shall distribute the officers subjected to their examination into these fourteen classes, according to the circumstances in their conduct respectively. \ With this view, it shall draw up lists, divided by classes, in which shall be inscribed the offi- cers' names, and it shall add its observations on the particular considerations which shall attenuate the offences of these officers, and shall solicit ex- ceptions in their favor; the officers of all ranks and arms, the military administrators and em- ployés, who served during the usurpation, and who, since the king's return, have retained or obtained employment in the army, or in the royal guard, shall be not the less bound, conformably. to article 4 of the ordonnance of October 12, to furnish to the commission all the information which it shall have to demand of them. The minister-at-war, in consequence of the opinion of the committee, shall take the king's orders on their destination. All officers shall be bound to address directly their applications to the minister-at-war, who shall regulate the order in which they are to be examined; and there shall be drawn up, with that view, lists of the names of the officers, with regard to whom it shall be of importance to the war-minister to know, in the first instance, the opinion of the commission. The commission will remark, that the business is not, in the last result, to impose corporal punish- ments, but to remove from the army men who, even if not labouring under any preventive cause, could have merely an uncertain hope of their resuming their place, in consequence of the dis- proportion which already exists between the num- ber of competitors and that of employments; that, by a special favor of the king, these officers have, in the half-pay of non-activity, which is granted to them, an indemnity for the preference which others shall have over them; and the com- mission will hence perceive the necessity of avoiding the excess of indulgence, because nothing will be more contrary to the interests of France. OF THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 1655 These articles were received with dissatisfac- tion by the chamber of peers, and they proposed to the king the following amendments, which were accepted :— Art. 1. and 2. No alteration. * 3. The king shall have authority, within th space of two months from the promulgation of the present law, to remove from France all the persons comprised in the second list of the above- mentioned ordonnance, who shall not have been brought before the tribunals, and to deprive them of all property, titles, and pensions, conferred on them gratuitously. They shall not be at liberty to return to France without the express permission of the king, upon pain of transportation. 4. Are excepted from the amnesty, as principal movers and instigators of the revolt—first, Those who have been accomplices in the return of the usurper to France, by corresponding with him or his agents in the isle of Elba, and facilitating his 1means; second, those persons who, before the 23d of March, accepted from the usurper the func- tions of ministers or counsellors of state; third, the prefects nominated by the king, who acknow- ledged the usurper before the 23d of March; fourth, the marshals and generals commanding military divisions or sub-divisions, who declared for the usurper before his entrance into Paris; fifth, the generals-in-chief, who directed their forces against the royal armies. Conformably to the 4th article of the ordonnance of the 24th of July, these individuals cannot be prosecuted, ex- cept in the forms and according to the constitu- tional laws. Nevertheless, the prescription of ten years, determined by the 631st article of the code of criminal processes, is reduced to three months with regard to them. 5. In the prosecutions which may take place in pursuance of the preceding articles, the public treasury may proceed as a civil party, by its agents, to recover from the accused, if they be found guilty, an indemnity for the injury caused to the state. The produce of these pecuniary condemnations shall be applied to the payment of the extraordinary war-contributions. 6. No alteration. I 7. First, The children, the relations in the as- cending and descending degrees, of Napoleon Bonaparte, his uncles, aunts, nephews, nieces, his brothers, their wives and their descendants, his sisters, and their husbands, are excluded from the kingdom for ever.—They must depart from it within a month, under the penalties of the 91st article of the penal code. They cannot enjoy any civil right, or possess any property, titles, re- venues, or pensions, gratuitously granted to them; and they must sell, within six months, all the property they possess by legal titles. 2d. Those regicides, who, in contempt of a clemency almost willº bounds, have voted for the act additional, 3. , or accepted offices or employment under the Book XVII. usurper, and who, by such conduct, declared thernselves the irreconcilable enemies of France, and of the legitimate government, are excluded from the kingdom for ever, and must depart from it within one month, under the penalties denoun- ced in the 33d article of the penal code: “If the proscribed shall, during the term of his banish- ment, return within the territory of the kingdom, he shall, on the mere proof of his identity, be con- demned to the punishment of transportation.” They cannot enjoy any civil rights, or possess any property, titles, or pensions, gratuitously con- ferred on them. - Colonel Labedoyere having been arrested soon after the French army was disbanded, was tried on the 15th of August. M. de Sauvigny was president of the court. The charges against him were treason, rebellion, and military seduction. In the course of his examination, Labedoyere avowed the following:—That his name was Charles Angeline François Huchot de Labedoyere; that he was twenty-nine years of age, a general officer, and a native of Paris; that he fought un- der Bonaparte until the restoration of the Bour- bons; that, on the 1st of March last, he received a commission from King Louis, appointing him lieutenant-colonel of the 7th regiment: at Cham- bery, a white flag, ornamented with fleur-de-lis, was given to the regiment, and an oath was taken; but Labedoyere was not there at the time.—From Bonaparte's abdication, until his return, the prisoner protested that he had no sort of intercourse with the isle of Elba; that he had never been present at any meeting in which the recal of Bonaparte had been agitated. He had, indeed, often j vague suggestions, and some expressions of discontent, but he knew nothing of any determined plot. Though he had nothing personally, to complain of, he participated in these discontents on some points. He had never re- ceived the cross of St. Louis; but he was an officer of the legion of honor, and a knight of the iron crown, both orders instituted by Bona- parte. He was at Chambery when he learnt the embarkation of Bonaparte, and received orders from Field-marshal Devilliers to proceed with his regiment to Grenoble; at that time it was bivouacked on the ramparts. The prisoner himself gave orders for the regi- ment to proceed towards Gap, by which route Bonaparte was marching. The words given out on that occasion were, “Vive l'Empereur.” The accused here declared, that it was not his inten- tion to deny facts which were public and well- known. General Devilliers hastened after him, and used both persuasive and authoritative mea- sures to bring him to his duty; he told him of the bonds he was breaking, and the probable consequences of his pºſing: but Labedoyere 18 U. CHAP. II. v_s^vº 1815. 1656 HISTORY OF THE WARS •ºr BookxyII, answered, that the interest of his country pre- CHAP. II. Jºvº. A 1815. vailed over all other considerations. The accu- sed here took some objections to the form of the proceedings. He observed, that the law ordained, that military prisoners should be tried by the councils of war of their respective divisions, in order to facilitate' to them the means of moral justification in the very places where the crime imputed to them may have been committed: the last ordonnance of his majesty appears to deprive prisoners of the benefit of the law; can they de- mand it? this is the question which he wished to submit to council. He was answered in the ne- gative. s Count Bertrand remarked, that the 7th and 11th of the line, the 4th horse-artillery, and the 3d sappers, had made addresses, and requested him to publish one from the 7th regiment, which he did. Field-marshal Devilliers here gave his testimony. He said, that having heard an extra- ordinary noise on the ramparts of Grenoble, he proceeded thither, where he saw that the 7th regiment, commanded by its colonel, had aban- doned its post to go and meet Bonaparte. He hastened on foot by the road the regiment had taken, met a horse by chance, galloped after the deserters, made a hundred go back, but when he reached the head of the corps, neither his orders, nor prayers, nor menaces were heard. “I spoke,” said General Devilliers, “to M. de Labedoyere of honor and country. He replied to me, ‘coun- try and honor.” But, apparently, he did not un- derstand the words in the same manner that I did, and I could get nothing from him.” After the ruin of Bonaparte's cause, Labe- doyere joined Excelman's corps, which had hoisted the white flag. He did not himself hoist a white cockade, because he joined it as a simple citizen. He wished to escape to America, and drew a letter of credit for 55,000 francs on Phila- delphia; but found it impossible to embark, or even to proceed to Switzerland. . He then re- turned to Paris, and surrendered himself. The counsel against the accused remarked, in aggra- vation, that Labedoyere had given the first signal of revolt; it was to his defection that all other defections were owing: the revolution of the 20th, the defeat of Waterloo, and the second in- vasion of France. M. Labedoyere now rose, and read his defence, which appeared to be written in haste, and without method, upon slips of paper:— “Gentlemen,_If on this important day my life alone were compromised, I should abandon myself to the encouraging idea, that he who has sometimes led brave men to death would know how to march to death himself like a brave man, and I should not detain you. But my honor is attacked as well as my life, and it is my duty to defend it, because it does not belong to me alone; T- a wife, the model of every virtue, has a right to demand an account of it from me. Shall my son, when reason comes to enlighten him, blush at his inheritance? I feel strength enough to resist the most terrible attacks, if I am able to say, honor is untouched I may have been deceived; misled by illusions, by recollections, by false ideas of honor; it is possible that country spoke a chi- merical language to my heart.” The accused here declared that he had no intention, nor the possibility of denying facts, public and notorious; he was ready to sign the act of accusation drawn up against him, but he would justify himself from the charge of having been concerned in any plot that preceded the return of Bonaparte; and he protested, that he is convinced no relation ever existed between the isle of Elba and Paris. “Appointed colonel of a regiment, I wished only to occupy myself in my military duties. I wished, above all, to inspire my soldiers with an esprit de corps. Never should I have attempted to make them forget the warrior who had so often led them to victory; but I know also the names of exploits of the great men who have rendered the family of the Bourbons illustrious, and I should have made it a duty and pleasure to teach them to my troops. I do not conceal that I set off with sad presentiments, but Napoleon was far from my thoughts. I had foreseen that France, untouched and united, would resume for three months, under a new regime, a political attitude. I had not foreseen this coalition of all Europe, against which the army, protector of the territory, would again fight under Bonaparte. But I was a victim to a vague uneasiness, of which, never- theless, I could explain, and perhaps justify, the cause. Ah! if my voice could have that solemn character which, they say, the feeblest accents assume in the moment of death, my reflections might still be useful to futurity 1 - “In 1814, neither, the nation nor army could longer suffer the yoke of Bonaparte; it was tired of war without motive; exhausted by sacrifices without utility; all felt the necessity of a repair- ing government; where could we flatter ourselves that we should find it but in the recal of the Bourbons, whose name reminded France of a long series of good kings, and ages of prosperity. Hence they were welcomed with an enthusiasm which was too soon chilled by numerous faults, grave errors, and fatal imprudences. The king's intentions were pure, but the outrageous zeal of faithful servants did much harm, These men formed an erroneous idea of France—” The president here advised General Labe- doyere to confine himself to his defence—it being a military and not a political crime of which he was accused,—a violation of his duties as a sol- dier and a colonel. Labedoyere said, he would not disavow his actions, and concluded with hop- & OF THE FRENCH REVOLUTION, 1657 ing that his death might be of use—that his me- mory would not be held in horror, and that his country would not reproach his son with his name. The court found him guilty of treason and rebellion. They also declared, that he had not profited of the delay of eight days granted by the ordonnance of the king, to all the abettors of Bonaparte, to return to their duty. In conse- quence, they condemned him to the pain of death, to degradation from the rank of colonel, and from the title of commandant of the legion of honor, and to the payment of the expences of the trial. The court allowed him twenty-four hours to de- mand the revision of his sentence before another tribunal.--While Labedoyere was confined in the Abbaye, the gaoler was offered 90,000 francs (4,000l.) to permit him to escape. The council of revision, to which the sentence of Colonel Labedoyere was referred, assembled in Paris, at eight o'clock, on the 19th of August. The council consisted of the Baron de Couchy and other officers. The reporting judge stated, that having considered the i. it did not appear to him that the objections to the proceed- ings were sufficiently serious to afford ground for annulling the judgment. The new counsel for the prisoner were Messrs. Joly and Mauguin. The latter urged his objections, founded on the incompetence of the councils of war, and of the omissions of forms, at great length. * The president here asked, had the accused cited or designated any witnesses by name, M. Mauguin said, he believed he had not. M. Mau- guin said, that the ordonnance of the 6th of March did not apply to Colonel Labedoyere; since the king had, by a proclamation issued at Cambray, on the 27th of June, on his entering France, de- clared his intention to be to deliver to the tribu- nals only the authors and instigators of the horrible plot which had brought back Bonaparte. The counsel had made a vague use of the words trea- son and rebellion. It should have been distinctly proved, that Colonel Labedoyere was an author or instigator of the plot. M. Ricard, procurer of the king, having answered these objections, the council withdrew to the hall of deliberation, and at one o'clock pronounced the following judg- ment:-" Considering, that the second council was competent, that the proceedings have been regu- larly conducted, and the law rightly applied, de- clares unanimously, that the said judgment is confirmed, and that it shall have its full and en- tire execution.” When the family of Labedoyere heard that the council of revision had confirmed his sentence, his wife, clad in deep mourning, ap- peared before the king, as he was getting into his earriage, and falling at his feet exclaimed, “Par- dom, pardon, sire!”—“Madame,” said the king, “I know your sentiments and those of your fa- mily, and never was it more painful for me to pronounce a refusal. offended me, his pardon should be granted; but all France demands the punishment of the man If M. Labedoyere had only Book xvii. CHAP. II. who has brought upon her all the scourges of Cºº’ war. I deign to promise my protection to you and to your child.” The mother of the unfor- tunate man was prevented from i. the king, }. those around him. Colonel Labedoyere dis- played, in the last moment, the most touching fortitude. His appeal was heard on Saturday morning, the 19th. At half-past one his judg- ment was confirmed; at half-past six, in the same evening, he underwent his sentence. He was led to the plain of Grenelle, where, after receiving on his knees the benediction of his confessor, he rose up, and without waiting for his eyes to be bandaged, he laid open his breast to the veterans who were to shoot him, and said:—“ Surtout, me me manquez pas.” (Above all, do not miss me.) In an instant he was no more! + A few days before the trial, one of the Paris papers was suppressed for inserting the following article, in favor of M. Labedoyere. “The arrest of M. Labedoyere is described as an event which must be followed by his immediate trial and even his condemnation.—Some journals, regardless of the situation in which a man sus- pected, accused, and imprisoned, is placed, seems to wish to outrun the march of justice, and to communicate their hateful passions to men who are bound to be the unalterable organs of the law. It may, therefore, be allowable to make, on the delicate and important questions whence the charge at issue originates, some impartial obser- vations connected with the public welfare, and the political interests of the king, the nation, and the allied powers.-First observation.—However gfeat may appear, or really be, the crime attri- buted to M. Labedoyere, namely, the having abandoned the legitimate king to range himself under the colours of an usurper, that crime be: came within eight days common to all the civil and military authorities, who from necessity, se- duction, or persuasion, followed the same course. A great part of the nation and the army conse- crated, by assent, the unforeseen revolution which took place, and the result of which, only a small number of wise and clear-sighted men calculated with precision. According to Grotius, when the number of criminals is infinite, a full and entire amnesty becomes legitimate and necessary, and clemency is inspired by justice. It is not in a moral point of view, which never permits us to tolerate the violation of principles and the infrac- tion of duties, but under a political point of view, when a man has millions for his accomplices, that a justification exists.-Second observation.—The old and faithful servants of the king can perceives in the act of Colonel. Labedoyere, who joined Naooleon with his regiment, only a criminal re- 1815. 1658 HISTORY OF THE WARS - BOOK XVII. Chap. 11. v_s^^_^ 1815, —4– bellion, unworthy of pardon, a treason long me- ditated and prepared against the sovereign and the country. But let them imagine themselves, for a moment, in the situation of the accused. Still young, he had never served, except under the colours of Napoleon. He had known Louis XVIII. only ten months. The first sovereign, whose abdication appeared to him only a sacrifice dictated by necessity, reappeared suddenly before him. A habit contracted, during fifteen years, of considering the emperor, whom all the monarchs of Europe had acknowledged as his legitimate chief, resumed all its force. It awakened af- fections which had been but ill extinguished. The illusion of the military glory—of the former power of the prince, rendered in the eyes of some of his partisans greater by his misfortunes and exile, acted on an ardent and elevated imagination, which easily fancies the dictates of duty to be obeyed, even at the very moment in which the most sacred of duties are trampled on. It must be confessed, that the multiplied vicissitudes of our revolutions, and frequent changes of govern- ment, have shaken, and have sometimes had the effect, during these twenty-five years, of rendering doubtful in France the notions of morality on the legitimacy of princes and the fidelity of subjects. Led, away by false ideas, M. Labedoy- ere disturbed a possession of eleven months to respect a prior possession which had existed for fifteen years. Prejudices, opinions, and habits, ideas well or ill-founded, which have been re- ceived, and which time has strengthened, are not changed in a day. Doubtless, M. Labedoyere is inexcusable for having taken and then violated his oath of allegiance. That is his real crime: but that crime, we repeat, has been generally committed. The first example of its breach was not given by M. Labedoyere, for Napoleon had already advanced forty miles on the French ter- ritory before he arrived at the point where the re- giment commanded by M. Labedoyere joined him. —Third observation.—The king’s ordonnances direct, that the lists of the persons accused of con- spiracy and treason shall be previously submitted to the two chambers, not to try them (for repre- sentative and legislative chambers cannot exer- cise judicial functions), but to refer to the tribu- mals such of the individuals inscribed on these lists, as it may appear to be the duty of the nation specially to accuse.” The next trial of importance that took place, was that of Marshal Ney. This officer, on the return of Louis to Paris, left that capital with the intention of retiring to a foreign country; but was arrested near Aurillac, in Auvergne, on the 25th of August. His trial commenced on the 7th of November. The confluence of persons to hear the trial was prodigious. Prince Augustus of Prussia, Lord and Lady Castlereagh, and some other persons of distinction, occupied the places reserved for them. The opening of the sitting was delayed by the following incident:— * Massena, Prince of Essling, conceived that delicacy dictated his refusal to assist as judge of the Prince of Moskwa. He founded his refusal upon an old enmity produced by some very warin differences that had arisen between them in Spain. * “The council of war deliberated upon the va- lidity of the motive urged by Marshal Massena, and decided that it was impossible the slight re. sentinent of a general of an army, could operate upon the conscience of a judge. The marshal then took his seat among the members of the council. “. Lieutenant-general Gazan replaced Count Maison, being an older general. “After the reading of divers letters relative to the convocation and formation of the council of war, Marshal Jourdan notified to Lieutenant-ge- neral Grundler, the reporter, to begin reading the papers. The first were, the two ordonnances of the 24th of July and the 2d of August, relative to the individuals to be tried by the council of war of the first division. The next papers were— Proces-verbal of the arrest of the marshal, by the commissary of police of Aurillac, who ar. rested him, and received from him a portefeuille with several letters. A passport for the marshal and his suite, and some letters, one of which intreats him to give the preference to Louisiana. Letters from the minister-of-war in March last to the marshal. The marshal's letters to the mi- nister, promising to do every thing to defeat the plots of Bonaparte. Next followed the proclamation of Ney to the troops, on the 13th of March, beginning with these words:—“The cause of the Bourbons is lost for ever,” &c. A letter from Ney, ordering the arrest, in the name of the emperor, ºf Generals Bourmont, Lecourbe, Laure, Jarry, Jennetiere, Duras, Couet, Count Scey, and the Mayor of Dole. The secretary to the council now read the in- ºries of the imarshal before the prefect of police. Interrogatories of Marshal Ney, by the Pre- ..fect of the Police.—The first interrogatory.— Q. When you received information of the new landing of Bonaparte, did you offer your services to his majesty? A: I did not offer my services to his majesty? I left my estate near Chateaudun, in consequence of an order which I received from the minister-of-war, appointing me governor of the military division. But I have to observe, OF THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 1659 *— -r- that I am not bound to answer your questions.— According to the laws of the kingdom, I am not liable to be tried by a military commission, but by the house of peers. Besides, I know not what your quality is. I perceive, indeed, from your dress, that you belong to the king's govern- ment, but nothing proves to me in what character you appear here. . Q. You cannot be ignorant of my office. I ain introduced into your apartment by the keeper of this prison, whom you every day see.—A. I do not refuse to answer your questions, but I think I might be assisted by my counsel. Q. When did you arrive at Paris?—A. On the 9th. g * Q. What induced you to proceed to Paris?—A. An order from the minister-of-war, which directed me to proceed to Besançon. Q. Why did you not proceed directly to that destination?—A. I would have gone to Besançon, but having no uniforms, I came to Paris for them. y - , Q. Did you, ask an audience of his majesty before your departure?—A. I made, in fact, that request, but the minister refused it, under the pretext that his majesty was indisposed. I saw the Duke de Berri at six in the morning, and af. terwards waited on the king. Q. What did you say, to his majesty?—A. I stated, that the minister-of-war, having ordered me to depart, I had waited on his majesty to ask such instructions as he pleased to give me. Q. What did the king say to you?—A. That he relied on my zeal and devotedness. - Q. What answer did you make?—A. I believe I replied, that this was an act of madness, and that if he (Bonaparte) were taken, he deserved to be brought to Paris in an iron cage. I know it has been reported that I promised to bring him in an iron cage, but I do not think I said that. I also stated, that Bonaparte was very crimi- nal in having broken his outlawry. I afterwards made the same observation to himself, but he laughed at it. Q. Did you not ask his majesty for money at that interview?—A. I know it has been publicly reported, that I received 500,000 francs, but that is false. The prefect of Besançon offered me money if I wanted it. . Q. On taking leave of the king, did not you kiss his hand 4–A. I do not well recollect that in- cident. Yes, I believe I did in fact kiss his ma- jerty's hand, when he presented it on my taking leave. Q. Did you not receive orders from Bona- parte before your arrival at Besançon ?–A. No, 1 received no orders except from the minister-at- war, the Duke de Berri, and his majesty. - Q. On arriving at Lons-le-Saulnier did you not receive an agent from Bonaparte?—A. On the 113. 13th, at two in the morning,"I received an agent, Book xvii.; whom I supposed to be an officer of the guard in disguise, and who had lost an arm. He delivered Char, II." to me, on the part of General Bertrand, the pro-, -º-' clamation which I published on the 14th, I say the proclamation, and not my proclamation, be- cause it was sent to me ready drawn up. Q. How came you to determine upon publish- ing that proclamation ?—A. Before causing it to be read to the troops, I communicated it to Generals Bourmont and , and asked them what I ought to do? Bourmont replied, that the Bourbons had committed great faults, and that they ought to be abandoned. In the morn- ing, I assembled the troops, and read the pro- clamation, which was printed two hours after. Q. Do you affirm that you did not write to Bonaparte before the 14th, and that you sent no officers to him?—A. I neither wrote nor sent officers to him. Before reading the proclamation to the troops on the 14th, I assembled the senior officers of several regiments. I barangued them in a manner favorable to the interests of the king, and declared, that if I observed the least hesitation among any of them, I would punish them with the greatest severity. Q. Did you, on the 14th, exhort the troops to abandon the cause of the king, and espouse that of Bonaparte?—A. It is true, I did. I was im- pelled—I did wrong ; of that there is no doubt. At the close of this examination, the marshal said, “I have been often tempted to blow out my brains; but I have not done it, because I wish to vindicate myself. I know I have done much wrong, for which good men will blame me. I blame myself; but I am not a traitor; I was drawn on. Had I wished to betray, I should have given false information to Suchet, when he wrote to me that his troops were in a state of fermentation.” Second Interrogatory.—The second interro- gatory was next read. We shall endeavour to report such points of it as are not included in the preceding. º Q. If you did not correspond with Bonaparte before your arrival at Lons-le-Saulnier, why did you so soon change your resolution?—A. Wh do you ask? One might say, that a dyke had broken. I was disconcerted by the bad news which was circulating, and by the terrors which the prefect of Doubs had created. I had lost my head; I stood in no relation with things as they were ; I was doubtless wrong in reading the proclamation, but I was impelled by circum- Stances. Q. What did Bertrand say to you in the first letter he wrote 3—A. He gave me orders—“You must have 100 pieces of cannon,” he said, “if you want any, I have found 500 at Grenoble.” He said nothing respecting the king; he ex- 4. 1815, 1660 His TORY OF THE WARä t º º BOOKXVII. pressed himself as if the Bourbons had never CHAP. II. S-º'-' erre, on the 1815. appeared. Q. When did you see Bonaparte?—A. At Aux- Q. What did he say to you at that interview —A. He told me that he could have caused the king and the royal family to be arrested, but that he was sure of Paris. He spoke of his dim- ner on-board of an English vessel in the road of the isle of Elba, and mentioned the French generals who were present. . He told me that his project was certain, and had been prepared by a long combination. He spoke to me of all that had passed at Paris, of the dinner at the Hotel de Ville, to which he said the marshals had not been invited. He told me that my wife had not been invited, which was not correct, and ap- peared to be well informed of every thing. ... I believe it was he who informed me of the dis- grace of Soult. He spoke much of Soult's system, which had placed two lieutenants-general in each military division, one of whom corresponded with himself only; so that there was, in each department, one general for the king and another for the minister. Q. Did not Bonaparte tutoyer you (speak in the second person singular) in this interview, and did he not remind you of former connections 3 —A. No ; he never thoued me ; he spoke of my campaigns, and calied me “ the brave among the brave;” to give me. At the end of this examination the marshal said, “I left Paris with the intention of sacri- ficing my life for the king. What I did was a great evil. I lost myself. I would have gone to the United States, where I wished to remain, for the honor of my children.” Interrogatories before General Grundler.— The two examinations of the marshal before General Grundher were then read. W. \ Before the first examination, the marshal pre- sented a paper, in objection to the jurisdiction of the council of war. The marshal also gave an account of his ar- rest, and of the plan which he had for proceeding to. Paris. He said he knew nothing of the land- ing of Bonaparte before the 7th of March, when he came to Paris, in consequence of the orders of the-minister-at-war. He reverted to the letter he had read on the 13th, at Lons-le-Saulnier, in which General Ber- trand informed him that Bonaparte's enterprise was concerted with Austria and England. He said, that after that letter he believed all oppo- sition useless. The court proceeded to the reading the depo- sitions of the witnesses. M. Bastardy, notary of the marshal, deposed, that he announced to the marshal at Paris, on an appellation which he used often --------- the 7th of March, the news of the landing of Bonaparte. The marshal exclaimed, “What a misfortune!—what will they do?” and other ex- clamations of surprise. Phillippe de Segur, marshal-de-camp, deposed that, on the 7th of March, the marshal informed hiin of the news of Bonaparte's landing: that the marshal expressed himself like a faithful servant of the king. The Prince de Peix declared, that he was at the audience of the king when the marshal was admitted; the king said to him, “Set off—I rely on your fidelity.” The marshal replied, that “He would do his utmost to bring Bonaparte in an iron cage.” He kissed the king's hand and departed. General Mermet deposed, that he had been placed under arrest by the marshal, on account’ of the orders he had given for the king's service. Marquis de Sorans, aid-de-camp of monsieur, was sent to the Duke de Berri. He met Mar- shal Ney, who carried him to Lons-le-Saulnier. The disposition of the army appeared disquieting. The marshal re-assured him. Afterwards, the marshal received the proclamations of Bonaparte. The witness set off again on the 13th, with dis- patches for the marshal, who appeared to shew the best principles. * The Duke de Duras, first gentleman of the king's chamber, confirmed the deposition of the Prince de Poix. d M. de St. Amour, staff officer, was sent to Grenoble, which he could not reach. He re- turned to Lyons to monsieur. The fidelity of the troops was then doubtful. The witness left Lyons, and proceeded towards Lons-le-Saulnier, to find Marshal Ney, and engage him to retire on the side of Moulins. He found hitā at Quin- gey, and related to him the whole;he had seen. The marshal appeared afflicted, but persisted in. fighting Bonaparte. The witness returned to Besançon. t In the second interrogatory before the general reporter, the marshal allowed that he knew of the ordonhance of the 6th of March, which placed Bonaparte out of the law, but not in an official II].3H] iſ €I’s The Count de Scey, formerly prefect of Doubs, declared that Marshal Ney arrived on the 10th of March at Besançon, and demanded from him 15,000 francs, which he refused ; that he after- wards received only one letter from the marshal. The Count de la Jennetiere, a superior officer, deposed, that having learnt the disembarkation of Bonaparte, he offered his services to the Count de Bourmont, who accepted them. He then proceeded to Lons-le-Saulnier, with his officers, where, on the 14th of March, the marshal read his proclamation to the troops, and embraced the generals. The witness then went to Dole, where 1 - of THE FRENch Revolu'F10 N. i861 •assº.---- sº. --ee. --~~~...~~~ -- - -- a------------ ºr--- - - - - - -----------w-- * - - - - - - - --------- - - - - - - - . . . he wrote to the marshal a letter, which was read; and which proved that the witness gave in his resignation, not being willing to compromise his honor. - -* - On the 12th and 13th of March, the marshal continued to persuade the troops to remain faith- ful to the king. - The witness supposed that many officers did remain faithful. He added, that the proclamation and conduct of Marshal Ney greatly influenced the conduct of the army, and contributed to with- draw it from the king. - He does not believe the marshal had any com- munications with Bonaparte previous to the 13th of March. - The witness saw the signature of General Ber- trand affixed to a note which Marshal Ney said he had received from him, and in which it was declared, that the enterprise of Bonaparte was - - t concerted with foreign powers. The deposition of Marshal had only had relations of service with Marshal Ney during the 10th, 11th, 12th, and 13th of March. These relations were confined to three dispatches which he received from the marshal, and which described the measures taken by him against Bonaparte. - & declared, that he had received, in March last, only two letters from Marshal Ney, which were directed to Madame Ney, and which she would produce. . - - M. de Bourgiac, sub-prefect of Polegny, de- clared, that on the night between the 11th and 12th of March, he saw a voiture de post, and two general-officers alight from it. ſ Marshal Ney and General de Bourmont. He requested them to come to his house, and they accepted, his invitation. The marshal expressed the utmost inveteracy against i. they set out at midnight, and the sub-prefect did not see them again. - * M. Düſaur, lieutenant-general, declared that, on the fith of March, after having heard the proclamation of Marshal Ney, he retired; that the marshal then issued an order for his arrest; but that this order was afterwards revoked. M. Pierre Boulogne, a merchant of Paris, de- clared that, on the 12th of March, he returned from Lyons to Paris, by Lons-le-Saulnier. He was carried before Marshal Ney; he informed him of Bonaparte's entrance into Lyons, and the details of that event. The marshal said, that he had concerted with Marshal Massena, who would shortly arrive; that the enterprise of Bonaparte was nothing, and that it would never succeed. The declaration of M. Garnier, formerly mayor of Dole, was next heard. He deposed, that having seen Marshal Ney on the 15th of March, - -- - - - Suchet, Duke of Albufera, was then, read. He declared, that he His excellency the marshal, Duke of Reggio, 'hey were tions of M. Bourmont and +-- he heard him use the most incendiary language Book XVII. against the august dynasty of the Bourbons; that the marshal caused the city of Dole to be illuminated, and issued the proclamation which, he had read the night before at Lons-le-Saulnier. The witness was to have been arrested; but he concealed himself, for thirty-two days, in a forest, and thus escaped. He believes that the marshal might have stopped the enterprise of Bonaparte. Lieutenant-general Count de Bourmont de- posed, that, on the 5th of March, he was in- formed of the disembarkation of Bonaparte. He marched the troops from Besançon to Lyons, according to the orders of monsieur. From the 12th to the 14th of March, he was under the orders of Marshal Ney, at Lons-le-Saulnier. The marshal declared it to be necessary to oppose Bonaparte. He reports the measures which they took in concert with each other. On the 15th of March, the marshal read to him a proclamation, which he wished to publish; he opposed this publication as much as was in his power, and endeavoured to bring back the marshal to his duty towards the king. Thé mar- shal read the pr excited cries of Wive l'Empereur. ... - - The witness is of opinion, that if, on taking precautions, battle had been given, the troops might have remained faithful to the king; but the proclamation defeated every thing. The su- baltern-officers and soldiers impelled the superior officers and generals, many of whom retired. The declaration of General Count de Bourmont mentions officers who remained faithful to the king. . . - • * Field-marshal Guy made a declaration, which was read. He deposed, that being at Lons-le- Saulnier, on half-pay, he visited Marshal Ney on the 12th of March, who engaged him to remain . * * * faithful to the king. sures which were taken for the defence of the . country. He was at breakfast with General Jarry when the marshal read his proclamation, which was succeeded by cries of Vive l’Empereur. The declaration of the late Lieutenant-general . Lecourbe was read. . He was at his estate at Ruffry, when, on the 5th of March, he learnt the disembarkation of Bónaparte. He proceeded to Marshal Ney, at Lons-le-Saulnier. The marshal. gave him the command of one or two divisions which he formed. The officers were exeellent. On the 15th of March, the marshal assembled his generals, and informed them that they could no longer hesitate, and that it was necessary to join Bonaparte. He disregarded the observa- read his proclamation to them. The witness was near the marshal when he read the proclamation to the troops. It produced the most fatal effects; roclamation to the soldiers. It The witness only knows by hearsay the mea- the witness, and CHAP. II. 1815. 1662 HISTORY OF THE WARS º —h– Book XVI.i. but the witness adds, that, at that period, they Char. II. were so near Lyons, that it would have been difficult to repress the soldiers for any length of *N*-2 time. 1815. M. de Beurogard, chief of a squadron of gen- d’armerie, said, that after having read his procla- mation to the troops, Marshal Ney embraced them all, even the fifers and drummers, and that he endeavoured, in vain, to compel the witness to call out Vive l’Empereur ! Baron Capelie, prefect of Ain, declared, that Generals de Bourmont and Lecourbe, and Mar- shal Ney himself, informed him, that the return of Bonaparte was contrived by Marshal Ney, other marshals, the minister-of-war, and Madame Hortense. The Duke of Orleans was at first thought of, but after having learnt, with certainty, that the prince would not favor the projects of the conspirators, they were obliged to accept the proposals of Madame Hortense. The prefect of Cruise deposed, that he in- formed the marshal of his firm resolution to remain faithful to the king, and that the marshal replied, “You are acting foolishly ;” adding (says the prefect), insults and outrages against the princes, which respect will not permit me to repeat; and that the marshal terminated this in- terview by the following words, which he pro- nounced with a firm voice: “We must have another dynasty.” Several other depositions tended deeply to in- culpate the accused. None, however, shewed that he had either demanded or received money before his departure from Paris. Second Sitting, JW ov. 10, was opened at eleven o'clock.-The reporter.—“I am about to read to the court some documents which are not testi- monies: they are letters, or mere notes, which can only be considered as notices. “The first documents were signed by M. Wal- ther, lieutenant in the 63d regiment of the line, }. Messrs. Curel, senior and junior, and M. outrier. “They went to state, that, in April last, Mar- shal Ney, conversing at Metz with the officers of the garrison, held the most outrageous language against the king and the royal family. He said to officers of the 63d, ‘Have you, in your regi- ment, any of those voltigeurs of Louis XIV. ? If you have any, you must chase them out like the plague. The king said, he felt proud of commanding the French, but he was not worthy of them.” Lieutenant Curel, of the regiment of the crown, ascribed to Ney the following expressions, in the same conversation:-" The emperor is the reatest man of his age: the conversion which as been produced, began by the head of the column.” ‘Of the same interview, M. Foutrier related the following still stronger expressions :—“ The cause of the Bourbons is lost: that degenerate race regards the French as cattle, and would make the nation retrogade to the tenth century; they have committed a theft, by carrying off the diamonds which belonged to the French people.” M. Bellenet confirmed, in his written declara- tion, many of the expressions which we have retraced with a painful feeling; but he asserted, that he never heard issue from the marshal's mouth, any personal attack on the king. Captains Casse and , of the 42d regi- ment, gave written declarations as to conversation held by Marshal Ney, on passing through Condé, in May last. The marshal then expressed him- self nearly as follows:—“If you saw me at the Thuilleries, before my departure, caress the king, it was only the better to deceive him. He was not calculated for reigning; the members of that family scarcely know how to speak. Had the king given me twenty times the value of the Thuilleries, I would not have served him. I bore the emperor in my heart.” According to M. Casse, the marshal should have said, “ that the king was neither legitimate nor a Frenchman; that after remaining twenty- five years in England, one ought not to acknow- ledge him; that he did not appear a Frenchman, but an Iroquois.” M. Favre deposed, that after the return of Bonaparte he went to the Thuilleries, about some business, with Marshal Bertrand. By mistake he fell into conversation with Marshal Ney. M. Favre did not conceal his attachment to the Bour- bons. The marshal said to him, “My brave fellow, you love the king:—well—do not be uneasy—remain tranquil.” The reporter then announced another docu- ment, written by a judicial functionary at Dijon, but not signed. The president.—“If it is not signed—” The reporter.—“ It was sent to me by the keeper of the seals; and it becomes my duty to . all those pieces, even though anonymous.” Marshal Mortier.—“ It appears to me that papers not signed cannot be read.” M. Joinville, the king's attorney, assented to this, and the court decided that all such docu- ments should be put aside. * M. Bousquet, a printer, at Beziers, stated, in a letter, the substance of a conversation he had had with an officer of Marshal Ney's staff. The latter said, he was present when Ney read to him, and General Lecourbe, a dispatch from Bona- parte, and delivered a fiery speech to induce ihem to join the ranks of the usurper. He con- cluded by complaining that his wife had been, as he said, vilified at court. M. Belney deposed, before the prefect of the Upper Saone, that Ney said to him, at the end of OF THE FRENCH. It EVOLUTION. 1663 wºm-- March, “Maria Louisa and her son are about to arrive, we shall have no difficulty in re-conquering the left bank of the Rhine.” The reporter (General Grundler) then read the two last examinations which had been taken of Ney. In these the marshal denied all knowledge of the conversations, imputed to him by the mayor of Dole, by M. Capelle, and M. Vaulchier, pre- fect of Jura: he had never boasted of having correspondence with the isle of Elba. “I first learned,” he added, “the landing of Bonaparte from M. Bestardy, my notary. I never had any conversation with any of the mar- shals of France, nor with the then minister-at- war, respecting the return of Bonaparte. I equally deny all connection with the Duchess of St. Leu; I never was at her house since the epoch of the abdication of Bonaparte at Fontainebleau. I was invited to dine at her house with the Marquis de Riviere; but I declined going, under pretence of indisposition.” The marshal required the insertion in his ex- amination of the petition which had been pre- sented to the king by his wife, relative to the alleged incompetence of the court-martial. The marshal not only demanded the chamber of peers as his natural judges, but complained also of the mode of formation of the court-martial. Q. Was it your inclination to go into Switzer- land?—Yes, but my passport was antedated. Q. Why was there found in your papers a passport under the name of Neubourg 3–That was concerted with the minister of police, that I might the more easily preserve my incognito. In answer to the charges contained in the de- clarations of Messrs. Walther, Turel, Casse, Foutrier, &c. his reply was as follows: “I set off for Lille on the 23d of March, by order of Bonaparte. I there received a very long letter from him. He charged me to visit the fortresses and hospitals on a very extended line, as extraordinary commissioner of the go- vernment; I was empowered to change the functionaries. It is known that I exercised this pewer with great moderation. The autho- rities visited me; I of course spoke to them of the new government; but I never held any of that language that has been ascribed to me re- specting the royal family. I received a formal order not to detain any member of the Bourbon family, but even to favor their departure. “All the measures which I took, up to the 14th of March, were for the king's interest. . If I had had ammunition, and could have depended on the spirit of the troops, I should have at- tacked, notwithstanding my inferiority in num- bers. The spirit of the country parts was daily sº worse. If in these circumstances I erred, *- - -- ----- I at least wished, above all, to save my country: I never wished to betray the king.” Q. What was your force in infantry, cavalry, and artillery, at Lons-le-Saulnier, on the 13th of March 3–A. Three regiments of the line, two of cavalry; the gun-carriages were not serviceable. Q. What ammunition had you?—A. Some soldiers had fifty cartridges; others none: we were deficient in lead. The president.—“The reading of the docu- ménts being now terminated, the accused is about to make his appearance. I must remind the public, that all marks of applause or disap- probation are prohibited. I have directed the BOOK XVII. CHAP. II. ~sºvº. A |1815. commandant of the guard to remove every person who shall not conduct himself with the respect that is due to the court and to misfortune.” Here the proceedings were suspended for a few minutes. The scene became highly in- teresting, since the principal personage was to luake his appearance, W. a subject of me- ditation to the observer, to find between those who had been long rivals in glory, the immense interval which separates a person accused from his judges. All eyes were turned towards that door by which a marshal of France was to enter, for the first time, the sanctuary of justice. Marshal Ney was introduced by Captain Hen- delin. His countenance was firm and assured. No emotion was depicted on his physiognomy. It would appear as if the habit of strong impres- sions, which he must have contracted in his military career, prevented him from exhibiting their effects.—He was in a plain military blue frock, without embroidery, with the epaulets of his rank, the ribband of St. Louis, and the plate of the legion of honor; he wore a crape round his arm, in consequence of a recent loss; and he sat down in an arm-chair in the centre of the semicircular space in front of his judges. Seve- ral officers of gendarmerie, seated at some dis- tance, and two centinels, the one a national-guard, and the other a veteran, served as his escort. Before sitting down, he bowed to the judges. The president.—“What is your name, your place of birth, and description?” Marshal Ney then rose with impetuosity, and read the following speech;— “From deference to the marshals of France and the lieutenants-general, I have consented to reply to the questions which were put to me, in their name, by the Mareschal-de-camp Grundler, not wishing to obstruct the course of proceedings commenced against me. But introduced before a tribunal, I now think it. my duty to abstain from answering every question that might tend to ac- knowledge the legitimacy of my mode of trial. Without, therefore, failing in the respect which I owe to Messieurs the marshals of France, and 18 Y 1664 HISTORY OF THE WARS BOOK xvii. CHAP. II. v_s^^_/ 1815. —7 the lieutenants-general, I declare, that I decline the competence of any court-martial to try me, and I formally demand to be brought before the judges who are assigned to me by the constitutionarcharter. “A stranger to matters of jurisprudence, I de- mand permission of the court to develope my reasons by the organ of my defender.” The president, Marshal Jourdan, received the declinatory declaration of the accused; he, at the same time, observed to him, that to ascertain his identity, it was essential that he should reply to the questions put to him as to his name, surname, quality, and the orders with which he was deco- rated; but his answers would no way compromise him. The marshal replied as follows to the questions thus put :— “My name is Michael Ney, born at Sarro Louis, the February, 1769, Marshal of France, Duke of Elchingen, Prince of the Mosk- wa, Knight of St. Louis, Grand Cordon of the Legion of Honor, Knight of the Iron Crown, Grand Cross of the order of Christ.” M. Berryer.—“The first sentiment which I feel on addressing this august assembly, has in it something even more sweet and consoling than the most perfect security and the most immove- able confidence. I fix my eyes with respect and admiration on this imposing conclave of the first personages of the state, clothed in military purple, and whose names, dear to their country, belong already to future times. But I ask, why these senators of the camp are met in this Areopagus. I fancy myself transported into a temple conse- crated to bravery, and I cannot understand what is the object of this company of warriors, what magisterial duties they come to exercise. . When I look on him who is brought hither, although now without arms, without any mark of his dig- nity, and preserving only the uniform of heroes, what a long series of brilliant actions, of glorious services, of acts of intrepidity, and of devotion to his country, present themselves to my thoughts, and ennoble him “ However, a grave accusation is brought against him, proceeding from the government itself; and, for an accumulation of misfortune, the moment of justification is not yet arrived. “Although the marshal would be anxious to justify himself, in order to be restored without reproach to his afflicted family, he refuses to ac- knowledge the jurisdiction of this council. What is the motive of this temporising? Could he find elsewhere more just appreciation of his political and military conduct? He would wish to be tried by his brave companions in arms, if he was not convinced of your incompetence.” The advocate here divided his discussion into three parts. 1. “That crimes of high-treason ought to be tried by the chamber of peers, by the terms of the thirty-third article of the charter. 2. “Peers of France can only be tried crimi- nally by the chamber of peers. The same holds good with respect to marshals and grand officers of the crown, who are not essentially part of the army. 3. “The composition of the tribunal is not legal, even on the supposition, that a marshal is subject to military trial; for marshals bear no analogy to commanders-in-chief, who may be tried by officers of the same rank. tº “The imposing authority,” he continued, “ of the royal ordonnance of the 24th of July, ought not to bind down your jurisdiction; and if it were necessary, I would appeal, with the Macedonian, to Philip, when better informed of the object in dispute.” He then developed his three propositions. He established his point, that, according to the char- ter, the chamber of peers is alone competent to take cognizance of high-treason and of state- offences. He did not dissemble the objection arising from the royal ordonnance of the 6th of May, by which all the adherents of Bonaparte were given up to councils of war, but he main- tained, that the time of crisis being past, the regular order of judicial proceedings should be restored. He instanced the case of M. de Lavalette, who having been originally comprised in the ordon- nance of the 24th of July, in order to be tried by a military tribunal, had, by a subsequent order, been committed to his regular judges. On the point, whether marshals were triable by military councils, the advocate, after a glowing eulogium on the character of the judges, and of the title of marshal, shewed, by numerous examples, the pri- vileges which marshals of France had always en- joyed and claimed. On the last point, he contended, that the ac- cused, as marshal, had a right to decline the au- thority of the court, because the marshals, as grand dignitaries of the empire, are styled cou- sins by the king, and are not necessarily a part of the army, like generals-in-chief. Analogies on subjects like these were dangerous. “You have,” concluded the advocate, “ open before you, the sacred book of our liberties; the charter on which are engraven the titles of Mar- shal Ney. Your consciences, as heroes, feel the }. of the deposit which is intrusted to you. ronounce.” General Grundler, the reporter, spoke to the following effect:-" The country mourns this day to see placed in the ranks of the accused, one of its hitherto most glorious defenders. Fa- OF THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 1665 *— tal result of our political dissentions ! Fatal error, which brings down the sword of justice on one who ought to have been its firmest sup- porter. “In times of revolution, crimes are not always unished with impartiality. You will afford an illustrious example of a military tribunal deliber- ating calmly, in the midst of the general efferves- cence of passions, on the case of an unfortunate accused. The eyes of France, of all Europe, are upon us. We shall leave this assembly with untouched consciences, and without dreading the judgment of our contemporaries or ofJ. The general reporter (the king's advocate-ge- neral) then entered into a learned research on the origin of the privileges of the peerage, and on the origin and prerogatives of the marshals of France. And on his view of the subject, the chamber of peers is the º tribunal that could judge crimi- nallv a peer of France. #. d. that the marshal had lost the right of being tried by his peers, by accepting the peer- age under Bonaparte. An accused should always be tried according to the quality which he pos- sessed at the time of committing the offence. He pointed out the absurdity which might follow, if the sentence of this court (its compe- tence being allowed) should go according to the regular routine of military appeals, to be in- vestigated before the usual but inferior court of revision, which was by law composed merely of persons of the rank of colonels, and officers lower than colonels. He asked if a court, composed of such dignitaries as marshals of France, should have their acts revised by such a council. He then gave nine different reasons against the competence of the court, but did not make any positive inferences, leaving all to the wisdom of the council. The function of public administration in mili- tary courts being divided between the king's re- porter and the king's procurer, M. Joinville, in this last quality, entered into an argument dia- metrically opposite to the preceding. The competence of the court seemed to him fully established by the ordonnances of the 6tli of March and the 24th of July The charter allowed to the king extraordinary measures, when requisite for the public safety. Marshal Ney had abdicated his rank by accepting the peerage under Bonaparte. General Moreau was tried by a similar tribunal, and could Marshal Ney demand other judges than such as were allotted to General Moreau? Marshal Ney was conducted back to the prison of the Conciergerie. The council retired at four o'clock, and in half-an-hour the president, in open court, pronounced the following judg- ment:— “The council having deliberated on the ques- Book XVII. tion of its competence to try Marshal Ney, has decided, by a majority of five voices against two, that it is not competent to try Marshal Ney. “It directs the Marshal-de-camp Gründler, the reporter, to acquaint Marshal Ney with this judgment.” The court then broke up. Upoff this decision of the council of war, Ney was indicted before the house of peers, which the constitution in reality had fixed as his proper judges; and, on the 11th of November, the Duke of Richelieu, accompanied by the attorney-gene- ral, and other members of the ministry, presented to the chamber the following ordonnance:– “Louis, by the grace of God, &c. “Considering the thirty-third article of the constitutional charter, and having heard our mi- i. we have decreed and do decree as fol- OWS :- “The chamber of peers shall proceed, without delay, to the trial of Marshal Ney, accused of high-treason, and of an outrage against the safety of the state. “It will observe, on the trial, the same forms as on the proposition of laws, without, however, dividing itself into bureaux. “The president of the chamber shall question the prisoner during the audience, and shall regu- late the debates. “The opinions shall be taken according to the forms used in the tribunals. “The present ordonnance shall be carried to the chamber of peers by our ministers, secretaries- of-state, and by our attorney-general of the royal court of Paris, whom we charge to support the accusation and the discussion. “ Done at the palace of the Thuilleries, the 11th of November, 1815, and of our reign the twenty-first. “Louis. (Countersigned), “ RICHELIEU.” The Duke of Richelieu, president of the cabi- met, detailed to the chamber the motives of this ordonnance. His speech was as follows:— “My lords,--The extraordinary court-martial established for the trial of Marshal Ney has de- clared itself incompetent, all the reasons on which their opinion is founded. Suffice it to say, that one of the motives is, that the marshal is accused of high-treason. “By the terms of the charter, it belongs to you to try this sort of crimes. It is not necessary, for exercising this high jurisdiction, that the chamber be organised like an ordinary tribunal. The forms which you follow in the proposition of laws, and for judging in some sort of those which are presented to you, are undoubtedly suf- CHAP. II Jºv 1815. I shall not mention . y I666 HISTORY OF THE WARS sº B00K XVII. ficiently solemn and sufficiently sure for judging − any man, whatever be his dignity, whatever his CHAP. II. 1815. rank. “The chamber is then adequately constituted for judging the crime of high-treason, of which Marshal Ney has been so long ago accused. “No person could wish that judgment be re- tarded, by reason, that there does not exist, in the chamber of peers, a magistrate who exercises the office of attorney-general. The charter has not established such office—it has not desired to es- tablish it—perhaps it ought not... In some cases of high-treason, the accuser will come from the chamber of deputies; in others, the government itself will become one; the ministers are the na- tural organs of the accusation; and we coneeive, that we rather fulfil a duty than exercise a right, in discharging before you the public ministry. “It is not merely in the name of the king that we perform this office—it is in that of France, long since indignant, and even now stupified- it is even in the name of Europe that we approach, conjuring and requiring you at once to judge Marshal Ney. “It is unnecessary, gentlemen, to pursue the method of magistrates, who, in accusing, enu- merate, by detail, all the charges brought against the accused—they arise from the proceedings which will be submitted to you. This process subsists in full force, notwithstanding the incom- petence, or even the cause of it as pronounced. The reading of the documents which we place on your bureaux will acquaint you with the charges. There is, then, no necessity to define the different crimes of which Marshal Ney is ac- cused; they are all united in the words traced by the charter, which, after the convulsion of society in France, has become its surest basis. “We accuse before you, Marshal Ney, of high- treason, and of a wicked attempt against the safety of the state. “We dare add, that the chamber of peers owes to the world a signal reparation; it must be prompt, for it is of importance to restrain the in- dignation which bursts forth from every quarter. You will not suffer a long impunity to engender new miseries, perhaps greater than those we en- deavour to escape. “The ministers of the king are obliged to tell you, that this decision of the council of war has become a triumph to the factious. It is neces- sary that their joy be short, to prevent its being fatal to them. We then conjure you, and in the name of the king we require you, to proceed im- mediately to the trial of Marshal Ney, pursuing, in this process, the forms you observe in the deli- beration upon laws, saving the modifications re- commended by his majesty's ordonnance, which shall now be read to you. “By this ordennance your judicial functions immediately commence. . You owe it yourselves, gentlemen, to hold no language by which your sentiments for or against the prisoner could be discovered. He shall, appear before you on the day and hour the chamber shall fix.” The attorney-general, as king's commissioner, then read to the chamber—lst, The judgment b which the permanent court-martial of the first mi. litary, division declares itself incompetent to try Marshal Ney, 2d. The ordonnance of the king, of which the motives were just manifested. The decree being read, the chamber, on the motion of one of the members, declared, that it received with respect the communication then made to them by his majesty's ministers; that it recognised the attributes which were given to it by the thirty-third article of the charter, and was ready to fulfil its duty in conformity with the king's ordonnance. $. The chamber then adjourned to Monday, at eleven o’clock in the morning, to take cognizance § the documents of the process against Marshal ey. On the 4th of December the chamber met. Before the court was opened, a memorial, entitled, “The Effects of the Military Convention of the 8d of July, and the Treaty of the 20th of No- vember, relative to the accusation of Marshal Ney,” was distributed. The president then put to the marshal several interrogatories. He re- plied, that he was at his estate when he received the order to proceed to Besançon, and did not know of Bonaparte's landing till he arrived at Paris. He saw the king. “Ft is said, that I told the king I would bring back Bonaparte in an iron-cage. If I said so, it was a foolish thing, but still a pardonable one. It proved, that I had in my heart (striking his breast) the intention of serving the king.” ‘Count de Bourmont.