SENATE BULLETIN
Prepared under the direction of
R. A. COBBAN
Chief Clerk of the Senate
CONTENTS
Page
OFFICERS AND MEMBERS 1
BILLS AND RESOLUTIONS INTRODUCED BY SENATE
COMMITTEES 8
SENATE COMMITTEES 9
STATE OF BUSINESS IN THE SENATE 10
SENATE BILLS APPROVED BY GOVERNOR 11
ACTION ON SENATE BILLS 19
JOINT RESOLUTIONS 203
RESOLUTIONS 235
SUBJECT INDEX TO SENATE BILLS, JOINT RESOLUTIONS
AND RESOLUTIONS 245
AUTHOR INDEX OF SENATE BILLS, JOINT RESOLUTIONS
AND RESOLUTIONS 293
AUTHOR INDEX OF SENATE BILLS, JOINT RESOLUTIONS
AND RESOLUTIONS INTRODUCED BY SENATE COM-
MITTEES __ 307
Final Bulletin 1931 Legislature
1



w


r
GROUND-PLAN OF ANCIENT CHRISTIAN CHURCH.-^ ;>. i47.)

_FL
_FL
J~L
_TL
i The Bishop's seat {cathedra).
2 Lower seats of the Presbyters
in semicircle of apse.
3 The Altar.
4 Bases of four columns sup-
porting the ciborium (bal-
dachino) over altar.
5 Extreme end of Men's Nave,
appropriated to Monks.
6 Extreme end of Women's
Nave,appropriatedtoNuns.
7 Entrance gate of Sanctuary.
8 Chancel Screen.
9 Inclosed Choir.
to The South Ambon, for read-
ing the Gospel from.
ii The North Ambon.
12 The centre Nave.
13 Nave of the Men.
14 Nave of the Women.
15 Sacristy.
16 Gates into the Naves.
17 Narthex (the ante-temple).
18 Court of the Women.
19 Court of the Men.
20 Portico (fiaradisus), called
by Greeks Garsonostatios.
THE
POLITY
CHRISTIAN CHURCH,
3£arlg, Mfti&M, antr jl&otfrot Eirats,
BY
ALEfXvI(US3 AURELI^US^ PELLICCIA.
TRANSLATED FROM THE LATIN BY
REV. J. C. BELLETT, M.A.,
OF PEMBROKE COLLEGEj OXFORD J
AUTHOR OF A POPULAR HISTORY OF THE HOLY EASTERN CHURCH.
* Oportet nos cognoscere, quae majores fecere, ut nostra pernoscamus."
Oppius.
LONDON:
J. MASTERS AND CO., 7S, NEW BOND STREET.
MDCCCLXXXIII.
f
3V
LONDON:
J. MASTERS AND CO., PRINTERS,
ALBION BUILDINGS, BARTHOLOMEW CLOSE, E.C.
ur
a
'^
TRANSLATOR'S PREFACE.
When it first occurred to me that a translation of Pelliccia might be
a useful work, I wrote to ask the well-known liturgical scholar, Dr.
Littledale, whether he thought the undertaking would be worth the
labour: his reply was, "I think so highly of Pelliccia that I have
more than once meditated translating him myself, though other more
pressing calls have always thrust the notion aside. And I am, there-
fore, glad that some one else should undertake the task. The
version will require a few bracketed insertions, where more recent
inquiry has added to our knowledge." This determined me to
proceed, and I think that those who may now read Pelliccia for
the first time will agree with the opinion of Dr. Littledale, whose
advice confirmed me in undertaking the work.
It was the remark of some very learned man that if we wish to
know the whole truth on matters of primitive ritual and discipline,—
in other words, on those matters which are now dividing families and
parishes, shutting up our parochial clergy in prison, and threatening
to sever the connexion between Church and State,—we should read
Thomassin on the one side and Bingham on the other: the former
giving us the Roman and the latter the Anglican view of these
questions, for fair views of them we must combine those of both
these writers. And this, on the whole, Pelliccia does, or enables us
to do. His sympathies are with the whole of the Catholic Church,
with the Greek and Anglican branches of it as well as with the
Roman: he thus takes a Catholic, not an exclusively Roman, view of
b
411260
VI TRANSLATOR'S PREFACE.
things,1 seldom claiming for any distinctively Roman usage a greater
antiquity than history warrants. For this reason his work is of value
to us. The greater our interest in these matters, the more necessary
is knowledge about them, and the more mischievous is ignorance.
We cannot understand the present except we know the past; and in
these days especially we ought all to know whether this or that point
of ritual, about which we perhaps individually feel strongly, is Catholic
or not: whether, as being Catholic and primitive, its retention in our
Prayer Book rubrics must be contended for at any cost; or whether,
as being merely local and mediaeval, it may well be abandoned for
the sake of peace. On these, and such questions, Pelliccia's work
sets us thinking in a right direction. It is a manual of instruction
necessarily brief, but as long as most of us have time to read; and
the readers of Pelliccia who wish to pursue the subject further, will
find, as their knowledge increases by more extensive study, that they
have not to unlearn what they have learned from him.2
The Lutheran archaeologist Guericke remarks, "Pelliccia is the
first and almost only work that has embraced the whole of archaeo-
logy in its full scientific extent, not confining it, as hitherto done, to
the ancient Church alone." But while the book is thus of historical
value generally, it is at the same time of special interest for the
younger clergy. As the author often reminds us, it was originally
written for candidates for Holy Orders, and a glance at its Table of
Contents will show how eminently adapted it is for this purpose still:
in the hands of a judicious lecturer it would prove an interesting
class-book for students in our theological and missionary training
colleges, and the translator hopes it may in time be used as such;
1 There is one exception to this im- eleven volumes {Denkwurdigkeiten der
partiality (an exception specially ex- Christ-katholischen Kirche,—Memora-
cusable in an Italian), his treatment of bilia of the Catholic Church,) is, ac-
the subject of the supremacy of the cording to Guericke, and other com-
Pope. On this matter it seemed ad- petent judges, scarcely more than a re-
visable to insert a bracketed paragraph, cast of Pelliccia: and this is also true
that the translator dissented from the of a more recent Latin work on these
views of his author, though it is hoped subjects, in one volume, "Compendiosa
such a-statement is unnecessary. Bibliotheca Liturgica," by R. P. Aloysio
2 Binterim's great German work in M. A Carpo, Bonn, 1878.
TRANSLATOR'S PREFACE. VU
for though some of the work has interest only for the Christian
archaeologist, a large portion of it forms a sort of " Annotated Prayer
Book" of the universal Church. It is thus a manual of instruction
specially suitable as a text-book for ordination candidates, and as
an introduction to the study of ecclesiastical history; interesting in
proportion as we realise our union with the whole of the Eastern
and Western Church, past as well as present, and remember that what
is obsolete to us (as, e.g., in the Confirmation and Easter Sendees), is
not obsolete to the rest of Christendom, but still forms a part of
her Prayer Books as it has done for ages past.