—“. I have read, that Marshal Ney says, I approved of his proclama- tion of the I4th of March; I will give a detailed explanation: 'I was with the marshal; General Lecourbe came in ; the marshal said to him, “I was telling the Count de Bourmont, that all was prepared in such a manner, that the troops might reach the emperor; the king had quitted Paris; no harm was to be done to him; woe to the man who should do any. He is a good prince, but he will be sent on-board a ship. "What now remains for us to do? Join Bonaparte.”—“What ſ’ said Lecourbe, ‘ I have no reason to rally under that . The king never did me any thing but good, and the other nothing but harm. Besides, I have honor, and therefore will not join Bona- parte.”—“And I too, said the marshal, “and therefore I will join him. No more humiliation for me. I will not have my wife come back every OF THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 1667 night with tears in her eyes on account of ill- treatment.” After half-an-hour's discussion, he took up a paper from the table, and read the pro- *Clamation.” * * Marshal Ney.—“It appears that M. de Bour- mont has got his part. He thought I should be treated as Labeddyere, and that we should never see each other again; but at last here we are, face tº face. I appeal to M. de Bourmont, before God, who hears us, if he did not say he was quite satisfied with the proclanation.” M. de Bourmont made a sign, that the asser- ‘tion was not true. M. Batardi deposed, that he first, on the 7th of March, informed Ney of Bonaparte's landing. The marshal said, “Oh my God, what a mis- fortune!” * * Hieatenant-general Count Heudelet was called, and declared, that he served under the marshal's orders. At Dijon, the insurrection had broken out, and it was impossible to stop it. There was a bad spirit in all the troops; even the gen- darmerie was bad. The insurrection of Bona- parte's partisans was general, and the minority of good servants of the king was evident. It was the same in the country parts, which openly an- nounced the intention of joining Bonaparte. M. Berryer.—“Do you think Marshal Ney, with the forces he had, could have successfully opposed the progress of Bonaparte?” Witness.--" No: with the four incomplete regi- alents he had, it was not possible.” Marshal Davoust deposed, that, “in the night of the 2d of July, all was prepared for fighting ; the commission had seat an order to come to an understanding with the allied generals: firing had already begun; I sent to the advanced-posts to stop the effusion of blood; the commission had remitted the project of a convention: I added to it all that related to the demarcation of the mili- tary line—I added to it, articles relative to the safety of persons and property, and I specially charged the commission to break off the confer- ences if those dispositions were not ratified. Mar- shal Blucher was at St. Cloud; the Duke of Wel- Hington, I think, was at Gonesse. He had re- paired to St. Cloud when he was informed of the conferences. It was there the convention was signed. I had 25,000 cavalry, and from 4 to 500 pieces of cannon. If the French had been quick in º they had been quick in rallying under the walls of Paris.” “What was the sense which he and the pro- visional government attached to the 12th article?” The attorney-general.--"The king's commis- sionets object to this indiscreet question. The discussion, I see it well, will turn upon the capi- tulation. But the act exists as it exists. The opinion of the prince cannot change it. An act * be altered by declaratiºns.” * *** * * * -*. —º- Marshal Ney.—“The declaration was so pro- Bookxvil tecting that it was upon that I relied.—Without it, is it to be believed that I would not have pre- ferred dying sword in hand? It is in contradic- tion to this capitulation that I was arrested, and it was on the faith of it that I remained in France.” President.—“The meaning of the capitulation is to be found in the document itself. The opinion which each individual may have of its sense is of no importance. In virtue of the dis- cretionary power conferred upon me, I decide the question shall not be put.” " Count Bondy, formerly prefect of the Seine, who signed the convention, deposed, “that the principal basis of the convention was the public tranquillity—the security of Paris—the respect of persons and property. It was with a view to these objects that it was drawn up and proposed to the generals Blücher and Wellington. There were some discussions on these points, but no difficulty was made relative to the 12th article, which was accepted in a manner calculated to give the most complete assurance to those com- prehended under it.” M. Guileinot deposed to the part he had in the capitulation of Paris. “As chief of the staff, I was charged with stipulating for an amnesty in favor of persons, whatever might be their opini- ons, their offices, or their conduct. This point was granted without any dispute. My orders were to break off the conferences, had any refusal been made. This article induced him to lay down his arms.” “Why were Messrs. Boigny and Bondy joined with you?” Answer.—“They stipulated for the civil per- sons as I did for the military.” On the 6th, M. Berryer entered upon the de- fence of Marshal Ney. Having alluded to the convention of the 3d of July— The attorney-general said, “I have considered it Iny duty to save the counsel of the accused from one disgrace in an affair which is already but too disgraceful. We are Frenchmen, and we have French laws, and it is singular, when a Frenchman is accused, that a convention signed by English and Prussians should be appealed to. The king's commissioners ought to have already opposed the pleading of this defence, but they did not, because they hoped that the defenders of the accused would, upon better consideration, have abandoned it. They have acted otherwise. It is now clear to every one that they mean to rely on this military convention, and the moment therefore is arrived for the king's attorney-general to make a formal opposition to such a proceeding. This military convention is the work of foreigners. It was not ratified, nor even approved by the king. Besides, had the defenders of the accused wished to plead their defence, they were restricted 18 Z CHAP. li. v_s^^*Af 1815. 1668, HISTORY OF THE WARS £50 ()K XVII. sa... pºss-sºº CHAP. II. Jºzº 1815, even by the decision of the court to do so cumu- latively. The only thing now to, be considered is the substance of the question on which plead- ings can alone be admitted. On these grounds and considerations the king's commissioners re- quire, That the defenders of the accused be for- mally interdicted from availing themselves of the convention of the 3d of July, and from reading it in the defence of the accused. --- The president.—“I might have taken it upon myself, in virtue of the discretional power with which I am invested, to oppose the introduction of an objection which should have been brought forward at the commencement of the trial, and at the time pointed out by the chamber of peers for presenting all the objections cumulatively; but I thought it right to consult the chamber, in order that I might be supported by its opinion. That opinion concurs with mine in the impropriety of appealing to a convention purely imilitary, abso- Iutely foreign to the king, who never ratified or approved it;-a convention by which his majesty considered himself so little bound, that twenty- three days after, he issued the ordonnance of the 24th of July, by which he referred to the tri- bunals several of those who were to have profited by this convention; an ordonnance issued while the troops of the allied powers still occupied the capital, and countersigned by the minister of the king, who was president of what was called the provisional government at the period of the 3d of July. Consequently, confirmed by the opinion of the peers and the sentiments of my duty, I in- terdict the defenders of the accused from making any use in their pleadings of the pretended con- vention of the 3d of July. M. Dupin, advocate.—“The marshal is not only under the protection of the French laws— he is under the protection of the law of nations. I speak not of the convention, but of the limits traced by the treaty of the 20th of November, which certainly is an act solemn and legal, which we may invoke, since it is to that we owe the happy peace we now enjoy. The treaty of the 20th of November, in tracing a new line round France, has left on the right Sarrebruck, the country of the marshal. The marshal, French- man as he is in heart, is no longer a Frenchman since the treaty. Marshal Ney, much affected, and with vehe- mence—“Yes, I am a Franchman I will die a Frenchman I beg his excellency to hear what I have to say. . Hitherto my defence has been free; I perceive it is wished to render it otherwise. I thank my counsel for what they have done, and are ready to do; but desire them rather to cease defending me at all than to defend me imper- fectly. I had rather not be defended at all than have the mere shadow of a defence. I am ac- cused against the faith of treaties, and they will -º- p *sº not tet me justify myself. I will act like Moreau; I appeal to Europe and to posterity!”. iiie president.-"Gentlemen, defenders of the accused, continue the defence by confining your- selves within the circle marked out for you. The chamber of peers in its wisdom will appreci- ate the means you shall deem to be most suit- able.” t : . . . t Marshal Ney-º I forbid my counsel from saying a word more. Your excellency will give what orders you please. The chamber may judge me. But I forbid my counsel to speak, unless they are permitted to make use of all the means in their power.” g 3. A profound silence reigned for a short time in the chamber. . . . * * M. Bellart, after a conference with the king's ministers, rose.—“We have a right, and it is our duty to refute the captious means that have been resorted to—but since the Imarshal renounces all further defence, we renounce the right of reply. I shall now present the requisition, upon which the chamber will retire to delibérate. To con- demn Marshal Ney, Marshal of France, Duke of Elchingen, Prince of the Moskwa, to the penalty declared in the said dispositions, in the form pre- scribed by the decree of the 12th of May, 1793.” President.—“Accused, have you any thing to say on the application of the penalty?” * Marshal Ney (rising and with a firm tone).-- “Not another word, my lord.” * President.—“The chamber having deliberated six hours, declares the accused guilty of the crimes provided against by articles 77, 87, 88, 102, of the penal code—I and 5 of title lst of the law of the 21st Brumaire, year 5, and of ar- ticle 1st of title 3d of the same iaw: Therefore, in application to the said articles, it condemns Marshal Ney, Marshal of France, Duke of El- chingen, Prince of the Moskwa, late Peer of France, to the full punishment of the law and the expenses of the trial; and also that the de- cree shall be executed conformably to the dispo- sitions of the law of the 12th of May, 1797, by the care of the king's commissioners.” Marshal Ney not being present when his con- demnation was pronounced, the secretary was charged to notify it to him. * The marshal, upon returning to his apartment, whilst the chamber were deliberating upon his fate, appeared to be animated and sustained by a feeling of deep resolution. He pressed his advo- cate in his arms, who said to him, “You would have it so.”—“It is all over, my dear friend,” replied the marshal, “we shall see each other again in another world.” He asked for dinner, and ate with good appetite. He thought, that a small knife was the object of attention and unea- siness to the persons charged to guard him, “Do you think,” he said, on looking at them, “that H OF THE FIRENCH REVOLUTION, 1669 fear death $’’ and then threw the knife some dis- tance from him. After dinner he smoaked a segar tranquilly, and then lay down and slept, or seein- ed to sleep, for a couple of hours. This sentence was carried into execution in a clandestine manner, on the morning of the 7th, at twenty minutes past nine o'clock. From three in the morning, the guard of the condemned marshal had been given up to the commandant of Paris. Marshal Ney seemed to be in a sound sleep, when the secretary of the chamber repaired to him to read his sentence. Before he proceeded to read it, he attempted to address some kind words to him, to testify how painful it was to him to be forced to discharge so sad an office. “Sir” said the marshal, stopping him, “...do your duty; every one-must do his duty—read.” Upon the preamble being read, he said impa- tiently, “to º fact, to the fact at once.” When his titles were detailed; he observed, “What good can this do? Michael Ney, then a heap of dust, that is , all.” When M. Cauchy came to that article relating to the succession to the crown—“ That law,” exclaimed the marshal, “cannot be applicable to me—it is for the impe- rial family it was made.” M. Cauchy then re- tired, and the marshal, throwing himself in his clothes on the bed, soon fell asleep! At four in the morning he was awakened by the arrival of the Marechale, his wife, with her children, and Madanae. Gafnon, his sister. The unfortunate wife, as soon as she entered the chamber, . fell in a fit on the ground. The mar- shal and his guard raised her. To a long faint- ing fit succeeded tears and groans. Madame Gamon, on her knees before the marshal, was not in a less deplorable condition. The chil- dren, silent and sad, did not weep. The eldest appeared to be about eleven years of age. The marshal spoke to them a long time, but in a low tone of voice. On a sudden he rose, and entreat- ed his family to withdraw. Left alone with his guards, he walked up and down the chamber. One of them, a grenadier of Laroche Jaquelin, said to him, “ Marshal, in the situation in which you are, should you not think of God? It is always good to reconcile one's self to God. I have seen many battles; and every time I could I confessed myself, and found my- self always the better for it.” At nine, being informed that all was ready, the marshal gave the priest his hand to help him into the coach, saying to him, “Get in first, M, le Curé, I shall be quicker than you on high.” Two officers of gendarmerie were in the coach with him, and the clergyman. About 200 vete- rans of the royal Catholic army (of La Vendée, we suppose) accompanied the coach. The coach, traversing the garden of the Luxemberg, pro- ceeded to the end of the grand alley that leads to the observatory, which was the spot fixed on for BOOK XVII. the execution. On seeing the coach stop, the marshal, who thought they were going to carry him to the plain of Grenelle, expressed some sur- prise. Asking if that was the place of execution, he was answered in the affirmative, and imme- diately got out of the coach. After embracing his confessor, to whom, he gave his snuff-box to give to Madame la Marechale, and some pieces of gold to be distributed to the poor, he proceed- ed with a quick step to within eight paces of the wall. The confessor remained near the coach, praying fervently. The marshal now faced the detachment of veterans who were to fire. He took off his hat to them, crossed his arms, and said: “Soldats, je suis innocent, je meure inno- cent: j'en appelle de ce jugement inique à Dieu et à la posterité.”—“Soldiers, I am innocent, I die innocent; and I appeal from this iniquitous judgment to God and to posterity.” He imine- diately unfolded his arms, “Faites votre devoir.” —“Do your duty,” he exclaimed: the volley was fired, and he fell. Two balls struck him in the head, four in the body, and one passed through his heart. So fell a man, who would have been honored for his valour in the field, had he pos- sessed what is equally essential to the character of a soldier, devotion and fidelity to his sove- reign. There were one hundred and sixty peers who were present: 139 voted for the punishment of death; seventeen for banishment, (deportation,) and four refused to vote at all : three, upon the principle that it is not lawful for one man to decide upon the life of another, and one (the Duke de Choiseul) said, that having himself been more than once condemned to death during the revolu- tion, the horror of that situation was so strong upon his mind, he could not bring himself to place any other human being in a similar one. On the day of the marshal's execution, Ma- dame Ney, like the people, ignorant of its having taken place, went to the Thuilleries at ten to implore the king's clemency, but the Duke of Duras, to whom she addressed herself, in order to be introduced, was obliged to inform her that the marshal no longer existed!. The counsel of Ney rested his defence princi- pally on those articles of the convention of Paris, by which it was declared, that no persons should be molested for their political opinions and con- duct; and that, if there should arise any doubts respecting the meaning of any article in that con- vention, the interpretation should be in favor of the French. Hence it was contended, that Ney was protected from punishment by the conven- tion. He himself wrote to the Duke of Welling- ton to this effect; and his wife likewise made appli- cation to the British ambassador at Paris, and to the prince-regent himself; but it was all in vain. CHAP. II. Jºvºv 1815. 1670 HISTORY OF THE WARS BOOK XVII. CHAP. II. v_s^^_/ 1815. For it was contended that, as the convention was clearly and expressly a military convention, it did not, and could not, promise pardon for po- litical offences. To this it was answered, that by whatever name is was designated, there was in it an article which said, as plainly as words could express, that no person should be punished for his political opinions or conduct. What was the meaning of this article, if it did not mean what was the plain and obvious interpretation of the words? Being thus in a manner obliged to admit this article of the convention was political, those who contended that it did not apply to the case of Ney took another view of it; for they said it merely bound the allies not to punish any person for his political opinion or conduct, but it left Louis at liberty to punish him. To this it was replied, that, according to the usage of nations, foreign powers can have no right to punish the inhabit- ants of a state which they may have conquered, for their political opinions; the article, therefore, could not be introduced for the purpose of pro- tecting any Frenchman from the punishment of the allies, but must have had a reference to the question respecting political opinions or conduct between Frenchmen and their sovereign. It was moreover maintained, that, as Louis did not ratify the convention of Paris, he could not be bound by it. But, on the other hand, it was asserted, that ratification may be either by word or deed. By virtue of that convention Louis entered Paris; as he, therefore, was benefited by it, the other party to it ought also to have been benefited by it; by entering Paris, he virtually ratified it. The following documents will put the reader in possession of the real merits of the case, and will be perused with interest by the present ge- neration, and by the future historian. The JMarshal Prince of the Moskwa to the Am- bassadors of the four grand allied Powers, “Excellency. It is at the last extremity, at the moment in which the critical circumstances to which I see myself reduced, leave me no longer but too feeble means of avoiding the condition and the terrible danger of an accusation of the crime of high-treason, that I resolve to have re- course to a legitimate address to you, of which the object is as follows:– * “I am sent before the chamber of peers by vir- the of an ordonnance issued by the king on the 11th instant, and after a speech addressed to that chamber by his majesty's prime-minister. This imposing denunciation, and the considerations upon which it is founded, are of a nature to give me just apprehensions. Among other motives for instituting my process, I have read with asto- nishment in that speech, “that it was even in the name of Europe that the ministers came to con- - jure the chamber, and to require it to try me.’ Such a declaration, suffer me to observe, is irre- concileable with what has passed in these last periods of agitation in France. ... I do not coll- ceive how the august allies can be made to in- tervene in this criminal proceeding, since their magnanimity was generously occupied with the care of guaranteeing me against it, and since a formal, sacred, and inviolable convention exists upon this subject. “Deign to recollect, that by the treaty of Paris, of the 30th of May, 1814, the high-contracting arties had formed an alliance .# his majesty, º. XVIII. Being informed at Vienna, on the 13th of March last, that the cause of legiti- macy in France was threatened by the return of Bonaparte, they resolved upon the solemn com- pact of that day (13th of March,) in conjunction with the Iministers of his most Christian majesty. In this compact, the allied sovereigns declared, “that they were ready to give to the King of France, and to the French nation, the necessary succours to restore public tranquillity, and to make common cause against those who should undertake to disturb it.” “In the confirmatory compact of the 25th of the same month of March, the high powers engaged solemnly to unite all their force to maintain, in all their integrity, the conditious of the treaty of Paris, against the plans of Bonaparte; they pro- mise to act in common. They regulate the re- spective contingents, they propose to march against the common enemy. In fine, his most Christian majesty was invited to give his assent to the said measures, in ease he should stand in need of the auxiliary troops that were promised him, &c. “It results clearly, fron these different stipula- tions, that all the armies of Europe, without dis- tinction, have been the auxiliaries of the King of France, that they have fought in his direct inter- est for the submission of all his subjects. Vic- tory soon decided in favor of the English and Prussian arms, united on the plains of Waterloo, and brought them under the walls of Paris. There remained, to oppose their ulterior progress, a corps of the French army, which might have sold their lives dearly. A negociation took place, and, on the 3d of July, a convention between the two parties was signed ; the 12th article of which says— “‘Private persons and property shall be equally respected. The inhabitants, and in general all the individuals who are in the capital, shall continue to enjoy their rights and liberties, with- out being disturbed or sought after for any thin relating to the functions they occupy, or shał have occupied, or their conduct and their politi- cal opinions.” “The convention has been since ratified by each OF THE 1671 FRENCH REVOLUTION, 2-dºº. *º-º of the allied sovereigns, as being the work of the two powers, at first delegated .#. It has thus acquired all the force which the sacred right of nations, the rights of nature, and of persons, could impart to it. It is become the unalterable safe- guard of all Frenchmen, whom the misfortune of the troubles may have exposed even to the legi- timate resentment of their prince. “His most Christian majesty positively acceded to it himself upon entering into his capital; more than once he has invoked the imposing authority of this political contract as an act indivisible in all its parts. & “Hence, excellency, can it be doubted that I am justified as one of the persons for whom this stipu- lation was made, in claiming the benefit of the 12th article, and the religious execution of the guarantees expressed in it? “I presume, in consequence, to require expressly from your ministry, and from the august power, in the name of which you exercise it, that you cause an end to be put, with regard to me, to all criminal procedure on aecount of the functions which I filled in the month of March, 1815, of my conduct, and of my political opinions. “My state of isolation and abandonment is a reason for determining your excellency more rea- dily to come to my succour, and to enable ine to enjoy, by your powerful mediation, the right I have acquired. *. “If I had not blindly relied on the word of so many sovereigns, I should, in some unknown land, have made myself forgotten. . It is this au- gust and holy word that has caused my security. —Can it be deceived ? I cannot believe so; and I expect, with confidence, from your sense of ho- nor, that you will grant me your powerful inter- vention. “Paris, Nov. 14. (Signed) NEy.” The Duke of Wellington’s Answer to JMarshal JWey. | “ Paris, Nov. 15, 1815. “Monsieur le Mareschal.—I have had the ho- nor of receiving the note which you addressed to me on the 18th instant, relative to the operation of the capitulation of Paris in your case. “The capitulation of Paris, of the 3d of July last, was made between the commanders-in-chief of the allied and Prussian armies on the one part, and the Prince d’Eckmuhl, commander-in-chief of the French army, on the other, and related exclusively to the military occupation of Paris. “The object of the 12th article was to pre- vent any measure of severity, under the military authority of those who made it, towards any per- son in Paris, on account of any offices they had filled,' or any conduct or political opinions of theirs; but it never was intended, and never could be flººded. to prevent either the existing French 4. •ºr government, under whose authority the French Bookxyli, commander-in-chief must, have acted, or: any French government which might succeed to it, from acting, in this respect, as it might seem fit. “I have the honor to be, Monsieur le Mareschal, “Your most obedient humble servant, (Signed) “WELLINGToN.” The following is the substance of the argument of Ney's counsel in this point — * Effects of the Military Convention of July 3, 1815, and the Treaty of JWow. §ſº 7°6- -ative to the Accusation against Marshal JWey. After the battle of Waterloo, the flight of Bo- naparte, and his abdication, the French army ral- lied under the wakls of Paris, resolved to defend themselves, and sell their lives dearly to whoever should dare to attack them in their lines. But soon some wise man sought to shake this resolution, in representing to the chiefs, that if a first advantage was probable, the superiority of numbers promised the foreigners a revenge, which would have for its inevitable result the ruin of Paris and the massacre of its inhabitants. The generals of the allied troops likewise con- sidered the extent of the loss which French valour reduced to despair might cause them; they felt the immense advantage of assuring, without strik- ing a blow, the possession of a city which the tak- ing by main force would have cost enormous sa- crifices. Negociations were opened between the commis- sioners of the allied generals, provided with full }. on the one part, and on the other, M. ignon, holding the portfolio of foreign affairs, M. Guilleminot, chef de l’état, major-general of the French army, and M. de Bondy, prefect of the department of the Seine, who openly an- nounced their intention of treating for the interests of the state, the army, and the city of Paris. The allied generals did not dissimulate that their intention was not to conquer France, but only to re-establish the legitimate king on his throne. The provisional government were per- fectly acquainted, that the king approached the capital; they knew too of the proclamation of the 25th of June; it had been communicated to the chambers, inserted in the journals, and printed and posted all over Paris. There was particu- larly remarked in it the following passage:– “But at present, when the powerful efforts of our allies have dissipated the satellites of the tyrant we hasten to re-enter our states; to re-establish therein the constitution we had given to France; to repair, by all the means in our power, the evils of the revolt, and of the war which was its neces- sary result; to recompense the good, and put in execution the existing laws against the guilty.” Another proclamation, dated the 28th, equally known at Paris, “ºned the promise of pardon 19 A CHAP. II. 1815. 1072 HISTORY OF THE WAIRS B{YOK XVII. CHAP. II. Jºvº-Z 1815. *-ºsmºss- * to all the French who had strayed, but it an- nounced, at the same time, that some persons would be excepted from pardon. hese announced punishments, these limita- tions to the amnesty, in other respects promised with so much liberality, were not of a nature to satisfy those who had taken part in the revolution, and who were then in the possession of the civil and military government of France. The chiefs of the army would have preferred perisbing a thousand times with arms in their hapds, to pre- serving their lives for the melancholy prospect of a criminal tribunal. The heads of the govern- ment and the functionaries attached no less in- portance to the point of sheltering themselves from all re-action. To dissipate all fears in this respect, and in- spire all minds with confidence, an article was inserted in the convention, which runs thus:–“ In like manner shall be respected persons and pri- vate property. The inhabitants, and in general all the individuals who are in the capital, shall continue to enjoy their rights and liberties, with- out being troubled or sought after in any thing relative to the functions which they occupy, or shall have occupied, or for their conduct or poli- tical opinions.” For greater security, article 13 was added, stating, “ that if any difficulties should aiise as to the execution of any of the articles of the present convention, they should be interpreted in favor of the French army and the city of Paris.” Marshal Ney was evidently included in the terms of article 12; he was an inhabitant of Paris, he had his residence there in law and in fact ; he exercised functions there—he belonged to the army. Accused, he invokes the benefit of this article. , But it is objected to him, that “the king had not ratified the convention of the 3d of July; that the stipulation written in article 12 only expressed a renunciation of the high powers on their own account of troubling any person whosoever in France, on account of his conduct or political opi- nions, and that they had no intention to interfere, in any way, with the acts of the king's govern- Inent, This reply, made to the lady of Marshal Ney, does not solve the difficulty. The high powers could not renounce, on their own account, any inquiry after any person what- ever in France, on account of his conduct or po- litical opinions, unless they actually possessed the right to make these inquiries. . We, undoubtedly, , cannot renounce any right whatever, excepting- as far as we have acquired it, and we can only pardon as far as we were able to punish. Ejus est permittere cujus est votare. Ejus est nolle, qui potest velle-L. III. ff. de reg. Jur. Quod quis si velit habere non potest, id repudiare non potest.—L. CLXXIV. ft. de reg. Juris. Is potest, repudiare qui et acquirere potest.—L. xviii. ff. de acquirendá vel omittendá hereditate. here is, likewise, a principle of the rights of men, that “foreign nations ought not to interfere in the interior government of an independent state. It is not for them to judge between the citizens wholm discord induces to fly to arms, nor between the prince and the subjects; the two parties are equally foreign to them, equally independent of their authority: it remains for them to interpose their good offices for the re-establishment of eace, and natural law invites them to it.—Wattel, ib. III. cap. 18. sec. 296. - Thus, the high powers had only the rights of war in the country which the force of arms placed in their power, but they had not *:::: to the law of nations) the power of judging the con- duct and the political opinions of the citizens who had taken part in the revolution. This principle was well known on the part of the plenipotentiaries who concluded the conven- tion of Paris ; it is, therefore, impossible to under- stand art, 12 in the sense which the high powers understood it, viz, renouncing a right which they had not. 4. f But the King of France was their ally; it was in his holy cause that they had taken up arms; they acted for him and in his name. The procla- mation of the 25th of June, and the treaty of the 20th of November, leave no doubt in this respect; it cannot, therefore, be said, that the convention of the 3d of July was not binding on the King of France. His majesty, always great and generous, “ had not wished to unite his arms, nor those of his fa- mily, to the instruments which Providence has made use of to punish treason,” (proclamation of 25th of June,) but the allied generals, “whose powerful efforts dissipated the satellites of the tyrant (same proclamation,) had necessarily, with the power of acting offensively in the interest of the alliance, and what the lawyers call easus joederis, the power of making capitulations and truces, which, in stopping the effusion of blood, would naturally hasten the epoch of the pacifica- tion and return to order. Otherwise, and if we only suppose them to possess the first of these powers, without admitting the second, it follows, that war once commenced, could only terminate with the extinction of all the combatants; a prin- ciple too repugnant to the rights of nations, to humanity, and, above all, to the paternal senti- ments of his majesty for his people. , Thus, the same generals who had the power of attacking the French army, and taking %. in case of resistance, had certainly the right of grant- ing the clauses of a convention, which spared the city the horrors of a siege, and the consequences of being taken by storm. G F ºf HE FRENCH REVOLUTHON. 1673 * -*– -- ** *----------------------- ----------.” “- “Since a general and a commandant of a place ought naturally to be provided with all the pow- ers necessary for the exercise of their functions, we have a right to presume, that they have these powers; and that of eoncluding a capitulation is certainly of the number, especially when the orders of the sovereign cannot be waited for. The treaty which they shall make on this subject will be valid, and will bind the sovereigns in whose name and authority the respective commanders acted.”—Vattel, lib, HI. art 16. sec. 261. Will it be said, that this convention was made with rebels? If so, it would not be the less a treaty, a faith sworn, and an obligatory conven- tion. Let us hear what Vattel says on the sub- ject. “The most certain means of appeasing seditions, and at the same time the most just, is that of giving satisfaction to the people; and if they have risen without a cause, which, perhaps, never, happened, we ought, as , we have ob- served, to grant an amnesty to the greater num- ber.—As soon as the amnesty is published and accepted, all the past ought to be buried in oblivion, no one ought to be troubled for what he had done relative to the commotions. And, in general, the prince, a religious observer of his word, ought to keep all he has promised even to the rebels, by whom I understand those who had revolted without reason or necessity. If his promises are not inviolable, there will be no longer any safety for the rebels in treating with him. As soon as they have drawn the sword, they must throw away the sheath, as an old au- thor observed. The prince will be wanting in the gentlest and most salutary means of appeas- ing a revolt, and there will only be left to him to }. it down and to exterminate the revolters. espair wiłł render them formidable, while com- passion will procure them aid, increase their Wº. and the state will find itself in danger. hat would have become of France if the leaguers had uot been able to confide in the promises of Henry the Great?”—Vattel, book III. ch. 18. sect. 291. Will it still be said, that article 12 is out of the ordinary terms of a capitulation? We reply no, because the parties only capitu- late to save their lives and liberty, and it would not be saving them, to exchange the chance of a cannon-ball for the expectation of the gallows; to stipulate for a partial and temporary amnesty, of use to-day and of no value to-morrow ; bind- ing on the allies, from whom they had nothing to fear, and without effect as to the King of France, who alone had the right of punishing legally. In the second place we reply, that “if it pen in the conferences for a capitulation, that one of the commandants insists on conditions which the other does not think it in his power to grant, they have one step to take, which is to agree on a suspension of arms, during which all things shall remain in their present state until superior orders BOOK XVII. are received.”—Vattel, book III. ch. 16. sect. 262. Now, nothing of this kind was done, because the allied generals knew well that they had full powers from the King of France to save his capital, even at the price of his most just resent- Iſlents. Thus, when his majesty entered Paris, amidst the lively, acclamations of a people intoxicated with the happiness of seeing not disavow the convention of the 3d of July, which, it is to be presumed, his majesty would not have failed to have done, if his intention had not been, in profiting by the benefit of the convention, to carefully maintain all the stipulations. “We have shewn,” says Wattell, “that the state cannot be bound by an agreement made without its order, and without authority on its part; but is it absolutely bound to nothing? that is what we have to examine. If the things still remain in statu quo, the state, or the sovereign, can simply disavow the treaty, which falls to the ground by this disavowal, and is perfectly as if it had not been made ; but the sovereign ought to manifest his will as soon as the treaty comes to his know- ledge; not, in fact, that his silence can give force to a convention which ought to have none without his approbation, but there would be bad faith in leaving the time to the other party to execute, on his part, an agreement not intended to be ratified.” —Wattel, book II. chap 16. sect. 212. - Now the fact is, that his majesty has not dis- avowed the convention of the 3d of July, after being made acquainted with it. Not only his ma- jesty has not disavowed the convention of the 3d of July, but it may be said, that his government suf- fered and procured its execution in what concerned the retreat of the arity behind the Loire, and re- mitting the arms of Paris and Vincennes; and that he claimed its execution in the interest of the mounnents, whose preservation was stipulated fur to the profit of the city of Paris, &c. &c. Will it be objected, that these partial execu- tions do not bear on article 12? e briefly re- ply, that conventions are indivisible; that we can- not rescind the dispositions, or reject one and retain another, because they altogether form the general condition under which the contract was made, and without which it would not have been made. If the allied generals had not granted article 12, we should have fought; 250,000 men would have lost their lives, and Paris would have been taken, pillaged, burnt, and destroyed. All these miseries are spared by the convention; and if it has been necessary to subscribe to an amnesty, which, at the most, could only benefit a few in- dividuals, we may easily console ourselves on re- flecting on all the calamities which the rejection of article 12 would inevitably have produced. . him again, he did. CHAP. II. 1815. 1674 history of the wars BOOK XVII. Cnap. III. *vº 1815. chAPTER III. Conduct and Conversations of Bonaparte and his Suite at St. Helena.—Some interesting Particulurs of the Erecution of the Duke d'Enghien, Death of Pichegru, Captain Wright, Poisoning at Jaffa, &c. WHILE the events we have related were passing in France, Bonaparte had quietly taken up his residence at St. Helena. The conduct and con- versations of this extraordinary personage and his suite, during the voyage and first months of his residence at that § are faithfully related by Mr. Warden, surgeon of the Northumberland, in a series of letters written by him to a friend in England, which was afterwards published. In this work of Mr. Warden, we have not only cor- rections of many incidents, which had been strangely misrepresented through other channels, but soule account of the present situation of the ex-emperor—his feelings and opinions—his mode of life—and of some of the events of his past career. But what renders the work parti- cularly interesting to political readers, and per- haps to the historian (should Napoleon not perse- vere. in completing the Annals of his Life) are some notices and explanations respecting events which are yet fresh in the public mind—we allude to the execution of the Duke d'Enghien—the sud- den death of Pichegru—the alledged murder of our cºuntryman, Captain Wright—the poisoning at Jaffa—and the massacre at El-Arish. In fact, the work abounds in such a variety of interesting matter, that we cannot refrain from presenting the reader with the following extracts:— “Bonaparte, previous to his leaving the Belle- rophon, was, it seems, recommended to select three of his suite to accompany him to St. Helena. Bertrand was, at that time, supposed to be parti- cularly proscribed; but it is understood, that Lord Keith took upon himself the responsibility of in- cluding such an attached friend in the number of the exiled general’s attendants. The others were the Count de las Casas, who had been a captain in the French navy, and is a man of literary at- tainments; General Count Montholon, and Lieu- tenant-general Gourgond, his two aides-de-camp, who were devoted to his fortunes. The latter officers served him in the Russian campaign, and describe the winter which they encountered there in all its horrors. The Russian cavalry they ex- tol; but represent the Cossacks as easily dispers- ed. They do not appear to hold the Prussians in very high estimation, but consider them, at the same time, as superior to the Austrians. The Erglish infantry, at the battle of Waterloo, filled them with absolute astonishment; but they repre- sent our cavalry as much too impetuous; they pro- bably found them so on that glorious day. “In a conversation with Count Bertrand, which happened to glance on that subject, he could not hide his sensations. The little he said was in a plaintive tone, though expressed with candour, and accompanied with expressive shrugs of la- mentation. “We fought that day,’ he said, “for the crown of France; but you gained the battle, and we are undone.’—I asked him, whether he had read Marshal Ney's letter to the Duke of Otranto, in defence of his conduct on the bloody field. That publication, it appeared, he had not seen; and when I informed him in what manner the marshal had censured his master's conduct, and that, in the public opinion, he was thought to have cleared himself from the imputation of erroneous conduct;—* Well well,” he replied, “ had I been in the command of Marshal Ney's division, I might, perhaps, have done worse: but, as I was, I saw much to blame;' but, in compar- ing Bonaparte with Ney, he cast his eyes upwards to the heavens, and suddenly lowering them to the earth, he exclaimed, with a very significant action; : Indeed, indeed, the difference is equally Teat. grº From the information I received in my con- versation with our French guests, it appears, that the emperor's abdication, in favor of his son, is a matter which, as far at least as my knowledge ex- tends, has been altogether misconceived in Eng- land: I mean as referring to the immediate and proximate causes of it. If the communications made to me were correct, and I am not willing to imagine that they were invented merely to impose upon me, a grand political scheme was contrived by Fouche to out-wit his master, and it proved successful. The name of that crafty politician and ready revolutionist is hever mentioned by the members of our little cabin Utica without the accompaniment of execrations, which it is not ne- cessary for you to hear, as it would be ridiculous for me to repeat. Not Talleyrand himself is so loaded with them as the arch-betrayer who "has been just mentioned. It was, indeed, a decided opinion of the moment, among our exiles, that Fouche would contrive to hang Talleyrand; or that the latter would provide an equal fate for the former; and that if they both were suspended from the same gibbet, it ought to be preserved as oR THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 1675 *—- _-----º-º-º-º: * rº- an object of public respect for the service it had done to mankind, by punishing and exposing two as consummate offenders as ever disgraced the social world.—The historiette to which I have alluded, was thus related. “On Napoleon's return to Paris, after his dis- astrous defeat at Waterloo, and when he may be supposed to have been agitated by doubt and per- plexity, as to the conduct he should pursue in that extraordinary crisis, a letter was offered to his attention by the Duke of Otranto, as having been received by the latter from Prince Metter- nich, the Austrian minister. It was dated in the preceding April, and the diplomatic writer stated the decided object of his imperial master, to be the final expulsion of Napoleon the First from the throne of France; and that the French nation should be left to their uninterrupted decision, whether they would have a monarchy under Na- poleon the Second, or adopt a republican form of government.—Austria professed to have no right, and consequently felt no intention to dictate to the French nation. The final and ratified ex- pulsiou of the traitor, (such was the expression) is all the Austrian emperor demands of France. “Napoleon seized the bait; and immediately abdicated in favor of his son: but he had no sooner taken this step, than he discovered the double game that Fouche was playing. . The let- ter was a forgery, and it soon appeared, that the Emperor of Austria had it not in his power, if he had ever indulged the contemplation, to clothe his grandson with political character. “After he quitted Paris, the ex-emperor and his suite pursued an uninterrupted progress to the sea-coast, and it is their opinion, that they might have continued in an inactive state, and without any reasonable apprehension of distur- bance, for a much longer time than Bonaparte's impatience would allow, in the vicinity of Roche- fort. —“On his first arrival among us, he occasionally expressed a wish to be informed of the contents of the English newspapers; but as it could not be a pleasant circumstance to him to be made ac- quainted with the manner in which his character, conduct, and circumstances, were necessarily treated and observed upon by our journals, there was a delicacy maintained in the avoiding a com- munication of their contents, That truth is not to be spoken, or in any way imparted, at all times, is a proverb which was now faithfully adhered to on-board the Northumberland. The Count de las Casas had, indeed, offered to qualify his gene- ral, in the course of a month, to read an English newspaper, with the requisite intelligence of the language; an undertaking which it is not very probable he would have been able to accomplish; but he could not induce his master to become his scholar, for the matter was cut short by the fol- 114. lowing reply.—“I well know, that you think me Book xvii. a very clever fellow : but, be that as it may, I can- not do every thing; and among , those things Char III. which I should find impracticable, is the making -º- J. myself master of the English language in a few weeks.” * “The name of Talleyrand happening to occur in the course of conversation with our French ship- mates, the high opinion entertained of his talents by the Bonapartists was acknowledged without reserve. On my asking at what period he was separated from the councils and confidence of Napoleon, it was replied, at the invasion of Spain. I then observed, that the reports in England re- specting that circumstance were correct as to time, and I presumed were equally so as to the cause; his unreserved disapprobation of that bold and adventurous enterprize. This met with an instant contradiction; which was followed by a most de- cisive assertion, that the Prince of Benevento approved of the Spanish war, and founded his re- commendation of that measure on his unalterable opinion, which he boldly communicated to the Emperor, that his life was not secure while a Bourbon reigned in Europe. “I entered further on this subject with Madame Bertrand, and she actually and most unequivocally asserted, that Talleyrand was in secret communi- cation with Napoleon when they were last at Paris, and that he would have joined them in a month. His proposed departure from Vienna to take the waters at Aix-la-Chapelle was under the cloak of indisposition, to conceal his duplicity. “Can you persuade yourself, Madame, I said, ‘that Talley- rand, if he had the inclination, possessed the power to influence the Court of Vienna in favor of the son-in-law.”—“The court of Vienna!' she ex- claimed, “O yes, yes: he has the capacity to in- fluence all the courts of Europe! If he had but joined the emperor, we should, at this instant, have been in Paris, and France would never more have changed its inaster.’—Of this man's virtues I heard no eulogium; but you will now be a com- petent judge how his political talents were appre- ciated in the French circle on-board the Northum- berland.—On my asking Count Bertrand which of the French generals had amassed the greatest portion of wealth; he, without the least hesitation, mentioned Massena; though, he added, they have all made very considerable fortunes. M. Duke of Tarentum, he appeared to think, had made less than any other. Of Davoust, Duke d’Eckmuhl, he spoke, to our extreme astonish- ment, in an animated strain of panegyric, which was instantly met with an outcry, from *sū, who heard it, respecting the conduct of that officer at Hamburgh, which we represented as atrocious beyond example. This he would not allow : on the contrary, he described him as a zealous, cor- rect, and faithful commander; and far from being 19 B | 676 HISTORY OF THE waits POOK XVII. CHAP. III. Jºvº-A 1815. 3– destitute of humanity; as, notwithstanding his no- tions of military obedience, which were known to be of the most rigid kind, he did not act up to the severity of his instructions. As for his taking a bribe, Bértrand declared him iticapable of such baseness; and asserted, from his own knowledge, that a very large sum had been offered him to connive at the sailing of some ships from Ham- burgh in the night, which he refused with the disdain of a faithful soldier and an honorable Iſla De * * “Count de las Casas also took up the subject of the marshals of France, and spoke of them with very little reserve... He described Massena, as having been originally a fencing-master; but that, previous to his º in the peninsula, he was considered by the French nation as equal, if not superior, to Bonaparte in his military capacity. From that period, the count represented him as, having dwindled into absolute insignificance. € is avaricious, he said, in the extreme, though he has only one child, a daughter, to inherit his enor- mous wealth. He then proceeded to relate the following circumstance of the marshal as the ac- cidental topic of the moment. tº “The preservation of the army, on crossing the Danube, was boldly attributed by the soldiers who composed it, and consequently re-echoed, as the opinion of the nation, to the superior skill and persevering courage of Massena. It appears, that a sudden and impetuous inundation of the river. had destroyed all possible communication between. its right and left bank when half the French force had passed it, . The remaining half were without, ammunition, when Massena threw himself into the village of Essling, where he withstood fifteen re- peated attacks of the Austrians, and effected the escape of that part of the French army from the destruction which threatened it. The eulogiums. which the army and, the nation lavished on Mas- sena, for his conduct and the success which crowned it, partook of that clamorous, character as to imply no inconsiderable degree of blame and censure on Bonaparte himself, which he was sup- osed to have felt. But he contrived, neverthe- }. to dissipate it, by conferring the title of Prince of Essling on Massena, as the merited reward and magnanimous acknowledgment, of a service. on which depended, for the moment, the success and honorable issue of the campaign. Soult, he said, is an excellent officer, and Ney, brave to a fault; but Suchet possesses a more powerful in- tellect, with more enlarged information, and po- litical sagacity, as well as more conciliatory man- ners, than any of the marshals of France, “I give you the account of Bonaparte's return to France, as it was casually and briefly related to Iſle.-- “The Duke de Bassano was the chief actor. Individuals had gone from several departments in France to Elba, and the then emperor had been induced to suspect that the allies determined to send him to the island to which he is now destined. On what authority this apprehensiºn was grounded not the most distant idea was communicated. It is certain, however, that he entertained it with such seriousness, as to induce him to make the resolute attempt in meditation before the connect- º: pfot was ripe for overt measures in France. £ven after his little, army was embarked, a dis- patch arrived from his friends, which contailies. the most earnest entreaties to post bne his enter- prise if it were only for one month.' Whether, if he had received them before he had quitted the island, they would have been sufficient to check his impatience and quiet his alarms, was not a subject of conjecture: but be that as it may, what- ever the counsels were, they arrived too late to be followed— the die was cast.” % “I shall now proceed to give the account of an interesting conversation which I had with the Count de las Casas, on the final resolution of Na- poleon to throw himself on the generosity of the English government. He prefaced his narrative with this assurance; “No page of antient history will give you a more faithful detail of any extra- ordinary event, than I am about to offer of our de- parture from France, and the circumstances con- nected with it. The future historian will cer- tainly attempt to describe it; and you will then be able to judge of the authenticity of his mate- rials and the correctness of his narration. : “‘From the time the emperor quitted the ca- pital, it was his fixed determination to proceed to America, and establish himself on the banks of one of its great rivers, where, he had no doubt, a number of his friends from France would gather round him; and as he had been finally baffled in the career of his ambition, he determined to retire from the world, and beneath the branches of his own fig-tree, in that sequestered spot, tranquilly and philosophically observe the agitations of Eu, %. On my observing, that the good people of ashington might,entertain very different notions of his º and rather contemplate with ap- prehension such a colony as he would establish Las Casas replied, ‘Oh, no; the career of Napo- leon's ambition is terminated.” He then pro: ceeded. * F - 3 " , ; “‘On our arrival at Rochefort, the difficulty of reaching the land of promise appeared to be much greater than had been conjectured. Every inquiry was made, and various projects proposed; but, after all, no very practicable scheme, offére ; itself to our acceptance. At length, as a dernier resort, two chasse-marees, (small ºne-masted ves- sels) were procured; and it was in actual conteni- plation to attempt a voyage across the Atlantic in them. Sixteen midshipmen engaged most wil- lingly to direct their course'; and, during the * { OF THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 1677 night, it was thought, that they might effect the meditated escape. We met, continued Las Ca- sas, ‘in a small, rooms to discuss and come to a final determiaation on this momentous subject ; nor shall I attempt to describe the anxiety visible on the countenance of our small assembly.-The emperor alone retained an unembarrassed look, when he calmly demanded, the opinions of his cho- sea band of followers, as to his future conduct. The majority were in favor of his returning to the army, as in the south of France his cause still appeared to wear a favorable aspect. This pro- position the emperor instantly rejected, with a de- claration, delivered in a mast decided tone, and with a peremptory gesture…That he newer would be the instrument of a civil war in. France. He declared, in the words which, he had for some time frequently repeated, that his political career was terminated; and he, only wished for the secure asylum which he had prºmised himself in Ame- rica, and, till that hour, had, no doubt of attaining. He then asked, me, as a naval officer, whether I thought that a voyage agross, the Atlantic was practicable in the small vessels in which alone it then appeared that the attempt could be made. I had my doubts, added Las Casas, ‘and I had my wishes,; the latter urged me to encourage the enterprise; and the former made me hesitates in engaging for the probability of its being crowned, with success. My reply indicated... the influence of them both. I answered; that I had long quitted. the maritime profession, and was altegether un- acquainted with the kind, of vessels in question, as to their strength and capacity for such a navir. gation as was proposed, to be undertaken in them; but, as the young midshipmen, who had volun- teered their services must be competent judges, of the subject, and, had, offered, to risk their lives, in navigating these vessels, no small confidence, I thought, might be placed in their probable, security, This project, however, was, soon abandoned, and no alternative appeared, but to throw ourselves on the generosity of England. In the midst of this midnight council, but, without the least appearance of dejection at the varying and rather, irresolute opinions of his friends, Napoleon ordered one of them to, act. as secretary, and, a letter to the Prince-regent of England was dictated. On the following day, I was employed in making, the necessary, arrange- ments.with Captain Maitland on-board the Belle- rophon. That officer conducted himself with the utinost politeness, and gentlemanly, courtesy, but would not enter into any engagements on the part of his government; and, with the exception of H_ieutenant-colonel Planat, every, person in the suite of Bonaparte buoyed themselves up with the hopes that they should receive, at least, the same treatment which had been manifested to Lucien 13onaparte in your country; and with that con- solatory expectation we arrived off the coast of Bookxvii. England.” “The performance of divine service, as is Chap. III. usual on-board his majesty's ships, to distinguish -º-, an offer of due honor to the Sabbath-day, hap- pened to introduce a discourse on the subject of religion with the principal persons of the suite.; when we were generally informed, that their chief had thought proper, after dinner, to speak on the subject of religious faith: his opinions it was not deemed necessary to communicate any further, than that they were, generally, of the most liberal and tolerating character. One cir- cumstance, however, it was thought, proper to as- sert, as from his own instant anthority. That his profession of the faith of Mahomet, and avowed devotion to the crescent, in Egypt, was a mere act of policy to serve the purpose of the momgut. This fact, appeared to be asserted with particular energy, from the knowledge possessed by the party communicating it of the abhorrence which Bonaparte's, having declared himself a Mussul- man excited in England. But the zeal of the moment was not calculated to throw any new light upon the manoeuvre, or to soften the original opinion, entertained of it. Indeed, I ought . told you before, in order to account for any appa- rent knowledge of the opinions generally prevail- ing in England, respecting the French, revolution, and the leading characters in it, previous to the peace of Amiens, if allusions should have been made to them,--that the Count. de las Casas has resided among us as an emigrant till that event.” On the arrival of Napoleon at St. Helena, Mr. Warden thus proceeds: —“The sensation excited in the little interésting colony, of St. Helena, on the arrival. of this extraordinary guest, may be. more easily imagined than described. Curiosity; astonishment, and interest, combined to rouse the inhabitants, from their habitual tranquillity, into a state of busy activity, and inquisitive solicitude. “Napoleon, did not leave his cabin for a full hour after the ship had anchored in the bay; however, when the deck became clear, he made his appear- ance, and ascended the poop-ladder, from which he could examine every gun that bristles at the mouth of James’ valley, in the centre of which the town of that name, and the only one in the island, is situate. While he stood there, I watched his countenanee with the most observant attention, and, it betrayed , no particular sensation: he looked as any other man would look at a place which he beheld for the first time. I shall also take this opportunity to mention that, during the whole voyage, from the moment the Northumber- land set sail from England, to its arrival at St. Helena, I never saw any change in the placid countenance and unassuming manners of our dis- tinguished shipmate; nor did I hear of a discon- tented look, or a peevish expression, being re- 815, . 1678 IHISTORY OF THE WARS Book XVII. marked by any other person in the ship. The *** ladies, indeed, discovered some distress on the first Char. III. view of their rocky cage; but their general con- Sºº-' duct on the occasion displayed a degree of self- 1815. possession which was not expected of them. “The first object of the admiral was to make the necessary arrangements for the accommodation of Napoleon and his suite; and the lieutenant-gover- nor's house was appropriated for that }.}. till a proper place could be prepared for his fixed re- j. It was not, therefore, till the 17th, that they disembarked. After sun-set, on that day, whén the inhabitants of the town, wearied out in waiting for the spectacle of Bonaparte's landing, had retired to their homes, he, according to the wish he had expressed, passed unobserved to the house where he was to pass the first night as an inhabitant of St. Helena. “At an early hour of the following morning, the general was on horseback, accompanied by Sir George Cockburn. They ascended the mountain to Longwood, which was to be the tranquil resi- dence of a man, on an isolated rock in Africa, who had possessed gorgeous palaces in so many of the splendid cities of Europe. * “About a mile from the town, and midway up the mountain, stands the country-house of a most re- #. man and a merchant of the island, Mr. alcombe; it is named the Briars, and is situated on a level spot, which might almost be imagined to have been formed by art in the steep ascent. It occupies about two acres, and is bountifully sup- plied with water, by whose irrigating influence a pleasing and contrasted scene of vegetation, en- riched by fruit-trees, has been produced; and seems, as it were, suspended between the heights above and the depths below. Here Napoleon, on his descent from Longwood, was induced to call; and such was the hospitable in portuuity of the amiable master of the mansion, that he relinquished his intention of returning to the valley, and thereby avoided the public gaze that was waiting his ap- pearance. “On an elevated mound, about fifty yards from the house, is a Gothic building, having one room below, and two small apartments above. This masonette Napoleon chose for his residence, till Iongwood could be completed. There was no choice in the arrangement of this confined abode: the ground-floor was, of course, occupied by him, while De las Casas, with his son, who was a page, and the valet in waiting were to possess the upper ‘story. º; few days after he had fixed his residence at the Briars, I called to pay him a complimentary visit, when I found him reclining upon a sofa, ap- parently incommoded by the heat. He had been, he said, amusing himself with a walk in the gar- deu; but that towards noon he found it necessary to shelter himself from the sun, beneath his hittle roof. He appeared to be in very good spirits, and expressed himself with great civility to me, as well as in his inquiry after the officers of the Northum- berland. After some general questions respecting the restrictions on visiting him, he said, ‘I find there is a considerable force on the island, full as many as the produce of the place is capable of maintaining. What could induce your govern- ment to send out the 53d regiment 3- there was, surely, a sufficient force before for iny security; but this is the way that you, English people get rid of your money.” To this observation I did not hesitate to reply. “When a measure is once resolved upon, you, general, will acknowledge it to be the best policy to employ all the means that may secure its being carried into complete effect.” You, my friend, may think, that I hazarded his displeasure by my answer; but the manner in which he received it, convinced me that he was better pleased with my frankness, than if I had haminered out a compliment, in which manufactory you well know that I am but an unskilful work- man. I now took my leave, and strolled down with Count Bertrand to dinner. “It was not till some time in November that I paid a second visit to the Briars, whither an invi- tation to dine with Mr. Balcombe had called me. As I reached the spot some time before the din- ner-hour, I proposed to amuse myself in examining the cultivated spots attached to the domain. I accidentally took the path which leads to the gar- dens, and at the gate where it terminates there is a narrow goats’ passage, whose sides are lined with prickly pear-bush. At the angle formed by the two paths, I met Napoleon clattering down from among the rocks in his heavy military boots. He accosted me with an apparent mixture of satisfac- tion and surprise; and reproached me in terms of great civility for my long absence. There was a rough deal board placed as a seat between two stones, on which, after having brushed away the dust with his hand, he sat himself down, and de- sired me to take my place by him. Las Casas soon joined us, for in scrambling through these rocky paths, his master, badly as he walks, had got the start of him. On all sides of the spot where we were seated, rocks were piled on rocks to the height of a thousand feet above our heads, while there was an abyss of equal depth at our feet. Nature seems, in a sportive mood, to have afforded this level space for a semi-aerial dwelling; and while I was gazing with some astonishment on the barren wonders of the scene around me, “Well,” said Napoleon, with a smile, “what say you to it?—and can you think that your country- men have treated me kindly 9 I had but one answer to such a question; and that was, by not giving any answer at all. His conversation then turned upon the state and character of the island, of which, he observed, all the books he read OF THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 1679 *—--—º-sº *…* * *. -º- respecting it, during the voyage, had given a very partial representation, unless there were parts of a more pleasing aspect than any he had seen in his rides to Longwood, which comprehended the ut- most extent of his observation. His conversation was, on this occasion, as on all others when I have been with him—easy, good-humoured, and fami- liar, without the least taint of his former greatness: and, whenever the topic would admit of it, he never failed to give an air of cheerfulness to his remarks. On my mentioning the activity of the admiral in superintending the ºf:irs at Long- wood, and that it would probably be ready to re- ceive him in the course of a month, he replied, your admiral knows, I doubt not, to a moment, in what time a ship may be got ready, but, as an ar- chitect, H. think his ealculations will fail.--I main- tained, however, that whether it was upon land or sea, Sir George Cockburn was of a character that would ensure success in whatever he misht be called upon to undertake. I added, that the offi- cers were actually employed in accompanying the seamen to Longwood, with the materials necessary ‘ſor its completion. He then enquired after those gentlemen whose names he endeavoured to recol- ct, and expressed a wish to see them as they passed; “if” said he, “they will be contented to visit me as you now do, in the fields; as my pre- “sent habitation, which serves me for breakfast, dinner, and bed-room, is not precisely ealeulated to receive company.’” Gu Mr. Warden's next visit he says, “ On en- tering the reom, T observed the baek of a sofa turned tewards me; and, on advancing, I saw Na- poleon lying at full length on it, with his left-arm Hanging over the upper part. The glare of light was excluded by a Venetian blind, and before him there was a table covered with books. H •could distinguish among them some fine bound volumes on the French revolution. The heat of the day had occasioned him to dismantle himself of coat and waistcoat. The moment his eye met mine, he started up, and exclaimed, in English, in a tone of good-humoured vivacity, “Ah, Warden, how do you do?' I bowed in return; when he 'stretched out his hand, saying, ‘ I have got a fe- ver.' I immediately applied my hand to the wrist, and observing, both from the regularity of the pulsation and the jocular expression of his countenance, that he was exercising a little of his pleasantry, I expressed my wish that his health might always remain the same. He then gave me a familiar tap on the cheek, with the back of his hand, and desired me to go into the middle of the room, as he had something to say to me. I now “congratulated him on the preservation of his health, and complimented him, at the same time, on the rogress'he appeared to have made in the Eng- É. ‘language. “I certainly enjoy,”he said, “a very * sº state of health, which I attribute to a rigo- 5. which produce far different sensations. *-* -º- rous observation of regimen. My appetite is such, BOOK XVII. that I feel as if I could eat at any time of the day: but I am regular in my meals; and always leave off eating with an appetite: besides, I never, as you know, drink strong wines. With respect, to the English language,’ be continued, ‘I have been very diligent: I now read your newspapers with ease ; and must own, that they afford me no in- considerable amusement. They are occasionally inconsistent, and sometimes abusive. In one pa- per I am called a liar, in another a tyrant, in a third a monster, and, in one of them, which I really did not expect, I am described as a coward; but it turned out, after all, that the writer did not ac- cuse me of avoiding danger in the field-of-battle, or flying from an enemy, or fearing to look at the menaces of fate and fortune : it did not charge me with wanting presence of mind in the hurry of battle, and in the suspense of conflicting armies. *No such thing; I wanted courage, it seems, be- cause I did not coolly take a dose of poison, or throw myself into the sea, or blow out my brains. The editor certainly misunderstands me; I have, at least, too much courage for that. Your papers are influenced by party-principles; what one raises the other will abuse ; and so vice versa. They who live in the metropolis where they are published, ean judge of passing events and trans- actions for themselves; but persons living at a dis- tance from the earital, and particularly foreigners, must be at a loss to determaine upon the real state of things, and the characters of public men, from the K. of your journals.” “Napoleon appearing, as it were, to be speaking out, and to be in a humour to deliver opinions in- stead of confining himself to asking questions, I was determined to speak out too; and I had no doubt that I should lead him into an interesting conversation, or induce him to wish me a good day. I accordingly replied, “I really think, that you must possess more patience than my country- men are disposed to allow you, if you really wade through all the columns that have been filled on your subject. You cannot, general, suppose, for a moment, that the extraordinary events which have taken place, and of which you have formed such a prominent part, would not be considered and observed upon with great freedom by a think- füg ºple like the English, and who have the privilege—and they even possess-it, of speaking and writing what they think.” I was proceeding in full swing, and in a very patriotic way, when he thus interrupted me. , ‘This calling of names, and these scolding epithets, only serve to amuse me; but there are observations in your papers You have,”he continued, “a writer whom I greatly ad- mire; I believe he is of your country, a Scotch- man—Macpherson, the author of Ossian. There is also a person of the name of Belsham; on what 19 C Chap. III. vºvº-d 1815. 1680 HISTORY OF THE WARS BOOK XVII. tº-º. 1816. CHA P. III. -*-wºrs subjects has he written? I replied, that, ‘ I be- lieved he had written an account of the reign of of our excellent sovereign.”—“Yes,’ he said, ‘your laws permit you to write of kings, of ministers, and of one another.”—“Yes,' I replied, “such is the privilege of Englishmen ; and possessing the infirmities of human nature, they may sometimes abuse it. Misconception, party-spirit, and, per- haps, factious minds, may, at times, tend to propo- gate and support erroneous and even violent opi- nions; but the love of justice and of truth form the genuine character of an Englishman.”—“Ne- vertheless,” he observed, “you appear to handle my character rather roughly; and more so since I have been in your power.”—“To that opinion, general,” I answered rather quickly, ‘I must beg leave to address a direct negative. You have not always had the leisure to examine English publications which you enjoy at present; but I do assure you, that from the time of your becoming first consul of France, to the moment when you set your foot on the deck of the Bellerophon, the English press has never ceased to fulminate its displeasure against you; and this, without excep- tion, for the parties who differed in every thing besides, expressed but one and the same opinion of you. This, I presume, you must have known at the time, though the vast projects that have occupied your mind may have prevented your memory from retaining a detail of our literary offences: your official papers, however, marked their perfect ac- quaintance with the hostility of our journals, and returned their paragraphic missiles in every di- rection. You were rather angry with Old Eng- land, when you ordered the Moniteur to call us a ‘ nation of shopkeepers.’ A great commercial na- tion we certainly are, and may we ever remain so: for it is that commerce which has proved a foun- tain of resources, whose failure would have pre- vented even the native and irresistible bravery of Englishmen from making the late immortal addi- tions to our national glory. But we are also a most noble-minded, magnanimous, and generous people, and were never known to insult a con- quered enemy: nay, how often has it happened, that both our sailors and our soldiers have risked their lives to save a fallen foe. Even when you had thrown away one of the brightest diadems in Europe, and had accepted a i. sceptre in Elba, you were instantly treated with comparative mildness by the more prevailing public opinions in England. And now that you are, as you choose to term it, in our power, a generous feeling of a generous nature is known to be excited. Yes, sir, there are numbers who would have rejoiced to hear that you had bit the ground on the field-of-battle, who are now disposed to wish you every comfort that can be safely allowed in your present situation. If the Northumberland had overtaken you in a French man-of-war, endeavoring to make your --- ~~~ *-*-a----, ------ºr----------—- --—------- - ---, sº sº-- -. ...sº------- - ~ *= * ~ * = **- ~ -- * → *---- *** - sºme-ºr- meditated escape to America, every officer, and every sailor and soldier would have been bravely engaged in the attempt to take, burn, sink, or de- stroy the ship that bore you; yet, as you have readily acknowledged, you were treated hy them, during the whole of the voyage, with every gentle, manly, and polite attention. And, if I may ven- ture to speak of myself, I shall beg leave to add, that I was bred up in the hatred of you; nay, that no proofs of holy writ were more strongly im- printed in my mind, than the truth of the them universally prevailing opinions concerning you; nevertheless, I am ready to shew you every per- sonal courtesy, to be thankful for the civilities I have received from you, and to offer you such ser- vice as I am permitted, by the benevolence of the government which I serve, and may be consistent with those regulations which its political wisdom has thought necessary to provide for the safeguard and ultimate security of your person.”—I was re- solved to speak my sentiments with freedom, and you may now think, my good friend, that I did not balk my resolution. I could not, indeed, for- bear to defend the generous temper of English- men, when it received such an attack. My candid sentiments, and unreserved language, appeared, however, to meet my auditor's approbation; and, he asked me, to my great surprise, if I remember. ed the history of Captain Wright. I answered— * Perfectly well; and it is a prevailing opinion in Eºgland, that you ordered him to be murdered in the Temple. With the utmost rapidity of speech he , replied—‘For what object? Of all men, he was the person whom I should have most desired to live. Whence could I have procured so valu- able an evidence as he would have proved on the trial of the conspirators in and about Paris. The heads of it he himself had landed on the French coast.’ My curiosity was, at this moment, such as to be betrayed in my looks. ‘Listen,’ continued Napoleon, “ and you shall hear. The English brig of war, commanded by Captain Wright, was employed by your government in landing traitors and spies on the west coast of France. Seventy of the number had actually reached Paris; and so mysterious were their proceedings, so veiled in impenetrable concealment, that although General Ryal, of the police, gave me this information, the name or place of their resort could not be disco- vered: I received daily assurances that my life would be attempted, and though I did not give entire credit to them, I took every precaution for my preservation. The brig was afterwards taken near L'Orient, with Captain Wright, its comman- der, who was carried before the prefect of the de- F. of Morbeau, at Vannes. General Ju- lan, then prefect, bad accompanied me in the ex- pedition to Egypt, and recognised Captain Wright on the first view of him. Intelligence of this cir- cumstance was instantly transmitted to Paris, and --sº OF THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 1681 \ ha _º__** A. instructions were expeditiously returned to inter- rogate the crew separately, and transfer their tes- timonies to the minister of police. The purport of their examination was at first very unsatisfac- tory; but at length, on the examination of one of the crew, some light was thrown on the subject. He stated, that the brig had landed several Frenchmen, and among them he particularly re- membered one, a very merry fellow, who was called Pichegru. Thus a clue was found, that led —to the discovery of a plot which, had it suc- ceeded, would have thrown the French nation a second time into a state of revolution. Captain Wright was accordingly conveyed to Paris, and confined in the Temple; there to remain till it was found convenient to bring the formidable accessa- ries of this treasonable design to trial. The law of France would have subjected Wright to the punishment of death; but he was of minor consi- deration. My grand object was to secure the principals, and I considered the English captain's evidence of the utmost consequence towards coin- pleting my object.”—He again and again most solemnly asserted, that Captain Wright died in the Temple by his own hand, as described in the Moniteur, and at a much ealier period than has been generally believed.—At the same time he stated, that his assertions were founded on docu- ments which he had since examined. The cause of this inquiry arose from the visit, I think he said, of Lord Ebrington to Elba; and he added, —‘That nobleman appeared to be perfectly sa- tisfied with the account which was given him of this mysterious business.’—I was so far encouraged by the easy, communicative manner of the ex- emperor, that I continued my observations with- out reserve : I therefore did not hesitate to ex- press my doubt respecting the time that Captain Wright remained in iºnſ. previous to his death. To satisfy me in this particular, Napoleon turned over a long succession of pages in a late ublication of Mr. Goldsmith's, which had been rought him by Sir Hudson Lowe. I do not re- collect the title, which is probably familiar to you, who have suffered nothing that relates to the government of France to have escaped you: but I could perceive, that it consisted of extracts from the Moniteur, &c. during the imperial reign. As he referred to the index, he frequently pointed out the name of Wright, spelled Right, and with a confident expectation, as it certainly appeared to me, of finding some document that would con- firm his account. The author, however, either had not been able to discover any written testi- mony, to mark the precise time of Capt. Wright's death, or had intentionally withheld it; and the latter Bonaparte, repeatedly and firmly insisted must have been the cause of any doubt remaining as to the truth of his assertion. “ As he turned over the leaves of this volume, he acknowledged that many of the reports were BOOK XVII. genuine, but with frequent inaccuracies and mis- statements: and if my memory is correct, he par- Char. III. ticularised that which was given of the battle of Marengo. But he did not stop here; and con- tinually desired to know whether I perfectly com- prehended his meaning, as that was his most earnest wish. And now, to my utter astonish- ment, he entered upon the event of the Duke d'Enghien's death. This was a topic that could not be expected; and particularly by me, as there appeared among his followers, who were always on tip-toe to be his apologists, an evasive silence, or contradictory statements, whenever this afflict- ing event became the subject of inquiry, which had occasionally happened during the course of our voyage. Here Napoleon became very ani- mated, and often raised himself. on the sofa, where he had hitherto remained in a reclining posture. The interest attached to the subject, and the energy of his delivery, combined to impress the tenor of his narrative so strongly on my mind, that you need not doubt the accuracy of this repe- tition of it. He began as follows:— “‘At this eventful period of my life, I had suc- ceeded in restoring order. and tra's quillity to a kingdom torn asunder by faction, and deluged in ‘blood. That nation had placed me at their head. I came not as your Cromwell did, or your third Richard. No such thing. I found a crown in the kennel; I cleansed it from its filth, and placed it on my head. My safety now became necessary, to preserve that tranquillity so recently restored; and, hitherto, so satisfactorily preserved, as the leading characters of the nation well know. At the same time, reports were every night brought me (I think he said by General Ryal), that con- spiracies were in agitation; that meetings were held in particular houses in Paris, and names even were mentioned; at the same time, no satis- factory proofs could be obtained, and the utmost vigilance and ceaseless pursuit of the police was evaded. General Moreau, indeed, became sus- pected, and I was seriously importuned to issue an order for his arrest; but his character was such, his name stood so high, and the estimation of him so great in the public mind, that, as it ap- peared to me, he had nothing to gain, and every thing to lose, by becoming a conspirator against me: I, therefore, could net but exonerate him from such a suspicion. ... I accordingly refused an order for the proposed arrest, by the following intimation to the minister of police;—You have named Pichegru, Georges, and Moreau ; con- vince me that the former is in Paris, and I will immediately cause the latter to be arrested.— Another and a very singular circumstance led to the developement of the plot. One night, as I lay agitated and wakeful, I rose from my bed; and examined the list of suspected traitors; and Jºvº-Z 1816. , 682 HISTORY OF THE WARS BOOK XVII. £HAP. III. , ,-\*-2 1816, "------- - - - - - chance, which rules the world, occasioned my stumbling, as it were, on the name of a surgeon, who had lately returned from an English prison, This man's age, education, and experience in life, induced me to believe that his conduct must be attributed to any other motive than that of youth- ful fanaticism, in favour of a Bourbon ; as far as circumstances qualified me to judge, money ap- peared to be his object. I accordingly gave or- ders for this man to be arrested : when a sum- mary mock trial was instituted, by which he was found guilty, sentenced to die, and informed he had but six hours to live. This stratagena had the desired effect: he was terrified into confes- sion. It was now known that Pichegru had a brother, a monastic priest, then residing at Paris. ordered a party of gens-d'armes to visit this man, and if he had quitted his house, I conceived there would be good ground for suspicion. The old monk was secured, and, in the act of his arrest, his fears betrayed what I most wanted to łºnow. “Is it (he exclaimed) because I afforded shelter to a brother that I am thus treated.’— The object of the plot was to destroy me; and the success of it would, of course, have been Imy destruction. It emanated from the capital of your country, with the Count d’Artois at the Head of it. To the west he sent the Duke de Berri, and to the east the Duke d'Enghien. To France your vessels conveyed underlings of the H. and Moreau became a convert to the cause. e moment was big with evil: I felt myself on a tottering eminence, and I resolved to hurl the thunder back upon the Bourbons, even in the metropołis of the British empire. My minister vehemently urged the seizure of the duke, though in a neutral territory. But I still hesitated, and Prince Benevento brought the order twice, and urged the measure with all his powers of persua- 'sion : It was not, however, tih I was fully con- vinced of its necessity, that I sanctioned it by my signature. The matter could be easily arranged between me and the Duke of Baden. Why, in- deed, 'should I stiffer a man, residing on the very 'confines of my kingdom, to commit a crime which, within the distance of a mile, by the ordinary course of law, justice herself would condemn to the scaffold. And now answer me;—Did I do more than adopt the principle of your government, when it ordered the capture of the i3anish fleet, which was thought to threaten mischief to your country? It had been tirged to me again and again, as a sound political opinion, that the new dynasty cotild not be secure while the Bourbons remaîtred. Talheyrand trever deviated from this § fe: it was a 'fixed, unchangeable article in is political creed. But I did not become a ready or a willing convert. I examined the opinion with care and 'with ‘catition; and the result was a perfect conviction of its necessity. The Duke d'Enghien was accessary to the confederacy; and although the resident of a neutral territory, the urgency of the case, in which my safety and the pabłic tranquiliity, to use no stronger expression, were involved, justified the proceeding. I ac- cordingly ordered him to be seized and tried; he was found guilty, and sentenced to be shot. The sentence was immediately executed; and the same fate would have followed, had it been Louis XVIII. For I again declare, that I found it necessary to roll the thunder back on the metro- polis of England, as from thence, with the Count d’Artois at their head, did the assassins assaid me. “‘Your country also accuses me of the death of Pichegru.’—I replied, ‘It is most certainly and universally believed, throughout the whole British empire, that he was strangled in prison by your orders.’ He rapidly answered, “What idle, dis- ingenuous folly! a fine proof how prejudice can destroy the boasted reasoning faculties of English- men Why, I ask you, should that hite be taken away in secret, which the laws consigned to the hands of a public executioner? The matter would have been different with respect to Moreau. Had he died in a dungeon, there might have been grounds to justify the suspicion that he had not been guilty of suicide. He was a very popular character, as well as much beloved by the army; and I should never have lost the odium, however guiltless I might have been, if the justice of his death, supposing his life to have been forfeited by the laws, had not been made apparent by the most public execution.’ “Here he paused; and Ireplied, “There may, perhaps, be persons in England, who are disposed to acknowledge the necessity of rigorous measures at this impertant period of your history; but none, I believe, are to ; found, who would attempt to justify the precipitate manner in which the youn º was seized, tried, sentenced, and shot.’— He instantly answered, ‘I was justified in m own mind, and I repeat the declaration which have already made, that I would havé ordered the execution of Louis XVIII. At the same time, I solemnly affirm, that no message or letter ‘from the duke reached me after sentence of death had been passed upon him.’ ' “Talleyrand, however, was said to be in posses- sign of a letter from the royal prisoner, addressed to Napoleon, which they who are well qualified to know, declared he took upon himself not to ‘deliver till it was too late to be of any service to the writer. I saw a copy of this letter in possés- sion of Gount de las Casas, which he calmly re- presented to me as one of the mass of documents, ‘formed or collected to authenticate and to justify certain mysterious parts of the history which he was occasionally employed in writing, under the dictation of the hero of it. Do not startle; the 'letter was to beg his life; and to this effect. It ºf OF THE FRENCH REVOLUTION, 16S3 -as his expedition, to Russia, before he * y stated his opinion that the Bourbon dynasty was terminated. That was the settled opinion of his mind, and he was about to prove the sincerity of it. He now considered France no otherwise than as his country, which he loved with the most pa- triotic ardor, but merely as a private citizen. The crown was no longer in his view: it was now be- yond the possibility of recovery : it would not, it could not, be restored. He therefore requested to be allowed to live and devote his life and services to France, merely as a native of it. He was ready to take any command or any rank in the French army, to become a brave and loyal sol- dier, subject to the will and orders of the govern- ment, in whose hands soever it might be, to which he was ready to swear feality; and that, if his life were spared, he would devote it with the utmost courage and fidelity to support France against all its enemies. Such was the letter which, as it was represented to me, Talleyrand took care not to deliver till the hand that wrote it was unnerved by death.—Napoleon continued to speak of the Bourbon family.—“Had I, he said, ‘been anx- ious to get any or all of the Bourbons into my º. I could have accomplished the object. our smugglers offered me a Bourbon for a stated sum (I think he named 40,000 francs), but, on coming to a more precise explanation, they enter- tained a doubt of fulfilling the engagement as it was originally proposed. They would not under- take to possess themselves of any of the Bourbon family absolutely alive; though, with the alter- native, alive or dead, they had no doubt of com- pleting it. But it was not my wish merely to de- prive them of life. Besides, circumstances had taken a turn which then fixed me without fear of change or chance on the throne I possessed. ... I felt my security, and left the Bourbons undis- turbed. Wanton, useless murder, whatever has been said and thought of me in England, has - never been my practice; to what epd, or purpose could I have indulged the horrible propensity? When Sir George Rumbold and Mr. }. who had been carrying on a correspondence with con- spirators in Paris, were seized, they were not murdered.’—In looking over these letters for the press, I felt a doubt whether this observation respecting Sir George Rumbold was made at this time, or at some other; 9r whether it proceeded from Bonaparte or Count de la Casas, but I am positive it was made by one or the other. , “Here he ceased to speak; and as I was de- termined to gratify my curiosity as far as his pre- sent communicative spirit would allow, I was .determined to continue the conversatiºn. I ac- cordingly observed, “that of all the findertakings which composed his wonderful career, no circum- stance had excited such astonishment in England 3 had brought the Peninsula war to a termination, which, at that 115. . . . . . . . . . time, appeared to be an attainable object.” paused, expecting a reply on the subject; how- ever, he gave none; but, as if he had not heard my observation, proceeded to a renewal, in some degree, of the former topics. “‘Your country,” said he, “has accused me of having murdered the sick and wounded of m army at Jaffa. Be assured, that if I had com- mitted such a horrid act, my very soldiers them- selves would have execrated me; and I might have looked to their ceasing to obey me. There is no occurrence of life to which I gave more º than this. You have an officer, a Sir obert Wilson, who has written very copiously on the subject of my campaign in Egypt.” As he repeated the last sentence, he assumed an air and tone of sarcastic jocularity; and then asked me, if I had read Sir Robert's publication. I replied in the affirmative:— It is possible,” he said, ‘that he wrote from the testimony of other people, equally prone to error as himself: he cannot pre- tend to have done it from his own observation.— Can you tell me,’ continued Napoleon, “whether Sir Sydney Smith, in any official communications to your government, attempted, in any way, to corroborate the testimony of Sir Robert Wilson.” I could not, at the moment, sufficiently recollect the purport of his dispatches to determine the #. but I replied as I felt, ‘That he had not.’ This reply however, indecisive as it was, appeared to afford him considerable satisfaction, as he in- stantly repeated,—“I believe so; for Sir Sydney Smith is a brave and just man.”—I here observed, that, “There are many in England who imagine your jealousy and hatred of Sir Sydney Smith in- fluenced your conduct towards that officer.’— He smiled with astonishment at such an idea,- the thought of coupling the two names appeared never to have entered his imagination. Ridi- culous ! nonsense !” was his reply. “He then entered on the following narrative. ‘On raising the siege of St. Jean de Acre, the army retired upon Jaffa. It had become a matter of urgent necessity. The occupation of this town, for any length of time, was impracticable, from the force that Jezha Pacha was enabled to bring for- ward. The sick and wounded were numerous; and their removal was my first consideration. Carriages, the most convenient that could be formed, were appropriated to the purpose. Some of them were sent by water to Damietta, and the rest were accommodated, in the best possible man- ner, to accompany their comrades in their march through the Desart. Seven men, however, occu- pied a quarantine hospital, who were infected with the plague; whose report was made me by the chief of the medical staff; (I think it was Dege- nette.) He farther added, that the disease had gained such a stage of malignancy, there was not the least probability º continuing alive be- I BOOK XVII. CHAP. III. Jºvº-V 1816. 1684 HISTORY OF THE WARS —k. BOOK XVII, yond forty-eight hours.' I here exclaimed, in a CHA P. III. Jº/*-f lS) 6. dubious tone, the word—seven l and immediately asked whether I was to understand that there were no more than seven. “I perceive,” he re- plied, ‘ that you have heard a different account.” —‘Most assuredly, general, Sir Robert Wilson states fifty-seven or seventy-seven; and speakin more collectively—your whole sick and wounded.” He then proceeded : “The Turks were numerous and powerful, and their cruelty proverbial through- out the army. Their practice of mutilating and barbarously treating their Christian prisoners in ſº. was well known among my troops, and ad a preservative influence on my mind and con- duct; and I do affirm, that there were only seven sufferers whom circumstances compelled me to leave as short-lived sufferers at Jaffa. They were in that stage of the disease which rendered their removal utteriy impracticable, exclusive of the dissemination of the disease among the healthy troops. , Situated as I was, I could not place them under the protection of the English: 1, therefore, desired to see the senior medical officer, and ob- serving to him, that the afflictions of their disease would be cruelly aggravated by the conduct of the Turks towards them: and that it was impossible to continue in possession of the town, T desired him to give me the best advice on the occasion. I said, tell me what is to be done! He hesitated for some time, and then repeated, that these men, who were the objects of my very painful solici- tude, could not survive forty-eight hours. I then suggested, (what appeared to be his opinion, though he might not choose to declare it, but wait with the trembling ºp; to receive it from me) the É. because I felt it would be humanity, to shorten the sufferings of these seven men b administering opium. Such a relief, I ..i. in a similar situation, 'I should anxiously so- licit for myself. But, rather contrary to my expectation, the proposition was opposed, and consequently abandoned. I accordingly halted the army one day longer than T intended; and, on my quitting Jaffa, left a strong rear-guard, who continued in that city till the third day. At the expiration of that period, an officer's report reached me, thät the men were dead.”—“Then, general, I could not resist exclaiming, “no opium was given.’ The emphatic answer Treceived was, “No : none! —A report was brought me, that the men died before the rear-guard had evacuated the city.’— I again interrupted him by mentioning, that Sir ś Snaith, when he afterwards entered Jaffa, found one or two Frenchmen alive. “Well,” he answered, ‘ that, after all, may be possible!” It was, I think, at this period of the conversation, that he stated his being in possession of a letter from Sir Sydney Smith, written in very compli- mentary language, which expressed the writer's astonishment as well as praise, on the accommoda- tions which were contrived and executed to trans- port the French sick and wounded from Acre to Jaffa, and thenee across the Desart.' I here took occasion to observe, ‘ that a late Euglish traveiler, a distinguished scholar, and learned professor of the University of Cambridge, had excited a very general doubt respecting the accuracy of this par- ticular part of Sir Robert Wilson's narrative. Doctor Clark, the person to whom I allude, had,” I said, ‘travelled through Turkey, and, as I be- lieved, by the route of Aleppo and Damascus, to Jerusalem, and from thence to Jaffa, where he re- mained some time. This gentleman, whose cha- racter stands high in the world, may be said to contradict the testimony of his countryman Sir Robert, respecting the charge which the former may be said to have brought forward against you. Though he merely states, that he never heard of the cruel transaction; but very naturally observes, that if such an extraordinary event had oecurred as the murder of such a number of Frenchmen by their own general, some traces or recollection of so horrid an event, and of such recent occurrence, must have transpired and been communicated to him during his residence there.” A question in- stantaneously followed—" Has this traveller said any thing of El-Arisch 3’ My memory did not serve me sufficient to give an answer. ‘Well, he continued, “you shall also hear the partieulars of El-Arisch and the garrison of Jaffa. You have read, without doubt, of my having ordered the Turks to be shot at Jaffa.”—“Yes, indeed, I re- plied, ‘I have often heard of that massacre in England: it was a general topic at the time, and treated as a British mind never fails to consider subjects of that description.” He then proceeded, “At the period in question, General Desaix was léft in Upper Egypt, and Kleber in the vici- cinity'6ff)amietta.’"I left Cairo, and traversed the Arabian Desart, it order to unite my foree with that of the latter at El-Arisch. The town was at- tacked, and a capitulation succeeded. Many gf the prisoners were found, "on examination, to be natives 6f the º: and inhabitants of Mount- Tabor, but chiefly from Nazareth. They were immediately released, on their engaging'té return quietly to their homes, &hildren, and wives; at the same time, they were recommended ‘te acquaint their countrymen, the Napółese, that the Freneh were no longer their enemies, uitless ºt *Weſe found in arms assisting the Pacha. When this ceremony was concluded, the army proceeded on its march towards Jaffa. "Gaza'surrëndered on the route. That city, on ; the first view”6fºrt, bore a formidable appéaranée, ańd the gatrison was can- 'siderable. Hºwaš-šuſhmürled to surrender. When the officer, who bore my flag ºf ‘trace; no sooner passed the city wafi, than his head was inhumanky struck off instañtly fixed-upon apole, and insult- ingly exposéd"to the view of the French army, of the FRENCH REvolution. | 685 ... wr-- * * * *-* *------ * * ~ *-* -- - --- At the sight of this horrid and unexpected object, the indignation of the soldiers knew no bounds: they were perfectly enfuriated; and, with the most eager impatience, demanded to be led on to the storm. I did not hesitate, under such circum- stances, to command it. The attack was dreadful, and the carnage exceeded any action I had then witnessed. We carried the place, and it required all my efforts and influence to restrain the fury of the enraged soldiers. At length I succeeded, and night closed the sanguinary scene. At the dawn of the following morning, a report was brought me, that 500 men, chiefly Napolese, who had lately formed a part of the garrison of El-Arisch, and to whom I had a few days before given liberty, on condition that they should return to their homes, were actually found and recognised amongst the prisoners. On this fact being indubitably ascer- tained, I ordered the 500 ºffen to be drawn out and instantly shot.’—In the course of our conver- sation, his anxiety appeared to be extreme, that I should he satisfied of the truth of every part of his narrative, and he continually interrupted it by asking me, if I perfectly gomprehended him. He was, however, patience itself, when I made any ob- servations expressive of doubts. I had previously entertained, respecting any part of the subjects agitated between us, or any unfavorable opinion -entertained or propagated in England. Whenever dº, appeared embarrassed for an answer, he gave me itime to reflect; and I could not but lament that I had nothiade myself better, acquainted with 3the circumstances of the period under, consider- ation, as..it might have drºwnshium into a more en- larged history of them. He now returned to the subject of Sir Robert Wilson, and asked me, if I knew any thing of his military character, and the tendency of his writings, and if the latter had add- ed to his fortune. I replied, that I could not speak upon either from my own knowledge; but I was induced to suppose, from the services in which he had been engaged, he must baye stood high in the opinion of those who employed him; and I had also understood, that his works were considered as having been very honorable to him both as a writer'and a soldier. “Pray can you tell me,’ he “continued, “, from what motive this pfficer has acted in, the escape of Layalette, the decided and avowed friend of the man whom he has so wan- tonly calumniated?” … I was here, as it may be supposed, rather embarrassed for an immediate reply, but he gave me full time to collect myself; and I answered, “That I had no deabt they were *strehas did honor to his heart; whatever imputa- ition may have been passed upon hisjudgment and -his-discretion. Somewhat of an adventurous and romantic spirit might have governed him; but it never was . any one, that he was in- ifluenced by sordid or pecuiſiary inotives: that idea wever seems to have occurred when the transaction - - - - Tº " - *----------------- was the subject of universal consideration and en- quiry. There was not, I thought, a person in England who received him or his companions with a diminution of their regard for the part they had taken in this mysterious business.’ In an in- stant he observed, “I believe every word you have said : at the same time you may be assured, that money would not have been wanting to save La- valette—I desire you also to give your particular attention to my opinion, which is a decided one, that this act of Sir Robert Wilson, for the pre- servation of Lavalette, is the commencement of his recantation of what he has written against me.” It is a coincidence, perhaps not worth mentioning, but it is a singular circumstance, that we had a son of Sir Robert Wilson, at this time a midshipman, on-board.the Northumberland. “My curiosity now grew hold, and I was deter- mined to try whether I could induce Napoleon to satisfy me as to the particulars of a conversation between him and Mr. Fox, relative to the infernal machine, which I had heard related by the Hon. Mr. Bennet, who took passage with Lord W. Stuart, in the Lavinia, from Lisbon to England, in the year 1807. I prefaced my enquiry by ob- serving, that an account had been published, and was very generally believed in England, stating a conversation between him and Mr. C. Fox, at St. Cloud: that to myself it was very interesting, and as Ibeard it related by a gentleman of rank, talent, and high character, I had entertained no doubt of the general fact as he stated it. Napoleon, in a most good-humoured way, said, “Repeat it—I shall remember.’ I then proceeded. “The account, general, is as follows: As you were one evening going to the theatre, you encountered great danger of your life by the explosion of a machine, to which the title of infernal was afterwards applied. This engine of destruction was said to have been placed in a narrow street through which you were to pass. The rashness of your coachman, it is said, saved your life: for finding a vehicle placed in such a manner as would have presented an unsur- mountable difficulty to a less timid driver, he gave speed to his horses, and the wheel of your carriage coming in contact with the machine, overset it with great vialence, and immediately after you had passed, the explosion took place.”—“That,' he replied, “is true : your information is correct.’— “And it is also said, that you went to the theatre and enjoyed the play as if nothing had happened. He now nodded, or rather made a slight obeysance. “And it is also asserted, that in a conversation you “had with Mr. Fox, at St. Cloud, on the subject, you - accused the English of having invented the machine -for your destruction.”—“Thăt is the fact, he said, ‘I certainly did.”—“And that you particularly allud- ed to Mr. Windham.”—“ ‘Yes, Mr. Vandam.”—“It is also said, general, that Mr. Fox contended it was not of English invention, for that the crime BOOK XVIH. CHAP. Il I. v_s^^_W 1816. 1686 HISTORY OF THE WARS BOOK XVII. C map. III. v_s^^ - 1816. r=- of assassination was repugnant to the national character. He, also, particularly defended Mr. Windham, who, he said, though they had differed in politics, he knew to be an honorable man, and incapable, as a British minister, of sanctioning such a dishonorable transaction.” Napoleon re- membered the conversation, and acknowledged that he accused Mr. Windham. I now ventured to ask him, if he continued of the same opinion.— ‘Yes,’ he said, ‘the English ministry were instru- mental to the plot. Their money has gone for that and other extraordinary purposes.’ My English blood was a little up on the occasion, and my reply, depend upon it, was to the following effect—“My nation detests an assassin more than it does a coward: indeed, he is the worst of cow- ards; and, I do not believe that there is a British heart which does not revolt at the thought, and subscribe, with an honest and glowing sincerity, to the opinion of Mr. Fox.’—He gave me no answer, but I could perceive that he was not convinced; and he still retains his original belief in the con- trivance of the infernal machine. I now discon- tinued the subject, and approached the chimney- piece, to examine a small bust in marble, which appeared to me to be exquisitely sculptured. When he saw my attention to it, i. exclaimed, “ that is my son.” Indeed, the resemblance to the father is so very striking, that it is discernible at the first glance. On one side is a miniature also of young Napoleon, and a highly-finished portrait of his mother, Maria-Louisa, on the other. “He now complained of a pain in the great toe of his right foot; †† the sensation he felt, and asked if it betokened the gout. I re- ~--~~~~~<-----vs.---- ~~~~ quested to know, if he could trace the disease of gout to any hereditary transmission. ‘No, he replied, “neither of his parents ever had the gout ; but, recollecting himself, he added, ‘ that his uncle, Cardinal Fesch, had been very much af- flicted by it.” “I remarked, that even when the disease was known to be hereditary in families, attention in early years to exercise and diet often retarded its approach, and, when it came at length, would render the disease more mild. “I observed to him, ‘ that, considering the ac- tive life he had led, it did not appear that he took sufficient exercise to preserve himself in a right state of health.’ He replied, “my rides, indeed, are too confined; but the being accompanied by an officer is so very disagreeable to me, that I must be content to suffer the consequences of abridging them. However, I feel no inconve- nience from the want of exercise. Man can ac- custom himself to privations. At one period of iny life, I was many hours on horseback every day, for six years; and I was once eighteen months without passing from the house.’—He now returned to the grievance of being watched by an officer. “You are acquainted, he said, “with the island of St. Helena, and must be sen- sible that a sentinel, placed on either of these hills, can command the sight of me from the mo- ment I quit this house till I return to it. If an officer es soldier, placed on that height will not satisfy year:goverses, why not place ten, twenty, a troop of dragoons. Let theni never, lose sight 2, 3 35' of me, only keep an officer from my side. CHAPTER IV. Trial of Count Lavalette.—Sentenced to Death.-His Wife effects his Escape.—Proceedings of the Chambers on the Amnesty Bill.—Disturbances at JWismes.—France evacuated by the Foreign Troops.-Affairs of Great Britain.—Death and Character of Mr. Whitbread.—Combination of the Sailors in the Coal-trade.—Affairs of Ireland.-JMarriage of the Duke of Cumberland. THE next trial of importance which took place in Paris, after that of Marshal Ney, was that of General Lavalette, the director-general of the post- office, who was accused of high-treason, in º possession of the post-office on the 20th of March, before the arrival of Bonaparte. Lavalette was related to the Bonaparte family, having, in 1802, married a niece of the Empress Josephine. He served as aide-de-camp to Bonaparte in his Italian campaigns, partook of his fortune in Egypt, and continued to serve under him till the peace of Luneville, in 1801, when he was appointed coun- sellor-of-state and director-general of the posts, which place he occupied till the restoration of the Bourbons in 1814, when he was dismissed, and his place given to M. Ferrand, ºyalist His - º REEMAN. º COMTESSIE DE LA VALIETº º - I-O-N I.--- ºwzºwº OF THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. I687 ~mrvº trial commenced on the 20th of November, before the court of assize for the department of the Seine. * After the jury had answered to their names, and been sworn to decide according to their con- viction, and to pronounce their verdict without hatred or fear, in the case which was to be sub- mitted to them, the prisoner was introduced. On the usual interrogatories being put, he re- I. am named Marie Chamans de Lava- ette, aged forty-six, grand-officer of the legion of honor, commander of the order of re-union, late director of the posts, residing in Paris, Rue de Grenelle, St. Martin. - ,” President.—“ You will hear the charges brought against you, as they are stated in the in- dictment.” The clerk then read the indictment, which charged the prisoner in substance as follows:— “On the 20th of March, at nine in the morn- ing, M. Lavalette repaired to the post-office, and, on entering the hall, pronounced these words:– * I take possession of the posts in the name of the emperor.’ He afterwards asked whether Count Ferrand, the director-general, was still in the effice; and, on informing him he had come to re- place him, said he would give him time for re- moving his papers and private property. Lava- lette regarding himself as from that moment in- stalled, his first act was to write to Bonaparte, who was then at Fontainebleau, what he had done.” The indictment, accusing him of high-treason, was then read, and the º: briefly stated the nature of the charges. The president then put the following questions to the accused:— President.—“You have, in your interrogato- ries, acknowledged that you wrote to Bonaparte at Elba, but that it was to wish him a happy new year, and long quiet. Was not the letter dated the end of November?” º Lavalette.—“Yes.” President.—“Why did you write so long be- fore the new year?” Lavalette.—“Because the person to whom I entrusted the letter did not quit Paris immedi- ately, and was to remain some time on the road.” Count Ferrand was now called in, and deposed to Lavalette's having taken possession of the go- vernment of the post-office on the 20th of March. Lavalette then observed, after a tribute of gra- titude to M. Ferrand for his conduct towards him, “I arrived on the 20th of March. I met in the morning, on the Boulevards, M. Sebastiani in his cabriolet. He told me the news. I said to him, I have a mind to go to the post, and see what is passing. He accompanied me. We found a M. Macarel; I asked him, in a mild tone, whether M. Ferrand was there? He said that he was gone -* chamber. sented myself in a commanding attitude, saying, I take possession in the name of the emperor. This is false—I was near the chimney when M. Fer- rand returned. I advanced to him, and said, ‘Sir.’—He opened the door of his cabinet with- out replying to me, and hence I remained in the half.” It was said, I believe, that I had pre- Book xvii. Cha P. IV. ~~~/ {1815. Passing to other points, M. Lavalette said,— “It has been declared that I formed one of the several criminal assemblages at the Duke de Bassano's, the Duchess of St. Leu's, and Madane Hamelin's. I never set foot in Madame Hame- lin's house. I never saw her at Paris. I never was intimate with the Duke of Bassano. “Madame St. Leu-(and here, gentlemen, I own my heart is wrung at seeing an unhappy wo- man, who, on foreign ground, is still pursued by calumny)—Madame #. Duehess of St. Leu saw none but the king's friends; she had been over- whelmed with his benefits; she knew Bonaparte would not forgive her for accepting them. The return of Bonaparte gave her the severest grief; she has been miserable from that time. We must not, sir, put too much faith in public cla- mour.” - President.—“Why were you concealed in the house of Madame St. Leu during the last day that preceded the king's departure?” Lavalette.—“I retired thither because she was not there.” President.—“If you were not concerned in any Pºha was the cause of your concealing your- Se]I 3 Lavalette.—“It related to the private opinion I had of the minister just appointed; four months had elapsed since I was entreated to depart, as I might be arrested. I rejected that advice. Four days before my arrest, I wrote to M. de Bene- vento, the prime-minister, to appoint judges to try me. I have nothing to reproach myself with. I regret that M. de Ferrand did not grant me an audience when I asked him. I should not cer- tainly have been here.” Count Ferrand replied, that he could not grant that which was never asked for. President.—“You have said, in your interroga- tory, that you came to the post-office from a pure motive of good-will, to give advice in a moment of possible trouble, but, finding the director-gene- ral there, you ought not to have remained there?” Lavalette.—“After M. Ferrand had carried away the papers he had in his cabinet, I asked the head-officer of one of the departments, whether the count had given any orders ? He replied, * No ; his head is confused, and he seems to care for nothing but his departure.’ I immediately left the post-office, and did not return fºil one o'clock the same day, when Count Ferrai:d was out, and I remained walking in the audience- 115. one.” § 19 E 1688 Historty of The WARs BOOK XVII. .* Uh A P. IV. 1815. -º-º-º- President.—“Who directed you to take upon yourself the charge of the post-office administra- tion ?” Lavalette.—“I did not doubt but that the em- peror would give me the place whieh I had pre- viously held for thirteen years.” President.—“Do you recollect signing these orders?—“No journals shall be sent by post this day–March 20.”—“No ministerial letters, nor dispatches of the prefect of the Seine, shall be sent off this day–March 29.’ Lavalette.—“I did not give to these papers the title of orders, but I certainly signed them. The head-clerk told me, that he wanted a number of persons to forward the business, and I said to him, * Well, the only way is to delay sending the jour- mals until to-morrow.’ He afterwards said to me, — There are ministerial dispatches in arrear: will it not be proper to have a supplemental mail?” I replied— No; it will be better to send off im- mediately the dispatches in arrear, that they may suffer no further delay; the others can be for- warded in their turn.” “These gentlemen, the heads of departments, whose consciences are now so delicate, were in no way scrupulous on that day. They paid great deference to whatever I said, and never started any sort of objection. Had not they taken oaths to the king? Did they not all wear decorations? They were, however, very eager, to anticipate every thing that I could possibly direct.” President.—“ Here is a proclamation, or, at least, a circular, signed by you—“The emperor will be at Paris in two hours—The capital is full of enthusiasm—All is tranquil–Be done what may, there will be no civil war.” Do you ac- knowledge this paper?” Lavalette.—“ It is certainly from me; but it has been said, that many were circulated, and that is untrue.” * President.—“But there were several; here are three or four.” Lavalette.—“I defy any one-to shew more than twelve signed by me.” President.—“ Why did you write this cir- cular º’” Aſ Lavalette.—“I was afraid the courtiers would have said that Paris was on fire, and it was the fear of civil war which induced me to circulate that note ; can that be charged against me as a crime, under a prince who entertains a horror at the shedding of blood? That simple announce- ment was no where posted up.” The following order was then read: “The post-master must give horses to no per- son who does not produce an order signed by me, or the emperor's ministers. * March 20. “IAvALETTE.” M. de Frondeville.—“On the 22d of March, a courier arrived at Moulins. While the courier --~~}^*- -*-ī-, advanced in the town, the crowd which followed him increased; the postillion cried—‘ Pive l'Em- pereur ! I caused the courier to be arrested, and questioned him. He affirmed the emperor was at Paris. I threatened he should be shot, if he did. not speak truth. He then confessed that lie had met the emperor at Fontainebleau, and that he was not in Paris when the mail left.” President to the Accused.—“What have you to answer?” * * Lavalette.—“The tumult excited at Moulins' did not arise from the courier, who was probably in the bottom of his coach, but from the postillion, who cried Vive l'Empereur !” and to whom I had given no order. I repeat it—it was only with a view to avoid civil war that I wrote that unfortunate letter.” Lieutenant-general Dessolle, the third witness, now appeared.—He deposed that, at the moment of his H. Paris, General Sébastiani, begged himi, in the name of M. Lavalette, to put at his disposal a detachment of the national-guard for the post-office. The accused admitted that hé took this step, fearing, lest the three chests of the post-office,, which might contain considerablé sums, might be pillaged. He had given no orders to place a sentinel at the door of M." Ferrand's apartment, but one of the chests was placed under some" small apartments' of the countess. The three witnessés were allowed to withdraw. M. Ferrand was previously asked, if the accused. entered the cabinet of M: Ferrand, and replied in the negative. st Madame Ferrand, the fourth witness, repeated the deposition mentioned in the act of accusa- tion. Lavalette.