It but remains for the translator to express a hope that his "labour
of love" will be accepted by his subscribers and readers in the same
spirit in which it is offered, as an eirenicon for those who desire
peace and unity in the Church "before the Lord come f and to add
a few necessary words of explanation as to the plan of the book.
The reader is reminded that the notes are all new matter: in the
original the reference to the author quoted, the canon or the capi-
tulary, is set down, and that is all. These references have now, so
far as possible, been verified, and so far as space at command
allowed, they have been quoted in full and, where necessary, further
supplemented. To have verified every quotation would have delayed
the publication too long, and in some cases the task would have
been beyond the power of the translator; but it will be found, it is
hoped, that no important statement has been left unverified: all
words, whether in the notes and references or in the text, which are
not in the original are bracketed thus [ ], and will be easily dis-
tinguishable: the references to councils, &c, have been left untrans-
lated, as they can thus more readily be examined in Mansi, or
Labbe, or Bruns's Canons, &c, if desired. The number of misprints
in the original references is incredible. This is, perhaps, to be ac-
counted for by a statement in an old edition of the work in the
Bodleian, that two or three editions of Pelliccia were printed simul-
taneously at different places. The text from which the translation
has been made is that of the last edition published by J. J. Ritter
1829. The work is not intended to be controversial; it is thought
b 2
Vlll TRANSLATOR S PREFACE.
that the author should be allowed to speak for himself: and by
examining the references in the notes each reader can judge for
himself how far they do, or do not, bear out the statements in the
text; where a reference, after examination, could not be verified,
a mark of interrogation (?) is affixed to it in the note.1 Though
the work is a brief one, the translator has endeavoured as much as
possible to make the reader independent of other books, not trying
his patience by referring him in any difficulty to books perhaps not
accessible to him: mindful of those words of S. Augustine, "Novi
quemadmodum soleat contristare lectorem, cum ab eo libro quern
gerit in manibus, quando in aliquem nodum qusestionis incident,
in alium mittitur ubi ejus solutionem requirat, quern forte non
habet." (L. ii. de Bapt. c. i.)
1 It has been thought advisable to nentia inter Christianos," as out of har-
omit one chapter, "De conjugum conti- mony with modern ideas.
Kensington,
Advent. 1882.
EDITOR'S PREFACE BY RITTER.
I scarcely think I need apologise for undertaking to edit the Eccle-
siastical Polity of that very learned Neapolitan, Alexius Aurelius
Pelliccia, and the Dissertations belonging to it, since each of these
Books is exceedingly rare in Germany, and yet is written with such
learning and industry that it deserves to be known by all those who
take a special interest in the subject of Christian Antiquities.
And this Book of Polity, as it seems to me, is superior in two
essential particulars to other Books which treat of the same subject,
—viz. in its brevity, and in the copiousness of the matters treated of
in it. For its very learned author has avoided the fault into which
most writers on Archaeology have fallen : he has not, i.e., confined
the subject of Christian Antiquities to the brief limits of the ancient
Church of the first three or six centuries, but he has carried on the
treatment of his subject down to almost our own times: though as to
the plan and design pursued by him in handling his subject, it is better
that the reader consult him in his own preface, where he can hear
him speak for himself.
That this Book might not go forth to the public without any addi-
tion of my own, I have inserted in this Preface some notice of the
life of the author, so far as I have come on any materials for it. I
have also inserted in this Book that ground-plan of ancient Christian
churches which I found drawn by him in that collection of Disserta-
tions of which I have made mention: and those very numerous quo-
tations, which were so printed in former editions, that they wrere only
intelligible to the learned and to those familiar with books of anti-
quity, I have put into clearer and more accurate form, so far as the
large number of books which I have of my own has enabled me to
do so: and lastly as I found that many errors had crept into the
text of the first edition published at Naples in 1777, and of the
x editor's preface by ritter.
second amended one published at Venice, 1782 (some of which
seemed due to negligence on the part of the author himself), these
errors I have, in this new edition, taken pains to correct.
And now as regards the life of our author, the following details
may be depended on.
Alexius Aurelius Pelliccia was born at Naples in the year of our
Lord 1744. He had scarcely completed his course of academical
studies, and was only in his twenty-first year, when he earned repu-
tation for learning by translating into his native language Tillemont's
life of our Blessed Redeemer, with additional notes of his own.
Then we find that after an interval of two years he undertook the
office of Liturgical Professor in that congregation of Presbyters which
was called the Conferenza; and that office he discharged in so dis-
tinguished a manner that when he was but in the twenty-seventh year
of his age he was elected as public teacher of Ethics and Archaeology
in the University of Naples. While busily engaged in the duties of
this office, and when he was in his twenty-eighth year, he wrote in
the Italian language a Dissertation to show that it had been the
Church's unvarying custom and rule to pray for princes, and that
this duty is laid upon us in our public and private Liturgies. This
treatise was, by command of the Empress Maria Theresa, translated
into German, and also by the author himself into Latin, for the
benefit of the Hungarians. At length in the year 1777 he published
at Naples these six Books on Ecclesiastical Polity, complete in two
parts, and to them, after five years, he appended certain additional
treatises, and seven Dissertations of great excellence, on matters
chiefly ecclesiastical. More very learned works by his pen followed,
but about them, and about the remaining years of the author's life,
we hope to speak more at large in our second volume which will
comprise the Dissertations and Appendices.