—“ Does Madame Ferrand think that her husband could not set out without the passport which he solicited?” ‘. . Madame Ferrand.—“ Surely; because M. de Villars said it was necessary.” The Chevalier de Villars.—“ I went, at ten o'clock, to take my orders as to the service from the Count de Ferrand; he fold me he had no or- ders to give; that M. de Lavalette had taken. possession of the administration of the posts. M. de Lavalette was gone out.” Lavalette.-" I persist in declaring, that I did not see M. Villars, or that if I did see him, he spoke to me neither of the Count de Ferrand, nor of the passport to set off. I learned the demand of the count from the countess, who was accom- panied, I believe, by the Chevalier de Thury. I gave her the passport for the safety of her hus- band.” * The Countess de Ferrand denied receiving the passport. M. de Villars affirmed that he demanded the passport, 7 OF THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 1689 The accused called on M. de Villars to be cautious; and affirmed, on his honor, that M. de Villars had not spoken to him of the passport. “M. de Villars,” said he, “was long my private secretary, my friend: he would have spoken to me of this passport in confidence, and I should have stated to him the motives which would have hindered me, as director, from delivering it to him.” - President.—“But yet you did give a passport that M. Ferrand might go to Orleans.” Lavalette.—“For Orleans, yes; but not that he might go to Orleans. You might conclude that this pass was necessary for him to go to Or- leans, and that was not the case. For travellers such a paper is useless. Perhaps it was thought useful to pass through Paris, and that would ex- plain the motive of M. Ferrand.” M. de Tripier, defender.—“M. de Villars was called as the person who announced to M. Fêr- rand that his departure was opposed. This fact must be cleared up.” 3. M. de Villars.-" I cannot say I gave any such information to him. He begged ine to ask for a passport.” . 4. President.—“Had you been informed by any one that M. Ferrand could not depart 3" M. de Villars.--" By no one.” -- President.—“Were you granted a passport for Orleans ?” M. de Villars.—“I was refused, because it was said M. Ferrand had nothing to fear in Paris. But I was not gone when it was granted to the countess. I gave it to M. Macarel, who gave it to M. Ferrand, who was already in his carriage.” President—“What obstacle opposed the de- parture of M. Ferrand?” M. de Villars.--" I know of none.” A Juryman.-" Where was M. Ferrand when he demanded the passport—in his carriage?” M. de Ferrand.—“No.” Lavalette.—“I ask what use was made of this passport?” w M. de Ferrand.-- “It remained in my pocket.” Lavalette.—“There was, then, no obstacle.” M. de Ferrand.—“Should I have demanded the passport, if there had been no obstacle?” Lavalette.—“What was the nature of the ob- stacle—was it of my creating 3" M. de Ferrand.—“You know well you alone could throw an obstacle in the way of my de- parture.” Lavalette.—“I repeat I made none. you to prove the obstacle which existed.” - President–º A certain point. M. Ferrand thought he wanted it.” Lavalette.—“I have explained how I gave this passport, which I did not think necessary. At these words,--for his sqfety, I yielded to the solicitation of the countess.” It is for - - - —i- The countess now begged leave to retire, and BOOKKWII. the accused consented. M. Forie, one of the superintendants of posts, deposed, that he received a letter of convocation, dated the 20.h of March, and signed Courrejolles, and which announced that M. de Lavalette had resumed the functions of director-general ; he said that he repaired to his office at the usual hour; that M. Lavalette came there at three o'clock; that he addressed him personally, and that he represented himself as 'director-general. Lavalette.—“If §. had not received a letter of convocation, would you have come?”, Witness.-4: Yes.” *. Lavalette-‘‘If, then, you would have come without the letter of M. de Courrejolles, that let- ter was not the cause of your coming?” Witness.-‘The letter gave us to understand that you were director-general.” . . . . Lavalette.—“Certainly; my intention was not, on that day, to preside at a sitting. M. de Cour- rejolles may have supposed that he received an order which, in fact, I did not give: we were all standing together, and had been in conver- sation.” M * - President.—“ The witness has declared, that the absence of the director would not have ob- structed the business, but that, with regard to extraordinary occasions, the postmasters do not at all interfere. Do you admit this-distinction?” Lavalette.—“I do not admit the particular sort of distinction laid down. At eleven o’clock these gentlemen assembled. M. Ferrand was there; he was director. The case of a sudden death has been alluded to : but this is not exactly in point. M. Ferrand retired. The postmasters knew it; they might have demanded his instructions.” President.—“ Admit all that; is a stranger authorised to act as a director?” Lavalette—“ I acted for the public good; every one did the same. M. Ferrand retired without leaving any order. I undertook the la- bour.” President.—“ All the business of the office was going on ; you introduced yourself; the business was changed; it was done for the national good, no doub", but it was also done for the usurper.” Lavalette.-" The public business was trans- acted as usual. I know the postmasters; they are very respectable persons: but a little timid, who think of to-morrow like all men, especially like all men in office. They might have remained at home, or have retired when they had deimanded their signatures.” Presiden".—“You seemed to think that the inferior agents coºld not perform that business?” J.”valette.—“Yes, from their character 32- President.--" A d therefore you took it upon you self?” Lavalette.—“It was from me that all those - CHAP. IV. \_ºvº 1815. history of THE WARs 1690 Book XVII. things proceeded. During thirteen years it was always to me that the heads of division addressed themselves, even in ordinary cases. M. Forie confessed that they always had recourse to the director.” President, to the witness.-4: Do you know whether the accused had any correspondence with the island of Elba 3’” Witness.-4: No.” M. Redon de Belleville, one of the postmasters, gave evidence nearly similar to that of M. Forie. The trial was adjourned at six o'clock, to be resumed on the following day. The sitting resumed at half-past two o'clock on the 21st; when M. the Baron Pasquier, the first witness for the defendant, was introduced. He justified M. the Count Lavalette against the charge of having held intelligence with Bona- parte, and declared, that he considered him a stranger to the return of the usurper. Witnesses employed in the post-office proved that M. de Lavalette had protected them, not- withstanding their refusal to sign Bonaparte's constitution, &c.; and that he issued a circular, stating, that no person should be disturbed for his opinion. The advocate-general summed pp the evi- dence. M. de Lavalette then rose, and, in a firm tone, stated, that though he felt a repugnance in speak- ing of himself, he thought it his duty there to give an account of his life. He then proceeded to recapitulate the facts of his military career since 1789. His having served under Custine in 1795. Afterwards, in the army of Italy, he was ap- pointed Bonaparte's aide-de-camp; to him he was indebted for the hand of Mademoiselle Beau- harnois, the niece of the Empress Josephine. After M. Tripier had spoken for the accused, the court adjourned, and met again at half-past SIXs The president concluded a very able summing- up, in these words,-"You will judge whether the fact of being an accomplice on tfie day pre- ceding the consummation of the conspiracy, in- duces a belief that there had been criminal prac- tices anterior to this. You will also judge whe- ther it is true, that an act of participation, which took effect only on the last day of crime, is, in fact, a participation ?” The president then put the questions to the UITV, J i. Tripier objected to the form of the ques- tions, but the court decided that they had been properly put. At eight o'clock, the accused was taken out of the hall of audience, and the jury retired to the chamber of deliberation. The audience awaited with calmness the deci- CHAP. IV. Jºvº-Z 18; 5. sion which was to fix the fate of the accused. Near four hours elapsed, but, at length, M. de Villafosse, foreiman of the jury, pronounced the following verdict:— “. On my honor and my conscience, before God and man, the verdict is, Yes, the accused is guilty of the crime, with all the circumstances included in the questions put to us.” At this awful inoment, M. Lavalette displayed the same firmness he had evinced in the course of the trial. When he was brought back to the hall of audience to hear the decision of the jury, he had removed all his decorations. The public accuser required the application of the 86th, 87th, 59th, and 60th articles of the penal code; and the court, after a deliberation in the council-chamber, pronounced the punishment of death upon M. le Comte de Lavalette, an- nouncing to him that he was allowed three days for his appeal. When sentence was pronounced, he bade adieu to his advocate. “I shall see you again,” said M.Tripier. “What do you wish, my friend?” observed M. Lavalette. “It is a cannon-shot.”—“Farewell, gentlemen of the post,” he added, waving his hand to the administrator and officers who had appeared as witnesses on the trial. . It was past midnight when the sitting terminated. . . Against this sentence Lavalette made a formal appeal. This attempt, however, proved unavail- ing; and, on the 15th of December, he received a notification of the sentence which confirmed the decision of the court of assize. But as he was not executed on the following day, an idea went abroad that it was intended to commute his punishment; and Madame Lavalette, whose health had been dreadfully impaired by her suf- ferings since the arrest of her husband, resolved, with the assistance of Marshal Marmont, to en- deavour to throw herself into the way of the king, and implore his mercy. The following account of this affair was transmitted from Paris:— Just previous to the king's going to mass, no person is permitted to enter from the great stair- case into the Salle des.Marechaua, through which he passes from his own apartments to the chapel. At this moment a gentleman and lady, in mourn- ing, presented themselves to the national-guard, who was on duty at the door, and wanted to go in. They were prevented. “Do you know me?” said the gentleman ; “I have not that honor,” replied the guard, “but my orders are to admit no one.”—“Call your officer,” said the other. “He is in the guard-room, and it is impossible for me, to quit my post.”—“Pray, then, call out one of the garde du corps from the hall.” The national-guard, knocked at the door, and one of the king’s guard came out. “Can I not go in?” said the gentleman. “ It is impossible,” replied the officer. “Do you know who I am?” said the OF THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 1691 sºs s ---º-º-º: →rº r former. “I have the honor to know you very well, mareschal,” added the garde du corps, “but I also know that no one is permitted to enter at this door now.” The mareschal then took the officer aside, and, after about a minute's conver- sation, he, the officer, and the lady, went into the hall. The officer, who was the Marquis de Bar- tillac, left the mareschal in the hall, and went into the adjoining room; and while he remained there, there seemed to be something in agitation. When the same officer came back, he addressed himself to the mareschal, who was Marmont, and said, “Mareschal, it is impossible for you to remain.” —“Have you received orders to turn me out?” he asked. “Indeed, you must not remain.”— —“Tell me,” repeated Marmont, “ have you been ordered to turn me out?”—“Certainly not,” replied the officer, “but yet I cannot permit you to stay.”—“Then,” said the other, “I will not go.”—“Mareschal, you have not kept your pro- mise to me,” said the Marquis de Bartillac, and turned upon his heel. The king, monsieur, madame, and the usual escort, now entered the hall in their way to the chapel. The lady who came with Marmont, and who was Madame Lavalette, now rushed forward, seized the hand of the king, and, falling at his feet, exclaimed, “Pardon, pardon, sire.” The king could not refrain from tears. But, after looking very severely towards Marmont, he said to Madame Lavalette, “I had hoped, madam, to have been spared this painful scene. In thinking you could save your husband, you have done your duty. But I must also do mine, as a king.” He then disengaged himself, and passed on, evidently much distressed. Madame Lavalette then at- tempted to get to the Duchess d’Angouleme to intercede; but, overcome by the poignancy of her feelings, she fainted on the floor, and was carried out of the hall. The whole of this scene had Asuch an effect upon the Duchess d’Angouleme, that she was ill for near two hours, and did not recover the shock of it for some time. The next morning Marmont and some other officers had to transact some business with the king, in regard to the garde-royal. Previous to this, he had sent a letter to the king, explaining the motives for his conduct; and saying, he did not think himself wrong in trying to save the life of Lavalette, as it had not been forbidden. During the arrangement of this business, and while the other marshals were present, the king took no notice of any thing; but, as they were all retiring, he called Marmont back: “Sire,” said the mareschal, “ have you deigned to read the letter I took the liberty of addressing to your majesty?”—“I have, mareschal,” replied the king, “ and I called you back to tell you so now, that I might never have to mention the subject to you again.” 115. Notwithstanding the ill-success of this attempt, however, Lavalette escaped the infliction of the sentence passed upon him, by a stratagem which reflects everlasting honor upon the affeetion, con- stancy, and fortitude of his wife. It has been already stated, that Madame Lava- lette's health had been seriously impaired; in fact, she had been delivered of a dead child; and, therefore, for several weeks, in order to avoid the movement of her carriage, she had made use of a sedan-chair. She was accustomed to be carried in this vehicle into the prison, when it was con- stantly deposited in the passage of the under- turnkey's room; thence passing through a door, the yard, and corridor, leading to the prisoner's apartments. At four o’clock on the afternoon of the 20th, Madame de Lavalette arrived, as usual, with a bonnet à la Française and a large veil, ac- companied by her daughter, a young lady eleven years of age. She was assisted up-stairs, and dined with her husband. About half-past five, M. de Lavalette, arrayed in his wife's clothes, taking his daughter by the arm, and supported by one of the turnkeys, slowly descended to the chair. No uncommon circumstance occurring to excite suspicion, he passed before all the inspectors and guardians of the prison, and, at the unbarring of the last gate, was restored to his friends and li- berty. In the mean time, Madame de Lavalette, who had thrown over her the large cloak of her husband, was seated, almost breathless, in his arm-chair, with a book in her hand, and the can- dle burning behind her on the table. At half- past six, the gaoler entering the room, spoke to her, but met with no reply: he repeated the ques- tion, and astonished at the continued silence, he approached nearer to the lady, when, with a smile, succeeded by strong convulsions, she exclaimed, “He is gone !” The confusion may be easily imagined. The prefect of police was acquainted with the fact at a quarter before seven; estafettes were dispatched in every direction, and the bar- riers were instantly closed. º The police traced the chair two streets distant; there, it appears, M. de Lavalette alighted, and stepped into a carriage that was waiting for him. This well-conducted plan was executed with pe- culiar felicity, and at the decisive moment; for M. Barbe Marbois, after several invitations, was re- luctantly obliged to send, on the evening of the day before, to his majesty's attorney-general, the papers which ea officio passed through his hands from the court of cassation. It was even runour- ed that he, in some degree, committed himself, by keeping those important documents two days longer in his possession than the law authorizes. The attorney-general, had he received these pa- ers before, must have done his duty immediately, and Lavalette would have been no more. On the 8th of December, the day after the ex- I9 F BOOK XVII. CHAP. IV. 1815. 1692 His TORY OF THE WARS ’’ BOOK XVII. * Chae. IV. ~~~/ 1815. --sº- *g ecution of Ney, the projét of a law of amnesty was submitted to the chamber of deputies by the Duke de Richelieu, which occasioned some warm discussions, and was at length referred to a com- mittee, who presented a report to the chamber in a few days afterwards. It was now manifest, that the king’s ministers, most of whom were present when the report was presented, had little in- fluence in the chambers; and served to strengthen the opinion that the existence of the present mi- mistry was incompatible with that of the chamber of deputies; and, consequently, that either the former must be dismissed, or the latter dissolved. The furious royalists, like the sanguinary revolu- tionists, set all moderate notions at defiance, and would hear of nothing but of the annihilation or persecution of all ranks and descriptions. They would admit of no shades or degrees on the ques- tion of state-offences; and hence the plan pro- posed by the cabinet underwent so many alter- ations, and those of so vindictive a character, that the project (in its original shape sufficiently severe to answer every purpose of justice) de- serve in its new form any other title than that of general amnesty. Much interest was attached to the debates in the chamber of deputies on the amnesty-bill, not on account of the criminals to whose fate it related, but as a touchstone of the principles by which the majority of the legislature might henceforward be expected to be guided. The debate was frequently animated, and some- times tumultuous. The speakers for the law proposed by the ministers were, Messieurs de Germiny, Simeon Vaublanc, Ganilh, and Royer Collard ; for that of the committees, Messieurs Botderu, La Bourdonnaye, Blondel d’Aubers, and Roucherolles. On the part of the former, it was urged, that as the right of pardon belongs to the royal authority exclusively, the chamber could make any addition to a list of criminals presented by the king. The others replied, that the king had, in the present instance, expressly required the assistance of the chambers, and had sent a law to them, which, of course, must be liable to be discussed, amended, or rejected, or else they would become a mere chamber for the registering of royal edicts. The deputies who supported the plan of the committees, dwelt strongly on the instructions they had received from their consti- tuents, to guard against fresh convulsions, by de- priving the great criminals of the means to foment new conspiracies., M. Vaublanc, the minister of the interior, who himself took part in the debate, and who was supported by Messrs. Simeon and Royar Collard, two of the newly-named council- lors of state, represented, that the government, though of course animated with the same wish for security, was guided by a more accurate know- ledge of the º state of things; and was forced —-º-º-º- *-*--~~~~ to make a sacrifice of sentiments, which it parti- cipated with many virtuous men, in order moré generally to conciliate opinion, and more perma- nently to establish tranquillity. It was not pro- posed, that all who voted for the death of Louis XVI. should be punished, nor that any of them should be punished capitally, although it is well known, that on the restoration of Charles II. the regicides in general were proscribed ; but it was proposed, that those who had taken an active part in the late rebellion, should be banished. Had the debate terminated on the first day, the amend- ed bill of the committee would, no doubt, have been carried. The previous question was then carried by 184 votes to 175, upon five of the amendments proposed by the committee. Upon the declaring of the decision, the majority rose with reiterated shouts of “Vive le Roi!” and there was great agitation in the chamber for a consi- derable time. After this triumph of one party of the king's friends over the other, the articles of the original project were put to the vote. The 1st and 2d were adopted without opposition. Upon the 3d article being put, a member observed, that of the thirty-eight names inscribed on the list, some were placed there, if not from caprice and revenge, certainly with great carelessness; he therefore proposed to give a power to his majesty to keep upon the list only such as he should think roper. he article, thus amended, was adopted. he 4th, 6th, and 6th articles were then succes- sively put and agreed to ; these constitute the whole of the original project. The president then read the 4th article of the committee, which con- stitutes the first of its amendments, establishing several classes of criminals. A member moved the previous question, which was carried, upon a division, by a majority of nine, the number being, for the previous question 184, against it 175. The second amendment of the committee, which went to make the property of the supporters of Bonaparte disposable for the expences of the war, was put to the vote. The minister of the interior strenuously urged the chamber to suspend their decision upon the point, and that amendment was also rejected. The amendment relative to the ba- nishment of the regicides was then read, and the greatest silence prevailed for a short time. M. de Bethin demanded to be heard. Thirty mem- bers left their seats at once, and went to the bu- . reaux to inscribe their names for the parole. A long agitation succeeded. When order was re- established, M. de Bethin, with great warmth, supported the amendment of the committee for expelling from France, within a month, all the regicides who assisted Bonaparte on his return. This speech was frequently interrupted by cheers, and the orator left the tribune with loud plaudits. and shouts of “Vive le Roi ſ” When the amend- ment was put to the vote, nearly all the members Jº wº OF THE 1693 FRENCH REVOLUTION. -*. *-ºº-º-º-º-º-º- rose to express their approbation of it. When the noes were called, three members only rose, say- ing, “From respect for the king,” referring to his majesty's recommendations, when he received the eongratulations on the new year. “Vive le Roi” echoed through the chamber again, and the amendment was carried by 334 to 32. The pre- sident then declared the law, thus amended, to be massed. n the mean time, the rage of bigotry at Nismes and its vicinity rose to a height which obliged the French government to interpose with a strong hand. The Duke of Angouleme, whose devoted attachment to the catholic religion had rendered him suspected of conniving at the persecution of the protestants, had redeemed his character on a yisit to Nismes, by a gracious reception of the protestant deputation, and an order for the re- opening of their places of worship. On leaving the place, he had directed General de la Garde to see that this promise was fulfilled. While exe- cuting his duty on Sunday, November 12, a furi- ous mob assembled to oppose him, and a villain levelled a pistol and shot *. through the breast. The wound was very severe, but not mortal; and the assassin was seized by the military, but after- wards escaped. Other violences were subse- quently committed by the populace. When this atrocity was made known at Paris, an ordinance was issued by the king, which, after recognizing the liberty of worship granted by the constitutional charter to dissentients from the religion of the state, directed that proceedings should be com- menced against the authors of the assassination of General de la Garde; that troops should be sent to Nismes, and remain there at the expense of the inhabitants, till the criminal and his accom- plices should be brought to justice; and that such of the inhabitants should be disarmed as were not entitled to form part of the national-guard. The Duke of Angouleme returned to Nismes, but such a spirit was prevalent there, that it was not thought prudent to open the protestant churches. The national-guard, which had been ordered to disband, refused to lay down their arms; and no prospect then appeared of the restoration of tranquillity. Before the termination of the year, however, the interference of government seems to have been effectual; and on December the 25th, the protestant churches in Nismes were re-opened, and their congregations assembled with all the usual publicity. The persecution of the protestants in the south of France excited a considerable interest in Bri- tain, especially among the protestant dissenters. Resolutions were passed, and subscriptions raised, in their favor; and, though the protestants in France were instructed, or rather ordered, to state that they did not need the countenance of their brethren in foreign countries, yet there is no doubt that the interest excited by their persecution in Britain contributed greatly to the amelioration of Book xvii. their condition. Towards the close of the year, the foreign troops in France began to º: preparations to uit that country. Trevious to this, however, they were assenibled according to their different nations, and reviewed by their respective sove- reigns, accompanied by the other sovereigns and chiefs of Europe, assembled in France. The Russians were the first collected for that purpose. The number of troops brought forward' by this power was immense. Two hundred thousand had entered France, with 700 pieces of artillery; 100,000 under Wittgenstein were on the frontiers; 60,000 under Benningsen, and 70,006 reserve guards and grenadiers, were either ready or marching to the same point. On this occasion 160,000 were assembled on the plains of Vertus. On an elevated spot, from which the eye could take in the whole army, the sovereigns, the gene- rals, and their attendants stood. The army went through the manoeuvres to the satisfaction of the beholders; and were thanked by their emperor, for their bravery and good conduct. On the fol. lowing day a solemn thanksgiving took place; and at which all the army, the sovereigns, and the generals assisted. On the declivity of Mount Cormant, at a little distance from the spot where the troops had manoeuvred on the preceding day, were erected seven altars; that where the sove- reigns were, was more elevated than the others, which stood nearer to the plain of Etrechy. The army having formed in seven squares, one side of which was open, the infantry without arms and the cavalry on foot, and with the feelings and look of humility befitting men when they approach the almighty, advanced to these altars. At a general signal all the squares put themselves in motion, and marched in the order in which they were formed, each towards its respective altar; which, when the troops had halted, was on the open side of the square. TXivine service began, and ended at the same moment, at all the altars. The whole ceremony was grand and affecting. This done, these brave men commenced their march, in columns, to re-cross the Rhine. The Emperor Alexander, af. ter having visited Brussels, the immortal field of Waterloo, and then the review of the Austrian troops at Dijon, set out for Berlin, where he was received with enthusiasm and respect; and from whence he proceeded to Warsaw, where he was welcomed as King of Poland, with general joy and satisfaction. From this he continued his march to Petersburgh, where he arrived on the 13th of December. Before entering his palace, he went to the church of Casan to return thanks to heaven for his happy return. The Emperor of Austria, having in a similar manner reviewed the principal part of his forces assembled at Djon, set out to visit his Italian dominions, and the mighty states there united to his great empire. CHAP. IV. Sle-v-/ 1815. 1694 HISTORY OF THE WARS --T- BOOK XVII. He was met in Italy, by the empress, who had CHAP. IV. Jºvº-Z 1815. left Vienna for that ..". and together, they visited in great state, Milan, Venice, and other places in Italy. In the meantime, the Austrian troops began to evacuate France. The King of Prussia also set out for his dominions, and after him a great part of his army. Blucher remained with the remainder; but he and the chief part of these soon after quitted France. . A great part of the troops of the German states also followed their footsteps. Wellington, and his British force, alone remained for some time undiminished in numbers; but the greater part of these also began to leave France, and during the month of De- cember to arrive in their native country. Previous to the conclusion of peace, and the evacuation of the French territory by the allied powers, an Austrian general was dispatched on a commission, to ascertain the disposition of the French army stationed on the Loire, and to see that the whole was disbanded. In his report, which he afterwards sent to the ministers of the allied sovereigns, he says, “when Marshal Macdo- nald came j to take the chief command, the army had indeed already made its submission in an address, but in spirit it was very far from submission. He began, by depriving of their commands, all the individuals named in the royal ordinance of the 24th of July, and declaring them, for the present, prisoners of state. I, in fact, saw Colonel Marbot (who was, at Valenciennes, the first to burn the white flag), General Count Lo- bau, Drouet d'Erlon, and some others, out of uni- form. They are obliged to appear daily before the commandant of the place, till a new order from the king shall fix their place of abode. Ge- neral Drouet and Lefebvre Desnouettes have been arrested in Bourges. “Besides this, Marshal Macdonald has signified to all those who were put upon active service from half-pay, or the enjoyment of a pension, that they are to return to the former condition, and has given or prepared for a fourth of the rest of the army passports to #" home. “After these mea- sures,’ said Marshal Macdonald to me, ‘the ge- nerals commanding the allied forces cannot well doubt a moment longer, but that his majesty, my most gracious sovereign, no where sees any ene- my of his country, but in the ill-disposed of his army; that our serious wish is a speedy and dur- able peace.”. But you will also see, said he to me farther, that my situation here as commissioner and distributor of the royal displeasure must be highly unpleasant, and that this was very much increased at the moment of his arrival by what passed at Coine, after the convention was con- cluded, namely, by the carrying off a detachment . of sapeurs from an island in the Loire, which be- longs to the department of the Cher, and by the plundering of a chateau, belonging to Madame de la Temouille, by a detachment of imperial Aus- *---> ----ee-eams trian yagers. General Hullot begged me, then, in the name of the marshal, to impress upon my general-in-chief, the necessity of removing, as soon as possible, the difficulties and the restraints in the communications, to allow free circulation to provisions, and to facilitate trade in general, and also to allow officers and others belonging to the army, who are provided with the regular passports or feuilles de route from him, to go home with their baggage, and the officers even with their side- arms.' On visiting the different corps of the French army, the Austrian general was invited by Gene- ral Marcongey to breakfast with him and his offi- cers, which he accepted. The conversation on this occasion was very interesting, and is thus de- scribed by the Austrian officer.—“At the begin- ning the conversation was very dull; then I turned it on the battle of La Belle Alliance, at which we had been all present. Every one gave some details about the part in which he was per- sonally cöncerned. A captain of grenadiers of the 64th, (King's 60th) regiment of the line, who, passing through the place, had been invited to table, related that he had belonged to the corps of Vandamme, which, with that of Grouchy, had pushed forwards without stopping, and had ar- rived on the morning of the 19th between Lou- vain and Brussels, where they were informed of the defeat of the grand army. Another affirmed, that the confusion first began among the grena- diers of the imperial guard. The conversation became gradually more lively and general, till General Marcongey took up the discourse, and with much fire, but with a very agreeable deli- very, explained, first, the progress of the battle till the coming up of the Prussians, painted the English as wholly beaten, and engaged in a re- treat, which was indeed perfectly orderly, but would doubtless have been irrecoverable, had those troops been Grouchy’s which Bonaparte, with incenceivable obstinacy, believed to be so; or if some men had not lost their presence of mind, in whose hands the good and bad fortune of France was at that time placed: and now he broke out into a tirade, which I remembered almost word for word, and so wrote down at the next station, at Coupois. It is the following:— “In short, sir, see what has brought us to the brink of the precipice: but what do I say, to the brink? It is, indeed, between two abysses that the beautiful France is placed.—On the one side, there is the most dreadful of all evils, a civil war of extermination; (d mort et a outrance) on the other hand, a king but half alive, who arrives in the train of the English baggage, and after him that drunken, debauchee rake, B–, and that bi- got, that unfrocked monk, d’A—. “This is truly what England wanted, not only to impose upon us an automaton, (mannequin) as sovereign for the moment, but te perpetuate this of the FRENCH REvolution. l695 * --- * *- ------------- ~------ * , ; , ; , ; , . . . . . . . . * * " ; ; ; ; ; ; eruel game to the coming generation. Is that what is wanted to, reignoyer a nation endowed with almost chivalrous sentiments, and, conse- quently, to enterprises, I might say adventures, such as are met with in romance, or in ancient history. . . .' ' ' ' ' -- " … ' '. 6& Hºery moment people repeat Wive Henri IV. Yes, honor to that great , man, to that, magna- nimous sovereign; but was there ever less resem- blance between the founder of a family, and his great, great, grand-children, than between him and the Bourbons of our days? Did Henry IV., after he, had pronounced amnesty and pardon, ever place grey-beards, who had grown old in arms, who had distinguished themselves by their talents, their zeal, and their bravery (against him) under the order of young coxcombs (freðuquets) of insolent, fops, (museadins), who think they make their first essay in arms with honor, by in-, sulting the veterans who have deserved well of their country for twenty years together. “Or did he ever permit old dotards (gana- ches,) figures from the other world, wig-blocks, (tétes à perruque), who seem to come from un- der the ground, to pretend to the titles, and even to the property, of their fellow-citizens, because the latter had with their lives and fortunes sup- ported a contest against the universe, while they precipitately left their native land which was in danger l’” ..., , º #. the affairs of France, we shall now turn to those of our own country, which sustained a very considerable loss this year in the death of Samuel Whitbread, Esq. This distinguished . personage was the only son of Samuel Whitbread, Esq. member for the borough of Bedford, by his second wife, Mary, third daughter of Earl Corn- wallis, and was born in the year 1758. At a very early age, he was sent to Eton, and was contem- porary there with the present Earl Grey, and many other persons of birth and talents, who have since shone in public life. His private tutor was Dr. Heath, afterwards head-master at that semi- nary. At a proper season he repaired to Oxford, and was entered of Christchurch, but soon removed to St. John's. On finishing his academical stu- dies, he visited many parts of his native country, and then prepared to make the tour of the conti- ment. The companion selected for him by his fa- ther, was a gentleman of acknowledged talents and acquirements, the Rev. William Coxe, A. M. F. R. S. who has, by several works of great abi- lity and research, illustrated the modern history of Europe. After visiting France, Switzerland, and Italy, he returned to England, and commenc- ed his parliamentary career, in the eventful period of 1790, having been elected, at the close of a contest of some duration, representative of the borough of Bedford. -* * It is unnecessary to enter into the merits of his parliamentary conduct; as they are already record- edin our précèding pages; but it was nôt to par- liamentary duties alone that Mr. Whitbread’s be- nevolent and disinterested labours were devoted. *** * - - - There was an undertaking which, though it may be supposed uncongenial to his general habits of life, and incompatible with the feisure ahd relax- ationisonecessary to him, he engaged in with his accustomed activity and perseverance. This was the rebuilding of Drury-lame theatre, a work, which, until he took it up, the public despaired of ever, seeing accomplished. Owing, in a great measure, to his exertions and influence, that edi- fice was opened on the t0th of October, 1812. Mr. Whitbread, as chairman of the committee en- trusted with this establishment, continued to watch over its concerns, and took great interest in its welfare; but he soon found, that he had ac- cepted a charge in which there were many con- flicting interests to reconcile, and that he had been invested with the perplexing duties of an umpire in disputes of the most intricate nature. The multiplicity of applications made to him in this capacity, served only to distract him in the impartial exercise of his judgment. Hence, in a great measure, arose that anxious despondency - which preyed upon his spirits, and clouded his enlightened mind. - “.. " - Mr. Whitbread was married on the 27th of Ja- nuary, 1788, to Elizabeth, the eldest daughter of the late Earl Grey, by whom he had three sons and two daughters. In all the relations and duties of social life, Mr. Whitbread was correct, amiable, and exemplary. His charities were of the noblest kind, for they were dispensed with that judicious discretion, which aimed to render the benefits resulting from them permanent. "He' seems to have adopted the maxim, that no noney does so much good as that which is earned; he &A BOOK XVIf. Char. IV. 1815. loved to encourage industry, and to excite in those whom he relieved that independent feeling which springs from a consciousness of being useful. Born to affluence, and to a rank in' which the ſtemptations to luxurious indolence are manifold, he laboured incessantly for the public good; the suspension of parliamentary duties was to him not an occasion of repose, but a change of occupa- tion. He studied, with a view to their improve- ment, all the useful institutions of his couñtry; he was a promoter of agriculture, and a patron of the arts. He carried the example of exertions among those who moved in the same. exalted sphere with himself; and, if any thing can tend to compensate the heavy loss which societ has sustained in his death, it is the hope that suc example will stimulate his survivors to be equally ardent and persevering in the discharge of those duties which their station imposes on them. On the 11th of July, the Prince-regent pro- rogued parliament by: geeth from the throne. º * 1696 HISTORY OF THE WARS BOOK XVII. CHAP. IV. ^_^^_^ 1815. Its substance was a brief recapitulation of the ex- traordinary events which had occurred since the commencement of the year, and which had termi- nated so much to the glory of the allied arms, but had left a state of affairs in which it was neces- sary that there should be no relaxation in our ex: ertions, till those arrangements were completed which should afford the prospect of permanent eace and security to Europe. The restoration of the kingdom of Naples to its ancient sovereign, the reception of the King of France in his capital, and the renewal of peace with the United States of America, followed by a negociation for a com- mercial treaty, were mentioned with satisfaction. A disturbance of an alarming nature broke out, in the latter part of the year, among the numer- ous sailors of the Durham and Northumberland seamen, chiefly occupied in the coal-trade. Their object was to obtain an advance in their wages, and also to fix a certain proportion of able sea- men to be employed in every coaster. The coal- owners not acceding to their demands, they be- gan to use measures of force, which were the more serious from the method and order with which their operations were conducted, displaying an organized combination similar to that in the naval mutiny. They took entire possession of the river Tyne, by a chain of boats, which did not allow a vessel to put to sea without a regular permit. The efforts of the local magistrates, and concili- atory propositions from the merchants, proving insufficient to restore obedience, whilst the sailors, in other ports, were also manifesting a disposition to combine for similar purposes, government re- solved to interpose with effect to quell this dan- gerous spirit. A strong force, military and naval, was collected at the disturbed ports, which was so judiciously applied, that no resistance was at- tempted on the part of the sailors, and their coer- cive system was immediately broken up. Rea- sonable offers were then made to them, which they accepted, and tranquillity was restored. Not -a life was lost on the occasion, and a few of the ringleaders, only, were apprehended, to abide the sentence of the law. The sister-island, which seems fated never long to enjoy a state of internal quiet, was, in this year, the scene of disturbances, which, in various parts, seriously outraged the public peace, and were not effectually suppressed by all the exer- tions of authority. It is observable, that in the many years of disturbances in Ireland, the parti- cular subjects of grievance, and views of the mal- contents, have been perpetually varying ; so that it would seem, that from some unfortunate cause, a spirit of resistance to the established order of things is constantly in existence in the nass of people, ready to be called into operation on any occasion by which the passions are temporarily excited. In the present year, the great object of a-mº. - opular attack has been the tythe system, always, indeed, a topic of complaint, and likely so to con- tinue, while tythes are exacted with rigour from the lowest classes, for the support of a religious establishment of which they are not members. The purpose of the insurgents was distinctly an- nounced in a proclamation posted by them on;the bridge of Clonmel, commanding the Irish people to lay aside all their trifling feuds of Caravats and Shanavests, and to adhere to the great point of cutting down the tythe proctors, ahd those who gain by tythes. The principal seat of the dis- turbances was in the counties to the 'squth and south-west of Dublin, as those of Tipperary, Limerick, Waterford, and Kilkenny, in which violences were exercised that rendered mili- tary aid and extraordinary magisterial powers necessary for their suppression. Of these the principal was the renewal of the insurrection-act, which gave authority to the justices of peace, in any county, assembled at an extraordinary session, to signify to the lord-lieutenant the disturbed state of that county, who, thereupon, was to issue his proclamation, by which the same was publicly declared. This was done on September the 25th, with respect to the greatest part of the county of Tipperary, at the requisition of forty justices of the peace. Shortly after, a meeting of forty-nine of the magistrates of Limerick unanimously agreed to make a similar application to the lord-lieute- nant with respect to that city and county. Va- rious corps of troops were concentrated in this quarter of the island, of which Limerick was the principal station. In King's county, the rioters assembled in force, under the denomination of carders, and perpetrated various outrages, which . the magistrates found themselves unable to sup- press by the civil power. They, therefore, in a meeting held on October the 8th, at Clara, resolved to º to the lord-lieutenant for military aid. In this instance, as in most of the other acts of vi- olence, the acquisition of fire-arms appeared to be the great object of the insurgents; a circumstance denoting plans of serious resistance to the go- vernment. The murder of a very respectable magistrate, near Cashel, in November, occasioned a peculiar alarm in that part of the country; and, notwithstanding the unanimous exertions of the gentry and magistrates, and the ready assist- ance afforded by the Irish government, much remained to be done at the close of the year for the restoration of a state of public peace and security. • e is The cause of Catholic emancipation had been so much injured by differences among the Catho- lics themselves, that the efforts of its friends in par- liament were, in this year, faint and unpromising; and it does not appear, that the subject was agi- tated with zeal in Ireland, unless it were in the assemblies of the party at Dublin. An aggregate OF THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 1697 ~iº- -* v-- ~~~~~ *r- -** ~. -** *-*-- ~~ meeting of the Catholics was held on January 14, when Lord Fingal, being called to the chair, de- clined taking it, alleging, that faith had been broken with him respecting the veto; and he quitted the room in the midst of tokens of disap- probation from the rest of the company. Mr. O'Connor being then, unanimously nominated to fill it, resolutions for unqualified emancipation were then moved and carried by general accla- mation. The renewal of a petition to parliament was agreed upon ; but the former leaders of the question, in both houses of parliament, refused taking upon, them that office, though they still declared themselves friends to the fundamental principle. . . t & At a meeting of the Irish Catholic association at Dublin, in December, the copy of a letter was read, addressed to the right Rev. Dr. Poynter, by Cardinal Litta, on the part of the pope, and dated in April, from Genoa, whither the papal court had then retired, in which the opinion of his holiness was given, concerning the three prin- cipal points at issue between the Catholics of Great Britain and Ireland, and the government; namely, the oath of allegiance required; the mode of appoint- ing bishops to vacant sees; and the revision of re- scripts, &c. from Rome. With respect to the first, the pope grants permission to take one of three forms of oath annexed, each of which solemnly engages the juror to obedience and fidelity to the king, to the disclosure of any plot against the go- vernment, and to abstaining from any attempt to disturb the public tranquility. As to the second, his holiness, besides an earnest exhortation to all who have been accustomed to nominate bishops, that they should be extremely careful to admit none into the number of candidates who are not of approved fidelity to the king, does not hesitate to permit that the list of candidates be exhibited to the king's mi- nisters, that if any of them be disliked or suspect- ed, they may be expunged, provided a sufficient number be left for the pope to choose from. With regard to the point of revising, sanctioning, or re- jecting rescripts from Rome, it is affirmed to be inadmissible, even as a matter of discussion ; for, although that power has been claimed and exer- cised by some Catholic sovereigns, “it is an abuse which the holy see, to prevent greater evils, is forced to endure, but can by no means sanc- tion.” Some explanation and assurances are, however, given in another form, which, it is hoped, will be deemed satisfactory by the British government. .* In the result, it appeared, that even the pope's allowance of a kind of veto respecting the nomi- nation of bishops, could not reconcile the Irish Catholics to that measure. An address to the prince-regent was drawn up by the Catholic pre- Hates of Ireland, and transmitted through the me- ------- dium of the lord-lieutenant, in which, after their BOOK XVII' congratulations on the success of his majesty's arms, and their grateful acknowledgments for the relaxation of the penal laws, against those of their communion in the present reign, which they hope will terminate in a total emancipation, they ex- press their surprise and alarm, that, under the pretence of securing the loyalty of their body, an intention has been manifested of compelling them, in direct opposition to the dictates of their con- sciences, on the event of Catholic emancipation, to submit to the interference of persons of a differ- ent religious persuasion, in the appointment of the principal ministers of their church. Such a measure, they affirm, would only substitute, for orie mode of servitude, another still more galiing and oppressive. This address was received by his royal-highness in September, in the mean time, the court of Rome appears to be in con- siderable embarrassment on the subject; and the pope declined giving an answer to the Irish Catholics, till it should be known whether par- liament designs completely to emancipate the Catholics. He had, however, observed, that the letter from Genoa was conditional, and by no means compulsory; whence it is much to be doubted whether he will think it expedient finally to sanction the veto. A return of prosperity to various branches of trade and manufacture, which had suffered from war, was the first consequence of the peace with America, from which country large demands were received for supplying the wants incurred by a long suspension of intercourse; and it was grati- fying to observe, that mutual connections and in- terests appeared at once to reunite two nations who had been so lately plunged in bitter animo- sities. The unsettled condition of Europe, and the financial embarrassments which pressed upon many of its states, in consequence of past disas- ters, impeded the return of the British commerce to its usual channels, and promoted a spirit of vague speculation, which, after the American market was fully stocked, occasioned numerous failures; so that much distress, was undergone in the latter part of the year, by the trading portion of the community. This source of private cala- mity was unfortunately coincident with an extra- ordinary decline in agricultural prosperity, imme- diately proceeding from the greatly reduced price of corn and other products, which bore no ade- quate proportion to the exorbitant rents and other heavy burdens pressing upon the farmer. It may be added, that seldom had there been a more general depression of spirits in any class of peo- ple, than was apparent about the close of the year among that most useful part of the commu- inity; and that the number of farms thrown up in CHAP. IV, 1815. 1698 HISTORY OF THE WARS *. BOOK XVII. consequence of the insolvency and despair of the CHAP. IV. Jºvº/ 1815. occupiers was truly lamentable. A circumstance took place, in the royal family, which occasioned some embarrassment. This was the marriage of the Duke of Cumberland, to a daughter of the reigning Duke of Mecklenburg Strelitz, niece to her majesty, and relict of the Prince of Salms Braunfels. The marriage was first solemnized at Berlin; but it being determin- ed by the great law officers of the prince-regent, that in order to render it valid in this country, it must be repeated here with the ceremonial of an English marriage, the same took place in August, at Carlton-house. Although,the union was: fully sanctioned by the consent and presence of theºre- gent, objections to it had operated.so strongly -- ~gº- * -* upon the mind of the queen, that she declined any concurrence in the nuptials, and did not admit the bride to her presence. It appears, that the lady had previously been an object of attachment to the Duke of Cambridge, and that an intended marriage between them had, from some cause, been obviated. A correspondence was made public, in which the queen seems to express, at least, no disapprobation of an union between her son the Duke of Cumberland, and the prin- cess her miéce; but, of this document, different interpretations were given. . . The impression made by this event on the public in general, was shewn by the result of a motion in parliament for an addition to the duke's income on the occasion, and which was lost by a majority of one. ses assumerºº. CHAPTER V. Observations on the Trials of Mey and Lavalette—Arrest of Sir Robert Wilson, Mr. Bruce, and Captain Hutchinson.—Their Eatamination and Trial,—Trials of French Generals.—Insurrections. —4ttack on Grenoble.—Baecutions.—Trial and Acquittal of General Drouet.—Dissolution of ‘. the Chamber of Deputies.”—Trial of the abbé Winson. In resuming the affairs of France, we must not omit to notice, that the King of Bavaria, on hear- ing of the conviction of Count Lavalette, to . whom he was nearly related, demanded, through. his minister, his full and entire acquittal, in virtue. of article 12 of the convention'of the 3d of July, which guaranteed the lives and properties of ali those who had taken any part in the revolution. This positive and yell-timed. demand staggered not only the French ministers, but the kin #: self; nay, it staggered even the Düke of Wei- lington, who made that convention. The fact is, that the question admits of no discussion. The duke, in that very act, solemnly guaranteed the lives and properties of the individuals in ques- tion; and, in his letter to Marshal Ney, which we have already inserted, it is plain that he shrunk from his duty in maintaining them. The trials of these men was a mere farce; for their condemna- tion was previously determined upon by the king and his ministers. In the trial of Ney, whenever his advocate * a point of law in his favor, he was hissed and coughed down; and the presi- dent of the chamber of peers, who was a violent ultra-royalist, authoritatively dismissed, but with- out attempting to find even the shadow of an ar- gument, the important plea which resulted from the 12th article of the capitulation of Paris, al- though the chief of Davoust's staff swears, that “his orders were to break off the conferences, had a refusal of it been made.” The French at- torney-general, however, objected to the article, as being “the work of foreigners,” when, at the same time, he must have known, that, had it not been for “ the work of foreigners,” his master would not then have been in the Thuilleries. It was the opinion of a great many officers of the British army, that, by the convention of Paris, the safety of all those who had taken part against the king was guaranteed; and that, consequently, the trial and execution of Labedoyere and Ney was unjust, and in violation of a solemn conven- tion. The manifestation of this opinion gave, it is said, great offence to the Duke of Wellington, who put an opposite interpretation upon the con- vention of Paris. Sir Robert Wilson, and others, who could not be suspected of attachment to the friends of Bonaparte, zealous for British 'honor, made every effort to save Ney. Their opinions and exertions being well known, naturally excit- ed the hatred of the Bourbon government, which caused them to be watched. Sir Robert and his friends were acquainted with the intended escape of Lavalette, and took measures to conceal him. Mr. Bruce next procured the measure of Lava- lette, which Hutchinson transmitted to a French III, s º - SIR JRO) § ....... |-Ķ: · \\ \\！ | U№ ſº º R* © ：§ © º （） | || … º º º {} F THE ## E N C H it #3 WG LUT 1 (? N. f 699 x- taylor, informing him that it was for an English general who had already left Paris, but wished . the clothes to be sent after him without delay. On the 7th of January, in the evening, all matters being previously arranged, Bruce and Sir Robert met at Hutchinson's rooms, under pretence of taking a bottle together. Between seven and eight o'clock Lavalette was brought thither by a Frenchman. He seemed at first in great emo- tion, and was so disguised that they did not know him. However, he was soon disembarrassed of his masquerade character, furnished with a pair of pistols, and left to the care of Bruce for that night. The next morning, at half-past six, Sir Robert was at Hutchinson’s door with a cabriolet and two saddle-horses, as if he was going to in- spect some troops at a distance from the capital. Bruce and Lavalette entered the cabriolet. Sir Robert and Hutchinson rode near it, occasionally conversing with the persons within, one of whom, of course, contrived to keep his features con- cealed. On one occasion, they changed horses in the presence of four gensdarmes, whose sus- picions were lulled, by telling them the party were going to look out cantonments for a division of the English army. When they reached Com- peigne, they found a serjeant ready to conduct them to the aide-de-camp's lodgings, where they took some refreshment, the latter jº. Ullſ! SUIS- piciously sent a note beforehand for that purpose. They met with no obstacle whatever, except at Cambray, where they were detained three hours at the gates. On their progress to Valenciennes, they were three times examined, and their pass- ports carried to the respective commandants. They made no stop until they had crossed the Meuse, when they dined, and made arrangements for the ulterior destination of Lavalette; and having taken leave of him, returned by Maubeuge and the Porte St. Martin. On the return of Sir Robert Wilson and his companions to Paris, they were arrested in their beds early in the morning of the 13th of January, by an order from the minister of police, and car- ried to the prefecture, and from thence to the pri- son of the Abbaye, where they were confined in separate apartments. The accusation against * was, that of having aided and abetted in the escape of Lavalette. , Sir Robert Wilson made some attempts to defend himself, and said to the police-agents, “You have done well to ar- rest me in the presence of my wife, or you would not have taken me alive.” It appears, that the police intercepted one or more letters to persons in England, in which they gave a detailed ac- count of the manner in which the liberty of La- valette was effected, with the particulars of the means employed to secure his escape out of the country. When Sir Charles Stuart, the British minister at Paris, was informed of this event, 116. he wrote the following letter to the Duke of BOUKXVII. Richelieu:— # Y. “ Paris, Jan. 13. “ Sir-I have learned, with surprise, that seve- ral English gentlemen, among whom are General Sir Robert Wilson, Mr. Crawford Bruce, and Mr. Hutchinson, have been arrested this morn- ing; that their papers have been seized, and that they have been conveyed to the prisons of this city, under the direction of the minister of the olice. “As I have repeatedly manifested to your ex- cellency my determination to extend the protec- tion of my sovereign to no person whose conduct endangers the safety of this government, I should have been flattered, if, as British ambassador at the court of France, I had been honored with a communication from *...". excellency, which might have prevented the necessity of an official explanation of the motives for a proceeding of . this nature, towards individuals whose services and rank, in some measure, guarantee the loyalty of their conduct. “I have the honor to be, &c. (Signed) “CHARLEs STUART.” The Duke de Richelieu sent the following note to the British ambassador:— “Jan. 13, 1816. “It is with the most lively feelings of pain and regret, that the undersigned sees himself obliged to make known to his excellency Sir Charles Stuart, that several subjects of his Britannic ma- jesty appear to have taken an active part in cul- pable manoeuvres directed against the govern- ment of the king. His excellency will see by the letter (which has not been published) hereunto annexed, which the undersigned has just received from the minister of police, that Sir R. Wilson, Mr. Bruce, and another individual, who is be: lieved to be an English gentleman, are accused of having favored the escape of Lavalette. Their trial is going to commence; but the undersigned, in announcing it to Sir Charles Stuart, is anxious, at the same time, to give him the assurance, that they will enjoy fully all the facilities which our laws afford for their justification; and that the protecting forms of trial will be religiously ob- served towards them. “The undersigned, in making this communi- cation to the English ambassador, as a conse- quence of the particular regard which his court, ou every occasion, entertains towards the govern- ment of his Britannic majesty, has the honor to renew, &c. * * (Signèd) “RICHELIEU.” On reading the examination of Sir Robert Wilson, we are almost º #loss to imagine which l Cn A P. W. Jººzººl, 1816, 1700 THE WARS HISTORY OF BOOK XVII. CHAP. W. Jºvº-2 1816, —r- sentiment, indignation or pleasure, will predomi- nate—indignation at the mean inquisitorial man- ner in which that examination was conducted, or pleasure at the noble British spirit displayed by our countryman, by which he baffled the insidu- ous arts of his inquisitors. Sir Robert's manly conduct is the more conspicuous, because he seems to have been in a manner abandoned by the British government, and silently exposed to the extreme of moral torture, which it was the Hº of his persecutors to heap upon him. he British government appear even to have gone further in their subserviency to the Bour- bons; they quietly permitted them to violate the sanctity of a British ambassador's dispatches, and from them to purloin a letter addressed to a Bri- tish peer, with a view to criminate the accused. The detestable insiduous nature of the !". . to Sir Robert, the bringing forward against im letters written to him; the base violation of his private correspondence ; the torturing and twisting his answers into admissions of guilt; all tend to exhibit to the world the despotic and bi- gotted principles of the government, all Europe, and particularly Great Britain, have assisted to establish in France. We shall lay this examina- tion before our readers. Interrogatories of Sir Robert Wilson.—“On the 13th of January, 1816, at two o'clock in the afternoon, in execution of the orders of his excel- lency the secretary-of-state, minister of general- police, we, the undersigned, Pierre George Fran- gois Monnier and Pierre Malleval, commissaries of police of the city of Paris, repaired to the hotel of the prefecture of police, where, being in the closet of the inspector-general Faudras, we transmitted a verbal order to the keeper of the depôt establish- ed in the said hotel, to bring forth from thence before us, in order to be interrogated, the English general, Sir Robert Wilson, arrested this morning, as appears from the proces-verbal of our colleague Ferté, dated this day. The said keeper, having acquainted us that Sir Robert Wilson would not come before us, and that he said, he was deter- mined to make no reply to any interrogatory pro- ceeded in towards him, in virtue of any order not sanctioned by the signature of his excellency the ambassador of England in France, we proceeded to him at the depôt, in order to ascertain these facts, and, being in his chamber, we asked his name, surname, &c. A. “I will not answer this question.” Q. “Why do you refuse to answer it?” A. “I will not answer any question put by any person whatsoever, until the #. ambassador has been informed of my arrest; and, until I am certain of this, I lay claim to all the rules and procedures dictated by the law of nations. I protest against the arrest of my person, made without the participation of the English ambas- *** *-* **—" --------------------------- - - **-* ----- ~~~~~~~ *-*. sador, and against the outrage done me by en- tering my chamber, whilst I was in bed, and making a seizure of my papers and those of my wife. I request, that the answer I have now given you may be communicated to the English ambassador.” Q., “Do you acknowledge the seal affixed to the basket which I now present to you, and which contains the papers seized at your lodg- ings, to be untouched? Do you wish that we should proceed to the opening of that basket, and to the examination of the documents it contains?” A. “I de not, for the reasons I have already assigned.” . “Having represented to him, that his refusal to answer the questions which we were charged to put to him, could not be founded on any rule of the law of nations invoked by him, and that he seemed to be in an error, if he imagined that the forms of criminal process in England must be fol- lowed in France, with regard to Englishmen who might be arrested there, he replied,—“I feel con- vinced that I am right in not answering your questions, and I will not answer them.” “No further questions were put: and the above interrogatory being read over to him, he said it contained the truth, and signed it with us. (Signed) “ ROBERT WILSON. t “ Monnie R AND MALLEvaL.” Second Interrogatory.—Being asked as to his name, and surname, he said, “My name is Robert Thomas Wilson, a native of London, aged thirty- eight years, a major-general, not in actual service, resident for these three months and a half at Paris, in the Rue de la Paix, No. 21, with my wife and child.” Q. “Did you not take an interest in the fate of Marshal Ney Had it depended upon you, would you not have withdrawn him from the execution of his sentence 3’” A. “With pleasure.” Q. “Did you not form projects, and did you not enter into concert with his friends, for that purpose?” A. “With regard to this, and the preceding question, I have to observe, that it was not from the execution of the sentence that I could have wished to save him, because I learned his con- demnation and his death at the same time. As to projects formed by me, and measures taken which you ascribe to me, I reply, that I never, so much as dreamed of the possibility of Marshal Ney's escape.” Q. “On Sunday last, about eight in the even- ing, were you not at M. Hutchinson's lodgings, Rue de Helder, No. 3; did you not spend a part of the evening there?” A. “I will not answer that question. I de- mand that the charges against me * communi- --- OF THE TRENCH REVOLUTION. 1701 *—-a- - -—- -º- cated to me, and that I be permitted to communi- cate with my ambassador, or with some other persons designated by me, as well as with my wife, my child, and my friends. I also expect that the attentions due to my rank will be paid to me.” Q. “The charges existing against you are, that you favored the escape of Lavalette, who was condemned to death; that, at day-break, on the 8th instant, you took him up at the lodgings of M. Hutchinson; that you set off with him in an open cabriolet, which went out by the barrier of Clichy; that you changed horses at La Chapelle- en-Cerval; and that you proceeded with him, by the route of Cambray and Valenciennes. What have you to reply?” A. “I will answer this accusation when I shall be before a competent tribunal.” Third Interrogatory.—The third interrogatory commenced by asking Sir Robert whether he knew the iºni. of the report attributed to M. Pozzo di Borgo: to which he answered, that “ there were many such copies in circulation, and this was lent him. He believed that M. Pozzo was the author.” Q., “When passing by La Chapelle-en-Cerval, on the 8th instant, were not four French gens- darmes present when you changed horses? Did you not tell them that you were going to fix on cantonments for a part of the English army?” A. “I would not have you take me for a child. I have already declared that I will not answer questions of this sort; and I repeat that declara- tion. Fourth Interrogatory.—Q. “Did not the Sieur Bruce come to you on the 2d or 3d instant, to prevail upon you to use all your efforts, and to join with him, in conveying Lavalette out of France 3’” A. “I declare that I will give no answer be- fore I have been permitted to communicate with the British ambassador; he represents here my government; I acknowledge not, nor ought I to acknowledge, any one but him; and I formally protest against all proceedings inconsistent with the law of nations.” Q. “But your being a foreigner can give you, neither in France, nor in any other country, a right of exemption from laws important to good order and the public security. A. “I do not claim exemption from the laws of France: but, *} to those of my own country, I wish to avoid an examination, by the aid of which it is intended, before public trial, to gain an advantage against me from answers which will be the more easily drawn from me, as I am not very familiar with the language. I stand accused; the French government is my accuser: it is for it to present itself against me with proofs; it is not my business to furnish them to it; in short, I persist *=- *. —A-E in demanding that I be previously allowed to communicate with the ambassador of my country.” Q. “This reasoning is founded on the principles of your legislation, but it does not accord with ours: every offence must be prosecuted and tried according to the laws of the place where it has been committed, and our laws formaliy refuse all communication to the person accused before he has undergone an examination.” A. “This law seems repugnant to the most ordinary notions of justice: it tends to punish the accused before he has been declared guilty; it is a kind of moral torture, which you have substi- tuted for the physical torture. Upon the whole, I am only the more determined in my refusal; and I positively declare, that I will make no reply to questions that shall be put to me as to the escape of M. de Lavalette, and the pretended part I have taken in it.” “After several repeated summonses, the ac- cused having constantly refused to answer the questions which we put to him, we closed the present interrogatory.” Fifth Interrogatory.—“Before the commence- ment of the fifth interrogatory, Sir Robert re- quired that his solemn protest against this mode of examination should be entered and signed by the persons appointed to put questions, which was done. It then began : Q. “Were you acquainted with Lavalette be- fore he was brought to trial #" A. “No, sir.” Q. “Have you known him since; and did you see him in prison?” A. “I never saw him in prison.” - Q. “Did you know, long before the 8th instant, that Lavalette was still in Paris?” A. “I have not retained the recollection of the date; but I think I had no knowledge of his being in Paris till the 3d or 4th of January, and I had it merely from hearsay.” Q. “Was it not then proposed to you to enter into a plan, of which the execution had for its ob- ject to facilitate his escape from the kingdom?” A. “I was spoken to with that view.” 8, º Who was the person that thus spoke to ou?” y A. “I was born and educated in a country where social duty is respected like public duty, and thus my memory is not framed for betraying the confidence of friendship.” Q. “Did you not go to Captain Hutchinson's, No. 3, Rue de Helder, on sº. the 7th instant; and were you not in company with Lavalette f" A. “I have already said, I have not retained the recollection of dates. In regard to Captain Hutchinson, I refer to my preceding answer. And, as to Lavalette, I was in no company where I heard his name.” Q. “On Monday, the 8th instant, did you not B{}{}}, XWtſ. Ch.A.P. W. Jºvº,” 1816. *r 1702 HISTO 2* Y O F THE WARS BOOK XVII. ammºm' CHAP. V. Jºvº-2 1816. +r---ºr- ºr s go in the morning to the house of the captain; did ou not alight there, in order to mount a buggy, which happened to be in the street in front of the outer gate; and did you not conduct with you a person whom you found in the captain's apart- ment?” A. “As other persons beside myself are impli- cated in these interrogatories, I shall observe silence.” Q. “Do you then admit that you assisted La- valette in escaping from Paris, and then from France, by conducting him along with you in the dress of an English officer?” A. “I repeat, that no person ever appeared be- fore me under the name of Lavalette. It is true, that, about the time you mention, I conducted from France an individual dressed in a uniform great-coat, of a description not at all confined to the army, but of a kind that every one can legally wear; and I did not observe whether, under this surrout, he wore a uniform dress.” Q. “Under what name was this person intro- duced to you?” A. “As this individual had, probably, reasons for concealing his name, I do not feel at liberty to disclose it.” Q. “If you did not know it, what motive could induce you to undertake so long and expensive a journey to accompany him to the frontier?” A. “My motives are not my actions; and, on this account, I am not bound to give an account of them; but I should be ashamed of myself, if friendship, or even the desire of rendering a ser- vice to any one, whom I believed in a situation to require it, were not sufficient to determine me to undertake a journey much longer and more ex- pensive.” Sia'th Interrogatory, Feb. 9.—Q. “Do you re- cognise the basket which I here present to you, tied up, and sealed with the seal of the prefecture of police?” A. “No, sir; but, before answering to an kind of question, I demand that, at the head of the procès verbal, there may be affixed the protest, that I formally renew, on the right which is as- sumed of interrogating me. I declare, in conse- quence, my disavowal of every thing that has for its object to establish against myself, before my trial, either proofs or presumptions resulting from this inquisitorial system.” “Having then broken the seals fixed to the end of the string, we presented to him all the papers contained in the parcel, which we formed into five bundles. “The first of these contained twelve pieces ad- dressed to Lady Wilson. “The second contained eighteen pieces, con- sisting of a memorial addressed to Lord Castle- reagh, by General Wilson, with the design of re- calling to his recollection all the public services -º- -ºr- performed by the latter in the last war between France and Russia, and documents in support of this mermorial. “The third bundle contained four original let- ters, referring likewise to the memorial announced in the . “The fourth contained pieces composed of notes and observations made during an excursion of the general into Asia Minor and to Mount Ida. “The fifth, and last, contained sixty-four pieces, composed of various receipts and accounts of ex- pense, both in French and English. “We also found, in the same packet, a letter addressed to Miss Rhodes, coming from England, and written in the English language; and a letter signed Bruce, without address, and without date.” Seventh Interrogatory, Feb. 14–Q. “Was it entirely from sentiments of generosity, as you have mentioned in your first interrogatory, that you lent assistance in the escape of Lavalette; or was it not rather with political views, and in con- sequence of a marked opposition to the acts of the government?” \ A. “I begin by renewing my former protest against this inquisitorial system, and, passing then to your question, I reply, that I have not named Lavalette as the individual whom I accompanied to the frontiers; but, at all events, when it was proposed to me to save Lavalette, politics had not for a moment any influence upon my decision; and my conduct has been directed by an irresis- tible sentiment of humanity, which would have compelled me to save an enemy in similar circum- Stan CeS. Q. “Why, in the affair of Lavalette, an af- fair foreign to your government,-did you exert yourself to cast odium upon the persons whose duty prescribed to them the prosecution of the charges against him * Why did you treat them as persecutors who multiplied their efforts to as- sure their sanguinary triumphs? Why did you add, that they had discovered the footsteps of their prey, and that the escape of Lavalette had produced no other effect than to augment the fury of these monsters? A. “To the first part of this question, I reply, that the affair of Lavalette (abstracted from the part I took in it) was not foreign to an English- man. There existed a convention, signed by an English general, and ratified by the English go- vernment; and the trial of Lavalette was a mani- fest violation of that convention. I do not deny, that I used the words that you have repeated, but you must furnish me with some proof of the facts. In addition, I may say, that I wished to avoid all political discussion; as, however, you have begun it, I do not refuse to answer.” Q. “The proof which you demand results from the letter which I now present to you; do you now acknowledge it, and do you consent to OF THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. -º- - --wr- -vºr ----r- Asº- understood and antecedently expressed, in case Böok xvii. of a system of severity being persisted in, framed ºnly to estrange the hearts of the French people chap. v. sign it, and to mark it, that it may be identi- fied ?” & A: “The French government having obtained possession of a sealed letter, addressed to a peer of the parliament of England, I acknowledge it, and am ready to sign it; and I declare, that my ob- ject is now accomplished. The silence in which I have persevered, and which has been imputed to me as a reproach, had no other object than to compel the French government to unveil - its own sharne and culpability, in produciug the in- tercepted letter, of the interception of which I had long been aware.” Q. “It would appear, that the honor of your country could not be the only consideration to which you must have yielded in this conjuncture, since you, yourself, advance for its justification, the calamity of Lavalette, which you consider as a dishonor to the cause of liberty and humanity.” A. “These two words, liberty and humanity, become the proof of my explanation. In fact, the word liberty, when rightly understood, ex- F. respect for the laws and for justice. The aws were outraged by the violation of the treaty, and it was then reasonable to regard this as the cause of liberty and humanity. The expressions which I used were caused by the vindictive spirit which I had remarked in the persecutions direct- ed against Marshal Ney and M. Lavalette;—per- secutions which always appeared to me an outrage on the honor and good faith of the English nation, identified with the convention of Paris.” Q. “How can you escape the strong presump- tion which rises against you, of having wished to subvert or change the government?” A. “It has always been my avowed policy, to leave every nation independent, and not to inter- meddle in the affairs of their government; but I be- held, with pain, the English government offer, in sacrifice, the English constitution, in order to con- nect itself with the French politics: I should have witnessed the cessation of that connection with pleasure.” Q. “Did not one of your friends, in a letter which he wrote to you last November, express his regret “at not seeing a chief appear in France in a situation to please; and at that submission to which the French people shewed itself so dis- posed ?’” A. “ This is very possible; as the English journals afford incontestible proofs that this desire exists in one party, and I have friends of all par- ties; but I do not recollect having received such a letter.” Q. “Did you not say, in the presence of seve- ral persons, on frequent occasions; and did you not write to your brother, Sir Edward Wilson, that the dethronement of the Bourbons was in- evitable % Allº! is possible; but always on a condition from their king.” Q. “Did you not, in another letter, announce the doubtful and alarming news that gloom in- creased every day in Paris, and that every thing bespoke ‘the approach of a crisis.’” * A. “I never correspond with any but my fel- low-countrymen; and it is possible I may have transmitted to the impression which I thought I had remarked in Paris, which did not escape the English journalists, and which, at length, was an- nounced even in the house of commons. Q. “Does not this language refer rather to a conspiracy antecedently averted; and does not this interference result from the following expres- sions, which cannot belong to a vague and inde- terminate proposition: ‘The blow which will be struck will be heard in a terrible manner, and I hope that the people of Europe will not be deaf to the appeal that will be made to them 7” ” A. “I have always denied my knowledge of the existence of any plot. I protest against these extracts without date, and mangled from the body of the letter; I repeat, that as an English- man, I had a right to communicate my political opinions to my fellow-countrymen, and that I am an enemy to the system now established in Europe, so detrimental to the interests, the honor, and the constitution of my country.” Q. “Why, if you have no desire to interfere in the affairs of France, do you announce so ardent a wish to introduce, and to cause to be translated into French, the political articles of the Edin- burgh Review #" A. “I am, not aware that I ever expressed such a wish ; but as that work contains an abstract of all the books that are published in England, I may have desired to see its circulation in France, at the request of many of my friends.” Q. “Can you explain the nature of the extraor- dinary events which you announced we should soon hear spoken of in Germany?” A: “The judicial curiosity of France ought to confine itself within the limits of its own terri- tories; besides, I cannot answer without seeing the pieces from which these expressions are taken. So far from dreading, I even solicit publicity to be given to the whole that I may have said or written.” Eighth Interrogatory, Feb. 20.-Q. “ Do you recognise, as having written them, the three ſet- ters which I now shew you; one dated the 6th of last December, the other the 28th of the same month, and the third the 6th of last January; and do you consent io sign and inscribe them with a me varietur?” * A. “Renewing my first protest against this in- terrogation, and my ºut. against the crimes. 1816. 1704 history of The wars --- --- BOOK XVII, committed by the government, for the purpose of CHAP. W. Jºvº-A ! S 1 6. * #. corrupting my domestic, and violating the sacred secrecy of letters shown to me, as being written at the time when the city of Paris was occupied by the allied armies, and principally by the English troops, and containing the news and reports cir- culated in diplomatic and military societies, not obtained in any secret or unwarrantable manner, and only written with the intention of giving my brother and Lord Grey interesting accounts, which they would sooner or later have received by the newspapers, I consent to sign and in- scribe them with a ne varietur.” Q. “But did you not add to these public reports your own private sentiments * Did you not even suffer to appear a want of respect for the person of the king, in saying,-‘Lord Wellington, see- ing he could no longer support the idol he had raised,’ &c. Do you not admit that this last expression could only have been employed in a degrading sense, and in a sort of irony injurious to his majesty?” A. “To this I reply, first, the King of France is not my king; secondly, I may make use of the same expressions in speaking of the King of Eng- land, without any crime, supposing an ironical idea were attached to them; thirdly, I will not enter into any discussion on private letters inter- cepted in the manner I have represented.” Q. “How can it be supposed that those expres- sions were suggested to you by a simple idea of foresight, when in your letter of the 28th of last December, you ‘blame your government for its fear of compromising the cause of the Bourbons, and that of legitimacy in general;” and that, in another passage, you speak “ of one of your friends who .." exhausted your patience, because, you say, “he has become a legitimacy maniac 3’” A. “First, I will not answer a French functionary on the subject of my observations on the English Secondly, I had a right to call an nglishman who adopted the doctrine of legiti- macy either a fool, a maniac, or a traitor, because I consider that he outrages the very principle under which the house of Brunswick reigns in England.” Q. “Is it possible to doubt that you called in question the legitimate authority of the king, and that you regarded it as being, only established on a principle of violence and revolution ?” A. “I shall not enter into a discussion which might lead us too far; but I will frankly say, and I hope for the last time, that I have always considered the King of France as re-established by force ; and that, as an Englishman, I do not respect what is called the legitimacy of sovereigns, when not sanctioned by the people. I shall finally add, that my political opinions had no influence on my decision with regard to the measure sub- mitted to me for saving M. Lavalette. My only purpose was to save an unhappy man, of whose life l ** *- Af.º- a- at -------sº ~~~~~ --5- -viºus Al- or death circumstances had, in some degree, made me the arbiter, and who addressed himself to me, not only in confidence of my personal humanity, but of the generosity of my nation.” Ninth Interrogatory, Feb. 23.—“Nothing of novelty was elicited from this proceeding, which closed the examination of Sir Robert Wilson. Several, of the former queries were repeated, especially in what respected the alleged report of M. Pozzo di Borgo; of which again the accused disclaimed any knowledge of the author. “The proceeding terminated as follows:– Sir Robert Wilson—“It appears to be forgotten that I am an Englishman, and that the rights of an Englishman are not understood. My former answer is definitive, nor will I be drawn into a metaphysical discussign of politics. Let me be accused and judged ; and, when I shall be before the tribunals, I shall know how to defend myself, and maintain my rights.” The examination of Mr. Bruce was as follows:– A'irst Ba'amination, Jan. 13.−“Question as to his name, surname,” &c. A. “I am Michael Bruce, a native of London, aged twenty-six years, an English gentleman, residing in London.” Q. “How long have you been in Paris For what object? Where is your place of residence?” A. “I have been at Paris about a year. Some days after Bonaparté's departure for the army, in June last, I quitted Paris, and went towards Switzerland; but I was not permitted to leave the frontier, and thus was forced to return to Paris; I was then absent about three weeks. I am at Paris for my amusement; my residence is in Rue St. George's, No. 24. Q: “Who are the persons whom you most visit . at Paris P’ A. “I mix a good deal in society; I visit a great number of persons; but, for the last three or four months, I have led rather a retired life.” “We then presented to him a little box, in which were inclosed the papers that had been seized in the morning; he acknowledged that the seals had not been touched. We proceeded, in his presence, to open the chest, and unfold the papers... We formed them into two packets, one of English papers, of a date posterior to 1814, and the other of French papers of the same date ; and we returned all the other papers, together with pamphlets and other printed articles, into the box; and we proceeded no further. The above having been read to Monsieur Bruce, he said it contained the truth, and it was signed by us. Closed the above day, month, and year, at five o'clock in the afternoon.” (Signed) “ MICHAEL BRUCE.” “MONNIER and MALLEvAL.” Second Ea'amination, Jan. 14.—Q. “Did you OF THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 1705 as a ...sºmºiº. **.x--> * *w-wv-wrº-E---e. not form the plan of procuring the escape of Marshal Ney.” A. “ No.” Q. “Did you not take very active steps in his favor $* A. “No ; only my personal opinion has always been, that he could not be tried without violating the treaty of Paris.” Q. “Were you not in correspondence with Marshal Ney?” A. “I saw him almost every day. I had known him for some time, that is, ever since I have been in Paris.” Q. “Are you not connected with General Wil- son and Captain Hutchinson º’ A. “I am connected with both.” Q. “Last Sunday, at about eight o’clock in the evening, did you not pass part of the evening at Mr. Hutchinson's, Rue de Helder, No. 3?” A. “I was certainly there; but, before I go further, I beg you to inform me of the motives of my detention? We are not accustomed in England to give answers before we know what is imputed to us.” & Q. “You are accused of having favored the escape of the convict Lavalette, and of having lent your cabriolet to conduct him out of Paris: what have you to answer?” A. “When I shall come to my trial, I will fur- nish the necessary explanations.” “To all the remaining queries, which respected certain details in the affair of Lavalette, Mr. Bruce answered to a similar purport or effect.” (Signed as before.) Third Ea:amination, Jan. 15.—Q. “From your first examination, your answers have been distin- guished by a particular character of frankness and good faith; you have said, that, independ- ently of some discoveries which you have made, you would make known the whole truth when you should be in the presence of justice; you now appear before a member of the tribunal; are you ready to keep your promise ?” - A. “I demand, in order to preserve a greater freedom in my declaration, that the persons here present may retire, and I will disguise nothing.” “We accordingly directed the two gendarmes, and the different persons who had accompanied the Sieur Bruce, to go info the next room. The Sieur Bruce then went on in these terms :— “I was never at his house.—He never came to my house; yet I knew him a little before his arrest; his personal qualities, the sweetness of his manners, his amiability, inspired for him in my mind a greater interest than is usually felt for ersons whom one is not in the habit of seeing. #. trial, his detention, and the sentence pro- nounced against him, added to the sentiments with which I was disposed towards him; but, since his × arrest, I have had with him no connection, direct BOOK XVII. or indirect. I was entirely ignorant of the place of his retreat after his escape. I even thought that he had a long time left France. I did not know his wife—I never saw her in my life. On the 2d or 3d of the month, a person unknown brought me an anonymous letter, in which was exalted the goodness of my character; and it was added, that the confidence which it inspired in- duced a determination to reveal a great secret to me, and this secret, it was added, was, that M. Lavalette was still at Paris; I alone, it was said, was capable of saving him, and it was requested that I would explain my intentions on the subject. I did not do so immediately; but I promised an answer at a place which I pointed out, and which I think myself bound in honor not to make known. I add, that my caution prevented me from putting any questions as to the name of the person who sent me the letter, and as to the place of M. Lavalette's retreat; I thought that, in an affair of this nature, indiscretion could not be too carefully avoided. General Wilson was ignorant of all these details. It was myself who acquaint- ed him with them; it was myself who engaged him to join his efforts to mine in favor of M. de Lavalette, and, if there is any person culpable in this business, I declare that it is myself alone, since it was my intreaty which determined him, who is falsely considered as the author of this scheme.” Q. “Did not political opinions, rather than per- sonal affections, induce you to serve Lavalette % and did you not do so as a consequence of those sentiments which you had manifested since' the affair of Marshal Ney?” A. “I allow that my political opinions operated, together with humanity, on my conduct since the affair of Marshal Ney; I firmly believe that the capitulation of Paris was an obstacle to his being put on his trial. As to Lavalette, I declare, upon my honor, that I was moved solely by the commiseration which his case had excited in me: the adventure of his escape appeared to me to have something romantic . even miraculous about it, which forcibly struck my imagination, and ex- cited in me a lively interest for his person.” “To the remaining queries, which respected certain details in the alleged matters in charge, the answers of Mr. Bruce were chiefly in the negative, or indicative of his want of knowledge or recollection thereof.” (Signed) “ BRUCE. -* “ DUPUy and DERosTE.” We must now lay before our readers the ex- amination of Mr. Hutchinson:— First Ea:amination.—Having been questioned respecting his name, christian name, &c. he re- plied,—“My name is John Hutchinson, a native CHAP. W. Jºvº–7 1816, | 706 HISTORY OF THE WARS BOOK XVII. Ch A P. V. ~º. Tº A 1816. of Wexford, in Ireland, aged about twenty-eight years, captain in the first regiment of grenadiers of the guard, the third battalion, residing at Paris, Rue de Helder, No. 3. I am on actual service, my battalion being in barracks in the Rue Pepi- niere.” Q. “Do you recognise, as belonging to you, the port-feuille, locked, of which you must have the key, as well as the leathern cover of the same port-feuille which I present you; which two arti- cles contained the papers seized at your apart- ments this morning 3 “Having opened the port-feuille and its cover, Mr. Hutchinson acknowledged as his the papers which we extracted, and then restored, in order that they might be carefully examined.” Q. “Who are the persons that you most fre- quently visit at Paris?” A. “I am particularly acquainted with Lieu- tenant Bruce of my regiment; with Major Elli- son, and Colonel Reeve. Before I continue my replies, I desire to know whether I am speaking to Monsieur Decazes, minister of the general police P” “Being answered in the negative, Mr. Hutch- inson declared, that he would not reply to any questions which we might afterwards put to him, complaining that he was deprived of his liberty, without being informed of the charges which led to that rigorous measure. “And all our observations to induce him to answer our questions being useless, and this offi- cer persisting in saying, that, if there were proofs of crime against him, he ought to be placed in judgment, that he might be punished, but that he would not reply to any preliminary interroga- tory; we have closed the present minute, which he has signed with us, after having read it. (Signed at the time) “J. HELY HuTCHINson. “MALLEVAL and Monnier.” Second Ea:amination, Jan. 14.—Q. “Have you not taken a very great interest in the fate of Mar- shal Ney Have not you endeavoured to with- draw him from the execution of his sentence 2 Have you no knowledge of projects formed for that purpose?” A., “I never knew Marshal Ney or his wife. I feel interested for him, like many others, who think with me that he could not be tried, or con- demned, on account of the capitulation of Paris.” Q. “Has not General Wilson communicated to you some project to effect the escape of Mar- shal Ney?” * A. “Never.” - Q. “What means the note which I present to you, addressed to you by General Wilson, under the date of the 13th of December, commencing in these words — When these expt. are at- 7 A- -*—ºtº- --m; tempted, success must be ensured ;’ and where enquiry is made as to proceedings with the am- bassador Stuart to save Linois and others ?” A. “I do not consider myself obliged to fur- nish the explanation of what you ask ; address yourself to the person who wrote that letter.” “Several queries then followed, respecting certain details of the matter in charge, to which Mr. Hutchinson generally either airs wered in the negative, or declined speaking. This day's exa- mination concluded as follows:— Q. “How often were you absent from Paris?” A. “I do not consider myself obliged to tell you. If there be any charges against me, let the proofs be produced before a tribunal, and I will defend myself.” Q. “The charges which exist against you are, that, on the 7th instant, about eight o'clock in the afternoon, the condemned Lavalette, dressed as an English officer, was brought to you; that, on the following morning, he left your house at the break-of-day, in an open carriage, having General Wilson by his side; that you were on horseback by the side of the carriage; that you all went out by the barrier of Clichy; that you passed on to Chapelle-en-Cerval, and went to 'Compeigne, when General Wilson and the condemned Lava- lette took another carriage. You are, in conse- quence, accused of having favored the escape of the person condemned to death. What have you to say in justification ?” A. “When I am placed in judgment, I shall roduce my means of defence.” “No further questions were asked.” (Signed as before.) Third Ea:amination, Jan. 15.—“A number of queries were put this day to Mr. Hutchinson, and, in like manner, respecting certain other details of the matters in charge, to almost all of which Mr. Hutchinson declined giving any answer.” (Signed as before.) Fourth Ealamination, Jan. 19.—Q. “Are you disposed to reply to the divers questions which it is my duty to put to you, with respect to the cir- cumstances which prepared and effected the es- cape of Lavalette out of the kingdom, and of which you are accused of having assisted ?” A. “Yes; I will state all that I know.” Q. “How long is it since you were informed that Lavalette was concealed in Paris 3" A. “I did not know it before the 3d or 4th of this month.” * Q. “Did you know him before his arrest and trial ‘’” - A. “No, sir; I was not acquainted with him, nor any of his family.” Q. “From what sentiment, then, or by whose suggestions, did you resolve to take a part in of the FRENch REvolution. 1707 —iº- –º- Ty- *... *º. the measures concerted to withdraw him from justice?” A. “From a sentiment of humanity and gene- rosity.” Q. “Was it an Englishman or a Frenchman who first sounded your disposition on this point?” A. “It was an Englishman.” Q. “What is his name?” A. “I cannot answer that question. I will speak the truth in whatever concerns myself; but honor forbids me to compromise others.” “In the remaining part of this examination, Mr. Hutchinson unreservedly answered several queries which were put to him, chiefly in the affirmative, respecting the assistance afforded by him in getting off Lavalette; but the circum- stances have more than once been before the public.” S : (Signed as the foregoing.) Fifth Ea:amination, Feb. 9.-" This process respected the identification of *. letters, &c. taken at the apartments of Mr. Hutchinson, all of which were acknowledged, and respectively sealed up by the parties.” * “The sixth examination was of no interest.” Seventh Eaamination, Feb. 23.−Q. “Do you recognise the letter which I now present to you, and which was found among M. Lavalette’s pa- pers, to have been written with your hand, or dictated by you?” A. “I know nothing of this letter; it is not of my writing: from the first lines I perceive that the person who wrote it speaks of a conversation which he heard at Lord Castlereagh's, and I de- clare that I never was at his lordship's house in Paris.” *. - “The above being read, the accused declared that he adhered to his answers, and signed with us and the clerk both these presents, and the let- ter which we presented to him. (Signed) “HUTCHINson. “ DUPUy and DEROSTE.” On the 23d of April, Sir Robert Wilson, Capt. Hutchinson, and Mr. Bruce, were brought to trial before the assize-court of the department of the Seine; together with Jacques Eberle, turnkey of the house of justice; Jean Baptiste Roquette de Kerguisec, head-gaoler of the same prison; Guerin, alias Marengo, Mad. Lavalette's éhair- man; and Benoit Bonneville, valet of M. Lava- lette, charged respectively with having taken a part, more or less direct, in the escape of La- valette. The act of accusation brought forward on this occasion, after mentioning the particulars relative to the escape of M. Lavalette, stated, that, among a great crowd of strangers stated to be at Paris, * fºrmie of social order, and the disturbers of —ºr -º- -º-º-º-º- ..f * the age, were Mr. Bruce, an English gentleman, Book XVII. already distinguished by his zeal for Marshal Ney; Sir Robert Thomas Wilson, a British offi- cer, with the same predilections; and Hutchinson, a person of the same cast. The latter is said to have been engaged with Ellister, another English officer, in some scheme of the same kind; and that Ellister would have played a similar part in the present one, if he could have obtained leave from his regiment; Wilson, therefore, was charged with the management of the affair, and the act of accusation permits him to give his own relation of the whole enterprise in a letter addressed to one of his confidential friends in England. The trial, which attracted an immense auditory, among whom were a great number of English gentlemen and ladies, commenced at eleven o'clock. M. Reinuin Deseze, son of the peer of the same name, so honorably distinguished by his defence of Louis XVI. sat as president of the court. The other judges were Messrs. Plaisand du Chateau, Delaville, Decerny, Dupaty, and 1)emetz-fury. Mr. Hua, the advocate-general, was charged with the functions of public prosecutor. The jury consisted of Tromillebart, }. Duplessis, Lemit, Thorenin, Guillion de Chapelle, Eden, Blainvilliers, Merze, Deliege, Merceray, and Cot- tereau.-The accused were introduced, and pla- ced on different benches, according to the nature of the different charges against them. General Wilson was in grand uniform, and ornamented with brilliant decorations of seven or eight orders of different states of Europe, one of which was the grand cordon of the Russian order of St. Anne. Captain Hutchinson wore the uniform and decorations of his rank. At eleven o'clock, M. Deseze, jun. the presi- dent of the court, opened the sitting in these terms:—“The court is going to submit to the investigation of the jury several accused persons, French and foreigners, in a cause which has for a long time fixed the public attention. The court is convinced, that the persons admitted to this assembly will not, in any way, disturb the public tranquillity; that they will observe that religious silence which is due to the presence of law and justice.” The accused being called upon to give their names, surname, and qualities, gave their descrip- tions as before-mentioned. Mr. Bruce said, with energy, “I am an English citizen.” The president then observed, that, although the three Englishmen relied upon the correct knowledge which they appeared to have of the French language, and . not ask for an inter- preter, yet the law of France, always a law of protection, willed that the accused should not be deprived of any means of facilitating their justifi- cation, even when unclaimed ; the court, there- 19 K Ch A P. V. Jºvº-V 1816, 1708 THE WARS HISTORY OF sº- BOOK XVII. fore; named to that office M. John Robert, who CHAP. W. ^*Y*/ 1816. accordingly took the usual oath. Mr. Bruce (speaking the French language).- “ Gentlemen of the bench, and gentlemen of the jury, I have a declaration to make to you, in the name of myself and my two countrymen. Al- though we have submitted ourselves to the French law, in consequence of the accusation against us, we have never lost the privilege of invoking the law of nations. Reciprocity among nations is the first article of all treaties; and as, in England, French culprits have the right of demanding a jury composed half of Englishmen and half of foreigners, it appeared to us that the same right, or, if you will, the same favor, could not be re- fused to us in France. With this view, we sub- mitted to eminent lawyers of our own nation, se- veral questions, the solution of which might justify the right of which we speak. Strengthened by their decision, we º have been justified in demanding the favor of a jury half French and half English: but, gentlemen, the justice which has been rendered to us by the chamber of accu- sation (in acquitting us of any plot against the tranquillity of Europe, and particularly against the French government), has determined us to renounce our right. We, therefore, abandon our- selves fully, and without reserve, to the honor and conscience of a jury entirely composed of Frenchmen, and we do not even make the least challenge.” The attorney-general, after detailing the cir- cumstances of the case, proceeded to call evidence to the facts, which presented nothing new. The first persons implicated by their deposi- tions was Eberle, the head-turnkey; and, from the evidence, it seemed certain that Eberle had purposely left open all the doors between the chamber of Lavalette and the great wicket in the first part of the prison; and, instead of obeying an order to run immediately after the sedan-chair which carried away Lavalette, he directly came back to the prison, and went, with ridiculous pre- caution, to shut in Madame Lavalette, saying, she, at least, should not come out without good orders. From another passage in the evidence, it appeared that Lavalette had a narrow escape; for one of the chairmen, being told, while waiting at the prison, that he could earn twenty-five louis if he went with speed, suspected something clandestiue was going forward, threw down his feather strap, and went home; the consequence was, Lavalette remained four minutes in the sedan-chair, at the very gate of the Conciergerie, till another chair- man was procured. The evidence for the prosecution being gone through, the witnesses for the defence were called. Their testimony was quite insignificant, till Mad. Lavalette was introduced. Her entrance was an- nounced by a murmur, expressive of the interest &. –º- -wºrs Fr– and curiosity of the audience. When she ap- |. Wilson, Hutchinson, and Bruce, saluted er with a profound bow. The emotion and men- tal distress of Madame Lavalette were so great, that, when interrogated, she could scarcely arti- culate her own name; and, when asked her age, she replied, “twenty-seven, I believe.” After having collected her ideas for some moments, she said, “The distress which I feel does not pro- ceed from any fear, but from a kind of alarm on seeing myself before a tribunal, and amidst so large an audience.” The President.—“Madame, it is not public jus- tice which has summoned you here; it is some of the accused who have invoked your testimony.” - Madame Lavalette.—“I declare, that the per- sons who have called me contributed in no respect to the escape of M. Lavalette: no one was in my confidence: I alone did the whole.” Some details were asked of her as to certain circumstances, which, though minute in appear- ance, might throw light on several facts of the accusation. She replied, that she did not recol- lect them, and assigned for her defect of memo an excuse which will be easily admitted :—“At that moment,” she said, “I was too much occu- pied with the execution of my plan to pay atten- tion to what was passing around me.” The President.—“Have you ever known or seen these gentlemen (the English), or any one of them?” They immediately rose, and Madame Lavalette, after having looked at them for a mo- ment, declared, that she had never known nor before seen them. Mademoiselle Lavalette was then introduced: as she was not quite fourteen, the administering the oath to her was dispensed with. She an- swered to the first question in so feeble a voice, and her embarrassment appeared so painful, that the president, after asking the consent of the prisoners, signified she might withdraw.—Ad- journed. Second Day.—The examination of witnesses, upon the conduct of the other prisoners, was con- tinued, without producing any new or interesting fact. M. Hua, the advocate-general, then made his speech for the prosecution, which it would be wasting our space to report verbatim. He spoke first of the offence of Lavalette, then of the ex- eusable conduct of his wife; after which, he alluded to the facts of his concealment, and next to those of the escape. After M. Hua had ended, the several advocates for the French prisoners made their respective speeches in support each of his separate client; and, after these were heard, the court adjourned till the next day, April 24, when M. Dupin com- menced his speech in favor of the three Eng- lishmen, which turned principally on points of French law. t * - * OF THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 1709 *- --- On the facts charged against the accused, after their frank avowals, corroborated by the fullest proof, documentary and parole, no possible doubt. could remain : and, at half-past five in the after- noon of the same day, the jury delivered their verdict into court. It was read by their foreman, and contained an acquittal of all the Frenchmen, except the turnkey, Eberle, who, as well as Sir Robert Wilson, Mr. Bruce, and Mr. Hutchinson, were found guilty. The president then proceeded to read the penal code, applicable to the con- victed persons. Eberle was sentenced to two year's imprisonment. The article applicable to Sir Robert Wilson, and his friends, prescribes imprisonment for a term not º two years, nor less than three months, at the discretion of the judge; and the president, without hesitation, ronounced for the shortest allowable period. Sir Robert Wilson and Mr. Bruce had both of them addressed the court in long speeches, fraught with the finest flowers of eſoquence, which were listened to with great attention by the court, which, throughout the proceedings, shewed a marked degree of respect to our countrymen, as far as their relative situations would admit. The court was fułłer on the third day than on the se- cond; but less so than at the opening of the trial. Madame Lavalette was among the auditors. Sir Robert was dressed in the full uniform of an English major-general, with an immense number of ribbons and stars, presented to him by different monarchs. Mr. Bruce was dressed in plain clothes, and Captain Hutchinson in his uniform. The French government were hot deterred b the defence which was made respecting the #. article of the convention of Paris, from prose- cuting and bringing other generals to trial, mafiy of whom were condemned and shot. These measures, however, created much dissatisfaction throughout the kingdom. At Lyons, this spirit actually burst forth about the end of January, in which Generals Meunier and Le Grange were implicated. This attempt against the government, however, failed; the former was killed, and the latter afterwards secured, a few leagues from the city. An insurrection of a more alarming nature took place at Grenoble, in May. This city is situate to the south-east of Lyons, and was the first great town that opened its gates to Bohaparte in his march, after fanding from Elba. An at- tempt was made to take it by surprise, on the might between the 4th and 5th of May. The in- surgents at first met with some success; but they were at length defeated, with the less of about 200 killed, wounded, and taken prisoners. Their force amounted to nearly 2,000 men; and as they consisted chiefly of half-pay officers, and dis- banded soldiers; they made a most desperate re- sistanee to the troops opposed to them. This conspiracy was of a very general character, and its ramifications extended to the remotest parts of BOOK XVII. the country. Of those taken prisoners in this affair, thirty-eight were tried on the 9th of May, and fourteen shot on the forlowing day. Didier, the leader, was subsequently secured, tried, and executed. Another set of conspirators were dis- covered at Paris, twenty-eight of whom were ar- rested and brought to trial. The three principals, named Pleignier, Carbonneau, and Tolleron, were declared guilty of high-treason, and condemned to suffer death accordingly; seven were sentenced to transportation, and seven to solitary confine- ment for different periods, from five to ten years. This plot was connected with that discovered at Lyons, and even reached Brussels, which city was full of French refugees. Another revolt took place at Toulon, but was suppressed, though attended with the effusion of blood. Disturbances were continually breaking out in some parts of France, which, at one time, assumed such an alarming character that the Duke of Wellington was on the point of marching with his army to put it down. This spirit of discontent was aug- mented, in a great measure, by the impolitic pro- ceedings of the chamber of deputies; and the king was at length advised to close their sittings till the latter part of the year. So long, however, as these men continued to have any influence, prosecutions, trials, and executions, were the or- der of the day in France. General Mouton Du- vernet, who surrendered himself, was tried and condemned to death, on the 19th of July, and shot on the 27th. Five persons were executed at Montpelier, on the 22d, for political offences, and great numbers were executed in other places. All the prisons in France were filled with suspected persons; and it has been stated, that no less than 300,000 were arrested in three months. Among the French generals who were tried for high-treason, was General Drouet, who accom- panied Bonaparte to Elba, after the treaty of Fontainebleau, and afterwards refurned with him to France. The trial took place on the 6th of April. Thé, general pleaded, with a soldier-like fränkness, that he, merely obeyed the orders of the Emperor Napoleon, the sovereign to whom he had sworn allegiancé in Elba, after being ex- pressly permittéd to accompany him thither from France. He stated, that he had endeavoured to persuade Bonaparte from his enterprise, regard- ing it as hopeless, but without success. The force with Napóleon was only 840 men. Mac- donald, the Buke of Tarentum, spoke in very high terms of the services of Drouet, to whose conduct he attributed the submission of the army of the Loire. He added, “General Drouet is so generally known and esteemed, that I need say nothing of his military merit. I could not speak on that subject without wounding his modesty.” The president asked the prisoner if he wished to CHAP. W. Jºrº-2 1816. 1710 HISTORY OF THE WARS BOOK XVII. CHAP. W. ~ºvº-Z 1816. *. make any observations on the marshal's deposi- tion ? General Drouet, with his eyes suffused with tears, and so affected as to be, for the mo- ment, deprived of utterance, obtained, through the medium of M. Girod, permission to reply in writing. He wrote the following lines, which M. Girod read:—“I know not how to express to the marshal the emotion his deposition has caused me to experience. All my wishes are fulfilled, since I have merited the esteem of one of the most va- liant chevaliers of France.”—The reporter (Delon, chief of battalion) considered the prisoner's de- fence as valid, though he had, after Bonaparte's abdication, accepted a command from the pro- visional government. He moved, that the prisoner should be declared not guilty of the crime im- puted to him. The council-of-war were divided in opinion, four for finding him guilty, and three for acquitting him; but the law requiring that no condemnation shall take place, except by a ma- jority of at least five to two, he was acquitted. General Cambronne was likewise brought to trial, at Paris, and acquitted, on the same prin- ciple as General Drouet was. He pleaded that he acted under the orders of Bonaparte; who was then Emperor of the Isle of Elba, and his sovereign. General Cambronne, like Drouet, had gone with Napoleon to Elba. The acquittal of this latter officer added to the disappointment of the king and the ultra-royalists, and Louis insist- ed on the court revising the acquittal of Cam- bronne, which they did; but, to his great astonish- ment, they confirmed their former decision. The result of these two trials gave considerable satis- faction to the inhabitants of Paris; and it was now evident, that the influence of the faction of the ultra-royalists was on the decline. In fact, tll their proceedings excited much discontent among the great body of the people. On the 22d of March, the remains of the Duke d'Enghien were dug up from the fosse on the south side of the castle of Vincennes. The first object which caught attention was a boot, in tolerable preservation, in which were found the bones of the leg and foot; the skull was then found; the face was downwards; one leg had re- mained in an almost vertical position, and the arms were bent towards the back; a rather large stone appeared to have been designedly thrown upon the head, the bones of which were fractured. Some of the hair was still in preservation. The various fragments of the body thus collected, were placed in a sheet. There was also found seventy- three German ducats; a leathern purse, in which there were a louis and some pieces of silver, a ring, and a gold chain, which the prince was in the habit of wearing round his neck. There was remarked the perforation made by a ball in the shoulder-blade, and in the small casque which the prince wore at the time of execution. His hussar # with the wrath of heaven. r- £-— boots were in tolerably good preservation. The sheet, containing the fragments, were placed in a leaden coffin. The most important event in France this year was the dissolution of the chamber of deputies, by a royal ordonnance of September the 5th. In the preamble, his majesiy says, “We are convinced that the wants and wishes of our subjects concur in preserving untouched the constitutional charter, the basis of public law in France, and the gua- rantee of general tranquillity. We have, in con- sequence, judged it necessary to reduce the chamber of deputies to the number determined by the charter, and not to call to it men under forty years of age. But to effect this reduction legally, it becomes indispensable to convoke anew the electoral colleges, in order to proceed to the elec- tion of a new chamber of deputies.” . The ordon- nance then declares, that “none of the articles of the constitutional charter shall be revised ;” dis- solves the chamber; reduces the number of de- puties from 420 to 260; convokes the electoral colleges for the election of a new chamber, which is to meet on the 4th of November. Another or- donnance, appointing the presidents of the electoral colleges, was remarkable for the exclusion of all members of the royal family from this important office, and the nomination of several of those members of the late chamber who supported the constitution against the party known by the ap- pellation of the ultra-royalists. It cannot be de- nied, that this measure was eminently calculated to inspire confidence in all classes, as evincing a de- termination, on the part of the king, to maintain the inviolability of personal liberty and private property, including the national domains, the restitution of which was manifestly a great object of the late chamber: but, the very circumstance of interdicting the discussion of any question of public interest, and connected with the system of general liberty, proves the want of a due distinc- tion between the prerogative of the crown and the privileges of the legislative bodies. The spirit manifested in this ordonnance prompt- ed the prosecution of the Abbé Vinson, who was tried by the tribunal of correctional police, as the author of a work on the Concordat, in which he styled the sale of the national domains “down- right robbery and pillage,” and branded the pur- chasers and present possessors with the appella- tion of “sacrilegious robbers,” whom he threatened He moreover main- tained, that neither the pope nor the bishops had the authority to legalise the usurpation of the do- mains of the church. The tribunal, considering that such arguments tended to excite disaffection against the existing government, ordered the work to be suppressed, and sentenced the author to three months imprisonment, and other minor penalties. 2 - ·¿ſ. ſae |- §§ſae · ſ.ſae; |- §. ſae |- LOTTE or WALIES -4 AVZ) Q ººze ºzº PRINCIESS (CHAIR |||||||||um， ----_ º - - º ºº - º Ǻº, - º - I-N-D on * - nº º № º OF THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. - tº 11 CHAPTER VI. Discussion on the Treaties of Peace in both Houses of Parliament.—JMarriage of the Princess Charlotte to the Prince of Saxe-Cobourg.—Insurrection among the JWegroes at Barbadoes.—Atro- eities of the Algerines,—Mission of Lord Earmouth to the Barbary Powers.-His Return to Eng- land.— Massacre at Bona. –The British Government send an Eaſpedition against Algiers in consequence.—Preparations of the Dey for resisting it.—Lord Eamouth's Proposal to the Dey, which is rejected.—Battle of Algiers.-Defeat of the Algerines, and their Wavy destroyed.— Liberation of all the Christian Prisoners, and Treaty of Peace.—Observations.—State of Affairs in France and England at the Close of the Year 1816.-Conclusion, Soon after the meeting of the British parlia- Lord Nugent, Mr. Fazakerly, and Mr. Tierney, Bookxvii. ment, a long discussion, but not of general interest, supported the amendment, as did Sir Samuel — took place in the house of peers, on the subject Romily, Mr. Ponsonby, and several other mem- CHAP. VI. of the treaties concluded with foreign powers, bers. Lord Castlereagh replied, when the amend- ~~~ The Earl of Liverpool concluded an elaborate ment was negatived by 210 to 77. The origi- 1816. speech, by moving an address to the prince- nák address was then carried without a division. regent, in approbation of the treaties, applauding - The most considerable event, in England, this the moderation and justice of the principles on year, was the marriage of Prince Leopold, of Saxe- which the allies had acted, both with respect to Cobourg, to the presumptive heiress of the British their conduct before the last campaign, and after crown, which took place at Carlton-house, on the it; and, expressing a hope, that the contest with 2d of May. When the ceremony was to com- revolutionary principles was now at an end for mence, the JLord Chamberlain conducted the ever, and that the present peace would be perma-. Prince of Saxe-Cobourg to the altar. His lordship ment. Lord Grenville declared, that ēn many then went to conduct the Princess Charlotte, and points connected with the treaties before the was accompanied by the Duke of Clarence, who house, he fully concurred with the noble earl, conducted his royal niece on his arm to the altar, He approved of the renewal of the war upon the where she was received by the prince-regent. return of Bonaparte to France, and, the measuress The ceremony was then performed by the Arch- which had been taken to re-establish the legiti- bishop of Canterbury. All the members of the mate government in France. Lord Hollandssaid, royal family and the cabinet-ministers were pre- it was a mockery to talk of peace, with a military- sent. The Prince of Saxe-Cobourg, on this oc- establishment greater than that maintained during casion, was made a British peer, and the rank of the war. After discussing some other topics, his general in the British army given to him. His lordship observed, that the doctrine of legitimacy first introduction to the Princess Charlotte was a by divine right was impious, and he denied that letter from her uncle, the late Duke of Brunswick, the Bourbons were legitimate princes if the true, which he delivered in person, with the permission sense of that word, as being objects of the consti- of the prince-regent, during the visit of the allied tutional choice of the people. The Marquis of sovereigns to London, in 1814. Buckingham felt great satisfaction at the restor- A considerable sensation was excited through ation of the Bourbons, but disapproved of a large the country, on learning that an insurrection had military-establishment in time of peace. The broken out among the negroes at Barbadoes. The amendment was then negatived by 40 to 104, in- circumstances attending this insurrection, which cluding proxies on both sides. The original ques- took place on the night of Easter Sunday, April tion was then carried. 