Bonn, April 20, 1829.
PELLICCIA'S PREFACE TO THE READER.
Taking the writings of Nieuport* as my model for conciseness of
style, I formed the resolution of putting together into a compendium,
with what brevity I could, the widely scattered information which we
possess on the subject of ecclesiastical antiquity.
I was conscious, at the outset, that the undertaking was a laborious
one: for it seemed a task of no slight labour to compress into one
short volume subjects, of which the heads were so numerous and so
important: and I felt this the more because I intended not only to
treat of the polity of the early Church, but also that of the Church
of mediaeval and modern times,—an undertaking not yet attempted
by any previous writer. For although some very eminent writers,
among our own countrymen, and among foreigners, have undertaken
that task, they have nevertheless brought their histories down only
to the conclusion of the fourth or fifth century, though their volumes
have grown into such vast bulk, that our young ecclesiastics (for
whose sake principally I am now writing) can gain but small benefit
from their labours.
But since I discovered that the ministers of the Church were, more
than all others, in need of a work of this nature, as a preparatory
help for their study of the Greek and Latin Fathers, and for an intel-
ligent acquaintance with the history of the Church and of her
Councils, I have most cheerfully made every exertion towards accom-
plishing a laborious task, by which I might, to the best of my abilities,
be serving their interests.
I have thus devoted six Books, chapter by chapter, to a history
of the Ecclesiastical Polity of the early, mediaeval, and modern
Church. To these are to be subjoined certain appendices and seven
Dissertations, in which I shall treat at greater length of certain
* [A French diplomatist; and author of Melanges des Mathematiques, and
other works.]
Xll PELLICCIA'S PREFACE TO THE READER.
branches of ecclesiastical antiquity, which seemed to require being
gone over a second time. But for that brevity's sake which above
all things I have studied, I have avoided putting down in full the
quotations from the authorities I have referred to; and I have con-
tented myself with pointing them out at the foot of each page, and
in such passages as I have wished to retain the very words of the
authors as peculiarly significant, I have had the words printed in
Italics that they might be distinguished by the reader from the rest
of the text. For the same reason also I have preferred to retain some
ecclesiastical words, and I have studied clearness of style rather than
elegance, as I considered that assisting candidates for Holy Orders
was a more important matter than pleasing fastidious readers whose
palates aire so dainty that they take less delight in the subject itself
than in the language in which the author expresses himself. Finally,
I would have my readers take notice that the citations from the holy
Fathers correspond with the editions of the Fathers which were
edited by the Congregation of S. Maur, while quotations from other
writers are taken from the most recent editions. I trust that Almighty
God will grant His blessing to the laborious work, which with these
good intentions I have undertaken. Farewell.
CONTENTS.
BOOK I. OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH.
PAGE
SECTION I. Of the Christian Society I
Chapter I. Of Catechumens 2
1. Of the different Grades of Catechumens 2
2. Of the Office for admitting Jews or Heathen into the number of
Catechumens .......... 3
3. The Method of training Catechumens—who their instructors were . 3
4. Of the period of the Catechumenate 5
5. On the duties of Catechumens 5
6. How Catechumens prepared themselves for Baptism. When they
gave in their names. Whether their names were changed or not.
By whom names were given to Catechumens .... 6
7. Of the Examinations .7
Chapter II. Of Baptism . . 9
1. On what days, in ancient times, Catechumens used to be baptized.
At what time the custom began of administering Baptism on any
day . . . 9
2. Baptism was anciently administered by the Bishops themselves.
Time when that office was first delegated to the Presbyters. Of
the qualifications proper for a Minister of Baptism . . . 11
3. Baptisteries 13
4. Of preliminary Rites which formerly preceded Baptism . . 15
5. About Baptism itself 16
6. Rites which followed immediately after Baptism . . . 17
7. Concerning Godfathers and Godmothers 20
Chapter III. About the Sacrament of Confirmation .... 21
1. Confirmation formerly connected with Baptism. When it began
to be separated from it 21
2. Of the Minister of that Sacrament. Where and when it was admin-
istered. When it began to be administered separately from Baptism 22
3. Of the way in which the Baptized were prepared for Confirmation . 23
4. Of the Oil of the Chrism: How consecrated. How administered by
the Bishop 24
SECTION II. Of the Ministers and Magistrates of the Christian Church . 27
Chapter I. Of the Ministers of the Church 28
1. Of Ministers of the Second Order and of the Tonsure . . .32
2. Of the duties of Ministers of the Second Order .... 32
3. Of Ministers of the First Order: and first, concerning Subdeacons 37
4. Concerning Deacons 39
5. Concerning Archdeacons .42
6. Concerning Deaconesses 45
XIV CONTENTS.
PAGE
Chapter II. Of Presbyters and the Presbytery 48
Chapter III. About Archpresbyters 52
Chapter IV. Of Parish Priests and Cardinal Priests .... 54
1. Of Cardinal Presbyters and Deacons 54
2. Of Parish Priests 55
Chapter V. Of Church Officers peculiar to the East; Managers of Church
funds; Keepers of Archives, &c 59
1. Of the High Steward 59
2. Of the Chief Bursar 60
3. Of the Chief Treasurer 60
4. Of the Keeper of the Archives 61
5. Of the Prsefectus Sacelli 62
6. Of the Chief Church Advocate 62
Chapter VI. Of Managers of Church Funds—Advocates and Bishops'
Vicars among the Latins 63
Chapter VII. Of Registrars and Notaries, and of Bishops' Private Chap-
lains; and of the Primicerii among the Greeks and Latins in the
middle ages 66
1. Of Registrars and Notaries ....... 66
2. Of Syncelli and Primicerii 68
Chapter VIII. Of Palace-Chaplains 70
Appendix on Noblemen's Chaplains 73
Chapter IX. About Bishops 74
1. Of the Names of the Bishops 75
2. Of the Election of a Bishop 7^
3. Of the Consecration of a Bishop 79
4. Of the creation of new Sees; of Missionary Bishops among the
Heathen 82
5. Of the distinctive Ornaments of Bishops S3
Chapter X. Of Titular Bishops 86
Chapter XI. Of Chorepiscopi S8
Chapter XII. Of Bishops' Vicars 90
Chapter XIII. Of the Regular Clergy 91
SECTION III. Of Monks and Nuns 92
Chapter I. Of Monks, or those living in Community .... 92
1. Of the Origin of Monks 92
2. About Monasteries 93
3. Of the Discipline of Monks 94
4. Of the Rules of Monks 99
Chapter II. Of Friars 100
Chapter III. Of Nuns 102
1. Of the Sacred Virgins of the Church 102
2. Of the Origin and Discipline of Nuns 104
3. Of the Service for the Consecration of Nuns 107
Chapter IV. About Canonesses and Abbesses of the middle ages . . 109
1. Of Canonesses I09
2. Of Abbesses 109
Chapter V. Of Fraternities in
CONTENTS.