14, are as follows:—The instigators—negroes of In the house of commons, a long discussion took the worst disposition, but superior understanding, É. similar to that which passed in the house of and some of whom could read and write—avaiied ords, upon the policy of the treaties. Lord Castle- themselves of the slave registry-bill introluced reagh concluded a lengthened speech, by moving into parliament, to instil into the minds of their an address to the prinee-regent, approving of fellows a belief that they had been already eman- them, &c., Lord Milton disapproved of the occu- cipated by the British government, but that their pation of the French fortresses, and levying the owners withheld their liberty, which they were contribution, because they would serve to exas- justified in obtaining by force. The first object perate the people. While so large a force, and of the insurgents was, the destruction of all pro- such latitude was left to the British commander, perty by fire; and the effect of this plan was most he must consider the Duke of Wellington as King severely felt in the windward part of the island, of France, with power, at any time, to march his where about twenty estates suffered, more or less, *†, to the capital. Sir James Mackintosh, to the amount of 100%. Martial-law was im- 117. 1712 HISTORY OF THE WARS Book XVII, mediately proclaimed by the commander-in-chief, * CHA P. VI. Jºvº-> 1816. and the militia, in conjunction with the regular troops on the island, behaved with the greatest promptitude and firmness. The insurgents were attacked, dispersed, and pursued in all directions: great numbers were taken, and many tried by court-martial and executed. The whole number of slaves who lost their lives, as well in the affrays with the military as by the hand of justice, was calculated at little short of 1,000. The attention of all Europe was excited early this year by the atrocities committed by the Bar- bary states on the commerce and lives of Euro- peans, and scarcely a day passed without hear- ing of some fresh outrage committed by them on the inhabitants of the small states of Italy, who were dragged from their houses by these barba- rians, and carried into slavery. The crippled con- dition to which the long state of warfare had re- duced the navies of all the states bordering on the Mediterranean, naturally caused them, on this oc- casion, to look up to Great Britain for that protec- tion which her trident alone could afford against the outrages of the Barbary powers. The British government therefore determined to interfere with a strong hand, in order to put a stop to their ca- reer; and, accordingly, they sent Lord Exmouth, the British commander-in-chief in the Mediter- ranean, with a strong squadron to Algiers, to try, in the first place, the effect of negociation. His lordship arrived with his squadron before that city on the 31st of March, and immediately en- tered into a negociation with the dey, who agreed to release all Sardinian and Genoese slaves at 500 dollars a-head, and Neapolitans at 1,000 dol- lars. It was moreover stipulated, that he should never commit hostilities against Sardinia, which had placed itself under the protection of the Bri- tish flag, while he remained at peace with Eng- land; and that, in case of war with the other pow- ers, all prisoners taken by him should be treated as prisoners of war are by Christian nations. From Algiers the squadron proceeded, on the 7th of April, and arrived, on the 11th, at Tunis. Here the admiral obtained the full extent of his de- mands—the abolition of slavery, the free liber- ation of the Sardinians, and that of the Neapoli- tans, at 300 dollars a-head. The total number, at both places, was about 3,000. At Tripoli his lordship was equally successful. The fleet then returned to Algiers, for the purpose, as it was un- derstood, of obtaining a revision of the treaty con- cluded by the dey with the Americans, by which he granted them extraordinary privileges in re- gard to the sale of prizes in his ports. Lord Ex- mouth also proposed, that the sovereign of Algiers should subscribe to the arrangements accepted by the rulers of Tunis and Tripoli for the abolition of slavery altogether. The dey, who, after the recent visit of his lordship, had certainly no rea- son to expect such a demand, signified his willing- ness to conclude a perpetual º: with the king- dom of Hanover, but desired that such part of the negociations as referred to the abolition of slavery should stand over for six months, that he might, in the mean time, apply for the advice and sanction of the grand signor on the subject. The British admiral agreed to the proposal, reducing the time to three months; and having appointed the Tagus frigate to convey the dey's ambassador to Constantinople, he sailed for England, and ar- rived at Portsmouth with his squadron on the 24th of June. In the mean time, the diplomatic arrangements of his lordship produced nothing but dissatisfac- tion in every quarter. They were not only con- demned by the Italians, the French, and other Europeans, by whom they were represented as having compromised the honor of the British flag and nation; but, as was naturally to be expected, they excited violent discontents among the preda- tory barbarians also. Owing to this cause, no sooner had he quitted Tunis, than the Turkish soldiers rose in that city, of which they made themselves masters, with the intention of deposing the dey; but, from want of concert among them, the design miscarried. A body of the most des- perate of them, to the number of 700, however, seized the Goletta, a fortress which is considered as the key of Tunis, and after plundering the Christians and Jews settled there, embarked on- board five strong vessels for Italy or the Levant. Another sanguinary outrage was committed on the 23d of May, at Bona, a port in the territory of Algiers. This coast is much frequented by Eu- ropeans for the sake of the coral fishery; and, on the day above-mentioned, there were upwards of 200 vessels under the British flag in and near that port. Here such of the Christians as happened to be on-shore were suddenly attacked by a force of about 4,000 Turks; sixty defenceless wretches were killed, and 900 secured and thrown in irons. These were threatened with instant death, but re- leased the following day, through the interference of the British consul, who fortunately escaped the massacre; on which they immediately hastened away in their ships with all possible expedi- tion. When the British government heard of this af. fair, they were deeply impressed with the neces: sity of pursuing decisive measures. No time was lost in equipping a squadron of ships of the line, frigates, and bombs, provided with Congreve roc- kets, which were ordered to rendezvous at Ply- mouth, under the command of Lord Exmouth. Some delay occurred in getting the fleet ready for sea; but, at length, on the 23d of July, Lord Exmouth sailed from Plymouth for Algiers. The following is a list of the vessels composing his lordship's fleet:— 7 63 F THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 1713 _r ~~ ºvarrºrsmº -w- * **** Guns. Ships of the Line—Queen Charlotte, 100, Admiral Lord Exmouth—Captain James Brisbane. Albion . . . . . Q tº Q impregnable . . . Superb Minden Leander . . . . . Q & Frigates—Severn . . . . . . . . Glasgow . . . . . . . Hebrus . . . . . Granicus . . . . . Sloops—Britomart . . . . . . Mutine . . . . . . . gº Heron . . . . . . . . . Prometheus . . . . Cordelia . . . . . . . Bombs—Helzebub . . . . . . Hecla . Fury Infernal . . . . . . . Besides the above ships, Lord Exmouth was joined by several others in the Mediterranean, under Sir Charles Penrose; and also by a Dutch squadron, under Vice-admiral Capellen. His lordship was detained at Gibraltar four days, by a foul wind; but having strengthened himself, with the addition of five gun-boats, he set sail from this place on the 14th of August; and, on the follow- ing night, was joined by the Prometheus, Capt. Dashwood, from Algiers. The British admiral had sent this vessel to Algiers for the purpose of getting away the consul. Captain Dashwood in- É.i Lord Exmouth that he had succeeded in getting the family of the British consul, at Algiers, on-board, by stratagem; but that their flight be- ing too soon discovered, the consul, together with two boats’-crews of the Prometheus, had been arrested by the dey ; who, having already re- ceived a report of this second expedition, had made all preparations for an obstinate opposition; and, summoning the inhabitants of the interior, had already assembled more than 50,000 men, both Moors and Arabs, under the walls of Algiers. The Dey of Algiers was represented as a man of good understanding, grave and deliberate in council, and quick of penetration. He was aga, or general of the army. TXuring Lord º first visit, he was day and night at his post, ex- amining his defences; and was found upon the shore by the officer who went to demand the con- Sul. He had only reigned a year. His imme- diate predecessor governed but a few months, when he was strangled, being, as he was told to consider himself, only a locum tenens, until a bet- ter person could be chosen. The custom of the country forbade that he should live; for no one, having once filled the office, can revert to his former station as a subject; and no age, former qualifications, or past services, can release him 74, Rear-admiral Sir C. Penrose—Captain Coode. 98, Rear-admiral Milne—Captain Edward Brace. 74, Captain C. Ekins. 74, Captain W. Paterson. 50, Captain E. Chetham. 40, Captain Hon. F. W. Aylmer. 40, Captain Hon. A. Maitland. ... 36, Captain Edward Palmer. . 36, Captain W. F. Wise. Captain Riddle, Captain Mould. Captain Scriven. Captain Dashwood. Captain Sargent. * Captain W. Kempthorne. Captain W. Popham. Captain Moorsom. Captain Hon. G. J. Perceval. from the cruel penalty of this barbarous custom; nor can he refuse to serve when chosen. In fact, the Janissaries (Turkish troops) are the governors of the country; they destroy, by the edge of the scimetar, all those acts of the dey and divan that are opposed to their barbarous prejudices and cruel feelings. Algiers was well fortified, being defended by about 1,000 pieces of ord- nance of every calibre, 300 of which were brass. The place is surrounded by a high wall, he southern side of which is adorned with men’s heads, trophies of their cruelty. In consequence of a calm, and afterwards by strong easterly winds, Lord Exmouth did not arrive before the Bay of Algiers until the 27th of August in the morning, when he immediately sent, by a flag of truce, a written proposal to the dey, stating, that the late atrocities at Bona hav- ing broken all former connections, he demanded, in the name of the prince-regent:— 1. The immediate delivering up of all Christian slaves without ransom." { 2. The restitution of all the money which had already been received for the Sardinian and Nea- politan captives. Ivy 3. A solemn declaration from the dey, that he bound himself, like those of Tripoli and Tunis, to respect the rights of humanity, and, in future wars, to treat all prisoners according to the usages of European nations. 4. Peace with his majesty the King of the Ne- therlands on the like terms as with the prince- regent. Lord Exmouth directed the officer to wait two or three hours for the dey's answer, at which time, if no reply was sent, he was to return to the flag-ship. The officer was met near the mole by the captain of the port, who, on being told the answer was expected in one hour, replied that it BÖOK XVII. CHAP. VI. , v_s^^_/ 1816, 1714 History of The warts Book xvii. was impossible. CHAP. VI. Jºvº-Z 1816 —a -wm- *-g The officer then said, he would wait two or three hours, on which the captain observed, two was quite sufficient. In the mean time, both sides began to prepare for action. The Algerines, besides their batteries, had a number of frigates, gun-brigs, and about fifty gun-boats, completely equipped, in the harbour. No answer having been returned, after a delay of more than three hours, and Lord Exmouth having observed his officer returning, made the 'signal to know if the ships were all ready, which being answered in the affirmative, the Queen Charlotte bore up, followed by the fleet, for their appointed stations. The utmost anxiety was now depicted on every countenance, and every bosom throbbed high to cover themselves with honor, and rescue their fel- low-christians from ignominious slavery. Lord Exmouth, with the Queen Charlotte, came to an- chor with two anchors from the stern, with her broadside within pistol-shot of the batteries, just before the opening of the mole. This daring and unexpected manoeuvre quite confounded the ene- my; and a second ship-of-the-line had already well nigh taken her position before the batteries opened their fire. The Dutch squadron having been directed to take their position opposite the southern batteries, Lord Exmouth was enabled, with his fleet, to take such a position as to com- mand the whole of the mole and all the enemy's ships. The engagement, now, commenced with great vigor on both sides, for the particulars of which we cannot do better than describe it in the words of Lord Exmouth, in his dispatch to the British government:- * “Queen Charlotte, Algiers Bay, “Sir, August 28, 1816. . “In all the vicissitudes of a long life of public service, no circumstance has ever produced on my mind such impressions of gratitude.and jºy as the event of yesterday. To have been one of the humble instruments, in the hands of Divine Pro- vidence, for bringing to reason a ferocious #. vernment, and destroying for ever the insuffera and horrid system of Christian slavery, can never cease to be a source of delight and heartfelt com- fort to every individual happy enough to be em- ployed in it. I may, I hope, be permitted, under such impressions, to offer my sincere congratula- tions to their lordships, on the complete success which attended the gallant efforts of his majesty's fleet in their attack upon Algiers of yesterday; and the happy result produced from it on this day by the signature of peace. “Thus has a provoked war, of two days exist- ence, been attended by a complete victory, and closed by a renewed peace for England and her ally, the King of the Netherlands, on conditions dictated by the firmness and wisdom of his ma- jesty's government, and commanded by the vigor of their measures. “My thanks are justly due for the honor and confidence his majesty's ministers have been pleas- ed to repose on my zeal on this highly important occasion. The means were by them made adequate to my own wishes, and the rapidity of their mea- sures speak for themselves. Not more than 100 days since, I left Algiers with the British fleet, unsuspicious and ignorant of the atrocities which had been committed at Bona; that fleet, on its ar- rival in England, was necessarily disbanded, and another, with proportionate resources, created and equipped; and, although impeded in its progress by calms and adverse winds, has poured the ven- geance of an insulted nation, in chastising the cru- elties of a ferocious government, with a prompti- tude beyond example, and highly honorable to the national character, eager to resent oppression or cruelty, whenever practised upon those under their protection. “Would to God that, in the attainment of this object, I had not deeply to lament the severe loss of so many gallant officers and men: they have F. bled in a contest which has been pecu- iarly marked by proofs of such devoted heroism as would rouse every noble feeling, did I dare in- dulge in relating them. “Their lordships will already have been inform- ed, by his majesty's sloop Jasper, of my proceed- ‘ings up to the 14th instant, on which day I broke i. from Gibraltar, after a vexatious detention y;a foul wind, of four days. * The fleet, complete in all its points, with the addition of five gun-boats, fitted at Gibraltar, de- parted in the highest spirits, and with the most favorable prospect of reaching the port of their destination in three days; but an adverse wind destroyed the expectation of an early arrival, which was the more anxiºusly looked for by, myself, in consequence #. riº; the day I sailed from Gib- raltar, that a largeºy had been assembled, and that...very considé º: additional works were throwing up, not of ºbn both flanks of the city, but also immediately about the entrance of the mole; from this I was apprehensive that my in- tention of making that point my principal object of attack had been discovered to the dey by the same means he had heard of the expedition. This intelligence was, on the following night, greatly confirmed by the Prometheus, which I had dis- patched to Algiers some time before, to endeavour to get away the consul. . Captain Dashwood had with difficulty succeeded in bringing away, dis- guised in midshipmen’s uniform, his wife and daughter, leaving a boat to bring off their infant child, coming down in a basket with the surgeon, who thought he had composed it, but it unhap- pily cried in the gateway, and, in consequence, the O º LORD VISCOUNT EXIMOUTH K. G. (C. lº º - º, ſº º sº rºwers ºw Lewiszºzzº - O F THE FR ENCI1 tº EWO L UT"I ON . }715 sº- -ºr -ºr wrº--------- +– surgeon, three midshipmen, in all eighteen per- sons, were seized and confined as slaves in the usual dungeons. The child was sent off next morning by the dey, and, as a solitary instance of his humanity, it ought to be recorded by me. “ Captain Dashwood further confirmed, that about forty thousand men had been brought down from the interior, and all the janissaries called in from distant garrisons, and that they were indefa- tigably employed in their batteries, gun-boats, &c. and every where strengthening the sea-defences. “. The dey informed Captain Dashwood, he knew perfectly well the armament was destined for Algiers, and asked him if it was true; he re- ied, if he had such information, he knew as much as he did, and probably from the same source— the public prints. “The ships were all in port, and between forty and fifty gun and mortar-boats ready, with several more in forward repair. The dey had closely con- fined the consul, and refused either to give him up, or promise his personal safety; nor would he hear a word respecting the officers and men seized in the boats of the Prometheus. “From the continuance of adverse winds and calms, the land to the westward of Algiers was not made before the 26th, and the next morning, at day-break, the fleet was advanced in sight of the city, though not so near as I had intended.— As the ships were becalmed, I embraced this op- portunity of dispatching a boat, under cover of the Severn, with a flag of truce, and the demands I had to make, in the name of his royal-highness the prince-regent, on the Dey of Algiers, (of which the accompanying are copies,) directing the offi- cer to wait two or three hours for the dey's an- swer, at which time, if no reply was sent, he was to return to the flag-ship ; he was met near the mole by the captain of the port, who, on being told the answer was expected in one hour, replied, that it was impossible; the officer then said, he would wait two or three hours; he then observed two hours was quite sufficient. “The fleet at this time, by the springing up of the sea-breeze, had reached the bay, and were preparing the boats and flotilla for service until near two o'clock; when, observing my officer was returning with the signal flying, that no answer had been received, after a delay of upwards of three hours, I instantly made the signal to know if the ships were all ready, which being answered in the affirmative, the Queen Charlotte bore up, followed up by the fleet, for their appointed sta- tions; the flag, leading in the prescribed order, was anchored in the entrance of the mole, at about fifty yards distance. At this moment not a gun had been fired, and I began to suspect a full com- ſº with the terms which had been so many ours in their hands; at this period of profound *: a shot was fired at us from the mole, and two at the ships to the northward then following; Book ºvi this was promptly returned by the Queen Char- lotte, who was then lashing to the mainmast of a brig, fast to the shore in the mouth of the mole, and which we had steered for as the guide to our osition; “Thus commenced a fire, as animated and well-supported as, I believe, was ever witnessed, from a quarter before three until nine, without in- termission, and which did not cease altogether un- til half-past eleven. “The ships immediately following me were ad- mirably and cooly taking their stations, with a precision even beyond my most sanguine hope; and never did the British flag receive, on any oc- casion, more zealous and honorable support. To look further on the line than immediately round me, was perfectly impossible, but so well grounded was my confidence in the gallant officers I had the honor to command, that my mind was left per- fectly free to attend to other objects, and I ki:ew them in their stations only by the destructive effect of their fire upon the walls and batteries to which they were opposed. “I had about this time the satisfaction of see- ing Vice-admiral Van Capellan's flag in the station I had assigned to him, and soon after, at intervals, the remainder of his frigates keeping up a well-supported fire on the flanking-batteries he had offered to cover us from, as it had not been in my power, for want of room, to bring him in the front of the mole. t “About sun-set I received a message from Rear-admiral Milne, conveying to me the severe loss the Impregnable was sustaining, having then 150 killed and wounded, and requesting I would, if possible, send him a frigate to divert some of the fire he was under. “The Glasgow, near me, immediately weighed, but the wind had been driven away by the can- monade, and she was obliged to anchor again, having obtained rather a better position than before. * * “I had, at this time, sent orders to the explo- sion-vessel, under the charge of Lieutenant Fleming and Mr. Parker, by Captain Reade, of the engineers, to bring her into the mole; but the rear-admiral having thought she would do him essential service if exploded under the battery in his front, I sent orders to this vessel to that effect, which were executed. I desired also the rear- admiral might be informed, that many of the ships being now in flames, and certain of the destruction of the whole, I considered I had exe- cuted the most important part of my instructions, and should make every preparation for withdraw- ing the ships, and desired he would do so as soon as possible with his division. “There were awful moments during the con- flict which I cannot jºi attempt to describe, CHAP. . . . ~ºº. Tº Z 1815. 1716 History of The wars BOOK XVII. CHAP. VI. ~~~/ 1816. occasioned by firing the ships so near us, and I had long resisted the eager entreaties of several around me, to make the attempt upon the outer frigate, distant about 100 yards, which at length I gave into, and Major Gosset, by my side, who had been eager to land his corps of miners, pressed me most anxiously for permission to accompany Lieu- tenant Richards in this ship's barge. #. frigate was instantly boarded, and in ten minutes in a perfect blaze; a gallant young midshipman, in rocket boat No. 8, although forbidden, was led by his ardent spirit to follow in support of the barge, in which he was desperately wounded, his brother officer killed, and nine of his crew. The barge, by rowing more rapidly, had suffered less, and lost but two. “The enemy's batteries around my division were about ten o’clock silenced, and in a state of perfect ruin and dilapidation, and the fire of the ships was reserved as much as possible, to save [. and reply to a few guns now and then earing upon us, although a fort on the upper angle of the city, on which our guns could not be brought to bear, continued to annoy the ships by shot and shells during the whole time. “Providence, at this interval, gave to my anxious wishes the usual land-wind, common in this bay, and my expectations were completed. We were all hands employed warping and towing off, and by the help of the light air the whole were under sail, and came to anchor out of reach of shells, about two in the morning, after twelve hours in- cessant labour. “The flotilla of mortar, gun, and rocket-boats, under the direction of their respective artillery- officers, shared, to the full extent of their power, in the honors of this day, and performed good service; it was by their fire all the ships in the port (with the exception of the outer frigate) were in flames, which extended rapidly over the whole arsenal, store-houses, and gun-boats, exhibiting a spectacle of awful grandeur and interest no pen can describe. “The sloops of war, which had been appropri- ated to aid and assist the ships of the line and prepare for their retreat, performed not only that duty well, but embraced every opportunity of firing through the intervals, and were constantly in motion. “The shells from the bombs were admirably well thrown by the royal marine-artillery; and although thrown directly across and over us, not an accident, that I know of, occurred to any ship. “The whole was conducted in perfect silence, and such a thing as a cheer I never heard in an part of the line; and that the guns were .# worked and directed, will be seen for many years to come, and remembered by these barbarians for ©Were “The conducting this ship to her station, by the masters of the fleet and ship, excited the praise of all. The former has been my companion in arms for more than twenty years. “Having thus detailed, although but imper- fectly, the progress of this short service, I venture to hope, that the humble and devoted services of myself, and the officers and men of every descrip- tion I have the honor to command, will be receiv- ed by his royal-highness the prince-regent with his accustomed grace. The approbation of our services by our sovereign, and the good opinion of our country, will, I venture to affirm, be received by us all with the highest satisfaction. “If I attempted to name to their lordships the numerous officers who, in such a conflict, have. been at different periods more conspicuous than their companions, I should do injustice to many; and I trust there is no officer in the fleet I have the honor to command, who will doubt the grate- ful feelings I shall ever cherish for their unbounded and unlimited support. Not an officer nor man confined his exertions within the precise limits of their own duty: all were eager to attempt services which I found more difficult to restrain than ex- cite; and no where was the feeling more conspi- cuous than in my own captain, and those officers immediately about my person. My gratitude and thanks are due to all under my command, as well as to Vice-admiral Capellen, and the officers of the squadron of his majesty the King of the Ne- therlands; and I trust they will believe that the recollection of their services will never cease but with my life. In no instance have I ever seen more energy and zeal; from the youngest mid- shipman to the highest rank; all seemed animated by one soul, and of which I shall with delight bear testimony to their lordships, whenever that testimony can be useful. * I have confided this dispatch to Rear-admi- ral Milne, my second in command, from whom I have received, during the whole service entrusted to me, the most cordial and honorable support. He is perfectly informed of every transaction of the fleet, from the earliest period of my command, and is fully competent to give their lordships satisfaction on any points which I may have overlooked, or have not time to state. I trust I have obtained from him his esteem and . , and I regret I had not sooner been known to him. The necessary papers, together with the defects of the ships, and the return of killed and wounded, accompany this dispatch, and I am happy to say Captains Ekins and Coode are doing well, as also the whole of the wounded. By accounts from the shore, I understand the enemy's loss in killed and wounded is between six and seven thousand Imen, of THE FRENCH REvolution. 1717 *--- “ In recommending uy officers and fleet to their lordships’ protection and favor, “I have the honor to be, &c. “ ExMoUTH.” R We shall present our readers with a list of the killed and wounded in this glorious action. BRITISH SQUADRON. Queen Charlotte, Admiral Lord Exmouth, G. C. B. Captain James Brisbane, C. B.-7 sea- men l marine killed; 14 officers, 82 seamen, 24 marines, 2 marine-artillery, 5 sappers and miners, 4 boys, wounded. Impregnable, Rear-admiral Milne, Captain E. Brace, C. B.-l officer, 37 seamen, 10 marines, 2 boys, killed; 2 officers, l l l seamen, 21 marines, 9 sappers and tainers, 17 boys, wounded. Superb, Charles Ekins—2 efficers, 8 seamen, 2 marines, 1 rocket-troop, killed; 6 officers, 62 seamen, 14 marines, 2 marine-artillery, wounded. Minden, William Paterson—5 seamen, 2 naa- rines, killed; 2 officers, 26 seamen, 9 marines, wounded. Albion, John Coode—2 officers, 1 seaman, kill- ed; 2 officers, 10 seamen, 3 marines, wounded. Leander, Edward Chetham, C. B.-5 officers, *1 seamen, 1 marine, killed; 8 officers, 69 sea- men, 25 marines, 4 boys, 12 supernumeraries, wounded. Severn, Honorable T. W. Aylmer—2 seamen, 1 marine, killed ; 5 officers, 25 seamen, 3 marines, 1 boy, wounded. Glasgow, Honorable A. Maitland—9 seamen, 1 marine, killed; 8 officers, 25 seamen, 3 marines, 1 boy, wounded. Granicus, W. F. Wise—3 officers, 9 seamen, 1 marine, 1 marine-artillery, 2 boys, killed; 5 officers, 31 seamen, 3 marines, 2 rocket-troop, I boy, wounded. łiº. Edward, Palmer, C. B.-1 officer, 3 seamen, killed; I officer, 10 seamen, 1 marine, 2 rocket-troop, 1 boy, wounded. Heron, George Bentham—None killed or wounded. Mutine, Mould – None killed wounded. Prometheus, W. B. Dashwood—None killed or wounded. Cordelia, W. Sargent—None killed or wounded. Britomart, R. Riddell—None killed or wounded. Belzebub, William Kempthorne—None killed or wounded. Infernal, Honorable G. J. Perceval—l officer, 1 seaman, killed; 6 officers, 8 seamen, 1 marine- artillery, 2 boys, wounded. Hecla, W. Popham—None killed or wounded. Fury, C.R. Moorsom—None killed or wounded. Total—15 officers, 88 seamen, 19 marines, 1 ma- rine-artillery, locket-troop, º, killed; 59 offi- James Of ** -º-º-º-ºrgs asºn- cers, 469 seamen, 106 marines, 5 marine-artillery, Book xvi. 14 sappers and miners, 4 rocket-troop, 31 boys, 12 supernumeraries, wounded. Total killed and wounded—128 killed, 690 wounded. DUTCH squadron. Melampus, Vice-admiral Baron Van Capellen, Captain de Mair—3 killed, 15 wounded. Frederica, Captain Vander Straten—5 wounded. Dageraad, Captain Polders—4 wounded. Diana, Captain Zervogel—6 killed, 22 wounded. Amstee, Captain Vander Hart—4 killed, 6. wounded. & Eendracht, Captain Wardenburgh—None kil- led or wounded. Total—h9 killed, 52 wounded. Grand Total—883. In this attack, the following vessels were de- stroyed by the combined squadrons:— 4 large frigates, of 44 guns. 5 large corvettes, from 24 to 30 guns. All the gun and mortar-boats, except seven; 30 destroyed. Several merchant brigs and schooners. A great number of small vessels of various de- scriptions. All the pontoons, lighters, &c. * Store-houses and arsenal, , with all the timber and various marine articles, destroyed in part. A great many gun-carriages, mortar-beds, casks, and ships' stores of all descriptions. The day after the action, Lord Exmouth sent a second summons to the dey, which stated, that by the destruction of half Algiers, and of his whole navy, the dey was now chastised for his faithless conduct at Bona, &c. and that he could only pre- vent the total destruction of the town by the ac- ceptance of the conditions of the preceding day. The signal of the acceptance of the conditions was the firing of three shots, which, three hours after- wards, he had the satisfaction of hearing. In a conference with two persons, empowered by the dey, on-board Lord Exmouth's ship, at which the Dutch admiral, together with Admiral Milne and Captain Brisbane, were present, all the points were regulated, and, on the 80th of August, the conditions were made known in the following ge- neral memorandum, which was sent round to º vessel in the fleet:— “The commander-in-chief is happy to inform the fleet of the final termination of their strenuous ex- ertions by the signature of peace, confirmed under a salute of twenty-one guns, on the following con- ditions, dietated by his royal-highness the Prince- regent of England:— 1. “The abolition, for ever, of Christian sla- very. 2. “The delivery, to my flag, of all slaves in CuAP. VI, . ~~~~ 1816. *L*18 History of THE wars BOOK XVII. CHAP. VI. Jºvº” 1816. —& _--~~ the dominions of the dey, to whatever nation they may belong, at noon, to-morrow. 3. “To deliver, also, to my flag, all money re- ceived by him for the redemption of slaves since the commencement of this year, at noon, also, to- In OrroW. 4. “Reparation has been made to the British consul for all losses he may have sustained in con- sequence of his confinement. gº 5. “The dey has made a public apology, in presence of his ministers and officers, and begged pardon of the consul, in terms dictated by the captain of the Queen Charlotte. “The commander-in-chief takes this opportunity of again returning his public thanks to the admi- rals, captains, officers, seamen, marines, royal ma- rine-artillery, royal sappers and miners, and the royal rocket-corps, for the noble support he has received from them throughout the whole of this arduous service, and he is pleased to direct, that, on Sunday next, a public thanksgiving be offered up to Almighty God for the signal interposition of his divine providence, during the conflict which took place on the 27th, between his majesty’s fleet and the ferocious enemies of mankind. “It is requested that this memorandum may be read to the ships’ companies. “To the admirals, captains, officers, seamen, ma- rines, royal sappers and miners, royal ma- rine-artillery, and the royal rocket-corps.” In addition to these terms, the dey signed an additional article, or declaration, for the abolition of Christian slavery, to the following effect:- Declaration of his most Serene Highness Omar, Bashaw, Dey and Governor of the Warlike City and Kingdom of Algier, made and con- cluded with the Right Honorable Edward Paron Eamouth, &c. “In consideration of the deep interest manifested by his royal-highness the Prince-regent of Eng- land for the termination of Christian slavery, his highness the Dey of Algier, in token of his sincere desire to maintain inviolable his friendly relations with Great Britain, and to manifest his amicable disposition and high respect towards the powers of Europe, declares, that in the event of future wars with any European power, not any of the prison- ers shall be consigned to slavery, but treated with all humanity as prisoners of war, until regularly exchanged, according to European practice in like cases; and that at the termination of hostili- ties, they shall be restored to their respective countries without ransom; and the practice of condemning Christian prisoners of war to slavery is hereby formally and for ever renounced. “Done in duplicate, in the warlike city of Al- giers, in the presence of Almighty God, the 28th day of August, in the year of Je- sus Christ, 1816, and in the year of the \ —º —ah- Hegira, 1231, and the 6th day of the moon Shawal. * (The Dey's Seal.) s (Signed) “ExMouth. (L.S.) “Admiral and commander-in-chief. §. “H. M’Douell. (L. S.) “By command of the admiral, (Signed) Jos. GRIMEs, Secretary.” The dey, also, in the presence of his divan, apo- logised to the British consul for the personal re- straint which had been imposed upon him during the late transactions; and he also paid to the con- sul a sum of three thousand dollars, as a remune- ration for depredations committed on his residence after his imprisonment. After the treaties and article before-mentioned had been negociated, and that the dey had re- funded 382,500 dollars, which he had lately re- ceived from the governments of Naples and Sār- dinia, and had released 1,083 Christian shaves who were at Algier, it came to the knowledge of Lord Exmouth, that two Spaniards, the one a merehant, and the other the vice-consul of that nation, had not been released, but were still held by the dey in very severe custody, on pretence that they were prisoners for debt. The inquiries which his lordship felt himself called upon to make into these cases, satisfied him that the confinement of the vice-consul was groundless and unjustifiable, and he therefore thought himself authorised to demand his release, under the articles of the agreement for the deli- verance of all Christian prisoners. 3. It appeared, that the merchant was confined for an alleged debt, on the score of a contract with the Algerine government; but the circumstances under which the contract was said to have been forced on the individual, and the great severity of the confinement which he suffered, determined his lordship to make an effort in his favor also. This his lordship did, by requesting his release from . the dey, offering himself to guarantee to the dey the payment of any sum of money which the mer- chant should be found to owe to his highness. The dey having rejected this demand and offer, his lordship, still unwilling to have recourse to ex- tremities, and the renewal of hostilities, proposed that the Spaniards should be released from irons, and the miserable dungeons in which they were confined; and that they should be placed in the custody of the Spanish consul; or, at least, that the consul should be permitted to afford them such. assistance and accommodation as were suitable to their rank in life. These propositions the dey also positively re- fused; and Lord Exmouth then felt that the pri- vate and pecuniary nature of the transactions for which these persons were confined, must be con- sidered as a pretence for the continuance of a OF THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 1719 cruel and oppressive system of slavery, the total and bona fide abolition of which his instructions directed him to insist upon. He, therefore, acquainted the dey, that his high- ness having rejected all the fair and equitable conditions proposed to him on this point, his lord- ship had determined to insist on the unconditional release of the two Spaniards. He, therefore, de- sired an answer, yes, or no; and, in the event of the latter, stated, that he would immediately re- commence hostilities; and his lordship made pre- parations for that purpose. These measures had the desired effect; and the two persons were released from a long and severe eaptivity; so that no Christian prisoner remained at Algiers at his lordship's departure, which took place on the evening of the .”of September, with all the ships under his orders. The refunded ransoms were sent to the Neapo- litan and Sardinian governments, and the slaves released were forwarded in British transports to their respective countries. Lord Exmouth afterwards returned to Eng- land with his fleet, and, on the 21st of September, the dignity of a viscount of the united kingdom was conferred upon him by the prince-regent, by . the title of Viscount Exmouth, of Canonteign, Devonshire, with remainder to his heirs male. Rear-admiral Milne was also nominated a knight- commander of the military order of the Bath. The thanks of both houses of parliament were afterwards voted to Lord Exmouth, and the offi- cers and men under his command. We shall here notice the following particulars of the brilliant action at Algiers, by an officer on-board the Queen Charlotte, in a letter to his friends in London. “Queen Charlotte, * My DEAREST —, , Aug. 20, 1816. “Turbans and trowsers are so like caps and pet- ticoats, that you in England think the Turks and Moors are little better than old women. If you had seen them the day before yesterday, you would have had a different opinion of them. Without so much noise and jabbering, they were as active as Frenchmen; and, to do them justice, they pointed their guns with a coolness and pre- cision that would not have disgraced any gentle- men in cocked hats and pantaloons; and, I think, as far as I could judge, there are few Christians who value their skins less than these Pagºns. They say that they have a funny paradise pre- pared for those who die in battle; some of the joys of this pretended Eden we hope to enjoy on our arrival at home; however, seven thousand of the poor Mahometans have gone before us. “All the ships bore up and took their places in the best order and the most gallant manner. It *i; least, as coolly and exactly performed as –a– —a the famous review at Portsmouth, and I only wish BOOK XVII. that the great Alexander, who, we are told, thinks we go snacks with the old dey, had seen this re- view, instead of that. Not that he could - have seen long or much, for after the firing once began, the little wind that there was swooned away, as if for fear, and we were all covered by thick smoke, like twenty Vauxhalls at the end of fire- works on a cloudy night. Our old Queen Char- lotte was the Madame Saqui of the piece, and danced beautifully on the tight rope, by which she was made fast to the mole. I dare say the dey thinks that we must be all near-sighted, for we seemed to think we never could get close enough. Our brave admiral was very polite; and though they say the first blow is half the bat- tle, he gave this advantage to the pirates, who be- an firing just about two o'clock, as I have since heard, for I forgot to look at my watch. The position of the Queen Charlotte was exactly at the entrance of the mole, where we had a com- plete prospect of what they used to call the ma- rine. They must now find a new name for it, for they have no marine left. This enabled us to have a clear view of the commencement of the action. I cannot describe to you the immense crowd of men that covered the mole and all parts of the marine; they were as thick as hops; thicker, I suppose, than the hops are this year, unless the weather mended.—Well, just as the old *} WaS going to let fly her broadside, the admiral, I sup- pose, had some pity on the poor devils, for he stood on the poop, and motioned with his hand for them to get out of the way—but there was such a crowd that this was impossible, even if they had wished; but I don't suppose they un- derstood what the admiral meant—at last, Fire fire! fire!—and bang: I think I saw 500 or 1,000 of them bang down in an instant. After that I did not see much, until our boats, taking pity on our darkness, set fire to a frigate close to us, just by way of light to see what we were doing. You talk of your fires in London, and of your engines and firemen; I wish we had had some of them, when this cursed frigate was blazing not fifty yards from our dwelling, which, being built of wood, with oakum for mortar, and fine verandas and balconies made of hemp and tow, was rather more in danger than one of your substantial mes- suages is, when the neighbour's house takes fire. The fact is, we were on -fire, I believe, two or three times; but we were all so d d cool that we put it out directly. The short and the long of the story is, that in six hours we knocked all their batteries and castles about their ears and eyes, like the last scene in ‘Timour the Tartar.' When we come home, it would save the public some cash, and give us a little employment, to hire us to clear the way for the new street; we should have St. James; * down in a twink- Cin A P. 1. Jºº-Z |Sł6. Book XVII. Chap. WI. Jºvº/ 1816, 1720 * • , . Histofºº O'º ºff E: Wàiſts * *~~~-º" " ------------...- ling; and I will venture to say the dey's batteries j as like a slaughter-house as any buteher's shop in the whole row. { sº “All our gun-boats were numbered, and it was good fun to see how No. 8 would pull into the fire before No. 6; in fact they were all nobly conducted, and the only number which nobody seemed to care of was number one. For my part I say this with an easier conscience, because I was obliged to stay on-board; the boats were supposed to be such desperate work, that it re- quired great interest to get into them. I never before so wished to be an honorable; however, I was foreed to content myself with the speaking- trumpet, with the assistance of which I assure you I sang out pretty well, though I cannot say that it was to any great tune. You will say, per- haps; that I am acting the trumpeter still. Now the grief of the story is, that we had no officer killed, so no promotion; the dey's balls seemed to have the navy list by heart, and took care to avoid every body who would have made a vacancy. The admiral had a sore dowse on the chops, which did not I believe draw blood; if it did, he swabbed it up directly, without saying a word about it, though he must have had a good deal of jaw of his own, to have been able to stand such a thump.” In addition to the above, we shall insert the following interesting particulars of the action, taken from minutes on-board the Superb:— “The morning of the 27th of August, 1816, presented to the view of the combined squadron the city of Algier, about six leagues on the weather-bow. Anxiety to combat was depicted on every countenance, and every bosom throbbed high to cover themselves with honor, and rescue their fellow Christians from ignominious slavery. Every sail was crowded with alacrity, and each ship of the combined squadrons cleared for action. At seven observed a frigate standing out of the bay under French colours. At nine, the Severn went in with a flag of truce, the fleets beating to windward with light variable airs, under all possible sail. At half-past eleven, the admiral made the signal for dinner, to which we piped accordingly, and at twenty-five minutes ast twelve, p. m. we beat to quarters, out with oats, and manned and armed them, eased the anchors down for letting go, &c. the admiral having made the signal to prepare to anchor and engage the enemy. At a quarter-past two, we bore up in the following order of battle; Queen Charlotte; Heron sloop as tender; Superb; Bri- tomart tender; Impregnable; Mutine tender; Minden; Cordelia tender; Albion; Leander; Glasgow; Granicus; Severn; Hebrus, and Pro- metheus. At fifty minutes after two, the admiral anchored, and moored head and stern about sixty yards off the mole-head. At ten minutes after three, being a cable's length from the admiral, and close under the batteries, we clewed up the toſ sails to the mast-head, and let go two bower § two stern anchors, when the enemy fired a shot, supposed to be eitheratus or the Queen Charlotte. The admiral instantly returned it with a broad- side, and a most tremendous fire commenced from the whole of the batteries, the ships anchor- ing in succession, and entering into a general action, with their starboard broadsides, except the Dutch ships, which engaged on the larboard side. The Superb and Granicus were opposed to a battery of eighteen and thirty-two pounders about sixty in number. At four we observe that our shot made a considerable impression on the works, that they flinched in their upper tier, and had a great many guns disabled. At five observed the battery a-beam ceased firing their upper tier, their guns being dismounted; but the enemy still annoyed us from their lower tiers and with musketry, with as mueh fierceness as ever. At fifty minutes after six, the whole of the enemy's flotilla, consisting of five frigates, six corvettes, brigs, schooners, gun and row-boats, &c. were in one blaze, and the Queen Charlotte, to avoid danger, as they drifted out, was obliged to shift her bérth northward. The upper tiers were now altogether silenced, and the lower much slackened, the enemy rallying at their guns at intervals, and teazing us with musketry from their embrasures. About half-past eight, from keeping up such a brisk and constant fire, we found our powder getting rather short. Orders, therefore, were given to fire only at these embrasures, which continued the action, and to spell some of eur guns. During all this time the bombs and gua and rocket-boats had performed their duty on the enemy's town and works, with visible effect. At eleven, our captain, first, third, and seventh lieu- tenants being wounded, and the admiral sending a boat for ships disabled, to be taken in tow, we slipped our cables, and our shattered state only allowing us to set our mizen top-sail, main-top- mast stay-sail, and sprit-sail, were towed out of #". by the Britomart, at the rate of about alf a knot an hour, exposed, with the other ships, to a raking fire from two solitary guns. On getting out of hostile range, we found our three lower masts and bowsprits, topmasts, lower and top-sail yards, driver-boom, and gaff, jib-boom, &c. very severely injured, the rigging dreadfully cut up, our mainmast with nine large shot through the mouth of it, besides being otherwise much eut up with grape and langridge, nine shot between wind and water, independent of many in the hull, and our loss in killed and wounded nearly 100. The appearance of the fleet stand- ing out, with the glare of the enemy's burning ps and arsenal on their shattered-masts and shi ºld to heavy peals of thunder and vivid OF THE "FRENCH REVOLUTION, 1721 *-* *-*-*. —wer— flashes of lightning, together with torrents of rain, combined altogether to form a scene awful and sublime beyond description. It seemed as if heaven itself was determined to pour down his vengeance, and exterminate these savage barba- rians. At half-past one, a. m. we anchored, with our only remaining anchor, the rest being left behind, and after giving our wearied lads a few hours rest, we turned them up to clear the decks and repair damages. In the morniag the admiral sent in a flag of truce, and the de returned word by the Swedish consul that he would comply with any terms. The day before he had told his principal officers that he would have us to whitewash his walls in less than half an hour after the commeneement of the action | 1 But what could withstand a squadron led on by Exmouth, and supported by justice and humanity, and in an inspiring cause, well worthy of British §eamen? At one, p. m. on the 28th, we turned the hands up and read the admiral's thanks for their noble and gallant behaviour, and told them. that peace had been signed with the enemy on our own terms. Our tars received the welcome intelligence with three cheers, and then resumed their duty with that ready cheerfulness which ever characterizes the British sailor,” The enemy were not very nice in their use of missiles. Broken glass, old nails, spikes, and other articles of a similar nature, were fired in profusion and did no little mischief. The number of the enemy's guns amounted to 1,001, of different calibres, one of them with seven bores on the Mole-gateway, while that of the attacking squa- dron, exclusive of six Dutch frigates, four boimbs, and five gun-boats, was only 702. By inquiries as to the amount of loss on the part of the Algerines, it appeared, that in killed only, 5,000 Janissaries and from five to 6,000 Arabs fell, besides women and children. A shell thrown from one of the bombs burst in a house, where nine children were assembled, and un- happily killed the whole; and there was scarcely a house in the city, but what had suffered more or less injury from the bombardment. An interesting event occurred on the beach, while the treaty with the dey was pending. Mr. Aitcheson, a marine-artillery officer, happening to meet a Frenchman, who had been in captivity for fifteen years, asked him if he would like to return to France in the French ship which lay in the bay.? He indignantly replied, that he felt ashamed of his country, but would go any where with the brave English, who had so kindly libe- rated him. The Algerines, it would seem, have been much undervalued as to their skill in gunnery; this action against them, our readers will be surprised to hear, was the bloodiest which has been fought of late years, in comparison with the numbers employed. In the action of the 1st of June, there were BOOK XVII. twenty-six sail of the line (including the Auda- cious) in action, with about 17,000 men; of these, 28i were killed, and 797 wounded.—Total, 1078. In Lord Bridport's action, 23d June, 1795, there were fourteen sail, with about 10,000 men; of whom only 31 were killed, and 113 wounded. Total 5 I 44. In the action off Cape St. Vincent's there were fifteen sail of the line, with about 10,000 men; of whom there were 73 killed, and 227 wounded. Total, 300, In Lord Duncan's action, 11th of October, 1797, there were sixteen sail of the line (includ- ing two fifties) engaged, with about 8000 men; of whom 191 were killed, and 560 'Wounded.— Total, 751. In the battle of the Nile, 1st of August, 1798, there were fourteen sail of the line engaged, with about 8,000 men ; of whom 218 were killed, and 677 wounded.—Total, 895. In Lord Nelson's attack on Copenhagen, 2d of April, 1801, there were eleven sail of the line and five frigates engaged, with about 7,000 men ; of whom 234 were killed, and 641 wounded.—Total, 875. In the battle of Trafalgar, 21stof October, 1806, there were twenty-seven sail of the line engaged, with about 17,000 men ; of whom 412 were killed, and 1,112 wounded.—Total, 1,524. In the attack on Algier there appear to have been five sail of the line and five frigates engaged, the crews of which may be computed at about 5,000 men; of whom 128 were killed, and 690 wounded.—Total, 818. If the Dutch frigates were added, they may be taken at about 1,500; of whom 13 were killed, and 32 wounded; so that the totals would be, of 6,500 men, 141 killed, and 722 wounded.—Total, S63. & Our readers will see that the proportion, there- fore, of the killed and wounded in this action, exceeds the proportion in any of our former vic- tories. The severity of the action, indeed, may be judged from the havoc which was made, in all the ships engaged, one of which we shall here notice. The Impregnable was almost riddled on the star- board side, having large shot in the hull, 233; foremast, 6; bowsprit,3; foreyard, 1 ; jib-boom, 2; main-yard, 2; main-top-mast, 3; main-top- gallant-mast, 1 ; crotchet-yard, 1 ; gaff; 13 main- mast, 15. Total, 268. None less than a 24- pounder. A considerable number of grape-shot were found sticking in different parts of the ship, all her rigging entirely shot away, and the sails very much cut. The muzzle of one of the guns; and the arm of another, were knocked off; and eight or ten others, with their carriages, broken. The Impregnable expended 400 barrels, or eighteen tons of powder; and 7,000, or 100 tons, ** CHA P. VI. erº- 1816. 1722 HISTORY OF THE WARS BOOK XVII. CHAP. VI 1816. —º- of round shot, besides case, canister, and Shrap- nell shells. One 18lb. shot entered her bulwark, passed through the heart of her main-mast, and went out at the opposite side. A 44-lb. shot lodg- ed in the ship, was slung in the boatswain's store-room, with the following words painted on it :— “This was sent by the Dey of Algier on-board H. M. S. Impregnable, as one of the advocates for slavery, but without effect, the 27th of August, 1816.” After the action was over, the officers and men in general were so much fatigued, that they were scarcely able to refrain from sleeping. Mr. Bur- ney, a gunner, we hear, lay down in the gun- room, to take a little repose, and, on waking, he found himself encumbered by a dead body, which had been placed across him, under the idea that he was laying there as one of the dead also. The gallant defence which the Algerines made in this action, fully confirms the opinion the world had already entertained of their bravery. With- out referring to the days in which they were rivals of Malta, Genoa, and Venice, in naval achievements, we need only look back to the 7th of May, 1802, when the Dey of Algier fitted out eleven corsairs, of different sizes, viz. two frigates of forty-six; one of thirty-six; four xebecs, two polacres, two schooners, and one brig. This squadron made many captures; the most remark- able of all was, that of La Cygne, a Portuguese frigate, of forty-four guns, and 350 men, at the entrance of the Straits of Gibraltar, by one of the forty-six-gun frigates above-mentioned, with 420 men. The Algerines bore down, under a press of sail, and opened their fire, which was returned for a short time, when the pirates carried the fri- gate by boarding. The Portuguese loss amount- ed to thirty-eight men killed, including the cap- tain and one lieutenant; the rest were chained, and sent into the hold, where they remained seven days without food or clothes; the wounded were not attended to, and many of them died in conse- quence of their wounds mortifying, from want of dressing. This capture excited the greatest en- thusiasm at Algier, and the insolence of the go- vernment increased to such a degree, that Euro- peans could no longer appear unmolested in the streets. To show to what an extent the Dey of Algier carried his exactions, both on European as well as African powers, we have annexed the follow- # Account of the contributions he levied in 02. * Piastres. From Holland, Sweden, and Denmark 75,000 Spain * … º g- tº tº - 165,000 England - tº gº º gº - 180,000 France - - - * > º - 235,000 Sweden (2d contribution) - º - 50,000 Denmark (ditto) gº sº - 112,000 Value of the Portuguese frigate and , ransom of the crew - - - 694,000 Value of seven other ships and cargoes 120,000 Seventy-five Genoese and Neapolitan slaves - tº tº - 187,500 Total from Europe 1,818,500 From Africa. The Beys of Titterie, Constantine, and Mascari paid - gº * º - - 300,000 From individuals g- gº * > - 100,000 Bey of Tunis paid 450,000 zec-mah- boubs, or º * - 700,000 Total, Europe, 1,818,500 Total, Africa, 1,100,000 2,918,500 piastres, or 728,625l. The above details shows the rapacity and audacity of these barbarians, and places the result of the action in a most important point of view. Indeed, the events at Algier were truly honour- able to the British character, and afforded another brilliant example of what might be effected by that dauntless bravery, and determined intre- #: which have so often been evinced by the ritish navy. The contest may be reckoned amongst the most arduous which, perhaps, ever was contended, and was executed in a truly Nel- sonian style. But, notwithstanding what has been so gallantly achieved by the venerable ad- miral, and his brave companions, and with such an immense sacrifice of lives, it is to be much feared, that the ultimate object is not yet accom- plished, and that in a few years the civilised world will again have to complain of that odious system of warfare, which has been allowed so long to exist with impunity. In reverting to the affairs of France, towards the close of 1816, we find nothing very particular to record. On the 3d of November, the session of the two chambers of the legislature was opened by the king, with a speech from the throne. His majesty congratulated the members on the inter- nal tranquillity of the country, and its external peace, guaranteed by the amicable dispositions of the foreign sovereigns, and the exact observ- ance of treaties, on the part of France. After alluding to the marriage of the Duke of Berri, which, as he trusted, would give to the country new pledges of prosperity, by confirming the order of succession, he ºd to the harvest, which, notwithstanding its lateness, would be sufficient for the consumption. His majesty ad- mitted the necessity of rigid economy, in every department, and declared that it was the deter- mination of himself and his family to make this year the same sacrifice as they had done in the last, towards the exigencies of the state. He urged the propriety of making a suitable provi- sion for the mining. of religion, assured the of THE FRENCH REvolution. 