SECTION IV. Of Princes of the Church
Chapter I. Of the Division of the Church into Provinces
Chapter II. Of the Roman Pontiff
Digression. About the Election of the Roman Pontiff
Chapter III. Of the Clergy of the Roman Church, or of Cardinals
I. Of the Origin of Cardinals
2. Of the Titles and Number of Cardinals
3. Of the Cardinals' Purple and Hat.
Chapter IV. Of Patriarchs .
1. Of the Patriarch of Rome
2. Of the Patriarch of Antioch
3. Of the Patriarch of Alexandria
4. Of the Patriarch of Jerusalem
5. Of the Patriarch of Constantinople
6. Of the Western Patriarchs
Chapter V. Of Exarchs and Primates
1. Of Eastern Exarchs .
2. Of Latin or Western Primates
Chapter VI. Of Metropolitans or Archbishops ....
1. Of the jurisdiction of Metropolitans ....
2. Of the distinctive Ornament of Metropolitans, or of the Pall
3. Of the Processional Cross, another ornament of Archbishops ■
Chapter VII. Of Legates of the Apostolic See ....
Appendix I. The age at which Holy Orders were conferred
Appendix II. About the Dress of the Clergy
BOOK II. OF THE SACRED PLACES OF CHRISTIANS
SECTION I. Of Holy Places
Chapter I. Of the Holy Places of Christians from the first to the
century
Chapter II. Of the Temples of Christians after the fourth century
1. Of the Names of Sacred Buildings after the fourth century
2. Of the Consecration of a Church ....
Chapter III. On the Ground-plan of ancient Churches
Chapter IV. Of the different Parts of a Church .
Chapter V. Of the Altar
Chapter VI. Of the Decoration of the Altar
Chapter VII. About the Sacred Vessels .
1. Of the Chalice, Chalice-tube and Strainer
2. Of the Paten and Pyx
3. Of the Flagons for Altar Wine, and Censers
Chapter VIII. Of the Sacred Vestments.
1. Of the Amice, Alb, and Girdle .
PAGE
112
"3
115
117
117
119
120
121
122
123
123
124
125
126
127
127
128
129
129
130
132
*33
134
136
third
141
141
144
144
146
147
152
157
162
167
167
169
170
171
2. Of the Stole and Maniple
3. Of the Chasuble, Dalmatic, Colobium, and Berretta
174
177
179
XVi CONTENTS.
Chapter X. Of the Sacred Books ^83
1. Of the Book of the Gospels 183
2. Of Lectionaries and the Book of the Canon . . ... 185
Chapter XI. Of the Service Books 1S6
Chapter XII. Of the Reverence of the early Christians for Churches, and
their privilege of Sanctuary 188
SECTION II. On the subject of Public Worship 191
Chapter I. Of the way in which the early Christians gave notice of
Divine Service; and of Church Bells 192
Chapter II. Of the Service of Psalmody 195
1. Of Psalter Books ^6
2. Of the Singing of the Psalms by the choir and people alternately,
and of the fixed hours for singing them 197
3. A brief History of Church Music 199
Chapter III. Of the different parts of Church Psalmody ... 202
1. Of Matins and Lauds 203
2. Of Prime, Terce, Sext, and Nones '204
3. Of Vespers and Compline 206
4. Of Little Chapters and the Verse, and of Lections and Responses 207
5. Of Canticles and Antiphons 209
6. Of Hymns 210
Chapter IV. Of the private Recitation of the Psalms . . . .212
Chapter V. Of the Eucharistic Service, or of the Mass. . . .215
Chapter VII. Of the chief Liturgies of the Eastern and Western Church 217
1. Of the Eastern Liturgies 217
2. Of the Western Liturgies 219
Chapter VIII. Of the Ministers of the Mystical Liturgy ... 221
Chapter IX. Of the days and hours on which the Liturgy was cele-
brated, and how many Celebrations there were on any one day . 223
Chapter X. Of the different parts of the Liturgy or Mass . . . 226
1. Of the Introit at the Liturgy 226
2. Of the Confession 227
3. Of the Kyrie, the Angelic Hymn, and Salutation of the People . 229
4. Of the Collect, and the word Amen 231
5. Of the Epistle, Gradual, Alleluia, Tract, and Sequence . . .232
6. Of the reading of the Gospel, the Creed, and the Bishop's Discourse 235
7. Of the Offertory or Oblation, and of the Censing of the Oblations . 237
8. Of the Washing of Hands; the Secret Prayer; the Preface; and
the Trisagion 240
9. Of the Canon of the Mass 242
10. Of the first Memento, of the Diptychs, and of the Solemn Comme-
moration of the Saints 243
11. Of the Consecration; the Second Memento, or Commemoration of
the Departed ; and of the Lord's Prayer 245
12. Of the Prayer of Peace; of the Kiss of Peace; of the Priest's Com-
munion; and of preceding and subsequent Prayers . . . 248
13. Of the Communion of the Faithful 250
14. Of the conclusion of the Mass 253
Chapter XI. Of a private Mass 254
Chapter XII. Of solemn supplications of Christians, commonly called
Processions 258
CONTENTS. XV11
PAGE
Chapter XIII. Of Pilgrimages of Christians and of Votive Tablets . 262
1. Epitome of the History of the Holy War (or Crusades) . . .263
2. Of Votive Tablets 266
Chapter XIV. Of the Adoration of the Eucharistic Bread . . .268
BOOK III. OF THE OBLATIONS AND BENEDICTIONS OF
CHRISTIANS.
SECTION I. Of Oblations . .270
Chapter I. Of the Eucharistic Oblation, i.e., of Bread and Wine . 270
Chapter II. Of the daily Oblations 274
Chapter III. Of Oblations for the redemption of the soul, and for the
remission of sins . 277
Chapter IV. Of Tithes 279
SECTION II. Of the Benedictions of Christians 282
Chapter I. Of the more ancient Forms of Benediction .... 282
Chapter II. Of the Benediction of Bread 285
Chapter III. Of the Benediction of Water 287
Chapter IV. Of Benediction of Food, fruit, clothes, houses, &c. . . 290
BOOK IV. OF THE DIVISION OF TIME AND OF HOLIDAYS.
SECTION I. Of the Kalendar of the Church 293
Chapter I. Of the Division of the Year 293
1. Of the Year of the ancient Chaldseans, Egyptians, and Jews . . 293
2. A brief History of the Greek and Roman Year .... 294
3. Of Months and Days 297
4. Of the Kalendar of Christians down to the Sixteenth Century . 299
5. Of the Corrections made in the Kalendar by Pope Gregoiy XIII. . 301
6. Of the Indiction and the Sunday Letters 303
7. Of the Kalendar of the Latins and Greeks, and of the Civil Kalen-
dar of Christians 305
Chapter II. Of Martyrologies 308
1. Of the Origin of the Martyrology 309
2. Of Writers of Martyrologies and of the Martyrologies of Eusebius,
of Jerome, and of the Roman Martyrology . . . .310
3. Of Martyrologies of the middle ages by Bede, Florus, Usuard,
Rhabanus, Wandelbert, Ado, Notker, and Dithmar , . .312
4. Of more modern Martyrologies 313
Chapter III. Of the Acts of Martyrs 314
1. By whom the Acts of the Martyrs were written and certified. Fal-
lacy of Dodwell's argument for the fewness of the Martyrs . 315
2. Of different Collectors of the Acts of the Martyrs in ancient, me-
diaeval, and modern times 318
SECTION II. Of Festival Days 321
Chapter I. Of the Observance of the Lord's Day .... 323
1. Of the way in which Christians kept the Lord's Day . . 325
2. There was a cessation of business among the ancients on the
Lord's Day 329
XV1U
CONTENTS.
Chapter II. Of the chief Feasts of the Year
Of the Feast Days in January
February .
March.
April and May .
June ....
July and August
September .
October and November
December ....
io. Of the Year of Christ's Nativity .
n. Of the Feast Days of S. Stephen, S. John, and
nocents
Chapter III. Of Movable Feasts
Of Lent and its Lord's Days
Of the Great Week [or Holy Week] .
Of Easter Day ....
Of the Rogation Days
Of the Feast of the Ascension
the Holy In-
333
333
336
338
339
34i
344
345
347
349
354
• 355
356
356
359
370
372
373
373
Chapter IV. Of the Year of Jubilee among Christians .
Chapter V. Of the Cultus of Saints, and of the Pictures of the early
Christians
Digression. Of the use of Images in churches among Christians
Chapter VI. Of the Canonization of Saints
Digression. At what time the Church first paid religious honours
to Confessors
Chapter VII. Of the Adoration of the Holy Cross
1. Of the Shape of our Lord's Cross
2. Of the time when first the Figure of our Lord was affixed to the
Cross .
3. About Images of the Cross among the Ancients and their Orna-
ments; of the Stational Cross
4. Of [making] the Sign of the Cross
375
377
377
382
386
390
394
397
BOOK V. OF THE JUDICIAL POWERS OF THE CHURCH.
Chapter I. Of those who exercise Judicial Functions .... 399
1. About the Ecclesiastical Court: its ancient constitution, its division
into an internal and external Tribunal 399
2. Formerly the Bishop alone could administer the Sacrament of Pe-
nance. When he began to delegate this office . . . 402
3. Confession was in ancient times made publicly in church in pre-
sence of the Presbytery . 404
Chapter II. Of Sacramental Confession (Exomologesis) . . . 408
1. On the time fixed for making Confessions in early, mediaeval, and
modern times .......... 408
2. Of the Office and Method of Confession among the Latins and
Greeks . 410
CONTENTS. XIX
PAGE
Chapter III. Of Canonical Penance, and of the grades of Penitents . 412
1. Of the different kinds of Sins, as classified by the early Fathers . 412
2. What Church Discipline was exercised towards Penitents from the
first ages to the rise of the Novatian heresy . . . .417
3. On recommendations for Pardon (libelli) granted by the Martyrs,
and their forms. In what esteem they were held by the Bishops 419
4. Proofs that in these first ages reconciliation was at times granted
without canonical penance 422
5. Proofs that formerly Bishops, Priests, and Deacons, and other
Clerics were liable to be put to open penance. When private
penance was first substituted 423
6. Of the Discipline of the Church towards Penitents after the rise of
the heresies of Novatus and Novatian, and of the grades of Peni-
tents 425
7. Of the first station, which is called np6(nc\av<ris, or Fletus,
"Mourning" 425
8. Of the second station, which is called 'A/cpJact?, or Auditio,
"Hearing" 427
9. Of the third station of penitents, which is called 'TitStttcoo-is, or
substratio, i.e., "Prostration" 429
10. Of the fourth station, which is called Suorcuns, or Consistentia 431
11. All Penitents did not pass through each grade of Penance. Peni-
tents sometimes passed over some intermediate grade by permis-
sion of the Bishop 433
12. These four classes of Penitents were continued in the Western
Church down to the seventh century. Then by degrees the
ancient discipline was changed. What that discipline was in the
Churches of the East 435
13. What was allowed and what was not allowed to Penitents in the
first ages as well within as without the Church .... 437
14. The Presbyters and Deacons used to keep the Bishop informed of
the conduct of those under sentence of Public Penance . . 441
Chapter IV. Of Ecclesiastical Penance in the middle ages . . . 442
1. After the seventh century Penance was imposed for public sins,
but never for those secretly committed ..... 442
2. Those who had been guilty of open sins were put to open Penance,
and they were compelled to this both by ecclesiastical censure,
by the power of the Crown, and by the laws .... 446
3. Of new rites of Penance in the middle ages .... 447
4. In the Middle Ages, in the case of some crimes, penitents went
to Rome, and did penance imposed on them there by the Supreme
Pontiff. What the Origin of this Discipline was . . . 450
Chapter V. Of Flagellations and Pilgrimages of the middle ages . . 452
1. Of Flagellations 452
2. Of a Pilgrimage 454
3. Of residence in a Monastery, another kind of Penance . . . 455
Chapter VI. Of the Reconciliation of Penitents 456
1. Who had the right of publicly reconciling public Penitents . . 456
2. Whether Deacons ever reconciled Penitents .... 457
3. Whether, after the completion of the Penance, Absolution was ever
granted to Penitents in public 459
4. Concerning the Time of the Public Reconciliation of Penitents . 469
5. About the Offices for Public Reconciliation, and about Private
Reconciliation 470
Chapter VII. Of Canonical Penance after the twelfth century . . 473
Digression. Of Canonical Penance of the Greek Church in modem
times 476
XX CONTENTS.