1723 -ºr * ~-r-—r ------ chambers of his intention to, maintain the charter inviolate, and recommended unanimity and mu- tual confidence to the different branches of the legislature. The sentiments expressed in this speech were re-echoed by each of the chambers, in its address to his majesty upon the occasion. In the sitting of the chamber of deputies, of which Baron Pasquier, minister of justice, had been appointed president, on the 14th of November, Count Corvetto, minister of finance, brought for- ward the budget for 1817. Notwithstanding the surprise and admiration which he affected, in his introductory speech, to feel at the prosperous state of the revenue, it was obvious that a consi- derable defalcation had occurred in the receipts of the present year, which, together with the false estimates of 1815, rendered it necessary to make the budget of 1817 exceed the last, by nearly 300 millions of francs. Some new taxes were roposed, with a loan of thirty millions, to meet the deficit, so that the whole annual expenditure, including the charges of the foreign army and contributions, would amount to 1,088,294,957 francs, or about 45,346,000l. sterling. To make up the deficiency in the revenue, the French ministry were obliged to have re- course to a loan; but some time elapsed before they were enabled to get even that, so reluctant were the monied men to trust the French govern- ment. At length, however, after a tedious nego- ciation, the house of Baring and Co. London, in conjunction with Lafitte, of Paris, Hope of Am- sterdam, and a banking-house at Hamburgh, agreed to advance 12,000,000l. sterling; but on terms very disadvantageous to the French go- vernment. As a means also of lessening the difficulties of the French government, and to ren- der it somewhat popular to the nation, the allied powers agreed to withdraw 30,000 of their troops from the country, which was accordingly done in the spring of the following year. Several inci- dents, however, though trivial in themselves, which took place about the close of this, and the commencement of the next year, served to show the state of the public mind, which was by no means in favor of the stability of the French go- vernment. A gentleman, in a letter, dated Paris, March 20, says, “The constant theme of the revo- lutionary party here is, that it would not be ‘im- possible, if a fresh revolutionary movement took place, to drive the allies out of France, and even to extend the territory to the Rhine: they dis- claim this latter project, but continue to prove that it would be feasible, if wished for. They talk continually of the advantages of a national war against regular troops... It is true, that in É. these projects are veiled with ifs— if we should be forced,'— if it should become neces- sary,’ &c. &c.; but all these veils are too transpa- rent for a by-stander not to see that it is their | 19, —ºr x-rººs *-x-xx nightly dream, and their daily speculation. This BOOK XVII. party,” . he, “at present employ all their acti- vity to calumniate the past, present, and future conduct of the allies, particuíarly of England: they cry down the old nobility of France: they sometimes say they are extremely attached to the Bourbons, but speak ill of each individual of the family; and propagate, among the lower rauks, falsehoods, known to be such by the higher classes. Cameleons, they take all colours; the few who are in the chambers speak guardedly ; those whom you meet in good company are rather less so; and this reserve goes on Mºiſ. till you arrive at the anonymous pamphlets ; which, being intended for the populace, speak without reserve, either in opinion or language.” About this time, M. Santini, one of Bonaparte's & domestics, arrived in England from St. Helena, when he immediately published a pamphlet, con- taining a narrative of the ill-treatment which, he said, his master had received, since his arrival on that island. In this narrative, which he en- titled, “An appeal to the British nation, on the treatment experienced by Napoleon Bonaparte, in the island of St. Helena,” was an official me- morial (dictated by Napoleon,) from Count Mon- tholon to Sir Hudson Lowe, the governor of the island. As this memorial is very interesting, and its authenticity being acknowledged by the Bri- tish government, we shall lay it before our readers. Letter, by order of the Emperor .Napoleon, ad- dressed, by General Count JMontholon, to Sir Hudson Lowe, British Governor of the Island of St. Helena. “General,—I have received the treaty of the 3d of August, 1815, concluded between his Britan- nic majesty, the Emperor of Austria, the Em- peror of Russia, and the King of Prussia, which accompanied your letter of the 23d of July. “ The Emperor Napoleon protests against the contents of that treaty ; he is not the prisoner of England. After having placed his abdication in the hands of the representatives of the nation, for the advantage of the constitution adopted by the French people, and in favour of his son, he re- paired voluntarily and freely to England, with a view of living there, as a private individual, under the protection of the British laws. The violation of every law cannot constitute a right. The per- son of the Emperor Napoleon is actually in the power of England; but he neither has been, nor is, in the power of Austria, Russia, and Prussia, either in fact or of right, even according to the laws and customs of England, which never in- cluded, in the exchange of prisoners, Russians, Prussians, Austrians, Spaniards, or Portuguese, though united to these powers by treaties of alli- ance, and making war;"ºnly with them. C It A P. VI. Je-N-y 1817, 1724 HISTORY OF THE WARS §OOK XVII. . Ch Ap. VI. Jºvº/ 1817. *=s* “The convention of the 2d of August, con- cluded fifteen days after the emperor was in England, cannot have, of right, any effect. It exhibits only a spectacle of the coalition of the four greatest powers of Europe, for the oppression of a single man!—a coalition which the opinion of every nation, and all the principles of sound mo- rality, equally disavow. “The Emperors of Austria and Russia, and the King of Prussia, having, neither in fact, or in right, any claim over the person of the Emperor Napoleon, could decide nothing respecting him. “Had the Emperor Napoleon been in the power of the Emperor of Austria, that prince would have recollected the relations which reli- gion and nature have formed between a father and a son—relations which are never violated with impunity. “He would have recollected that Napoleon had, four times, restored to him the throne, viz. at Leoben, in 1797; at Luneville, in 1801, when his armies were under the walls of Vienna; at Presburgh, in 1806; and at Vienna, in 1809, when his armies had possession of the capital, and three-fourths of the monarchy! That prince would have recollected the protestations he made to Napoleon, at the bivouac, in Moravia, in 1806, and at the interview in Dresden, in 1812. “Had the person of the Emperor Napoleon been in the power of the Emperor Alexander, he would have recollected the ties of friendship con- tracted at Tilsit, at Erfurth, and during twelve years of daily correspondence. “He would have recollected the conduct of the Emperor Napoleon, the day after the battle of Austerlitz, when, though he could have made him, with the wreck of his army, prisoner, he con- tented himself with taking his parole, and allowed him to operate his retreat. He would have re- collected the dangers to which the Emperor Na- poleon personally exposed himself, in order to extinguish the fire at Moscow, and to preserve that capital for him. Assuredly, that prince would never have violated the duties of friend- ship and gratitude towards a friend in misfortune. “Had the person of the Emperor Napoleon been in the power of the King of Prussia, that sovereign could not have forgotton that it de- pended on the emperor, after the battle of Fried- land, to place another prince on the thaone of Berlin. He would not have forgotten, in the presence of a disarmed enemy, the protestations of attachment, and sentiments of gratitude, which he testified to him in 1812, at the interviews in Dresden. “It accordingly appears, from articles two and five, of the treaty of the 2d of August, that these princes, being incapable of exercising any influ- ence over the disposal of the emperor, who was not in their power, accede to what may be done thereon by his Britannic majesty, who takes upon himself the charge of fulfilling every obligation. These princes have reproached the Emperor Na- poleon with having preferred the protection of the English laws to theirs. The false ideas which the Emperor Napoleon had formed of the liberality of the laws of England, and of the in- fluence of the opinion of a great, generous, and free people over their government, decided him to prefer the protection of these laws to that of a father-in-law, or an old friend. “The Emperor Napoleon had it in his power to secure, by a diplomatic treaty, whatever was per- sonal to ñº, by putting himself either at the head of the army of the Loire, or at the head of the army at the Gironde, commanded by General Clausel; but wishing, henceforth, for nothing but retirement, and the protection of the laws of a free state, either English or American, all stipu- lations appeared to him unnecessary. He con- ceived that the English people were more bound by a conduct which was, on his part, frank, noble, and full of confidence, than they would have been by the most solemn treaties. He has been de- ceived; but this error will for ever cause true Britons to blush, and will, in the present, as well as future generations, be a proof of the bad faith of the English administration. “Austrian and Prussian commissioners are ar- rived at St. Helena. If the object of their mis- sion be the fulfilment of a part of the duties which the Emperors of Austria and Russia have con- tracted by the treaty of the 2d of August, and to take care that the English agents, in a small co- lony, in the midst of the ocean, do not fail in the respect due to a prince connected with these so- vereigns by the bonds of relationship, and so many other ties, proofs of the character which belong to these two monarchs will be recognized in this proceeding; but you, sir, have declared, that these commissioners have neither the right nor the power of giving any opinion on what may be passing on this rock “The English ministers have caused the Em- peror Napoleon to be transported to St. Helena, at the distance of 2,000 leagues from Europe . This rock, situated within the tropics, and 500 leagues from any continent, is subject to the devouring heats of these latitudes. It is covered with clouds and fogs during three-fourths of the year, and is at once the most arid, and the most humid coun- try in the world. Such a climate is most inimical to the health of the emperor, and hatred must have dictated the choice of this residence, as well as the instructions given by the English ministry to the officers commanding in the island. “They have even been ordered to call the Em- peror Napoleon general, as if it were wished to oblige him to consider himself as never having reigned in France. OF THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 1725 -- * * * —w- “The reasons which determined him not to as- sume an incognito name, as he might have re- solved to do on leaving France, were these ; first magistrate for life of the republic, under the title of first-consul, he concluded the preliminaries of London and the treaty of Amiens with the King of Great Britain ; and received, as ambassadors, Lord Cornwallis, Mr. Merry, and Lord Whit- worth, who resided in that quality at his court. “He accredited to the King of England, Count Otto and General Andreossi, who resided as am- bassadors at the court of Windsor. When, after an exchange of letters between the ministers for foreign affairs of the two monarchies, Lord Lau- derdale came to Paris, invested with full powers from the King of England; he treated with the º...". possessing full powers from the mperor Napoleon, and remained for several months at the court of the Thuilleries: when Lord Castlereagh afterwards signed at Chatillon, the ultimatum, which the allied powers presented to the plenipotentiaries of the Emperor Napoleon, he recognized by that the fourth dynasty. This ultimatum was more advantageous than the treaty of Paris; but, in exacting that France should re- nounce Belgium and the left bank of the Rhine, it exacted what was contrary to the propositions of Frankfort, and the proclamations of the allied powers—what was contrary to the oath by which, at his coronation, the emperor swore to maintain the integrity of the empire. The emperor, be- sides, thought that these natural limits were ne: cessary, both for the security of France, and to preserve the equilibrium of Europe; he thought that the French nation, in the situation in which it was, ought rather to run the hazard of all the chances of war, than to depart from that policy. France had obtained this integrity, and would have preserved it with honor, if treason had not arrayed itself in aid of the allies. “The treaty of the 2d of August, and the act of the British parliament, called the emperor, Na- poleon Bonaparte, and gave him only the title of general. The title of General Bonaparte is doubt- Hess eminently glorious: the emperor bore it at Lodi, at Castiglione, at Rivoli, at Arcole, at Leo- ben, at the Pyramids, at Aboukir; but, for seven- teen years, he has borne that of first consul and emperor, which proves that he has been both first magistrate of the republic, and sovereign of the fourth dynasty. Those who think that nations are flocks which belong of divine right to certain families, do not belong to the age, nor do they participate in the spirit of the English legislature, which has several times changed the order of its dynasty, because great changes had taken place in public opinion, in which the reigning prince not participating, they became enemies to the welfare of the great majority of the nation, for kings are only hereditary magistrates, who exist 2 for the welfare of nations, and not nations for the Book xvii. satisfaction of kings. “It is in the same hateful spirit that orders have been given that the Emperor Napoleon shall not be allowed to write or receive any letters, unless they are opened and read by the English ministers and the officers at St. Helena. They have in- terdicted to hin the possibility of receiving intel- ligence from his wife, his mother, his son, or his brothers; and when, in order to avoid the incon- venience of having his letters read by subaltern officers, he wished to send letters sealed to the prince-regent, he was told that the order could not be departed from, and that the letters must pass open, such being the instructions of the mi- nistry. This conduct needs no observation ; it gives rise, however, to strange ideas as to the spirit of the administration which could dictate what would be disavowed even at Algiers. Letters have arrived at St. Helena, for the officers in the suit of the emperor ; they were broke open and transmitted to you, but you have not communi- cated them, because they did not come through the channel of the English ministry. Thus they had to go back 400 leagues, and these officers had the grief of knowing, that there was intelli- gence on the rock, from their wives, their mothers, their children, and that they could not know the nature of it for six months—the heart must solace itself “They could not obtain either The Morning Chronicle, The Morning Post, or any French journals. Now and then a few stray numbers of The Times reached Longwood. In consequence of a request made on-board the Northumberland, some books were sent, but all those relative to the affairs of late years have been carefully kept back. He wished to correspond with a bookseller in London, in order to have direct the books which he wanted, and those relative to the events of the day—this was prevented. An English author, having made a tour to France, and having pub- lished an account of it in London, he took the trouble to transmit it to you, in order that it might be presented to the emperor; you thought proper not to transmit it, because it was not sent to you by the express desire of your government. It is said also, that other books sent by their authors have not been transmitted, because some of them were inscribed to the Emperor Napoleon, and others to Napoleon the Great. The English mi- mistry is not authorised to order any of these vex- ations; the law, although unique, by which the British parliament regards the Emperor Napoleon as a prisoner of war, has never prohibited pri- soners of war from subscribing to journals, or re- ceiving printed books—such a prohibition takes lace only in the dungeons of the inquisition. “The island of St. Helena is ten leagues in cir- cumference; it is inaccessible every where; brigs CHA P. VI. \ , ºvº-V | 817 1726 HHSTORY OF THE WARS BOOK XVII. , CHAP. VI. Jºvº-Z 1817. # Jºe s * surround the coast; posts are stationed on the shore within sight of each other, which render impracticable any communication with the sea. There is only one small town (James Town), where there is an anchorage, and where vessels touch. To prevent an individual from quitting the island, it is sufficient to guard the shore by land and sea. To lay an interdict on the interior of the island can therefore have no other object than to deprive him of a promenade of from eight to ten miles, which it would be possible to make on horseback, and the privation of which will shorten the life of the emperor. The emperor has been established at Longwood, exposed to every wind, and where the land is sterile and uninha- bitable, without water, and not susceptible of any cultivation. There is a circuit marked out of about 1,200 toises; at about 1,100 or 1,200 toises distance a camp is established on a hill, and another camp in an opposite position at the same distance; in short, in the midst of the heat of the tropic, there is nothing to be seen but camps. “Admiral Malcolm having learnt the utility which the emperor would derive from a tent in that situation, caused one to be set up by his sailors, at twenty paces distance, in front of the house, it was the only place in which a shade could be found. The emperor had as mueh rea- son to be satisfied with the spirit that animated the officers and soldiers of the brave 53d regi- ment, as he had been with the crew of the Nor- thumberland. “The house at Longwood was built to serve as a barn for the company’s farm ; the deputy gove- nor of the island had since built some chambers; it served him for a country-house, but it was not in a proper habitable state; workmen have been employed at it for a year, and the emperor has been continually subjected to the inconvenience and insalubrity of inhabiting a house in the pro- gress of building. The chamber in which he sleeps is too small to contain a bed of ordinary dimensions; but every alteration at Longwood prolongs the inconvenience of having workmen there. There are, however, in this miserable ter- ritory, beautiful situations, presenting fine trees, gardens, and good houses. There is, besides, a plantation-house; but the positive instructions of government forbad you from giving up this house, although much expense would thereby have been saved to your government—an expense incurred in fitting up at Longwood a hut, covered with paper, which is already unserviceable. “You have interdicted all correspondence be- tween us and the inhabitants of the island; you have, in fact, placed the house at Longwood au secret—you have even prevented any communi- cation with the officers of the garrison;–it seems, therefore, to be your study to deprive us of the little resource which this miserably territory af. fords, and we are here just as we should be on --- * *. the insulated and uninhabited rock of Ascension. During the four months that you have been at St. Helena, you have, sir, rendered the situation of the emperor much worse. Count Bertrand has observed to you, that you violate even the laws of your legislature, and that you trample under foot the rights of general officers, prisoners of war. You have replied, that you act according to the letter of your instructions, and that your conduct to us is not worse than is dictated by them. I have the honor to be, (Signed) “GENERAL Count DE Montholon.” “After I had signed this letter, I received your's of the 17th August, in which you subjoin the ac- count of an annual sum of 20,000l. sterling, which you consider indispensable for the support of the expenses of the establishment at Longwood, after having made all the reductions which you thought possible. . We do not think we have any thing to do with the discussion of this point; the table of the emperor is scarcely pºiſ. with strict ne- cessaries, and all the provisions are of the worst quality. You ask of the emperor a fund of 12,000l. sterling, as your government will only allow 8,000l. for all the expenses. I have already had the honor of informing you, that the emperor had no funds, that for a year past he had neither written nor received any letter, and that he is altogether ignorant of what has passed, or is passing, in Europe. Transported by force to this rock, without being able to write or to receive any answer, the emperor is now entirely at the mercy of English agents. The emperor has always desired, and is still desirous, to provide himself for all his expenses, of whatever nature, and he will do it as soon as you render it possible, by taking off the interdictions laid upon the mer- chants of the island with regard to his corres- pondence, and directing that it should not be sub- jected to any inquisition on your part, or by any of your agents. Thenceforth the wants of the emperor would be known in Europe, and those persons who interested themselves in his behalf might send him the funds necessary to provide for them. “The letter of Lord Bathurst, which you have communicated. to me, gives birth to strange ideas. Are your ministers then ignorant that the spec- tacle of a great man in captivity and adversity is a most sublime spectacle 3 Are they ignorant that Napoleon at St. Helena, in the midst of per- secutions of every description, to which he op- poses nothing but serenity, is greater, more sacred, and more venerable, than when seated upon the first throne in the world, where for so long a time he was the arbiter of kings? Those who, in such a situation, are wanting to Napoleon, are blind to their own character, and that of the nation which they represent. “MoMTHolon,” OF THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 1727 1— ~ear-r- wº- -º-º: The marrative of M. Santini contained a variety of interesting particulars; and he endeavoured to prove that the ex-emperor had not only been ill- treated in regard to his rank, &c. but that he was absolutely exposed to a state of starvation. “It is to be recollected,” says he, “the governor took upon himself the entire charge of the main- tenance of Napoleon and his suite; but the pro- visions he furnished were always in too small a quantity, and also very often of bad quality. In the latter case, when the emperor's house-steward (Cipriani) has found himself under the necessity of sending back the provisions, the articles were never replaced by others more fit for use, and it has been necessary to wait until the following da for a fresh supply. It has often happened that, on finding himself without any butcher's meat for the emperor's table, the steward has sent me to purchase a sheep, for which I have paid four guineas; and often could only procure pork for making soup. Captain Poppleton, of the 53d regiment, appointed to guard the emperor, if he is the man of honor I believe him to be, will not fail to bear witness that he has often lent candles to lighten this abode of desolation, as well as bread, butter, poultry, and even salt. I was even, from necessity, in the habit of repairing secretly to the English camp to purchase butter, eggs, and bread, of the soldiers' wives, otherwise the emperor would often have been without breakfast, and even without dinner.” We have not room to notice any further parti- culars in the statement of Santini; but must observe, they were deemed of so much import- ance that the subject was brought before parlia- ment by Lord IHolland, who made a motion for the production of certain papers, for the purpose of shewing whether the statement of Santini was true or false. Ministers, however, though they contradicted some of the particulars in Santini’s narration, refused to produce the papers, and the motion in consequence was rejected. Important consequences are, however, likely to occur from the circumstance of the memorial and the narra- tion of Santini finding their way into general cir- "culation on the continent; and the complaints stated therein may be the means of producing a convulsion at a future period. “Montholon's letter,” says a gentleman residing at Paris, “with the commentary of Santini, has produced a great sensation here. The journals have not said a word respecting them, and the government will doubtless continue faithful to its system of allow- ing nothing to be said, in the public papers respecting the situation of Bonaparte and his fa- mily. Copies, however, of Montholon's letter, and translations, are openly circulating in great numbers; and that does more harm than if the journals were allowed to speak of them.” in, ſº while the public mind in France is -º- i- discontented, the quiet and peace of the rest of BOOK XVII. Europe cannot be secure. It perhaps is impos- sible exactly and fully to point out what line of C**. VI. conduct Louis ought to pursue, in order to fix his throne on a firm and permanent foundation. The military spirit and habits which the people of France have acquired, will not soon wear away: their late disasters, their country twice conquer- ed,—a sovereign twice placed over them by these conquests, will not soon be forgotten; but, undoubt- edly, their oblivion will be accelerated if Louis gains over the mass of the population, by securing to them all the benefits which the revolution produced, and by protecting them from the evils which it engendered. If, on the contrary, he has not learnt wisdom by experience ; if it be true that he, as well as the rest of his family, have forgotten nothing which they ought to have forgotten, and have learnt nothing which they ought to have learnt, during their misfortunes; then, not all the force of Europe, can, or ought, to keep him on the throne of France. But let us hope better things: let us hope that these princes who lived so long in Britain, did not shut their eyes to the facts which there surrounded them; from which they might have drawn this lesson—that the most law- ful, as well as the most happy sovereign, is he who is powerful and happy in the affections and happiness of his subjects. ſº turning to the affairs of England, it is with regret we have to state, that, notwithstanding all the blood and treasure she had expended in the defence of Spain, Italy, Germany, and Holland, those very countries were the first to show their jealeusy, and even hostility, to that greatness to which she had exalted herself, by her manufac- tures and commerce. The journalists of France neglected no opportunity of inflaming and keeping alive this jealousy, and turning it to the account of their own aation, whose commodities were re- presented as having gained a decided preference with Spain and Naples. . . Indeed, we are con- vinced, that nothing would give those countries, greater pleasure, than to see renewed that con- tinental system, as it was called, which proscribed the produce of English industry, although that industry was the means of restoring them to independence. This spirit was strongly, ina- nifested at Ghent, on the 22d of July, 1816, where a scene, which rivalled any of those that took place under Bonaparte, in the most inve- terate period of the war. The workmen em- loyed in the different manufactories, having col- |. all the articles of English origin, which they could lay their hands on, stripping even passengers of their shawls and handkerchiefs, made a bonfire of them in the public market. That this was not a mere ebullition of vulgar rejudice, is proved by the laboured vindication, of the act, that anewºººpened in the Ghent, |. \ºvº/ 1817. I'728 HISTORY of THE wars, &c. BOOKXVII, newspapers, in which the necessity of a general. Char. WI. Jºvº-M 1817. proscription of English manufactures upon the continent was expressly insisted upon. In fact, the continental sovereigns found it was necessary to encourage their own manufactures, and, to do so, they must exclude the English from their markets, which was done, in a great measure, by several severe edicts, issued against the importa- tion of various articles, the produce and—manu- facture of Great Britain. These measures were soon felt in England; and the commercial and manufacturing interest never experienced such distréss, since England was a nation. The little trade that is left, #. not a particle of that confi- dence and enterprize which formerly charac- terized the English merchant, wherever the traces of his spirit and industry might be found. It is much to be regretted, that we scorned the homely, but substantial and peaceful benefits, of being the haberdashers and cutlers of the world: we must, forsooth, become government and constitution- makers, to our neighbours; and, while we have been fighting for the shadow, we have evidently lost the substance. Our policy sacrificed the manufacture of broad-cloths, which would have suited every nation, for the manufacture of laws, which, notwithstanding all our efforts, we can never construct, so as to suit any race of people but ourselves, and which every nation upon whom they have been forced will throw aside the very instant a favorable opportunity shall present itself. That we have acquired glory, there can be no doubt; but, alas! glory is a poor substitute for our manufactures and commerce. It must, indeed, prove a matter of the deepest regret to every lover of his country, when he se- riously reflects on the amazing advantages which we have lost, and feels that it is totally out of the power of wisdom or strength to recal them, The great decrease of trade has been, from time to time, more or less observable, according as the temporary stimulants of war supplied us with an artificial vigor. A partial elevation of the agri- cultural interest kept large masses of capital ac- tive and afloat; but agriculture is now equally depressed with general commerce. Even the dis- tressed state of the agricultural interest may be traced to the long and expensive wars in which we have been engaged. They have given birth to a system of taxation which, pressing heavily on the ºl. classes of society, impelled them to raise their rents to such a height, that the farmer was scarcely able to gain a scanty subsistence, ands consequently, the less enabled to pay his landlord, and his quota of the public burdens. This depressed state of the farming, the com- mercial, and manufacturing interests, threw an immense number of the lower orders out of em- ployment; and it was calculated that, at the close of 1816, not less than 500,000 families were thrown on their parishes for relief. The distress was felt so much in some districts, and the poor-rates rose to such an enormous height, that the few farmers that remained were obliged to abandon their farms, being unable to pay even the rates. The manufacturing towns were in a still worse condi- tion, and some thousands of artizans and weavers were compelled to seek, in foreign countries, that employment which they despaired of ever finding again in their own. In consequence of this ge. neral distress, complaints and dissatisfaction at the measures of government were every where heard; and meetings were called in all the coun- ties and towns, for the purpose of petitioning the legislature for retrenchment, and for reform in the commons house of parliament; the people rightly judging, that if they had been properly represent- ed, the nation would never have been brought in- to that state of misery in which it was involved. The British government seem to have been aware of the distress which would be felt throughout the country; and, therefore, on the conclusion of the war, they got a parliamentary vote for keep- ing a standing army of 150,000 men. They sti however, did not think themselves secure even with this force; for, finding the popular resent- ment so strong against them, they procured an- other vote for suspending the Habeas Corpus Act, and an act was passed for preventing all popular meetings, that were not called by the sheriff or magistrates. Notwithstanding, the discontent of the country keeps pace with its distresses; and while the taxes are so heavy, and our debt so great, the interest of which is 44,000,000l., there can be no prospect of better times. As to the confe- derated states on the continent, war or peace must be nearly the same to them; or, if there be any difference, it must be in favor of the former. They have no national debt grinding them to the earth; and that for the happy reason, that they have neither our credit nor our credulity. Per- haps, on the whole, it may be fortunate for them that they have not. We are embarrassing and impoverishing our posterity, and consigning to them the legacy of our political folly. INDEX. " . . ; ’ ‘,-, ABDALLAH Kezkaori, 1.191,193... . Abercromby, Major-general, (Sir Ralph) i., 36,47, 48,513 wounded, ºf attacks Porto Rico, 128 ; his death, 329. 3 - ? Aboukir, naval battle of.-See Nile, battle at, i. 327. . . . . * Achmet Pacha el D'Jezzer, governor of Syria, collects an army against the French, i.189. Receives a letter from Bonaparte, Aºtº so.º." Clapg, general, 3, bu & 1 * t acre;def nded § the English, i. 192. Ope- assations at, I03. Situation of the French, 194. Assaults, em, ibid.... The siege of, raised, 195. Retreat af the French, 196. Actions.-See Battles. & A Adam, Captain Charles, i. 851. Adams, Major-general, ii. 1407, 1426. . Addresses from Great Britain to the Conti- iéirt; i.26–iSee Declarations, Manifestoes, Aºuda, so alolphus ince, wounded, i. 40. . #.º. Balloon. Agnew, Major, i. 85. Airey, Lieutenant-colonel, i. 350. Alava, General, ii. 1427., t → Alba, aetion of, i. 674. , “r- Albert-Cassimir, Prince.—See Sare Teschen. Albuera, battle of, i. 743. Alcantara, battle of, i. 654. Second attack, 656. . " s Alcoy, the French escape fram, i. 842. Alcudia, Duke of, i. 314. , , , , Aldenhoven; Lieutenant-general, Lanoue defeated at, i. 31. t Alexander I..his accession, i. 312. Magna- inimity, 444. His interview with Bona- parte, 555. His proclamation on joining the allies, 789. His address, 796. Arrives at Wilma, 818. Another, proclamation, ii: 1376. , , , , , f. “ . . " ... . . ~~ Alexăndria, (America) capture of, ii. 1170. Alexandria, (Egypt) i. 168. Capture of by ...the French, 169. , Again, 214. Capture of, by the English, 559.-See Nile.... . Alexandria, (Italy) taken by the allies, i. 21 I.' . . - Algesiras, naval actions of, i. 129. Algiers, battle of, ii. 1713, 1714. Alcmaar, battle of, i. 223. Allen, an Irish rebel, i, 406. Allies, athe, driven't from Haguenau, i. 45. ‘Ill success of, 50, 54. Great. success of, 736. Military forces of (1815), ii. 1336.- ;See Battles under the names of the different # ty galaces. ; , " - Aïmarez, victory.at, i. 776. , Almeida taken by the French, i. 706. Almeira, battle of, i. 742. £, l. ~ : * > f . ; * : * Atten,’sir Charles, ii. 1407. Alvinzy, or Alvynzy, “Lieutenant-general, i. 47, 101. His retreat, 115. Dismissed, 116. Amand, St. i. 35. Amboyna taken by the English, i. 708. America, i. 56. Delay of her fleet, 57. History of, 261. Resignation and death of Washington, 262,265. Action between his majesty's ship Little Belt and the American frigate President, 749, ii. 875. * § • ' ' , a ** * Jº Examinations” and correspondence re- specting the same, 876–895. Mr. Madis. son’s complaint, 897. Proceedings of the congress, 906. Riot and Massacre at Bal- timore, 914. War declared against Eng- land, and letters of marque issued by the latter,918. President's message to con- gress, 944. Madison re-elected, 948. His speech, 955. Captures and losses, 956– 962. American discipline, 968. Cap- tures and losses, 975—980. Attacks, 983 —987. Proclamation, 988. President's message, 990. Defeats and captures, 1159 —l 166. Battle of Blădensbury, 1167. Washington entered by the British army, i 168., Capture of Alexandria, &c. 1170. Invaded by the British, 1178–1190. De- feated, i 198. Peace signed, 1202. Amerongen, i. 54. Amersfort, i. 54. Amiens, congress at, and treaty of peace signed, i. 361. Amsterdam, petition of, i. 53, Ancona taken by the French, i. 216. Andaya, i. 46. Adrieux, Captain, ii. 1235. André, fort of, i. 52, 53. Angier, General, ii. 1252. Anglesea, Marquis of, (Earl of Uxbridge,) ii. 1419, 1428. Angouleme.—See D’Angouleme. Anniversary meetings, i. 24, 25. Anselme, General, succeeds Montesquiou, i. 48. Proceeds to Sardinia, ibid. Arrested and sent prisoner to Paris, 49. Anspach surrendered, i, 509. Anstruther, General, i. 621. Antioch, isle of, i. 46. Antoinette, Maria, married to Louis XVI. i. 2.-See Queen of France. Antrim, (Ireland,) insurrection at, i. 150. Antwerp, siege and surrender of the citadel to the French, i. 21. Captured by the allies, 33. Congress at, 34. Evacuated by the allies, 51. Appolthein, i. 52. Arabs, the, i. 193, 327. Arcole, battle of, i. 100, Arentzchild, Colonel, Sir F. ii. 1408. Arethusa frigate, i. 44. Argonne, forest of, defended, i. 20. Arklow, (Ireland,) insurrection at, i. 149. Arlon taken, i. 49. Armies.—See the names of the respective Ge- nerals and of the different places attacked. Armistices.—ESee Conventions, Treaties, &c. Arnheim, i. 52. Taken by the French, 54. Arragon, patriotism of, i. 733. Arroy de Molino, the French defeated at, i. 766. &" - Assembly, constituent, i. 66. Legislative or second, 67. National, 68.-See Decrees, C. t Asirolenka, battle of, 541. Auckland, Lord, ambassador from England, i. 34. His death, &c. ii. 1195. Audacious, the, i. 56. Audreaux, Adjutant-general, i. 271. Auerstadt, battle of, i. 514. Augereau, General, i. 91, 93. Austerlitz, battle of, i. 474. r: \ jº Austria, conduct of, i. 34, War 1st, 38. Her success, 40, 45. #. º II* successful, 54. Forces of, defeated, 114. Again takes the field, 115. Assumes the hereditary dignity of emperor,444. Dis- pleased with Russia, 523, Decláres war against France, 839. Manifesto on the occasion, 840. A general arming to de- pose Bonaparte, ii. 1301. Proclamation issued by the emperor of, 1376. ...sº Auteen, bishop of.--See Talléyrand. . Ayscough, Captain, i. 293. BAccum, action at, i. 223. , Bachelors put under requisition, i. 39. Badajoz, treaty of, i. 685. Action at, 734, Captured by the French, 735,4-Siege of abandoned, 762. Taken by storm, 763. Baden, Margrave of, assists §: Britain, i. 37. Solicits peace, 104.’ * , Bagration, Prince, i. 47 l. , , , Baillard, General, i. 225. *} Baird, Major-general, i. 333. (Sir David,) 532, 630. . . Balaguier, fort of, i.42, 44. Balgowen, Colonel Graham, i. 634. Ballasteros, his dismissal, i.h;9. " Balloon, used for military purposes, i. 50. Baltimore, riot and massacre at, ii. 914. Attack on, 1172. *_ wº Bambecke taken by the French, i. 40. Bancal arrested, i. 34. * w Banda taken by the English, i. 708,728. Bantry Bay, (Ireland,) arrival of a French squadron at, i. 108. ' The French made prisoners, 109. * Barcelona, occurrences at, 588. " . Bard seized by the French, i. 275, Barfleur, the, i. 57. t Barlow, Captain R. i. 349. Citizen Joel, i. 26. Barnes, Major-general, ii. 1426. Barras, deputy, i. 43. * Barrere accuses Houchard, i. 40. His pre- sumption, 46. Is accused, 67. Barrosa, victory at, i. 735. Basile, Captain, i. 57. Bassano, battle of, i. 100. . . . . —-Duke of, (Maret,) ii. 1298. Basten, the French driven from, i. 856. Bastia taken by the English, i. 856. Bastile, destruction of the, i, 10, , Bathurst, Colonel, i. 662, . Battles, i. 42, 45, 47, 48,49, 54, 55, #3, 75, 96, 101, 108.-See the names of the re. spective commanders and of places; also Naval History, &c. * Bavaria, centributions in, i. 283. Baudet, Citizen, i. 253. Bautzèn, battle of, i. 839. Bazire, M. defends royalty, i. 21. Beaver, Captain Philip, i. 291. Beauharnóis, (Prince Eugene,) i. 454, Dee feated by the Russians, 833. Beaulieu, General, i. 49, 96. Beaumont, General, i. 460, ii. 1392. Beaupreaux, i. 46. Becket, Brigadier-major, i. 662. Bedaux, Major-general, governor of Gera truºdenberg, i. 31. Hejaz, the enemy repulsed at, i. 811. Belgium, i. 278. Y. : t INDEX. * * fe • *. A. **. pointed to the command of the army of Italy, 87. His biography, 88. His ad- dress to the army, 92. . Passage of the Po, 93. Actions, 94. Seizes upon Leg- horn, 95. Quells the insurgents in Italy, ibid. Arrives at Brescia, 96. Blockades Mantúa, 97. Enters Trent, 98. His suc- cess, 99, 100. War with the fºope, 115. His answer to the pope's letter, T16. Various battles and captures, 117. His hetter to the Archduke Charles and the answer, 1 18. His proclamation to the Tyrolese, 119. Peace of Leoben signed, 120. His disputes with Venice, ibid. His proclamation to the senate, 121. Enters Venice, ibid. Treaty of Campo Formio, ibid. Returns to Paris, 122. Congress of Radstadt, 148, 155. Fresh disputes with the pope, 156. Enters Rome with his army, 157. Roman republic proclaim- ed, 158. His ambitious projects against Egypt, 159. His proclamation on the occasion, 160. Sails with the expedition, ibid. Effects a landing at Malta, 161. Attacks the city, 164. Massacres the knights, 165. Captures the island, ibid. Arrives at Alexandria and addresses his army, 167. Effects a landing and captures Alexandria, 169. Marches against Cairo, ibid. Actions near the Pyramids, 170. Enters Cairo, 171. Battle of the Nile, 172. Embarrassed by unforeseen obsta- cles, 184. Fortifies Cairo and Alexan- dria, 185. Introduces festivals, theatrical exhibitions, &c. to delude the inhabitants, ibid. His address to the heads of the mosque, 187. Prepares to meet a Turco- Syrian army, 188. Leaves Cairo, ibid. Captures El Arisch, 189. Reaches Ghaza, ibid. Captures Jaffa, 190. Massacres the garrison, ibid. His letter to D'Gezzar Pa- cha, 191. Advances to Acre, 192. His successes against the Turks and Mame- lukes, 194. Repulsed at Acre, 196. His 'disasters and retreat, 197. Re-enters Cairo, 198. His losses during the expe- dition, 199. Is attacked by the Turks at Aboukir, 200. Embarks for Europe, ibid. Arrives at Paris, 233. Achieves a flew revolution, 234. Becomes first con- aul, 236. His letter to the King of Great Britain, 237. His letter to General Kle- ber, 248. His proclamation to the army of the East, 250. His government disturb- ed by insurrections, 255. Adopts measures for the apprehension of the insurgent chiefs, 257. Executes Frotté, 258. His conduct at Egypt considered, 259. De- crees the formatiou of an army of reserve, 272. His address on the occasion, ibid. Leaves Pâris, and joins the army of re- serve in Germany, 373. Enters Piedmont, 274. 'Seizes on the fortress of Bard, 275. Enters Milan, and re-establishes the re- public, ibid. His sticcesses, 276. Losses, &c. ibid. Concludes an armistice in Italy, 277. Returns to Paris, ibid. Makes peace with the 'Barbary powers, &c. 296. Pre- liminaries of peace with Austria signed at Paris, 297. Disavowed by the emperor, ibid. Convention of Höhenlinden, 298. Ruptures of the armistice in Germany,304. Consequences, ibid. Convention of Lune- ville, 306. His message to the legislative body, 307. Actions, 308. Treaties of Badajoz and Madrid, 309. Treaty of peace with the King of Naples, 310. His embarrassments in consequence of an English expedition to Egypt, 337. Is en- raged, and threatens to invade England, 2 Jº- * Bellegarde, i. 33. Mulatto general, taken, i. 46. Evacuates Bellegarde, 60. Bellerophon, the, i. 56, 57. Belliard, General, i. 333, 609. Bellingham, an assassin, i, 783, Belpùig, its castle attacked, i. 784. Belt, Littlé, 749, ii. 874–895. Belvidere, the, i. 55. Render, Field-marshal, i. 15, 73. Benningsen, General, i. 521, 554. Bentinck, Sir William, i. 631. Benzowski, Lieutenant-general, i. 460. Berg taken by the French, i. 76. Duke of, (Murat,) i. 596. His procla- mations, 598. Bergen, battle at, i. 223. Bergen-op-Zoom invested and taken by Colonel Le Clerc, i. 30. Again invested, 52. Bergfield taken, i. 539. Berkley, Hon. Captain G. i. 57. Berlin, court of, i. 47. Decree of, 519. ii. 895. Entered by the Russians, i. 821. Bernadotte, General, i. 438. Biography of, 806. His victories, 846, 860. Berneron, General, i. 30. Bernstooffe, Count, i. 295. Berthier, General, i. 94,438. Bertrand, General, ii. 1357. Bessierres, General, i. 438, 601. Best, Colonel, ii. 1407. Betignies, i. 49. Beurnönville, General, joins General Du- mouriez, i. 21. Arrested, 34. Bey, Captain, i. 230. Biberach, battles of, i. 106,278. Beaurepaire, commander of Verdun garri- son, shoots himself, i. 20. Beresford, Marshal, Sir William, i. 738. Bianchi, General, ii. 1316. Bickerton, Rear-admiral, i. 292. Binasco buriat, i. 96. Bingen, i. 32. Bingham, Colonel, i. 662. Captain, i. 749. Biritau, i. 46. Biron, a Vendean general, arrested, i. 73. Blacas, Count, ii. 1324. Bladinsbury, battle of, ii. 1167. Blake, General, i. 626. Blanket, Admiral, i. 87. Blaw-sluys, fort of, taken by the French, i. 30. Blenheim, battle at, i. 210. Bliecastel stormed, i. 45. Bligh, Rear-admiral, i. 126. Blocus, Grand and Petit, i. 47. Brow, Captain, i. 748. Blucher, Prince, i. 517. His gallantry, §. His proclamation, ii. 1372. Bio- graphy of, 1388. Blundell, Lieutenant-colonel, i. 61. Boetzelaer, Baron de, governor of William- stadt, his gallantry and reward, i. 31. Bors-le-Duc taken by the French, i. 52. Bologna taken by the allies, i. 254. Bóminel, isle of, i. 53. Bom, General, i. 171. Bonaparte, Jerome, i. 531. — Joseph, i. 294. Promoted, 438. Enters Naples and assumes the royal dig- nity,498. Made king of Spain, 599. His flight, 620. His narrow escape, 699. Bonaparte, Louis, i. 438. Higº address to the Dutch, 707. . Bonaparte, Lucien, i. 232, 315. Promoted, 438. ii. 1308. Bonaparte, Napoleon, employed in the French army as engineer, i, 43. Ap- ‘supporting hi 338. Preparations for the threatened in- vasion, 339. Motives for peace, 357. Preliminaries signed, 358. Congress at Amiens, 361. Policy and influence of the first consul, 362. Legion of honor instituted, 376. Offended with the liberty of the English press, ibia. His conversatioh with Ford whitworth and insolence, 381 –392. His ambition, and preparations for invading England, 419. Plot against his government, 426. His resentſhefit, &c. 429. Proposed to be made héreditary Emperor of France, is: opposed by Carnot, 434. His elevation dedreed, 437. Promotes his family, 438. His letter to the King of England, 452. His rage at the reply, 453. His inselent triuinph, 463. Makes his public entry into Berlin, 516. His measures and success, 536, Bati. tles, 537. Pacific overtures rejected, 539. His triumphant proclamatièn, 548. Cir. cumstances which led to Bonaparte's offers of peace, 556. His interview with the Emperor Alexander, 555. His decrees against the commerce of England, 562. His chicanery, 571. Journey to-Italy, and threatened invasion of England, 575. His treachery towards Spain, 584. -Detains the king at Bayonne, 591. His interview with the Emperor Alexander ät Erfurth, 624. Takes Madrid by treachery, 628. His extraordinary letter to 'the Emperor of Russia, 687. Excommunicated by the pope, 693. His ch on the intended dissolution of his marriage with Josephine, 694. Is divorced, 697. His second mar- riage with the Archduchess Maria Louisa, 698. Birth of young Napoleon, who is made King of Rome, 758. , Denied an in- terview by the Emperor Alexander, 788. Joins his army, 790. His reported death, 796. A conspiracy against his govern. ment, ibid. His critical situation,797. His retreat, 800. And escape,801. Descrip- tion of his person advertised, 817. His precipitate flight from Leipsic, 85 F. & Bf- fects his escape from Germany, and retärns to Paris, 857. His critical situation,859. * His address to the legislative body re- . specting peace, 860. His policy, fortifies Paris, and joins the army, 864. "His pe- rilous situation, 866. Defeated, 868. Hiš' abdication, 873. Treaty between him and the allied powers, ii. 999. Anecdotes re- lative to his downfall, 1000. His depār- ture for Elba, and addréss to the army,.. 1001. His arrival at Elba, and address to the iſſhābitästs, 1070. Ridès about and . visits the iron mines; &c. 1071. Receives an account of the death of Josephine, his late empress, ibid. Rémarks on placing him at Elba, 1225. Preparations for his leaving the island, 1231. "Rêviews his, army, 1234. His departure, 1235. His entrance into Grenoble, 1236. His pro- clamations, f^37. Enters Lyons without opposition, 1243. His departure from Lyons, 1254. His advance to Mehīn, Izā6. His entrance into Paris, 1258. His proceedings, and address to his soldiers, i280. His answer to the cóunéik of state, 1281. His decrees, &c. 1283. Bisaffec- tion of his army, 1992. His letter to the Prince-regent, T295. His additional āct to the constitutions, 1804. His means for rtself on the throie, 1351. Two judicroës instances of the detection of his agents, 1352. His acceptance of the constitution, and answer to the electors’ address, 1366. Prepares to quit Paris INDEX ***-sº-º-º-º-º- ºrº * ~ * * * * *-* * * * * * * * * ... -- ~~ *-** * *----- ** *º- ---- - - Brün, M. le, minister for foreign affairs, i. 21, 38. Brun, Cape, i. 43,44. * * 3rune, General, commands the Dutch forces, His address on the occasion, 222. \ Carlesberg, i. 55. Carlisle, i. 241. * * Carnot, defends the king's authority, i. Hø. Reads a bombastic report, 51. Chosen as a member, 69. Minister at war, .273. Oppose the emperorship of Bonaparte, 434. Obtains the title of county ii. 1282, Caro, Don Wintura, i. 46. Carrascosa, General, ii. 1326. Carrier, a commissioner, i. 55. z Cartaux, General, defeats the insurgents at Lyons, i. 42. Takes Marseilles, 44. Ad- vances against the English at Toulon, ibid. Casa Bianca, General, ii. 1316. Cassano, battle of, i. 209. -, Duke of, i. 213. Cassel delivered up, i. 36. Castellegos, battle of, i. 731. Castelnuovo, battle of, i. 504. Castiglione, battle of, i. 98. Castlebar, action at, i. 152. Castlereagh, Lord, 247, ii. 1295. & Catalonia, army of, i. 46. The French de- feated at, 735. Cateau, i. 48. * Cathcart, Lord, Major-general, i. 54, 566. , Mr. i., 346. * Catherine II. of Russia, her conduct on the overthrow of monarchy in France, i. 36. Her death, 177. Catineau, a chief among the royalists in La Vendée, i. 44. Cattaro, the French disappointed of, i. 504. Cavan, Earl of, i. 320. Causse, General, i. 91. Cawdor, Lord, i. 129. .* \ Cenis, Mount, possessed by the French, i. 55. Cerasco, treaty of, i. 98. Cervera, its university surrendered, i. 764. Cervoni, General, i. 91. ** Ceva, Piedmontese camp at, taken by the French, i. 94. ** . Chamberri surrendered to the French, i. 98. Champagny, i. 592. * -' 4 * x Championnet, General, i. 181. Obtains pos- session of Capua, 182. His “intrigues, 183. Capture of Naples, ibid. ' His pro- clamation, 184. , Renders Naples a re- public, ibid. Is suspended by Scherer, 216. His death, 217. 3 * - * * and meet the allied armies, 1385. Re- ceives addresses from the two chambers, his reply, &c. 1386; 1387. His depārttire, 1388. His arrival at the arthy,' afid pro- clamation, 1390. His letter to his brother Joseph, 1391. His address to his soldiers' previous to the engagement at Waterloo, i411. Attacks and dreadful carnage, 1412. Orders the chateau at Hougoumont to be set on fire, 1415. Defeated, 1422. His flight to Paris, 1425. His arrival, 1428. Conversation, 1429. Meetings, 1481, 1482. His abdication, 1486. His son proclaim- ed as Napoleon II. 1488. His farewell address to his army, 1498. His surrender to the English, 1529. Sent to St. Helena, 1532. His conduct there, 1674. Bonchamp, Marquis de, commander of the royalists in La Vendée, i. 73. Bond, Oliver, member of the Irish direc- tory, i. 156. Bonneau, General, i. 52, 53. Bonnier, French deputy to the congress at Radstadt, i. 149. Borghetta, battle at, i. 97. Borgo, General Pozzo di, ii. 1427. Borodino, battle of, i. 794. Boros, General, i. 36. Bouchain threatened, i. 40. Enemy retreat to,47, 48. Bouillon taken, i. 49. Boulogne, flotilla at, i. 489. 4 Bourbon taken by the English, i. 706. Bouverie, Captain, i. 786. Bouvet, Rear-admiral, i. 128. Bowen, Captain, i. 64, 109. Bowes, Brigadier-general, i. 620. Bowyer, Rear-admiral, i.57, ii. 1585. Boxtel, battle.at, and taken, i. 51. Boyd, General, defeated, ii. 990. Brabant, Duke of, i. 47. Breda, taken by the French, i. 30. Sur- rendered to the allies, 33. Unprotected, 52. Again invested, 53. Unsuccessfully attacked, 54. Brereton, Major, i. 60. Brescia taken, i. 96. Re-taken, 209. Brest, naval victory at, i. 57. Bridport, Lord, i. 138.-See Hood. Brienne, Lomeniede, i. 3. His plan of co- ercion, 6. *. <& Brisbane, Lieutenant, i. 110,563. g Brissot, chief of the Girondist party, i. 18. His party obtain the government, 21. AC- cused and executed, 38. 1Brissotins.--See Girondists. Britain, Great, her contest with America, i. 2. Debates in the parliament of, respect- ing the French Revolution, 24. Ad- dresses from certain inhabitants of, 26, 34. Her treaty with Prussia, 26. Flag of, triumphant, 37. Threatened to be in- vaded; 337. Naval victories of, 478. Bonaparte's animosity against, 510,–See Wellesley and Wellington. Brittany, insurrection in, i. 34, 77. Brock, General, ii. 915. A. Broglie, Marshal 'de, Prince of Condé, obliged to flee, i. 10. Brówne, Major, 1.86. Brownrigg, Colonel, i. 225.” Brucé, Major-general, unsuccessful, i. Bruce, Crawford, arrested on account of Lavalette's escape, ii. 1699. Examined, 1705–1710. t Brueys, Rear-admiral, i. 173. Bruges stirrendered to the French, i.48. Bruille, camp of, i. 34. * Bruimpi;the French beaten at, i. 45. i. 221. His a His address to ed, 438. i * * * . . . .” *...* * Brunn taken by the French, i. 466. Brunswick, Duke of, generalissimo of the combined army, i. 17. His manifestoes, 18. His conference with the French ge- nerals, 37. His reply to the memorial of Dumouriez, 45. Action at Permasens, ibid. Resigns the command, 54, ii. 1473. Brunswick, the, i. 57. Brussels, court of, declares war, against France, i. 47. Taken by the French (1792), 51; again (1794), 78. Bryce, Colonel, i. 327. Buck, Major, ii. 1165. Buckeridge, Lieutenant-colonel, i. 61. Buenos-Ayres captured, i. 533. Expedi- tion to, 560. Buern, i. 54. Bunbury, Colonel, i. 662. Burdett, Sir Francis, ii. 1273. Burgh, Major-general de, slightly wounded, i. 52 the Dutch, 224. Promot- 1. b3, B3. & Burke, Right Hon. Edmund, rails against the. French revolution, i. 25, 29. Me- moir of, 533. Burke, Lieutenant, i. 63. Burrard, Major-general, i. 221. , Sir H. i. 620. Busaco, battle of, i. 706. . Buxhovden, General, i. 466. Byng, Major-general, ii. 1407. CADIz bombarded by the English fleet, (1797), i. 127 ; again (1800), 292. Cadogno, action at, i. 98. Caernarvon, Earl of, i. 301. Caesar’s camp, i. 48. Cagliari attacked by the French, i. 46. Cainin, battle of, i. 117. * Cairo, possessed by the French, i. 171. Insurrection at, 184. Evacuated and re- taken, 198. Surrendered to the Anglo- Turkish army, 200. Caldiero, battle of, i. 470. Calonne, ministry of, i. 3. Calsberg, the residence of, taken by Gene- ral Custine, i. 32. Calvi attacked by the English, i. 354. Sur- rendered, ibid. Cambacetes, consul, i. 255. Arch-chancel- lor,438, ii. 1358. . . Cambray, summoned by the allies, i. 36. Threatened, 40. Taken, 48. Cambronne, General, ii. 1281. Cameron, Colonel, ii. 1395. Campaigns.—See Battles. . Campbell, Major-general, i. 112, ii. 1271. , Colonel, ii. 1181. —, Captain, i. 291, ii. 1327. Camperdown, action off, i. 124. Campo Formio, treaty of, i. 123. Major, siege of, i. 737. Camus, a member of the constituent assem- bly, arrested, i. 33. Canada taken, ii. 1165. 1185. Canning, Colonel, ii. 1427. Cantons, the, of the Swiss, ii. 1073. Cape of Good Hope, taken by the English, i. 62. £aprara, Cardinal, i. 439. Capua surrendered, to the French by an ob- noxious armistice, 182. Again surren- dered, 498. & ºt Operations at, Carysfort, Lord, i. 304. 3 , Champmorin, General, takes two forts, and is obliged to evacuate them, i. 31. Ob- tains Capua by an armistice, 182. Champy, junior, member of the French In- stitute in Egypt, i. 199. Chapman, Captain, i. 706. Chappe, M. his invention, i. 50. Chapuy, Lieutenant-general, i. 48. Charette, a gallant royalist in La Vendee, i. 71. Signs a treaty with the republicans, 74. His embarrassments, 75. Taken and executed,80, 81. 9. Charleroi taken by the French, i. 49. Battle of, ii. 1392. 4 * * Charles, Archduke, his gallantry, i. 102. Succeeds General Alvinzy, 116. His re- ply to Bonaparte’s letter, 139. His suc- cesses, 204. ." Charles III. of Spain, i. 611. IV. i. 591. VII. reign of, i. 1. XIII. ii. 1121, • Prince of Hesse, i. 305. & Charlotte, Princess, interesting particulars of, ii. 1149. 6 tº Charlotte, Princess ºr marriage to the Prince of Saxe-Co., urg, ii. 1711. —, the Royal, i. 57. Chartres, Duke of, i. 32. INDEX. =-— Chatham, Earl of, i. 690. Chatillon, an insurgent chief, i. 46. Seized 47. Chauvelin, M. minister plenipotentiary from France, i. 27. Ordered to quit England, ibid. Remarks on, 242. Chebreisse, action at, i. 171. Chigny, corrupt ministry of, i. 2. Chollet, or Collet, battle at, between the royalists and the republicans, i., 46. Taken and abandoned by the royalists, 73. Chouans, the, i. 259. Christian, Prince, i. 47. Declared king, ii. 1087. His illness and resignation, l l 19. , Rear-admiral Sir Hugh, i. ili. Christie, Lieutenant, i. 351. Christophe, General, i. 563. ii. 1145. Churchill, Lieutenant-colonel i. 48. Ciudad Rodrigo, siege of, i. 705. Siege raised, 765. Taken by storm, 77 l. Cintra, convention of, i. 622. Cirillo, Dominico, a republican at Naples, his execution, i. 184. Gisalpine Republic established, i. 277. Clairfayt, Field-marshal, repulses the French, i. 31, 35, 40. Defeated, 48, 49, 50. Succeeds as commander-in-chief, 51. Unfortunate, 53. Clarke, Lieutenant-colonel, wounded, i. 52. , Mr. waylaid in Dublin, i. 410. —, General, ii. 1248. Claviere, minister of finance, dismissed, i. 17. Arrested, 38. Clausel, General, ii. 1521. Cleves surrendered to the French, i. 509. Clinch, Father, an Irish rebel, i. 151. Clinton, Col. i. 315. * *; -, Sir H. Lieut.-gen. ii. 1407. Close, Lieutenant-colonel, i. 60. , Coa, Upper, action at, i. 737. Cobentzel, Count, minister to the Emperor of the Romans, i. 16, 300. Coblentz occupied by the Prussians, i. 208. Taken by the French, 209. Cobourg, Prince of, commands the Austrian forces, i. 31. Invests Condé, 34. Pre- pares to attack the camp of Famars, 35. Beaten, 40. Successful, 47, 49. Evacu- ates Mons, 50. Is succeeded by Clair- fayt, 51. Cochin taken by the English, i. 86. Cochony M. i. 33. Cochrane, Lord, i. 350. Case of, ii. 115t. —, Captain, i. 293, 325. Cockburn, Captain, i. 350, 703. -—, Admiral, ii. 1167. Coghlan, Lieutenant Jeremiah, i. 291. Coire taken by the Austrians, i. 205. Coke, Major-generak, ii 426, Colaud, General, i 104. Colberg, siege of, i. 554. Cole, Sir Lowry, ii. 1407. Colisaro, defeat of the Spanish army at, i. Colletta, General, ii. 1326. Colli, General, i. 91. Collingwood, Admiral, i. 481, (Lord) 607. Colloredo, Count, i. 35. Collot D'Herbois, a jacobin, i. 65. Colville, Lieutenant-general, ii. 1407. Column of lnfamy ordered to be erected at Lyons, i., 42. Combined Armies.—See Allies, Commerce de Marseilles, i. 44. cºminioner from the French Republic, i. concordat, between Bonaparte and the pope, i. 283, £endé invested by the allies, i. 34. sur- rendered, 35. Re-captured by the French, 50 Condé, Prince, i. 102. - Condorcet, a Girondist, elected vice-presi- dent, i. 21. Confederation of the Rhine, i. 508. Conference between the Prussian and French generals, i. 519. Congellation, a remarkable, i. 58. Congress of the allied powers at Antwerp, i. 34. At Radstadt, 155. Dissolved, 203. “Of Amiens, 360. Congreve, Lieutenant-colonel, i. 47. Coni taken by the allies, i. 21 l. Conn, Captain J. i. 346. Constantinople, revolution at, i. 558. Consular government in France, i. 255. Convention.—See National Convention. Conventions of Pilnitz, i. 209. Of Fl- Arisch, 234. Of Luneville, 297. Of Ho- henlinden, 298. Among the Northern powers, 311. Between Great Britain and Russia, 312. At the surrender of Cairo, 336. Between Pope Pius VII. and the French government, 370. Conway, Lord Hugh Seymour, i. 56. Cooke, Captain Edward, i. 229,488. , Major-general George, ii. 1407. Coote, Major-general, i. 320,323,334. Copenhagen, battle of, i. 220. Coraim arrested and executed, i. 187. Corbett, Lieutenant, i. 290. Corfu taken by a Turco-Russian squadron, i. 348, Cornwallis, Marquis, i. 228. ——, Vice-admiral, i. 340. Corona stormed, i. 1 13. Corsica invaded by the English, i. 59. evacuated, 60. Corunna, battle of, i. 632. Corvetto, M. ii. 1607. Cossacks, the, i. 47 l. Costheim seized by the allies, i. 36. Cotgrave, Captain, i. 346. Cotton, Sir Charles, i. 620. Cour Plenier, a supreme court established for arbitrary purposes, i. 5. Courtray seized by the French (1792), i. 16, Again (1794), 48. Couthon, member of the convention, kills himself, i. 67. Cox, Major-general, i. 699. Craddock, Major-general, i. 320, 327. Craig, Major-general, i. 1 10, 500. Craufurd, Captain, i. 109. Crawford, Lieutenant-colonel, i. 559, 706. Crevecoeur, forts of, taken by the French, i. 52. Cronstadt, Vice-admiral, i. 310. Crowdjye, Colonel, i. 328. Cruelties of the republicans, i. 45. Cuesta, General, i. 616. His conduct, 667. Cumberland, Duke of, his marriage, ii. 1698. Curaçoa taken by a squadron of British fri- gates, i. 563. Curzen, Captain, ii. 1428. Custine, General, enters Germany, and takes Françfort, i. 21. Proclamation, 22. Evacuates Francfort, 32. Appoint- ed to the command of the army of the North, 33. Actions, 35. Custin surrendered, 517. -Cuthburt, Captain, i. 175. - Czenslokaw surrendered, i. 834. D’AFFRY, M. his fortunate escape, i. 20. Daendels, Lieutenant-colonel, a Dutch pa- triot in the service of France, i. 30, 53, 224. Dagobert, General, i. 46. 4. D'Alcudia, major in the Walloon guards, i. 36. Dalesme, General, ii. 1070. I}allemagne, General, i. 94. Dalrymple, Sir Hugh, i. 603. Damas, General, i. 252, 480. legion of, i. 52. Dampierre, General, i. 31, 33. Succeeds Dumouriez as commander-in-chief, 34. His death, 35. HDance, Captain, i. 448. D’André, M. director-general, ii. 1358. D’Angouleme, Duke, obliged to surrender, ii. 1290. , Duchess, her spirited con- duct, ii. 1288. Danton, founder of the Cordeliers and mi- nister of justice, active in the insurrection, of August 10, i. 19, 38. Assists in ano- ther revolution, 65. Dantzic, siege of, 541. Surrendered, 548. Danube crossed by Moreau, i. 281. D’Argoſi, General, i. 30. Dardanelles, fruitless expedition to, i. 559. D’Arnault ordered to leave Lisbon, i. 36. Davidawich, General, i. 101, 279. Davoust, General, 1. 438, ii. 1394. D’Argentau, Count Mercy, i. 34. D’Autichamp, Marquis, opposes the repub- licans, i. 31. Heads the royalists in La * Vendée, 256. Dearborn, General, his retreat, ii. 957. His capture of York, 961. Ilebates in the British parliament respecting the French revolution, i. 25. Debry, French deputy to the congress at Radstadt, i. 205. Declaration of rights, i. 11. Of war be- tween France and Great Britain, 28. From Dumouriez to Holland, 30. From the-court of London. 38. Of war between England and France, 392. Of the allied powers, 861. By the prince-regent, ii. 895, 948. Of the congress of Vienna 1266. Declay, commandant of Cambray, i. 40. De Clerc, Colonel, i. 30. De Crancé, Lubois, engineer, killed, i. 31. Decrees, imposing an oath on the clergy, i. 12. Respecting the emigrants, &c. 14, 16, 17, 21, 27. Against the royalists, 46. Obtained by Robespierre, 50, 561, 698, ii. 895, 1285, 1288. De Flers, General, his ill-success, i. 31, 33. Dego, actions at, i. 91. * De Kluppell, i. 430. De la Fotte, M. i. 37. Delancy, Colonel, ii. 1426. De Lavalette, General, ii. 1391. De Launy, governor of the Bastile, mur- dered, i. 10. D’Elbee, a chief of the royalists in La Vendée, i. 55. De Losme, major of the Bastile, put to death, i. ll. De Langara, Don Juan, i. 41. De la Salle, Marquis, i. 10. De Lessart, M. i. 15, disgraced, 16." De Ligne, Prince Charles, lost by the Austrians, i. 21. Demerary taken by the English, i. 64. De Marigny.—See Bernard. De Morla, Don Thomas, i. 292, Deneux, M. i. 37. Dennewetz, battle of, i. 848. D’Oubril, i. 507. D'Enghien, Duke, arrested, 427. Executed, 429. Particulars of, ii. 1682, Denmark, conduct of the court of, i. 306. INDEX. ãº------arº-º-º-º-aiz Asºkºi...—a ** ~& Drummond, Mr. i. 306. —— General, ii. 1165. Defeats the Americans, 1197. Drutin, i. 52. IXucos accused and executed, i. 38. Duckworth, Captain, J. T. his victory, i. 531. Dudredcht occupied by the French, i. 54. Duff, General, i. 488. Bugommier, General, i. 43. Dugoa, General, i. 17 l. Duhesme, General, i. 614. Duhoux, a chief of the Vendéan royalists, i. 73. Dumanoir, Admiral, i. 489. Dumas, General, i. 55. Dumonceau, General, i. 223,460. Dumouriez, General, succeeds M. de Les- sart, i. 16. Resigns, 17. Nominated commander-in-chief, 20. His Inilitary genius and victory, 21. Addresses and declarations to Horkand, 30. Arrests and reproaches his deserters, 32. Disliked by the army, and treated as a rebel, 33. Attempts in vain to seize the military chest, 34. His flight, ibid. Succeeded by Dampierre, ibid. Duncan, Admiral Lord, i. 109. His victory off Camperdown, 124. Expedition against Holland, 125. Duncan, Major, i. 108. Dundas, Major, i. 40, 44, 48, 54. Dundie Khan, i. 563. Dunkirk, siege of, by the Duke of York, i. 40 Dunvilion, General, i. 55. Duphot, General, assassinated, i. 148. Dupas, General, i. 466. Duroc, General, i. 466. Dusseldorff taken by the French, i. 76. Dntch, the, i. 47, 52. Addressed by the Prince of Orange and General Brune, 224, 225. Dwyer, Sir Thomas, i. 329. EAST INDIES.—See Indies and Tippoc. Eckelsbeck, post of, seized, i. 49. Edukhoffen, battle of, i. 55. Egalite, Lieutenant-general, i. 162. Egypt, invasion of, by the French, i. 161. Account of, 165. (For Battles, &c. see the names of the places.—State of, after the assassination of Kleber, 3.16. Expul- sion of the French from, 322. El-Arisch blockaded by the French, and surrendered, i. 191. Taken by the Turk- ish army, 232. Treaty of, 234. Its exe- cution prevented, ibid. Elba, island of, i. 297. Bonaparte sent there by the allied powers, ii. 1001. His arrival, and address to the inhabitants of, 1070. Description of, 1231. Bonaparte's escape from, 1235. Elgin, Lord, i. 319. Elizabeth, Princess. accompanies the king and queen in their flight, i. 13. Adheres to her brother during his danger, 17. Is abused for the queen, ibid., Sent to pri- son, &c. 65. Elliot, Sir Gilbert, i. 43, 104, Elnitz, General, i. 269. Elphinstone, Vice-admiral Sir G. K. cap- tures the Dutch, fleet, i. 86, 110.-See- Keith, Lord. Elphinstone, Captain, i. 42, 43. Emigrants, proclaimed traitors, i. 45. Their gallantry, zeal, embarrassments, &c. 46. Observations on, ii. 1221. Emmet, Robert, i. 158, 405. , England.-See Britain, Great; 5. s:- War with, 565. 1082, 1097. De Peregord, Count, i. 237. De Polduc, grand-master of Malta, i. 162. De Polpy, Count, i. 269. Deppen, battle of, i. 538. De Provente, Count, his decree in favor of Louis XVIII. ii. 997, 1215. De Provera, Count, i. 90. De Puisaye commands an English expedi- tion, i. 79. D’Enloch d’Hindebaneti, Baron, commander of the Swiss forces, i. 150. D’Erton, Count, ii. 1413. JDe Rochambeau, Marshal, i. 53. De Rochefoucault, Cardinal, murdered, i.20. De Roy, General, i. 460. De Ryland, Count, governor of Breda, destitute of military skill, i. 30. JDessaix, General, i. 104, 272. Be Sambreuil, Count, i. 79. ‘Deseze pleads the cause of the king, i. 23. Desforets, General, wounded in the head, i. 32. Besjardins, a Jacobin deputy, i. 33. De Talmont, Prince, a Vendean chief, i. 73. De Vaublanc, M. ii. 1607. De Vaux, Colonel, i. 49. Philip, aide-de-camp, enters Bre- da with a menace, i. 30. Devay, General, i. 103. Devilliers, General, ii. 1655. Deux Ponts, regiment of, i. 32. Post of, 55. De Wim].ffen, Felix, his defence of Thion- ville, i. 274. De Winter, Admiral, i. 225. De Wurmb, Colonel, i. 40. D'Hauterive, a chief in La Vendée, i. 72. JO’Hompech, Count Ferdinand, grand mas- ter of Malta, i. 161. His letter relative to the surrender of Malta, 162. Dick, Lieutenant, i. 351. Dickens, Lieutenant-colonel, i. 563. Dickson, Admiral, i. 346. Diephaltz, General, i. 417. Dijon, army of reserve formed at, in 1800, i. 266. Dilkes, Captain, i. 111. Dillon, Lieutenant-general, Arthur, ad- heres to La Fayette against the national assembly, and is sent with reinforcements to Galbaud, i. 20. Succeeded in his com- mand by Valence, 31. Dillon, Major-general Theobald, murdered, i. 16. Dillon, regiment of, i. 37. Dixon, Captain, i. 446. D'Jezzar, Achmet Pacha el, governor of Syria, i. 190. Collects an army against the French. ibid. Receives a letter from Bonaparte, 191. –See Acre. Docktorow, General, i. 475. Dominica, insurrection in, (1795,) i. 76. Donnellan, Colonel C. i. 663. Dornberg, Major-general, ii. 1408, 1426. Dort surrendered to Pichegru, i. 54. Douay, i. 48. Doveton, Major, i. 227. D’Oubril, M. i. 440. Douglas, Colonel, ii. 1395. Dowdall, i. 406. Doyle, Lieutenant-colonel, i. 320. an Irish rebel captain, i. 408. D'Oyley, Sir Francis, ii. 1428. Doyſey, Major-general, i. 224. Pº Mr. British ambassador at Genoa, l. 3'ſ. Dresden, battle of, i. 847. Bressa, battle of, i. 791. *. —º- Origin of the war, ii. Fºlly (Ireland), attack on by rebels, i. 150. Erbach, Lieutenant-general, i. 36. Erfurth, meeting of Alexander and Bona- parte at, i. 623. Erie, Fort, battle near, ii. 1181. Erskine, Sir James, i. 241. -, Sir William, retreats with ability, i. 40. Commands a column, 47. * Espallata, Count, patriotism of, i. 589. Essen, Major-general, i. 224. Ester, ff, Colonel, ii. 1408. Ettingen, battle at, i. 103. Excelmans, General, ii. 1358. Exmouth, Lord, ii. 1714. Expeditions, i. 46, 50, 63, 77, 125, 179, 190, 219, 323, 559, 690, 704, ii. 1173. Eylau, battle of, i. 539. FAMARs, Feld-Zeugmeister, i. 34, 35. His plan adopted, 36. Famars, skirmishes at, i. 48. Faran, i. 42, 43. Fauchet, accused and executed, i. 38. Faulknor, Captain, gallant exploit of, i. 60. Action and death of 83. Fayard, M. defends Bonaparte's being em- peror, i. 435. Fayette, Marquis de la, i. 2, 16. A friend to royalty, 17. Perceives the advances of the enemy, 18. Arrested and impri- soned, 20. Attempts to escape, ibid. Re- taken, ibid. Heroic affection of his wife, feld-Kerch kept by the Austrians, i. 204. Ferdinand FV.—See Naples, Sicilies, &c. —-, Archduke, i. 461. VII. i. 584. His journey to, and detention at, Bayonne, 591. His condi- tional renunciation, 593, 604. Joins the allied powers, ii. 1375. Fergusson, Major-general, i. 620, 622. Ferinot, General, i. 103. Ferrand, General, promoted, i. 33. Ferrier, Colonel, ii. 1427. Ferris, Captain, i. 348. Festival at Cairo, i. 185. Feuillants, society of, i. 16. Finch, Brigadier-general, i. 61, 319. Fiorella, General, i. 91. Fisher, Lieutenant-colonel, i. 62. Fººd (Island), a French force lands at, i. 129. Fitzgerald, Lord Robert, i. 37. , Colonel, ii. 1428. Fitzwilliam, Earl, i. 152. ' Flanders —See Netherlands. , battle of, i. 50. Fletcher, Judge, ii. 1155. Fleuriot, a Vendéan chief, i. 73. Fleurus, battle of, i. 49. Florence seized by the French (1799), i. 157. Again (1800), 274. Fontenay-le-Peuple seized by the Wen- d'éans, i. 72. Ford, Commodore, i. 37 Foster, Major, i. 480. Fouché, letters from, ii. 1236. Fouquier Tairville, i. 68. Fourmont, an insurgent chief, i. 257. Fox, Major-general, i. 49, 52, 244, 503. —, Hon. C. J. i. 25, 27, 28, 133. His death, 532. & France, despotism in, i. F. Gives her as- sistance to America against Great Britain, 2. Outrages in, 12. Her dangers 18. Her arms' triumphant, 21. Decrees war with Great Britain, 27. Temporary tri- umphs, 30. Ill success of, 31. War de- clared against by the states of the empires. * —r- *- 32. A new league formed against, 36. Distracted state' of, 38. Armies of, de- feated, 40, 43. Successes of, 44. Opera- tions against, 47. Successes, 49, 50, 52, Her policy and designs, 159. Miserable state of, 551. Motives of Lord Welling- ton for invading it, 856. Invaded by the allies, 870. Monarchy restored, 874. Provisional government, ii. 996. , Decree of Monsieur, 997. Liberty of the press curtailed, 1045, 1057, Formation of clubs in, 1322. Correspondence with Elba, 1232. Return of Bonaparte, 1258. Battle of . Waterloo, 1412. Monarchy re-established, 1509. Friedland, battle of, i. 553. Francfort, declaration of the allies address- ed to, i. 861. Francis II. i. 16. His manifesto against France, 38. Makes peace with France, 686. Enraged with his son-in-law, 840,- See Austria. Francis, Archduke, his flight, i. 755. Frazer, Colonel, i. 446, 634. Frederick-William II. King of Prussia, i. 34, 36, 55, 506. His gallantry and ill success, 516. Refuses to ratify the armis- tice, 521. Joins the Emperor of Russia, 819. His proclamation, ii. 1373. Frederick III. his proclamation, ii. 1336. Freemantle, Captain, i. 109, 128. Freibourgh carried, i. 102. French Flanders, i. 34. Frere, General, i. 615. , Freron, a member of the convention, i. 44. Fressinet, General, ii. 1358. Freytag, Field-marshal, defeats the French, i. 40. Wounded, ibid. Frimont, General, ii. 1517. Frobich, General, i. 103. Frost, Citizen John, i. 26. Frotté, Louis, a chief of the royalists in Lower Normandy, i. 259. His summary trial and execution, 260. Fuente Guinaldo, battle of, i. 766. Furnes taken by the French, i. 40. Furstenberg, Prince of, i. 103. GAETA taken by the French, i. 502. Gahn, General, defeated, ii. 1115. Gaillard, M. ii. 1357. Galbaud, General, i. 20. Gämbier, Admiral, i. 567. Gantheaume, Admiral, returns without ef- fecting a landing in Egypt, i. 175. His boasted preparations, 290. His ill suc- cess, 337. Gardanne, General, i. 269. , Captain, A. H. i. 110. Gazau, General, i. 268. Gelder Malsel, i. 54. Genet, French ambassador at Russia, dis- missed by the empress, i. 37. Geneva, i. 38. Genoa, its neutrality violated, i. 37. At- tacked by the French, 123. Siege of, by the allies, 267. Bombardment of, by the English, 268. Evacuated by the English, 27 l. Annexed to France, 456. Annexed to the dominions of the King of Sardinia, ii. II.42. Gensonneé, a member of the Girondists, accused and executed, i. 38. Gentili, General, i. 108. George IIL. King of England, i. 36. His declaration against France, i. 41. In- disposition of, 304,309. His proclama- tion issued in France, 726. George, Captain, i. 235. 4Georges Cadoudal, a royalist, i. 424. Germany subjected, i. 506. Germersheim submitted to the French, i. 45. Gertruydenberg attacked by General D’Ar- çon and taken, i. 30. Given up to the allies, 33. Gette, the, i. 32. Ghazah, or Gaza, arrival of the French army at, i. 172. Ghent, surrender of, i. 24. Protected, 48. Retreat to, 49. Negotiations at, ii. 1183. Gibraltar, Little, i. 42, Gigny, General, i. 480. Gilly, General, ii. 1290. Girard, General, ii. 1401, 1420. Girondists, the, overthrown, i. 38. Givet, defeat of the republicans at, i. 46. Godoy, . Don Manuel, i. 590. Gohier, i. 233. Gold, Captain, i. 81. Gomm, Lieutenant-colonel, i. 60. Goodall, Rear-admiral, i. 42. Gordon, Captain, ii. 1170. Lieutenant-colonel ii. 1426. Goree, capture of, 446. Gotzenhoven seized by General Dumouriez, i. 32. Gower, Captain, i. 350. Gradiska captured, i. 117. Graham, Colonel, i. 64. General, his important victory, Sir Charles, i. 735. Grand Pré contended for and surrendered to the Austrians, i. 29. Grant, Captain, i. 64. Governor, i. 350. Major-general, Sir C. ii. 1408, 1426. cº invested by the French, i. 53. Taken, Graves, Vice-admiral, i. 57. Gravina, Rear-admiral, i. 42, 43, 483. Great Britain. —See iºritain. Greaves, Admiral, i. 340. Green, Sir Charles, i. 447. Gregoire, member of the constituent ag- sembly, i. 26. Grenada, capture of, by the French, i. 84. Grenier, General, i. 283. Grenville, Lord, refuses to acknowledge M. Chauveline in his diplomatic capacity, i. 27. His answer to Talleyrand’s letter, 237. A second reply, 240. Grey, General Sir Charles, i. 40, 61. Griffith, Admiral, ii. 1175. Gross-Gorchen, action at, i. 837. Grouchy, Marshal, ii. 1401. " Guadaloupe captured by the French, i. 64. Surrendered to the English, i. 708. Guidat, General, i. 260. Guieux, General, i. 91. Guildhall, London, the royal visitors en- tertained at, ii. 1030–1032. Guiscard, Mareschal-de-camp, killed, i. 32. Guntzburgh, action at, i. 460. Gummorsheim possessed by the French, i. 54 * HAGUE, the, occupied by the French, i. 54. Haguenau surrendered to the allies, i. 45. Retaken by the French, ibid. Halberstadt, operations near, i. 840. Halkett, Colonel, ii. 1407. Halsted, Captain, i. 350. Hambert, General of brigade, condemned to death, i. 45. Hamburgh seized by the Danes, i. 305, Entered by the Russians, 822. The French defeated at,839. Evacuated by the French, ii. 1079. Jö -º-º: Hamilton, Lady, i. 293. —- Sir Charles, i. 291. —- Sir E. i. 350. Hammerstein, General, i, 4!?. Hanover, elector of, i. 37. Seized by the Prussians, 305. Attacked by the French, 417. Occupied by the Prussians, 505. Erected into a kingdom, ii. 1138. Hanoverians, i. 47, 52, 54. Harcourt, Lieutenant-general, i. 47, 48. Hardenberg, Baron, i. 456. Hardy, Captain, i. 488. Harper, Captain, i. 786. Harris, Major-general, i. 227. Harvey, Captain, J. his death, i. 57. Major, i. 650. Haugwitz, Count, i. 304. Hautpoult, General, i. 460. Hawkesbury, Lord, i. 357. Hawtayne, Captain, i. 748. Haynau, brilliant affair at, i. 839. Helder.—See Holland. Heliopolis, battle of, i. 187. Helpe, i. 47. Helvoetsluys occupied by the French, i. 54 Henriot, commander of the national-guard, and a man of infamous character, i. 38. Arrested, 66. Henry, Captain, ii. 897. Herbois, Collet de, moves for the abolition of royalty, i. 21, 38. Accused, 69. Herman, General, i. 223. Taken prisoner, 224. Hero, the, burnt, i. 44. Hervé taken by the French, i. 51. Hervey, Lord, i. 37. f Hesse Cassel, Landgrave ef, i. 21, 36. , Treaty of peace with France, 306. Oc- cupation of, and expulsion of the elector, 519. Hessians, i. 47. Heuile, i. 48. Damstadt, Landgrave of, i. 37. Prince Christian of, i. 47. Hielsberg, battle of, i. 552. Hieres, bay of, i. 44. island of, i. 41. Hill, Lord, ii. 1025. Killed, 1426. —— Major-general, i. 650, 765. Sir Rowland, i. 776. Hobart, Lord, i. 85. Hoche, General, appointed to the army of the Rhine and Moselle, i.40. Operations, 41. Sent against the Vendéan royalists, 77. His conduct, 78. Appointed to the command of the armies of the coasts of Brest and Cherbourg, 79. Opposes the emigrants at Quiberon, 80. Compels them to surrender, ibid. Nominated to the command of an expedition against Ireland, 109. Crosses the Rhine, 121. Hoff, battle of, i. 539. Hohenlinden, battle of, i. 283. Convention of, i. 298. Hohenloe, Princes of, i. 55, 104. Hohenzollern, General, i. 215. Holland, the inhabitants of, addressed by Dumouriez, i. 30. Preparations for the invasion of, 31. Arrival of the English in, ibid. Forces of, 34. Treaty with England, 47. Attacked by Pichegru, 51. Conquest of, 53. Emancipation of, 856. All the places belonging to, de- livered up, ii. 1077. - Holloway, Colonel, i. 331. Hollowell, Captain, i. 351. Holstein, Lieutenant, i. 758. Holt, an Irish rebel, i. 151. INDEX. wºma- Home, Colonel, ii. 1411. | Hompech, Major-general.—See D'Hom- ech. * Hondschoote, defeat of the French at, i. 40. Hood, Admiral, Sir Alexander.-See Brid- port, Lord. Hood, Captain, i. 128, 348. — Commodore Samuel, i. 447. Lord, enters the Mediterranean, i. 37. His declaration, &c. 38. His pre- parations, operations, &c. 41, 42. The enemy driven from their works, 44. At- tempt to burn the French ships of war, &c., ibid. Expedition against Corsica, 59. Various attacks, ibid. Hope, Brigadier-general, i. III, 332. - Major, i. 52, 331, 332. Hotham, Captain, i. 786. - Vice-admiral, proceeds in search of the French fleet, i. 81. Captures, 82. Hotze, General, i. 103. His death, 217. Houchard, Colonel, appointed to the com- mand of the army of the north, i. 36. Arrested and executed, 40. Houdaville, General, i. 256. IIougoumont, attack on, ii. 141 1. attack, 1415. Howteur de Reinier, i. 43. Howe, Lord, his victory in the channel, i. 56, 57. Huesden abandoned by the Austrians, i. 54. Hughes, Brigadier-general, i. 448. - Victor, arrives at Guadaloupe, i. 67. His operations, 68. Hull, Brigadier-general, ii. 944. Humbert, General, lands with a French force in Ireland, i. 158. Discomfiture and surrender, 159. Wounded at the battle of Zurich, 205. IIuningen taken by the Austrians, i, 463. Hutchinson, Major-general, i. 327. Succeeds to the command in Egypt, on the death of Sir R., Abercromby, 330. Expulsion of the French, 336. Hutchinson, John, arrested, ii. 1699. Ex- amined, 1705. Hutt, Captain, his death, i. 57. Hyder Ally, i. 226. ILLER, General, wounded, i. 32. Indies, East, British flag triumphant in, i. 37. Transactions in, 363. West, i. 37, 60, 83. , the English (1803), 416. Invincibles, the, overcome and beaten, i. 319. Ireland, fruitless expedition against, by the French, i. 108. Projects of a rebel di- rectory, 153. –See Tone. Attacks, 154. Execution of some of the rebels, 158, 410. Several of the chiefs pardoned, ibid. Landing of some of the French at Killala Bay, ibid.—See Humbert. Surrender of the invaders, 159. Union with Fngland, 247. Martial-law proclaimed in, 342. Italiski.-See Suwarrow. Italy, frontiers of, i. 46. Campaigns in, 55, 76. JAckson, apprehension and sudden death of, i. 153. Jacobin, i. 57. ' . . . Jacobins, society of the, and sanguinary character, i. 16. Their pompous orations, 18. Their violent measures, 19. Depu- ties from the society of the, 33. Jaffa taken by the French, and the garrison massacred, i. 170. Poisoning the sick at, ii. 1684. Jamaica, cruelties of the Maroon war in, Second Attacked by le tº Jaquelin la Roche, killed, i. 46. Jaudershauffen, i. 46. Jeremie, i. 37. Jervis, Sir John, his expedition to Marti- nico, i. 37.—See St. Vincent, Lord. Ac- tion off Cape St. Vincent, i. 61. John, Archduke, i. 281, 283, 463. Johnston, Major-general, ii. 1407. Josephine married to Bonaparte, i. 88. Divorced, 697. Her death, ii. 1071. Jones, Captain R. i. 346. Jossey, Captain, i. 112. Joubert, General, appointed to the com- mand of the army of ltaly, i. 203. His death, 216. Jourdan, General, his operations, captures, &c. i. 49, 51. Crosses the Rhine, 76. Appointed to the command of the army of the Danube, 101. Battles, 102, 107. Crosses the Rhine again, 203. His re- treat, 205. Juliers, i. 51. Junot, General, i. 576. KAISERslAUTERN taken by the French, i. 45. The French defeated at, 54. Kalkreuth, Lieutenant-general, i. 47. feated, 514. Kamenskoy, General, i. 474, 521- Kaunitz, Count, i. 47, 48, 49. Kayserlautern attacked, i. 76. Kearns, an Irish priest, i. 154. Keates, Captain, i. 349, 704. Kehl, Fort, attacked by the Austrians, i. 106. Surrendered, 107. Keith, Lord.—See Elphinstone, Vice-ad- miral, Sir G. K. Siege of Genoa, i. 268. Attempt on Cadiz, 292. Sails with the expedition for Egypt, 319. Arrival there, 320. Keller, General, i. 34. ICellermann, General, assumes the command of the army of Moselle, and effects a junc- tion with Dumouriez, i. 21. Appointed to the command of the armies of the Alps and Italy, 156. Promoted, 438. Kellmanzig, Major-general, ii. 1407. Kelly, Major, ii. 1419. Keough, a rebel chief of Ireland, i. 411. Kienmeyer, General, i. 47 l. Killala Bay, (Ireland), a French force lands at, i. 158. King of France.—See Louis. Kilwarden, Lord, murdered in Dublin, i.4! 1. Kleber, General, i. 51. Takes Maestricht, 52. His victory and defeat, 102. Suc- ceeds to the command of the French army in Egypt, 248. His indignation at Bona- parte's departure, 249. Negotiations, trea- ties, &c. 250, 251. His assassination, 252. Klenau, Count, i. 215. Klundert surrendered to the French, i. 30. Fortifications of, destroyed, 31. Knobelsdorff, General, i. 34, 35, 510. Knox, Major-general, i. 225. Koehler, Major, i. 317. Koller, General, ii. 1357. Kollowrath, General, i. 474. Koutousoff, General, i. 473 Konigstein, surrendered to the Prussians, i. 32. Korsakow, or Gersakow, Prince, i. 217. Kray, General, i. 40, 102, 105, 277. Kreutznach, i. 32. Kruse, General, ii. 1426. Kutusoff, Count, i. 311. LABEDoy ERE, Colonel, treason of, ii. 1239, 1422. Trial and execution of, 1655, Labrador, i. 592. Eacaze accused, i. 38. Lacroix, i. 65. L'Ecuyer, provost, i. 33. De- g *. Lacy, Captain, i. 331. La Fayette.—See Fayette. Laforey, Admiral Sir John, i. 37, 111. Laharpe, Colonel, i. 90. Lajollais arrested, i. 425. Lake, Major-general, i. 39. La Loire, insurrection in, i. 34. La Mancha, patriotism of, i. 733. Lanarche, General, i. 32. Succeeds Dam. pierre, 35. His operations and ill-suc- cess, 36. Lambert, Sir J. ii. 1407. Lambrisart, i. 49. Lameth, Alexander, i. 18. Lamour, Captain, i. 293. Landau invested by the allies, i. 45. Landen, plain of, entered by General La- marche, i. 32. Land recies, action at, i. 47. Surrendered to the allies, 48. Re-captured by the French, 50. La Haye Saint stormed, ii. 1412. Lannoy evacuated, i. 48. * Lanoue, Lieutenant-general, obliged to re- treat, i. 31. Apprehensive of defeats, and resigns, 35. º Lanusse, General, i. 326. La Petite Garenne, i, 42. I apoype, General, i. 43. La Romana, Marquis, i. 618. La Roche Jacquelin, a chief of the Wendean insurgents, i. 46. La Roche, General, i. 102. Lastles, General, i. 273, 438. Latona, the, i. 56. Latouche Treville, Admiral, i. 338. * Lavalette, Count, trial of, ii. 1686. Sen- tenced to death, 1690. His escape, 1691. Observations thereon, 1698. La Vendée, royalists of, i. 44, 45. 55, 70; 74, 77, 81. tºe, governor of I ongwy, executed, i. 20. Lavis, battle of, i. 117. Laurie, Sir Robert, i. 48,481. Lauter, i. 45, 55. Lawford, Commodore, i. 295. Lazzaroni of Naples, their zeal in defence of royalty, i. 183. Their sudden change in favor of republicanism, 184. Leake, Captain, i. 337. League formed against France, i. 36, 47. Leaw, i. 32. Le Bas shoots himself, i. 67. Leck, the, i. 54. Lecourbe, General, i. 278. Ledwick, an Irish rebel, i. 410. Leers, village of, taken, i. 49. Lefebvre, Marshal, i. 547. His treason, ii. 1245. Lefferink's Hook, bridge of, seized, i. 40. Legendre, a butcher by trade. and nature, i. 17. - Leghorn seized by the French, (1796), i. 96; again, (1799), 210; again, (1800), 275. Legion of Honor instituted, i. 375. Con- tinued, ii. 1058. Le Grand, General, i. 460. Leipsic, victories at, by the allies, i. 849, War in, Leith, Sir James, ii. 1585. Le Jermagnan, Colonel, killed, i. 44. Lemaire, General, i. 53. Leoben, treaty of, i. 120. Leopold, Emperor of Germany, i. 13, ini- mical to the revolution of France, i5. His death, 16. Lepeaux, i. 231. Lequinio, M. i. 33. Les Gaux, i. 42. - - -- -- - * * - * *-*-* *** ~ * * P-A. * : *** --> ***. E.A.:*-ī- **_*_º- = Letort, General, ii. 1392. *- “. Letourneur, member of the first directory, i. 69. * Letter from the Pope to Bonaparte, i. 115. The answer, 116. From Bonaparte to the Archduke Charles, 118. The answer, ibid. Interception of one relative to the expedition against Teneriffe, 129. From Bonaparte to b'Jezzar Pacha, 191. From Bonaparte to George 1 II., 237. Answer from the English government, 238. From the Count d’ Ferdinand Hompech, 162. Lettres de Cachet issued against members, i. 45. An unpopular measure abolished, 47. Leveneur, Lieutenant-general, obliged to cross the Meuse, i. 31. Lewis, Captain, i. 291. --, Prince, death of, i. 513. Lichtenstein, Prince John of, i. 103, 682. Ligny, battle of, ii. 1392. Ligurian Republic, i. 122. Limerstreim possessed by the French, i. 54. Lincelles, defeat of the French at, i. 40. Lind, Captain, i. 478. Lingen, the, i. 54. Linois, Rear-admiral, shamefully beaten, i. 479, ii. 1585. Lisle, i. 33. Littlejohn, Captain, killed, i. 81. Diverpool, Earl of, i. 240, ii. 1469. Loano, battle of, i. 89. Lodi, battle of, i. 95. Loison, General, i. 460, 620. London, the Duke of York’s return to, i. 53. Royal visits to, ii. 1028. Longwy taken by the allies, i. 20. The magistrates executed for its surrender, ibid. Re-taken by the French, 21, 39. Los Santos, smart affair at, i. 740. Louis, fort of, i. 45. Abandoned, 54. —- I. i. 297. —— Xl. i. 1, 5. —— XIV. i. 1, 601. — XV. i. 1. ––– XVI. i. 1. Propriety of, while dau- phin, 2. Marriage of, ibid. His conduct to the Duke of Orleans, and two members of parliament, 4. His reply to the re- monstrance of parliament, 5. Is the dupe of bad advisers, 6. His condescension, 7. Is bewildered, 8. Refuses to remove his troops, 10. Issues orders for that pur- pose, ibid. Made captive, with the queen, 12. Suddenly disappears, with his family, 13. Arrested, ibid. His manly address to the assembly, 14. His wretched situa- tion, 19. Insulted by the mayor, &c. 20. Deposed, brought to trial, and pronounc- ed guilty, ibid. Executed, 23. His cha- racter, 24. Funeral service for, on the restoration of Louis XVIII. ii. 1010. Will and testament of, 1044. Observations on, 1220. On his and the queen’s disinter- ment, 1231. Louis XVII. i. 41. --— XVIII. i. 259. His address to the French, 805. Restored to his throne, 876. ii. 995. His entry and reception, I009. Considerations on his government, 1019. Curtails the liberty of the press, 1045, 1057. Biography of, 1215. His procla- mation on Bonaparte's return, 1249. His departure from Paris, 1259. Retires to Osiend, 1262. To Ghent, 1265. His ma- nifesto, 1309. Restored to his throne, 1509. Louvain taken by the French (1792), i. 47. Abandoned, 51. Again (1794), 67. ** ºctºr: Eziº wº tr., Louvet, a member of the Girondists, i. 15. Low Countries.—See Netherlands. Lubeck taken by storm, i. 518. Lucas, Rear-admiral, i. 110. Surrenders to the British fleet, ibid. Lucca, revolution at, 184. Luckner, Marshal, i. 16. Appointed to the command of the army of the Rhine, 20. Ludlow, Major-general, i. 324. Lundholm, Colonel, i. 309. Luneburg, action at, i. 831. l Luneville, convention at, and treaty of, i. 297. Lutau, aide-de-camp to Custine, i. 33. Lutz, Antoine, takes the standard of the In- vincibles, i. 319. Lutzen, action at, 839. Luxemburg taken by the French, i. 49. Again, 73. Lynedock, Lord William (Sir Thomas Gra- ham), ii. 1025. Lyons, Bishop of, his report, i. 18. Lyons, insurrection at, i. 38. Becomes des- perate, ibid. Measures adopted to quell it, 39. The insurgents defeated, 40. Sur- render of the town, 41. The inhabitants treated with the utmost severity, 42. Pos- sessed by Bonaparte, ii. 1244. Macara, Colonel, ii. 1395. Macdonald, General, his retreat, 210. Ma- noeuvres, 213–216. Mac Dowall, Captair., i. 62. Machicoul seized by the royalists, i. 45. Mack, Colonel, has a conference with Colo- nel Montjoye, i. 33. Sent to England, 47. Attacks Championet, 177. Macdonald, General, defeated, i. 848. Mackenzie, General, i. 559, 652,656. Mac Kerris, Major, i. 323. Mackinnon, General, i. 771. Mac Nevin, Doctor, i. 158. Madagascar, Favel Point at, taken by the English, i. 131. Madeira occupied by the English, i. 315. Madison, Mr. his complaint a subject of consideration, ii. 897. His message to congress, 944. Another message, 980– 982. Another, 990–994. Madrid, court of, i. 55. Massacre at, 592. Taken treacherously, 628. Maise, the, i. 51, 52. Frozen, 53. Taken by the allies, 774. Abandoned, 775. Maeskirch, battle of, i. 279. Maestricht, siege of, by the French (1793), i. 31. Captured (1794), 51. Magman, battle of, i. 208. Magdeburg surrendered, i. 517. Mahé, i. 37. Maida, battle of, i. 499. Maitland, Captain, i. 61. ral, 448, ii. I396. Malabar, i. 37. Malacca taken by the English, i. 112. Malbousquet, i. 43,44. Malines, i. 50. Malmedy possessed by the republicans, i. 5l. Brigadier-gene- Malmesbury, Lord, failure of his negocia- tions for peace with France, i. 135. Malta, invasion of (1798), i. 161. Descrip- tion of, 162. Taken by the English (1800), 293. Delays attending the surrender of it to France, 379. Mamelukes, account of the i. 167, 188. Manby, Captain T. i. 350. Mandat, commander of the national-guard in E792, i. 16. Manheim taken by the Austrians, i. 76. Re- taken by the French (1799), 204. ~ --- + -- - - –wºm Manifestoes, i. 85, 840, ii. 1309.—See De- clarations, Proclamations, &c. Mannel, M. his motion respecting the de- fence of the king, hooted, i. 21. Mans, action at, between the republicans and royalists, i. 73. Mantua blockaded by the French (1796), i. 96. Blockade raised, 97. Second block- ade, and its surrender, 99. Blockaded by the Austrians (1799), 209. Surrender- ed., 213. Marat, a jacobin, i. 38. Marceau, General, his death, i. 165. Marchiennes attacked by the aflies, i. 40. Marescot, engineer, killed, i. 31. Maret.—See Bassanc, Duke of. Marie-Antoinette.—See Queen of France. Marengo, battle of, i. 276. Marmont, Marshal, ii. 1283. Maroon war, (Jamaica). Marseilles joins the royalists at Lyons, 42. Patriotism of, 43. Taken by the repub- licans, 44.—See Toulon. Martigné, action at, i. 73. Army of reserve at, 273. Mºnito, unsuccessful attempt against, i. Marseilles, insurrection in, i. 38, 46. Mºnico, island of, a fruitless attack on, i. Massena, General, campaign in Germany (1799), i. 203. His success, 204. Suc. ceeds Jourdan in the command of the army, 205. His policy, 207. Attack on. Genoa, 270. Commands the army in Italy, 279. Promoted, 438. His disastrous re- treat, T36. Mather, Lieutenant, i. 351. Mattei, Cardinal, i. 101. Maubeuge, aetion at, i. 35–39. Maulde, camp at, i. 34. Mayne, Colonel, i. 651. Mazarine, ministry of, i. 1. Meaczinski, General, i. 33. soner and beheaded, ibid. Medellin, battle of, i. 651. Mediterranean, the British flag triumphant in the, i. 37, 46. - Melas, General, i. 267, Melville, Lord, charges against, i. 478. Memingen, action at, i. 279. Memorials.-See Declarations, Manifestoes, Proclamations, &c. Mends, Captain, i. 794. Menin, taken by the French (1792), i. 16. Again (1794), 40. Re-taken, 48. Menou, General, i. 168, 170, 171. Suc- ceeds to the command of the French ar. my in Egypt, 252. His conduct gives discontent, 317. Defeated by the Éng- lish, 327. By the Turks, 329. Obliged to evacuate Egypt, 336. Mentz taken by the French (1792), i. 17. Its government altered, ibid. Taken by the Prussians (1793), i. 32. Forced to capitulate, 36. Blockaded by the French (1795), 55. Merida surprised and taken, i. 765. Merlin, a member of the convention, i.231. Mershe, village of, i. 35. Merveldt, Major-general, i. 279,464. Metternich, Count, i. 34,205. , Miaczinski, General, taken prisoner in Lisle, and beheaded in Paris, i. 33, Michaud, General, i. 55. Middlewinden, town of," taken by the French, and re-taken by the Austrians, i. 32. Milan surrendered to the French, (1796,) i. Taken pri- ITN'DjFX. -º-º: -º- $º *** ***-* ºr -ºp - ** Y-wº-wºws-ºrgº - *-* * -** *mºnº-ºº: * * 95. Insurrection at, 96. Occupied by the allies, (1799,) 209. Taken by Bona- parte, and rendered a republic, (1800,) 275. Decree-of, ii. 895. Mikhaud, General, i. 466. Miller, Colonel, ii. 1427. Captain, i. 128. Millesimo, battle of, i. 94. Minorca taken by the English, i. 180. Minto, Lord, his death, ii. 1192–See Elliot, 'Sir Gilbert. Miolis, General, i. 269. Miquelon taken by the English, i. 37. Mirabeau accuses the queen of outrages, i. 12. Ordered under arrest, 13. Miranda, General, lays siege to Maestricht, i. 31. Mitchel, Colonel, ii. 1407. Mitchell, Vice-admiral, expedition againsk Hollaud, (1799.) i. 22}. Mizaros, General, i. 45. Mobile, fort, ii. 1200. Mohilow, battle of, i. 792. Moira, Lord, sails with an expedition for La Vendée, i. 46. Joins the British army in Flanders, and defeats the French, 50. Moldavia invaded by the Russians, i. 523. Mollendorff, Field-marshal, i. 54. * Monarchy, events which led to the over- throw of, i. 1–9. Overthrow of, 9–24. Restoration of, 874. Moncey, General, i.438, 608. Moncrief, Colonel, i. 35. Mons taken by the French, (1792,) i. 21. Protected, 48. Evacuated, 50. Again taken, (1794,) 73. Monsieur, brother to Louis XVI.i.43.-See De Provence. Montagu, Captain, i. 57. Montague, Rear-admiral, i. 56, 57.-See Howe, Lord. Montague, port de la, new name of Toulon, i. 45. Montebello, action at, i. 276. Monteil, fort of, carried by assault, i. 37. Montenotte attacked, i. 90. Montesquiou, General, i. 49. Montjoye, Colonel, i. 33. Montmorin, minister for foreign affairs, dis- graced with Necker, i. 9. Reinstated, 10. Resigns, 15. Moore, Lieutenant-colonel, i. 59, Pll. General, i. 155,221, 323. Sir John, i. 627. His plan, 629, 630. His death, 634. Morand defeated at Luneberg, i. 831. Moreau, General, his exploits in the cam- paign of 1794, 49–51. Assumes the command of the army of the north during Pichegru's indisposition, 52. Appointed, to the command of the army of the north, (1795) 76. Crosses, the Rhine, 102. Bat- ties and defeats, F03. His admirable re- treat, ibid. Battles, 105. Crosses the Rhine, (1797,) 121. Subsequent successes, 122, 123. Again crosses the Rhine, 278. Succeeds Scherer, 209. Afrested for a plot against Bonaparte, 425. Defended by his brother, 426. Banished ta America, 427. His death, 848. Mornington, Lord, i. 226. Morris, Captain, i. 290. Morrison, Captain, i. 293. Morshead, Major-general, i. 111. Mortagne, i. 46, 55. Mortella tower, (Corsica,) attacked by the English, (1794,), i. 58. Surrendered, ibid. Mortier, General, i. 488, 517. Moscow-entered by the French, i. 795. Mi se. Captain, i. 309. Moselle, the army of, i. 55. Moueron, i. 48. Moulin, republican, his death, &c. i. 231. Mourad Bey, i. 172, 188. Mouveaux, i. 48. Mozello Fort, (Corsica,) stormed by the English, i. 57. Muffling, General, ii. 1427. . Mulgrave, Lord, i. 42, 43. —- Fort, i. 44. Munich taken, i. 281. Munroe, Mr. his correspondence with Sir J. B. Warren, ii. 918—944. Murat, General, i. 438. His critical situa- tion as King of Naples, ii. 1143. His proceedings, complaints, &c. 1311–1324. His escape, detection, and execution, 1329–1330. Murphys, Irish rebels, i. 155. Murray, Colonel, i. 333. - Sir John, his gallantry, i. 813. Mutten, action at, i. 279. Myers, Colonel, i. 61,480. Mylius, Colonel, i. 33. NAAs, (Ireland,) attempt of rebels on, i. Nagle, Captain, i. 58. Namur taken by the French, i. 51. Napier, Major, i. 634. Naples joins the confederacy against France, i. 36. Activity of the king of, 177. Marches against the French, 178. De- feated, 179. Takes refuge, 181. Armis- tice, 182. Intrigues and commotions, 183. Declared a republic, 184. Subsequent situation of, 210. Truce put an end to, ibid. Measures of retaliation, 211. Execution of the patriots, 212. Again invaded by the French, 498. Critical situation of Murat, ii. 1143. A general arming in, 1301. Surrendered to Cap- tain Campbell, 1326. Return of the king of the two Sicilies, 1328.-See Murat. Narew, action at, i. 521. National assembly instituted, i. 8. Naval history, i, 41, 42, 44, 46, 55, 56, 57. 81, 108, 123,290,446,477, 607,744. Neapolitan patriots executed, i. 212. Necker, M. i. 2, 3. Placed for the second time at the head of the finances, 6. Dis- graced, 9. His bust drest in mourning, ibid. Reinstated, 10. Negociations for peace between England and France, failure of, i. 524. Neilly, Rear-admiral, i. 57. Neilson, Mr. member of the Irish direc- tory, i. 150. Nelson, Captain, i. 109. , Lord, attacks Baslia, (1795) i. 86. His conduet in the Mediterranean, (1796) 108. Sails with an expedition against Teneriffe, 128. In quest of the Toulon ſleet, (1798) 173. Battle of the Nile, ibid. Battle of Copenhagen, 308. His humane proposal, 309. Bembard- ment of the flotilla at Boulogne, 346. His victory and death,487,490. Nepean, i. 285. f Nerhelpen, i. 32. Netherlands, invasion of the Austrian Ne- therlands by Dumouriez, i. 16. Inva- .sion of the Austrian Low Countries, (1792) 31. Second invasion, 32. Evacuated by the French, (1793) 32. The new sove- reign of, ii. 1075. A general arming in, 1302. A message from the king of, to the states-general, 1371. His proclama- tion, ibid. Neubourg, action at, i. 104. Neufchatel surrendered, i. 509. 9. Neuilly, General, attacks the imperialists, i. 32. Incapable of fulfilling his engage- ments, 34. Neucome, Captain, i. 86. Neustadt, action at, i. 464. Nº *ionalexecutive council appoint- e 2 1. * Ney, Marshal, defeated, i. 838. His treason, ii. 255. Trial of, 1658. His defence, 1663. His execution, 1669. Ney, Madame, ii. 1669. Nice, the republican army defeated in the county of, i. 46. Nierstein, i. 32. Nieuport gallantly defended, i. 40. Nieustadt occupied by the allies, i. 55. Nightingale, Brigadier-general, i. 620. Nile, battle of the, i. 173–174, 199. Nimeguen besieged by the French, i. 52, 53. Noimoutier seized by the royalists, i. 73. Re-taken by the republicans, ibid. Nord Libre, i. 50. Normandy, insurrection in, i. 38. Northumberland, &c. i. 57. Notables, the, i. 3. * Norway, ii. 1082. Addressed by the Prince- royal of Sweden, 1111. Entered by the Swedish army, l l 15. Novi, battle of, i. 216, Novoseltzoff, M. i. 456. Nouvion, forest of, i. 47. Nugent, General, ii. 1320. - Captain, i. 192. Af OAKEs, Brigadier-general, i. 325. Oberwinden, village of, taken by the French, i. 32. Ocana, battle of, i. 672. O'Connel, Captain, i. 479. O’Conner, Arthur, member of the Irish directory, i. 153. gº Ogilvie, Brigadier-general, his success, i. 57. O’Farrel, General, i. 563. O'Ferral, Major, i. 37. O’Hara, Lieutenant-general, appointed go- vernor of Toulon, i. 43. Wounded and taken prisoner, 44. O’Hara, Governor, i. 349. Olivenza surrendered to Marshal Beresford, is 738. Oliver, Captain, i. 290,448. Ollevilles, village of, i. 42. O'Moran, General, guillotined, i. 40. Ompteda, Colonel, ii. 1407, 1426. Oneglia burnt by the French, (1793,) i. 55. Onslow, Vice-admiral, i. 125. Oost Capelle, defeat of the French at, i. 40. Oplintor, i. 32. Oporto, action at, i. 650. Orange, house of, i. 857. ii. 1075. - Prince of, i. 34, 39, 47–49. His flight from Holland, (1795,) 52. The Dutch manifesto signed by, 85. His exile, 219. His address to the Dutch, (1799,) 224. . Invited to be sovereign, ii. 1075, His zeal, 1408. Gallantry, 1427. º Orange, Hereditary Prince of, his sudden disappearance, i. 53. Orange, Princess of, and family, their es- cape, i. 54. Orchies, i. 33, 35. Ord, Admiral Sir John, i, 481. Orders in council, (British,) i. 562. O'Reilly, General, i. 275, 473. Orleans, Duke of, his conduct in the revo- lution, i. 4. Recalled from exile, 6. His thirst for popularity, ,8. His bust drest. in mourning, 9. * Orsmael, i. 32. Östen, General, i. 53. Ostend surrendered to the French, i. 21. INDEX. º Protected, 48. English expedition to, (1798,) 180. The king takes refuge in, ii. 1264. Osterman, Count, i. 792. Östrovno, battle of, i. 792. Ott, General, i. 215. Ottensberg, engagement at, i. 834. Otterback, i. 55. Otto, General, covers Quesnoy, i. 35. Sent to ascertain the enemy’s strength, 48. Retreats, 49. Oudinot, General, i. 267, 460. Oulart, (Ireland,) insurrection at, i. 151. Owen, Captain, i. 448. PAck, Brigadier-general, i. 706. Sir Dennis, ii. 1407, 1426. . Paget, Honorable Captain, i. 58. Pagnotelli, Prince, i. 21. Paine, Thomas, prosecuted by the English government, but escapes before his trial, i. 26. Pakenham, General Sir Edward, his death, ii. 1200. Palafox, General, i. 612. -- Don Francisco, i. 614. Fałatinate, the, overrun by the French, i. 55. Palm, murder of, i. 506. Pamplona captured, i. 856. Pangrazion, Prince, i. 214. Panisot, General, i. 268. Paoli, General, i. 59. Paravicini, a leader of the Swiss democra- tical cantons in 1798, i. 157. Pardalleiros, siege of, i. 735. Paris, treaty of; i. 509, ii. 1539. Parker, Admiral Sir Hyde, i. 312. Captain, i. 56, 346, 749. - Sir P. failure and death of, ii. II.72. - Executed for mutiny, i. 139. Parks, Hyde and St. James’s, civic jubilee in, ii. 1 153. Parliament, animated address of, to the king, i. 4. Parthenopean republic proclaimed, i. 184. Partition treaties of Pavia and Pilnitz. i. | 00. Pasley, Rear-admiral, i. 56, 57. Passage of the Waal by the French. (1794,) i, 48. Of the Tagliaments, (1797,) 122. Of the St. Bernard, (1800,) 275. Pavia, treaty of, i. 100. Paul, Emperor of Russia, i. 201. 216. His death, 310. Peard, Captain, i. 230. Pelitot, General, i. 269. Peniscola, fortress of, surrendered to the French, i. 773. Perceval, Right Honorable Spencer. mur- dered, i. 781. Pereira, a jacobin deputy, i. 33. Perignon, General, i. 438. Perkins, Captain, i. 348. Perry, an Irish rebel leader, i. 152. Perpignan, General, i. 214. Peschiera blockaded by the Austrians, i. 208. Surrendered, 209. Peter, isle of, i. 46. Petershausen taken by the Austrians, i.204. Petion, the mayor, his neglect of duty, i. 17. His popularity, 18. Artifices, 19. Cruelty to the king, 20. Made president by the new provincial executive council. 21. Petion, a black chief, ii. I 145. Petrarsch, i. 279. Petrash, Major, i. 47. Pfullendorf, battle of, i. 204. Philippeaux deputy from the convention to La Vendée, i. 55. Arrested. 65. Philippon, General, i. 810. Pichegru, General, appointed to the com- mand of the army of the Rhine and Moselle, (1793,) i. 45. His operations, victories, &c. 48. Prepares to attack Holland, 49. Actions and captures, 51. Resigns the command to Moreau, 52. Resumes it, 53. Crosses the Rhine, 75, Retreats, 76. Arrested for a plot against Bonaparte, 425. Mysterious death of. 432. Particulars of, ii. 1682. Picton, Captain, wounded, i. 52. Sir Thomas, ii. 1393. His death, 1413. Memoir of, 1474. Pignatelli, Prince, i. 42. Pigott, Major-general, i. 293. Pilnitz, treaty of, i. 100. Pinfold, Lieutenant, i. 291. Pirch, General, ii. 1435. Pirmasens, battle of, i. 45. Pitt, Mr. i. 138, 242. Death and biography of, 492. Pius VI. his letter to Bonaparte, i. 1 16. His embarrassments and deposition, 149. Pius VII. i. 283. Excommunicates Bona- parte, 693. His return to Rome, ii. 1066. Platoff, General Count, i. 863. Platsburg, attack upon, ii. 1179. Platt, Colonel, ii. 1407. Pleury, M. i. 3. Plymouth Sound, i. 56. Po, passage of, by the French, (1795,) i. 92. Poinsot, General, i. 271. Polotzk, battle of, i. 793. Pondicherry, capture of, by the English, i. 37. Ponsonby, Sir William, his death, ii. 1414. Poperhenge taken by the French, i. 40. Popham, Sir Home, i. 53. Port-au-Prince attacked and captured by the English, i. 180. Porto Rico, English expedition against, i. | 28. s: Port Royal, i. 37. Portugal, joins the confederacy against France, i. 34, 36. War declared against, by Spain, 313. Its manifesto, 314. In- vaded by the Spaniards, ibid. The French enter it, ibid. Treaty of Madrid, 315. Madeira occupied by the English, ibid. Invasion of by Bonaparte, 575. Extra- ordinary conduct of, ii. 1376. Pozzo taken, 209. Prescott, Lieutenant-general, i. 61, 64. President, the, an American frigate, i. 749. Examinations and correspondence re- specting the attack of the Little Belt, ii. 875–895. Prevost, Sir George, his proclamation, ii. 988. Invades the United States, 1178. Prince of Peace.—See Alcudia. Princess of Wales, her royal-highness the, ii. I 147. & Proby, a Jacobin deputy, i. 33. Proclamations, i. 26, 41, 46, 598, ii. 988, 1171, 1175, 1249, 1336, 1371, 1372, 1373, 1375, 1376, 1513. Proctor, General, defeated, ii. 989. Provence, invasion of, by the Austrians, (1800), i. 219. Provera, General, forced to surrender, i. Prussia, i. 34. King of, possessed of Cor- theim, 36. Treaty with England, 55. Relief sought from, 506. Armistice be- tween France ard, 520. Joins Russia, 819. A general arming in, ii. 1301. Prussians, inactivity of the, i. 39. De- feated, 45. Occupy Hanover, 505. Ill success of, 513. — See Frederick Wiſ- liam II. IO tº * Pufflech, action at, i. 278. Pulling, Captain, i. 350. Pulteney, Sir James, i. 224, 292. Pyramids, battle near the, i. 171. Pyrenees, the, Lord Wellington's advance towards, i. 816. Battles of, 855. QUATRE Bras, battle of, ii. 1394. Queen of France accused of outrages, i. 12. Made captive, ibid. Suddenly disappears with the king, 13. Arrested at Warennes, ibid. Brought to trial, found guilty, and executed, 24. Queen of Etruria, i. 591. Quesnoy, i. 53. Taken by the allies, 40. Re-taken by the French, 50. Quiberon, English expedition to, (1795), i. 77. Attack on, by the English (1800),391. Quigley, an Irish rebel, i. 406. Quinette, M. arrested, i. 34. RADSTADT, action at, i. 105. Congress of, 148, 201. Assassination of the French ministers, 205. Ragusa, siege of, i. 503. Rainier, Admiral, i. 110. Ramsay, Major Norman, ii. 1416. Randolph, Mr. biography of, ii. 973. Rapp, General. i. 371, ii. 1515. Reding, M. i. 369. Redmond, an Irish rebel, i. 406. Reeve, Captain, i. 84. Regent, Prince, of the United Kingdom, i. 7 12. His declaration respecting the Ber- lin and Milan decrees, ii. 895, in answer to the American manifesto, 948. His an- swer to Bonaparte's letter, 1295. Regnier, General, i. 124. Persuades Menou to be Kleber's successor, 252. *- Reible, General, i. 615. Reifhoffen, i. 45. Renaix, i. 50. Renchen, action at, i. 104. Reprisals ordered, i. 29. Repuin, Prince, ii. 1141. Rest, Major-general, i. 271. Revolution society, meetings of, i. 24, 25, Revolutions in the Austrian Netherlands, (1792) i. 20, 38. In Holland, (1795) 86. At Venice, (1797) 122. At Rome, (1798) 157. Counter-revolution, 177. At Na- ples, (1799) 210. Counter-revolution, 212. At Lucca, (1799) 213. In Tus- cany, (1799) ibid. Counter-revolution, #. In France, 232. Constantinople, 8. Reus, Prince, i. 279. Rewbel, member of the French directory, discarded, i. 206. Rexpede, defeat of the French at, i. 40. Rhenaa, the French repulsed at, i. 54. Rhine, action on the banks of the, i. 45, 54. Crossed by Jourdan, 74. ... army of, i. 45. Riall, Major-general, ii. 1 165 . Richepanse, General, i. 283. Rickett, General, i. 282. Riddle, Colonel, i. I 11. Riese, General, i. 103. Riga, battle of, i. 792. Rigaud, a mulatto chief, i. 112. Riou, Captain, i. 312. Rivaud, i. 207. Rivoli, action at, i. 1 13. Robespierre, M. his party triumphant, i. 38. His deeree. 50. Downfall, 65. Roche, an Irish rebel general, i. 410. Father, an Irish rebel leader, i. 155. Rochefoucalt, Cardinal, murdered, i. 20. Rochambeau, General, i. 16. Resigns, 17. Repulses Bellegarde, 61. INDEX. -*- ~~~~i== ºm º tºº --ºr- Roederer, member of the Jacobins, ii. 1358. Rogers, Captain, i. 61, 745. , Lieutenant, i. 35l. Rohan, Prince of, i. 50. Roize, General, i. 329. Roland, minister of the home department dismissed, i. 17. Recalled, 18. Over-, come by Robespierre's party, 38. Roleia, battle of, i. 621. Romana, death of, i. 758. Rome.—See Pius. Young Napoleon made king of, i. 753. Romney, Lord, i. 240. Ronelle, i. 35. Rosetta taken from the French, i. 231. * (Ireland,) attacked by the rebels, i. Ross, General, ii. 1167. His death, 1171. Rostollan, General, i. 225. Rotterdam occupied by the French, i. 54. Roveredo, battle of, i. 100. Rousébrugghe taken by the French, i. 40. Roussilon, the,'i. 42. Royalty abolished in France, i. 21. Rualt, General, wounded, i. 32. Ruffo, Cardinal, i. 211. Ruremonde, i. 51. Rusca, General, i. 94. Russell, an Irish rebel, i. 415. Russia, conduct of Catherine on the exe- cution of the King of France, i. 36. Zeal of the Emperor Paul, in support of the confederacy, 202. Actions under Suwar- row, the Russian general, 209, 210, 214. Defection of the emperor from the con- federacy, 231. Disputes with, 294. His death, 310. Her victories, 816. Russians, the, defeated, 520. Rutherford, Lieutenant, i. 61. SABBATH-DAY abolished in France, i. 38. St. Bernard, passage of, by the French, i. 275. St. Cyr, General, i. 315. St. Domingo, i. 37. Successfully attacked by the English, 62. Disputes, 63. Eva- euated by the English, 180. State of, 229. Taken from the French, 421, 563, ii. 1145. St. Fiorenzo (Corsica) taken by the English, i. 59. St. Helena, Bonaparte sent to, by the Bri- tish government, ii. 1532. St. Hilaire, General, i. 460. St. Januarius greets the arrival of the French at Naples, i. 183. Deposed in eonsequence thereof, 184. St. Jean D’Acre.—See Acre. St. Julien, Count, i. 281. Signs prelimi- naries of peace with France, which are disavowed by the emperor, 282. Disavows the negociation with Austria, 338. St. Lawrence, gulf of, i. 37. St. Lucia, conquest of, by the English, (1794,) i. 63. Re-captured by the French, 64. Attacked by the English, (1796,) 110. Its surrender, l l I. St. Menehould, Dumouriez’s camp at, i. 20. St. Michael carried, i. 114. St. Michel, fort of, taken by General Champ- ‘morin, i. 31. Evacuated, ibid. St. Payo, i. 669. St. Roche, i. 42. St. Sebastian captured, i. 855. St. Suzanne, General, i. 279. St. Vincent, English expedition against, i. 112. Action off the cape, 230. St. Vincent, Lord, bombardment of Cadiz, (1797,) 128. Expedition against Tene- riffe, 126. His victory, 230,—See Jervis, Sir John. 128, Saguntum, conquest of, i. 765. Salamanca entered by Lord Wellington, i. 773. Again, 814. • Salm, General, i. 54. Sanabria taken by the French, i. 706. San Germano, battle of, ii. 1327. San Martino,village of, seized by the French, i. 113 Santerre, an insurgent in Paris, i. 17. As- sists the mayor in guarding the king, 19. Santona, events at, i. 704. Saorgio, i. 55. Sapineau, a Vendéan leader, i. 73. Saragossa, siege of, i. 642. Unsuccessfully attacked, 656. Enemy’s post at, surren- dered to the English, 854. Sardinia, state of, i. 34. Conduct of the court of Turin, 37. Incursion of the French into Savoy, 42. Their progress, 46. Critical situation of the king, 47. His abdication, 179. Obtains Genoa, ii. 1 142. A general arming in, 1301. Savary, General, i. 585, ii. 1358. Savoy.—See Sardinia, Saumarez, Sir James, i. 340. Saumur seized by the Vendéan royalists, (1793,) i. 45. Again, (1795,) 74. Saxe-Cobourg, Prince of, i. 34. His marriage to her Royal-highness the Princess Char- lotte, ii. 1711.-See Cobourg. Saxony, King of, ii. 1141. Scepaux, a Vendéan leader, i. 72. Schaffhausen taken by the Austrians, i. 204. Scherer, General, appointed to the com- mand of the Eastern Pyranées, (1795,) i. 50. Dismissed, 207. Scheveling, i. 54. Schiner, General, i. 417. Schliengen, battle of, i. 105. Schomberg, Lieutenant, i. 291. Schwartzenberg, General Prince, i. 151. His speech, ii. 1041. Scott, Sir William, i. 295, — Captain, i. 293. Sebastiani, General, i. 466, 662. Sediman, (Egypt,) battle of, i. 171. Segur, M. i. 453. Seringapatam, capture of, i. 228. Serrurier, General, i. 91,438. Servan, minister-at-war, i. 17. 21. Seville, junta of, i. 606. State of, 703. Seymour, Lord H. i. 56, 229. Shagaramus Bay, Spanish ships burnt and captured in, i. 292. Sheares, brothers, executed in Ireland for treason, i. 414. Sherbrooke, Colonel, i. 662. Sir John, ii. 1175. Sheridan, R. B. an advocate for the French revolution, i. 25, 29. Shepley, Major-general Sir Charles, ii. 1585. Sicilies, the, i. 34, ii. 1143. Return of the king, 1328. Sieges.—See names of the places besieged. Sieyes, Abbé, i. 7, 206. Sillery, a Girondist, accused, i. 38. Silveira, General, his success, i. 730. Sinclair, Serjeant, i. 327. Slade, Major-general, i. 776. Sluys taken by the French, i. 51. Smidt, General, i. 466. * Smith, Sir Sydney, his services, i. 44. His captivity and escape, 148, 147. His gal- lantry at Acre, 193. , Lieutenant-colonel, ii. 1426. , Major, i. 229. Smolensko, battle of, i. 793. Smyth, General, ii. 960. Soignies, action at, i. 50. ! ſt Dismissed, —z— **- -, ºr sº-º. Somerset, Major-general Lord E. ii. 1407, 1426. , Lieutenant-colonel Lord Fitzroy, ii. 1426. Somerville, Captain, i. 346 Souham, General, i. 40. Soult, General, i. 269, 270. Defeated by Lord Wellington, 853. Dismission of, i. 1248. Spa possessed by the republicans, i. 51. Spain joins the confederacy against France, i. 34, 36, 46. Campaign in, 55. De- clares war against Portugal, 313. De- clares war against England, 451. De- scription of, 577. Bonaparte detains the king, through treachery, 584. Arrival of Ferdinand, ii. 1125. Discontents in, I 129. The inquisition restored, 1130. Tufnults and executions, 1134. A gene- ral arming in, 1302. Spencer, Colonel, i. 223. Spandau surrendered, i. 515. To the Rus- sians, 836. Spencer, General, i. 607. Spies, Bonaparte's, detected, 1352–1353. Spires taken by the French (1792), i. 21. Again (1793), 45. Again (1794), 54. Stadtholder, the, in disguise, i. 53. His nar- row escape, 54.—See Orange. Stafford, an Irish rebel, i. 415. Stanhope, Major, i. 634. Starenberg, Count, i. 34. Stark, Lieutenant-colonel, ii. 1585. Stehlin, Major-general, ii. 1535. Steinberg invested and taken by the French, i. 30. Stettin surrendered, i. 517. Stevenson, Captain, i. 291. Stevenswert, fort of, taken by the French, and evacuated, i. 31. Stewart, Brigadier-general the Hon. C. i. 650. Stewart, Captain, i. 61. -, Lieutenant-colonel, i. 37, 43. Steyer, armistice signed at, i. 284, 297. Stirling, Captain, i. 348. tº * Stockach, battle at, i. 205, 278. Stafflet, a Vendéan royalist, i. 257. Stone, Mrs. apprehended, i. 158. Storey, Rear-admiral, i. 221. Strachan, Sir Richard, i. 350. Stralsund defended, 549. Evacuated by the Swedes, 557. Stricker, Colonel, i. 269. Stuart, Lord William, i. 35l. , General, i. 228, 318, 320. , Sir John, i. 500. Stutterheim, i. 475. Subscriptions in England for the army, i. 53 Suchet, Marshal, defeated by Sir J ohn Mur- ray, i. 813. Sultzbach, battle of, i. 105. Surinam surrendered to the English, i. 229. Sutton, Captain, i. 748. Suwarow, or Suwarrow, account of, i. 208. Joins the allied army, ibid. His achieve- ments, 209, 210, 214. Obtains the title of Italiski, 215. Detached to Switzer- land, 217. His disasters, 218. Retreat, and disgrace, 219. Sweden, conduct of this state on the downfall of the French monarchy, i. 37. Treaty with Russia, 296. War with, 555. ii. 1082. Sweden, Crown Prince of.-See Bernadotte, General. Swiss, massacre of, at Paris, i. 17. Can- tons of the, ii. 1073. 19 S - s INDEx. -sº-sºms Switzerland, revolution of, i. 149. State of, ii. 1073. Symes, Colonel, i. 61. Syria, French expedition into, i. 191. Sztarray, General, i. 279. TABor, Mount, battle of, i. 195. Taboureau, M. i. 2. Tagliamento, passage of, by the French, i. 122. Talavera, battle of, i. 660. Talbot, Captain, i. 481, 786. Talleyrand, Charles Maurice, i. 234, 283. ii. 1296, 1314. Tallien, a member of the convention, ii. 1358. Tarragona, attack on, 765. Tarvis, action at, i. 275. Tayl taken by the English, i. 54. Tchertehekoff, Lieutenant-general, i. 224. Telegraph, the, applied to military pur- poses, i. 50. Teming, battle of, i. 106. Tenerife; English expedition against, i. 128. Ternate, island of, taken by the English, i. 747. Teschan, peace of, 439. Thaves seized by the French, i. 55. Thielman, General, ii. 1419. Thionville, siege of, by the allies, i. 276. Thompson, Captain Sir T. B. i. 312. Thorn surrendered to the Russians, i. 836. Thouvenot, Colonel, i. 31-32. Thuilleries, the, attacked by the mob, i. 16. Thureau, General, i. 267. Tierney, Mr. i. 302. Tilsit, peace of, i. 557. Tippoo Saib defeated by the English, i. 159. His intrigues, 227. Death, 228. Tirlemont taken by the French, i. 32. Tobago taken by the English, i. 37. Tolentino, the Neapolitans defeated at, ii. 1326. Tombio, action at, i. 99. Tone, Mr. Theobald Wolfe, i. 153. Tooke, Horne, death and biography of, ii. 898. - Toulon, city of, i. 38. Supposed to be im- pregnable, 42. Taken, 43. , Royalists massacred at, 45. Civil war in, 46. Tournay occupied by the French, i. 21, 41. Action at, 48. Evacuated, 50. Toussaint L’Ouverture, i. 129, 229, 352– 357. Tower of London fortified (1793), i. 29. Towry, Captain, i. 83. Treaties, i. 33, 361, 363, 373, 505, 683,863. ii. 1376. Treaty, Definitive, of peace, between the allied pov, c.'s and France, ii. 101 l, 1539. Treillard, director, i. 231. Treves occupied by the Prussians (1792), i. 16. Seized by the French (1794), 76. Treviso, armistice at, i. 276. Trinidad taken by the English, i. 126, 127. Trip, General, ii. 1426. Tripstadt, i. 55. Trollope, Captain, i. 109. Trouchet, M. pleads for the king, i. 23. Trowbridge, Captain, i. 128. Truguet, Admiral, i. 46. Truxillo, General, i. 603. Tuam (Ireland), French invaders march to, i. 158. Tudela, battle of, i. 626. Turcoing, action at, i. 48. Turgot, ministry of, i. 2. Turin, court of, i. 37. Surrendered to the allies (1799), 210. Turkey declares war against France, i. 176. Rupture between Russia and, 523. Its fall, 766. Tuscany, the French ambassador dismissed by the grand duke (1793), i. 36, Con- cludes a treaty with France (1795), 75. French declaration of war against, 208. Their innovations, 209. Counter-revolu- tion in, 212. Seized by the French (1800), 276. Archduke of, 509. VABois, General, i. 100. Vadier, accused, i. 69. Valence, General, i. 31. Valencia taken, i. 769. Valenciennes invested by the allies, i. 35. Surrendered, 36. Re-taken by the French, 50. Valetta, description of, i 165. Valeze accused and stabs himself, i. 38. Valentina, battle of, i. 793. Valette, General, i. 99. Vandamme, General, i. 54. ii. 1401. Vandeleur, Major-general Sir J. ii. 1408. Van Dockum, Captain, i. 295. Vanhope, General, ii. 1426. Vansittart, Rt. Hon. N. i. 307, 786. Varennes accused, i, 69. Vaubau fort, i. 54. Vaubois, General, i. 97, 293. Vaux, Colonel, enters Gertruydenberg with a flag of truce, i. 31. village of, i. 47. Vendée.—Sec La Vendée. Venice, disputes with, i. 122. Venloo occupied by the Prussians, (1793) i. 31. Taken by the French, (1794) i. 51. Verdjer, General, i. 460. Verdun taken by the allies, i. 20. By the French, 21. Vergniaud, a Girondist, accused, i. 30. Verona taken, i. 96 Battle of, 208. Victor, General, i. 276, 800. ——-, Hughes.—See Hughes. Victories obtained by the French, i. 30. By the Imperialists and Prussians, 31. By the British flag, 38. By the French, 44, 45. By the Fnglish, ii. 1411. Viellaud, a Vendéan chief, i. 73. Vienna attacked by the French, i. 97, 119. Treaty of, 505. Declaration from the congress at, ii. 1266. 1332. Wigmole, General, i. 96, 97. Willaret-Joyeuse, Vice-admiral, i. 56, 57. Villeneuve, Rear-admiral, i, 293, 480. —--, Tourette, commander of the royalists, i. 74. Willers en Couchée, the French defeated at, i. 40. Vimeira, battle of, i. 622. Vincent, Colonel, i. 977. Vincke, Colonel, ii. 1407. Vinegar Hill,(Ireland) insurrection in, i. 150. Vittoria, splendid victory of, i. 815. Vivian, Major-general Sir Hussey, ii. 1408, 1426. Nº. Wounded, 32. Worthuisen, i. 54. ULM blockaded, i. 280. United Irishmen, society of, i. 154. States.—See America. Urfurt, surrender of, i. 514. Utrecht evacuated by the allies, i. 54. Uxbridge, Earl of, ii. 1401.-See Anglesea, Marquis of. Waal, passage of the, by the French, i. 53. Wadsworth, General, capture of, ii. 945. Wales, prince of.-8ee Regent. Wallachia invaded by the Russians, i. 523. Walmenhuysen, capture of, 224. Walmoden, Generak, driven behind a canal, i. 40. Obliged to abandon Bruges, 50. Assumes the cornmand of the allied forces in Holland, 53. Assists in attacking Hanover, 417. 12 *ā- == War between France and Germany, i. 16. Between France and Great Britaiſi, 28. Preparations for, 46–49. Warmarthe, port of, seized, i. 40. Warrand, Captain, i. 786. Warren, Sir John Borlase, his actions, i. 109, 340. Correspondence with Munroe, ii. 918, 944. Warsaw, arrival of the Russians at, i. 520. Wartensbleden, i. 105. Washington, resignation and death of, 262, 265, ii. 914. —, (America) estered by the Bri- tish army, ii. 116S. Description of, ibid. Waterloo, i. 49. The allies retreat to, ii. 1401. Battle of, 1411. Official Accounts of, 1431. Wattignies, village of, i. 49. Wauzenau taken by the Austrians, i. 45. Weischein unde surrendered, i. 548. Weissembourgh, the lines of, attacked by the allies, i. 45. Re-taken by the French, 46. - Weissig, battle of, i. 839. Wellesley, Sir Arthur, i. 620. Biography, of, 664. His expedition, 665–667.-See Wellington, Lord. Wellington, Lord, i. 67 l. His zeal and ac- tivity, 720. Abandons the siege of Bada- joz, 761. His conduct, 763. Enters Sa- lamanca, 814. His motives for invading France, 856. His victories, 859. Inva- sion of France, 870. Appointed ambas- sador in Paris, ii. 1022. Addressed by the lord-chancellor, 1038. By the spea- ker, 1040. His letter in vindication of Murat, k324. Named field-marshal of the United Netherlands, 1371. His gallan- try, 1394. Ditto at the battle of Waterloo, 1417. His services rewarded by parlia- ment, 1469. .* Wertingen, action at, j. 460. Werwick taken by the French, i. 48. Westcott, Captain, i. 175. Westermann, General, i. 55, 65. Westminster meetings, i. 139. Westphalia, i. 54. Invasion of, 519. Wexford, (Ireland) taken by the rebels, i. 153. Evacuated by them, 155. Whitbread, Samuel, i. 241. His death, ii. 1695. Whitelock, Lieutenant-colonel, i. 37. Whitworth, Lord, i. 296. His conversa- tion with Bonaparte, 381. His departure from France, 392. Whyte, Major-general, i. 62. Wickham, Mr. i. 137, 278. Wilkinson, General, ii. 1150. Willian V. Stadtholder. — See Orange, Prince of. William, Prince, i. 224.—See Orange. Williams, Lieutenant, i. 745. , Miss Helen Maria, extracts from her Narrative, ii. 1568, 1583. Williamstadt, siege and gallant defence of, i. 31. * Wilna enteréd by the Emperor Alexander, i. 818. Wilson, Sir R. i. 329. His gallantry, 652. Remarks on his conduct towards Lavalette, ii. 1685. Arrested, 1699. Examined, 1700–1705. Winchester, General, capture of, ii. 960. Winnweiller, i. 55. Winzingerode, Major-general 800, 801. Wirtemburg, Duke of, solicits peace, i. 104. , Prince of, blockades Condé and takes it, i. 35. Wittgenstein, Baron, i. 800. Baron, i. INDEX, ---. -º-º-º-ººs -- ~~~~ **== z -º-º- *: Wkray, action at, i. 520. Wolley, Captain, i. 111. Wommersom, i. 32. . . Wood, Colonel Sir G. ii. 1433. Woodford, Captain, i. 634. Woolley, Lieutenant, i. 63. Worms taken by the French, i. 21. cuated, 32. Wrede, General, i. 863. Wright, Captain, his mysterious death, i. 804. Particulars of, ii. 1680. Eva- —g --- ==== * r-º ºr *º- - --sº Wrotte stormed, i. 45. Wurmb, Lieutenant-general, i. 40. Würmser, Field-marshal, i. 34. Invests Landau and retreats, 45. His victories, 99. Wurtschen, battle of, i. 837. YEo, Captain Sir J. i. 786. York, Duke of, his arrivat at Antwerp, i. 16. Assists at a congress, 34, 35. Joins the allied army, 39. Attacks, sieges, &c. 40, 47, 48, 49, 50, 51, 52. . Returns to England, 53. Witnesses the landing of FI. Aſ I S. eight battalions of Russians at the Helder, 223-226. Restored to his situation as commander-in-chief, 759. Young, Admiral, i. 748. - Ypres taken by the French, (1792,) i. 16 Surrendered, 49. Z. Count, i. 311. --- Zeithen, General, ii. 1392. Zurich, battles at, i. 205. Zuphem, i. 54. A NEW AND compleTE HISTORY OF ENGLAND, N BROUGHT DOWN TO THE PR ESENT PE R.I.O.D. —sº- In the Press, and shortly will be published, to be completed in 27 Monthly Parts, Price 3s, each, or 160 Weekly Numbers, Price 6d. each, forming Two, elegant Quarto Volumes, embellished with a SERIES of PokTRAITs of the KINGs, QUEENs, and other Celebrated Characters, and fine Historic AE ENGRAVINGs of the most Memorable Events that have occurred, No. I. THE HISTORY OF ENGLAND, FROM THE EARLIEST AUTHENTIC RECORDS, Brought down to the Conclusion of the late War, and final Settlement of the Affairs of Europe. INCLUDING AN IMPARTIAL AND FAITHFUL NARRATIVE OF THE LATE EXTRAORDINARY EVENTS, AND BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCHES OF THE MOST DISTINGUISHED PUBLIC te CHARACTERS. By C. H. GIFFORD, Esq. 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