Chapter VIII. Of the Indulgences of modern times . . . .478
Chapter IX. Of Excommunication 482
1. Of Excommunication in the first ages 483
2. Of the Excommunication of mediaeval and modern times . . 485
Chapter X. Of the Fasts of Christians 487
1. Of the Institution of Lent: its Fast and Liturgical Services . . 488
2. Of the Fasts of the Four Seasons 496
3. Of the Fasts of the Vigils and the Stations 497
4. Of the one common daily meal: of the Breakfast and Supper of
the early Christians 498
Chapter XI. Of the Canonical Purgations of the middle ages . . .501
Chapter XII. Of Plebeian Purgations 507
1. Of Purgation by Single Combat 507
2. Of a Purgation by Water and Iron 508
BOOK VI. OF THE OFFICES FOR MARRIAGES AND FUNERALS.
SECTION I. Of Marriage Rites 514
Chapter I. Of the Publication of Espousals 514
Chapter II. Of Times and Places for Celebration of Marriages . . 515
Chapter III. About Marriage Rites .' 519
1. Of Tablets of Marriage Contracts, and of the Betrothal Ring . 519
2. Of other Ceremonies in the Marriage Service .... 522
Chapter IV. On Offices for Second Marriages 529
SECTION II. On Funeral Rites 533
Chapter I. On the Care of Christians for the Sick 533
Chapter II. Of the Hospitals for Christians 535
1. Of Nurses for the Sick, or Superintendents of Hospitals . . 539
2. On Visitation of the Sick and their Cure by Prayer . . . 540
3. How the Church dealt with those at the point of death . . . 542
Chapter III. Of Extreme Unction 544
1. What was the Time for administering to the Sick the Sacrament of
Extreme Unction 545
2. On the Liturgical Rites of Extreme Unction .... 547
Chapter IV. ■ On Ceremonies observed after Death 552
1. Of the Washing and Anointing of the Corpse .... 554
2. Of the Laying-out of the Body, and of other Offices which pre-
ceded the Funeral 558
Chapter V. On the Funeral Procession or Obsequies .... 564
Chapter VI. On the Burial-places of Christians 577
Appendix I. On the Possessed 580
Appendix II. On the Origin of the Stemmata, which are carried in a
Funeral Procession 5^6
Supplementary Notes on Confirmation and the Easter Services . . . 588
Index 5^9
List of Councils referred to by Pelliccia 604
ERRATA.
Page 8, n. 71, for on the Parasceve read on the day before the Parasceve.
, 24, n. 35, for c. 27 [al. 66] read c. 27, § 66.
, 30, n. 25, for Quinisext. c. 3 read Quinisext. c. 33.
, 43, n. 157, for Cone. Agath. c. 25 read Cone. Agath. c. 23.
, 64, n. 8, for Cone. Carth. V. read Cone. Carth. I.
, 70, line 12, for Constantinople read Chalcedon.
89, n. i4,j#rConc.-Ratisb. An. 69 read Cone. Ratisb. An. 796.
128, n. 8,fore. 28, An. 348 readc. 28, An. 397.
129, n. 3,forc. g, 19 read c. 14.
137, n. g, for An. 585 read An. 581.
POLITY
OF THE
CHRISTIAN CHURCH.
OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH.
The Church, as founded by Christ, "is, in its constitution, made
up of the Bishops and the Clergy, and all those who stand" [fast in
the faith], as Cyprian expresses it.1
The Bishops and Clergy, to whom the administration of all Eccle-
siastical business belongs, have authority over the rest of the people.
Wherefore, as we are about to treat of the Polity of the Christian
Church, in the same manner as we should of that of a well and care-
fully ordered republic, we will first speak of the Society of Christian
People—describing what sort of an institution it is; and then we
will explain all about the Clergy and Bishops, and about the power
which belongs to them.
SECTION I.
OF THE SOCIETY OF CHRISTIANS.
Christian people are divided into two classes: the first consisting
of Catechumens, to whom the name of Christians cannot with strict
propriety be given,—the second consisting of the Faithful, those,
that is to say, who, because they have been baptized, have a right to
the name of Christians.
Those comprising the first class, therefore, who were preparing
themselves as candidates for admission to the sacred mysteries of
religion, were called "Catechumens."
1 Epist. 27, edit. Rigalt. Oxon. 33. firm in persecution, as opposed to the
[In original, "stantes :"—" The name Lapsi—those who fell away." (Du
given by S. Cyprian to those who stood Cange.)]
B
2 POLITY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH.
CHAPTER I.
OF CATECHUMENS.
Those people, who, either from among the Jews or among the
Heathen, wished to enter the communion of the Christian Church,
before they were initiated into the Sacraments, were called Cate-
chumens (kcit7]xov[1€voi), in Latin disciples or hearers, from the Greek
word tccnrjxeu, which in the writings of the Apostle2 signifies "to
teach the first elements of religion:" for which reason those who
were being instructed in the first rudiments of the Christian religion,
were known by the name of Catechumens.
And this name was also common to both Greek and Latin Chris-
tians :3 though in the middle ages the word is not spelt " Catechu-
mens," but " Catecumins."
§ i. Of the different Grades of Catechumens.
There were three Grades of Catechumens: I. A Grade of
"Hearers :"—II. Of " Prostrators or Kneelers :"—III. Of those fully
approved, or Candidates for Baptism: (Electi or Competentes.)* But
in the fourth century they were in some places divided into only
two classes, the " Hearers," and the "Candidates" (Audientes and
Co??ipetentes.)
If any man had promised either the Bishop or other ministers of
the Church that he would give in his name to Christ, he was called
a " Hearer/' and he was allowed to enter the places of Christian
worship, to hear the reading of the Scriptures, and the discourses of
the Bishop.4 And when, by his good behaviour during his proba-
tion as a Hearer, he had satisfied the Bishop as to the sincerity of
his intentions, he was, by his approval, passed into the class of
"Prostrators," {Substrati.) This name of prostrators [or " Kneelers"]
was given to them from the circumstance that after the discourse of
the Bishop was finished, they knelt down and received imposition
of hands from the ministers of the Church, who, while doing this,
prayed for them in a set form of words, in which the Faithful joined
by saying Amen. At length, when within a few days of their initia-
tion into the Sacrament of Baptism, they were called Competentes,
—candidates, or among the Greeks <fitvTig6/ievoi, i.e. Illuminandi
(those waiting to be illuminated), since Baptism is called by them
(j)u)7LOfjLb<s or (pwTLcTfjLa—i.e. Illumination or Light?
2 I Cor. xiv. 19. [So S. Luke i, 4; Carthag. cum Donatist. c. 197, ["Ipse
Actsxviii. 25 ; Rom. ii. 18; Gal. vi. 6.] est episcopus qui rebaptizatus est, et
3 V. Du Cange, sub hac voce. factus est audiens."]
* [" Competens vocatur qui post 5 Apud Cyrill. Hierosolym. Proca-
instructionem fidei competil gratiam tech. ; Gregor. Naz. Orat. 40, in S.
Christi, inde a petendo competentes vo- Baptisma, p. 638, ed. Colon.; Cone,
cati." (Isid. Hispal. Orig. viii. 14.)] Laodic. c. 46, ap. Mansi. T. II. p.
4 Tertullian. dePcenitent. c.6; Cypr. 571 : An. 320.
Epist. 24, ed. Rig. 29, Oxon. ; Collat.
OF CATECHUMENS. 3
This was the final grade of Catechumens: while they belonged to
it they were [specially] allowed to take the name of Christians :6
and in the Church of Jerusalem they were usually called the Faithful
also, even down to the fourth century.7
§ 2. Of the Office for admitting yews or Heathen into the number of
Catechumens.
When then any one wished to be admitted into the rank of Cate-
chumens, he went to a Bishop or Presbyter or Deacon, by whom he
was first solemnly designated as a Catechumen-elect,8 signed, i.e. by
the hand of a Minister of the Church, with the sign of the Cross:
who shortly afterwards explained to him a summary of the Faith
—and of the Law—and lastly examined him as to whether he
believed and wished9 to observe these things: and on his giving his
assent he was numbered among the Catechumens.
A Catechumen was made either in private or in public—if in
public he was signed with the sign of the Cross by the Presbyters,
the Clergy, and by his godfathers and godmothers also, anciently on
the forehead only10—afterwards on the forehead and breast, espe-
cially among the Gauls :n and sometimes on his eyes, ears, nostrils,
and breast :12 in some places on the shoulders and mouth also.13
Then the Bishop laid his hands upon him ;14 prayers, as usual,
accompanying the imposition of hands,—that the Catechumens
might be sanctified15 by the sign of the Cross and by Prayer, and by
the laying on of hands.
§ 3. The Method of training Catechumens—who their instructors were.
The Bishop took care that Catechumens should not be ignorant
of the meaning of that religion which they were about to profess:
and therefore he entrusted them to one of the ministers of the
Church for instruction, that they might learn from him the elements
of the faith and the rules of morality. There was in very early times
a school of great celebrity for Catechumens at Alexandria, in which
6 Cone. Eliberit. An. 324, c. 59, 10 Passim Patres; Rituale Ambros.
[" Ne quis Christianas ad idolum Capi- Vetus et Laudunen.
tolii causa sacrificandi ascendat, &c, u Antiq. Liturg. Gallic, apud Ma-
quod si fuerit fidelis, post decern annos bill. Mus. Ital. T. I. ; Alcuin, Epis. ad
acta poenitentia recipiatur."] Salmasius Fratres Lugd. 75, ed. Froben.
in Not. ad Sulpic. Sever, in Vita S. L2 Missale Gothic, edit, a Thomasio.
Martini. 13 Cone. Colonien.
7 In Cyrill. Hieros. Catech. i. n. 4, 14 Sulpic. Sever. Vita S. Martini,
v. n. 1, and vi. n. 29, edit. Touttee, Dial. 2, c. 5 ; Cone. Arelat. I. c. 6,
Paris. An. 314, ["Qui in infirmitate credere
s S. August, de Catechizand. Rudib. volunt, placuit iis debere manum im-
c. 26, [" His dictis, interrogandus est, poni ;"] Eliberit. c. 39.
an hcec credat atque observare desi- 15 August. 1. ii. de Peccator. Merit,
deret. Quod cum respondent, solem- c. 26, [" Catechumenos . . . per signum
niter utique signandus est, et Ecclesias Christi, et orationem, et manus impo-
more tractandus." So Aug. Conf. i. 11.] sitionem, puto sanctificari."]
9 Id. ibid.
B
4 POLITY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH.
those illustrious men Pantsenus, Clement, Origen, Heraclas, Diony-
sius, and others, were engaged as teachers.16 The principal teacher
of the Catechumens was sometimes [a Presbyter, sometimes] a
Deacon;1? but generally he was chosen from among the Minor
Orders of Clergy—as e.g. from the Order of Readers—and he was
called a Teacher of Hearers.18 And yet even laymen, if they were
men eminent for their character and learning, might, it seems, be
appointed to this office; Origen, e.g. though a layman, was, when
only eighteen years old, head-master of the School for Catechumens
at Alexandria. But in the middle ages the holder of this office
is referred to, as among the first dignitaries of the Church of Con-
stantinople, under the Greek name Catechist—z. word which is
rendered into Latin by Miscella and Anastasius, Institutor or in-
structor.19 These teachers used for the most part to deliver their
lectures every day at home;20 and these lectures were called by the
Greek Fathers "Catechizings;" they used to speak from a raised
platform, the Catechumens standing round them.
It is however to be borne in mind that "Catechizings" was also
the name sometimes given to the discourses delivered by the Bishop
to the faithful concerning the more sacred mysteries of the faith;
wherefore Cyril of Jerusalem forbids the faithful to repeat to the
Catechumens what they had heard at the Catechizing ;21 and when
the teacher of the Catechumens gave them his instructions, he
used to wrap up the more sacred mysteries of the faith in certain
obscurities of language, lest if they changed their minds and re-
lapsed into Heathenism, they should disclose to the Heathen the
most mysterious doctrine of Religion.23 And so, since "Jesus had
not committed Himself unto them" as yet23 [i.e. according to S.
Augustine's language, had not yet given Himself to them in the
Sacrament of His Body and Blood] the Catechumens were kept in
ignorance of the mysteries of Baptism,24 Confirmation,25 Holy
Orders,26 and other Sacraments which it was unlawful to administer
[or to speak plainly of] in their presence. Only the Candidates for
Baptism (competentes) were instructed in the mystery of the Trinity,
and in the Creed and Lord's Prayer—which were imparted to them
a few days before they were baptized. For this reason even in that
part of the public service at which Catechumens were present, the
faithful used to recite the Creed and the Lord's Prayer secreto^ in a
16 Euseb. Histor. Ecclesiast. 1. vi. c. tius Brixiens. Serm. 2, ad Neoph.;
6, 15, 26, 29. aliique.
17 August, lib. de Catechiz. Rudib. 23 August. Tractat. xi. 2, 3, in Johann.
18 Cyprian. Epist. 24, Oxon. 29. [T. III. ed. Bened.]
19 Du Cange in Catalogo Dignit. in 24 Cyrill. Alexandr. 1. vii. contr. Jul.;
Append, ad Constantinop. Christian. Cone. Aurel. c. 19, ["Ad Baptisterium
20 V. Huetium in Origenian. 1. i. Catechumeni nunquam admittendi."]
c. 1. 25 Innocentius Papa I. Epist. ad
21 Cyril. Catech. vi. n. 16, Catech. Episcop. Eugubian. c. 3. [S. Basil.
Prsef. n. 7. de Spiritu Sancto, c. 27.]
22 Chrysostom. Horn. 23 in Matth.; % Cone. Laodicen. c. 5, [Ordinations
Horn. 40 in I. ad Corinth.; Gauden- not to be held in presence of Hearers.]
OF CATECHUMENS. 5
very low voice: and hence also even in our own day, in the public
recitation of the offices at the canonical hours, we say the Creed
and the Lord's Prayer secretly to ourselves.
§4. Of the period of the Catechutnenate.
The earlier Fathers of the Church used to take care that for a long
period of time the Catechumens should attend the churches, that they
might hear the Scriptures.27 But, as might be expected in such
matters, the same probation-time was not everywhere prescribed for
the Catechumens in all the Churches,—but it varied according to
the discretion of the Bishop, and the different customs of the different
Churches. As a general rule they were two28 or three years pre-
paring for Baptism,29—this was the time allowed in all the Greek
Churches. On the other hand forty, or even seven, days were some-
times thought sufficient for the training of a Catechumen.30 But
when for such as had committed any crime during the time of their
Catechumenate, their probation was extended, they were obliged, in
proportion to the nature of the offence, to submit to a sentence of
punishment extending over a fixed period, among those who were
doing public penance.31 If, in spite of this, they still indulged in
sin, by the sentence of the Bishop their names were expunged from
the roll of Catechumens.32
§ 5. On the duties of Catechumens.
Some private and some public duties devolved upon catechumens:
for either they were employed at home in constant prayers and fast-
ings, in overcoming their evil passions—in relieving the poor:33 or
they were present at the services of the Christians, joining in the
singing of the Psalms, and in the hearing of the Scripture Lessons
and the discourses of the Bishop, with the rest of the faithful.34
When the Bishop's sermon was finished, the Deacon, ascending some
elevated place (like the ambo in the Greek churches, and the pulpit
in the Latin), used to say, " Let none of the Hearers, let none of the
Unbelievers stay;" (which meant that the Unbelievers, and cate-
chumens of the first rank, called Hearers, were required to leave the
church when the Bishop's catechizing was over;)—and after pro-
claiming silence, he used then to say to the other baptismal candi-
dates (the Kneelers and the Competentes) who had remained in
church—" Pray, ye catechumens, and let all the faithful pray" [for
them in their hearts.] Presently the Deacon offered certain prayers
for them, in which the faithful joined, using the formula, "Lord,
27 Cone. Constantinop. I. c. 7. 31 Cone. Nicen. I. c. 14; Eliberit.
-s Cone. Eliberit. c. 42. c. 4, 10, n, 68; Neocsesar. c. 5.
29 Constitut. Apostol. 1. viii. c. 32; 32 Cone. Neocses. c. 5.
Novell. Justin. 144. 33 Cone. Carthag. IV. c. 85; Con-
30 S. Greg. I. Papas Epist. 1. viii. Ep. stit. Apost. 1. vii. c. 22.
23; Socrat Hist. Eccl. 1. vii. c. 30. 34 Cone. Carthag. IV. ibid.
[" Soldiers before going into battle."]
O POLITY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH.
have mercy [upon him," as each one was mentioned by name by the
Deacon, Apost. Const, ib.] At length he commanded that they
should stand lip—(for they would be either kneeling—as was the
custom especially among the Latins—or prostrate—as was usual
among the Greeks.) And when they had lifted themselves up, he
would say again, "Kneel down, and receive the benediction"—the
Bishop at the same time pronouncing the blessing on them. When
these Services were over the Deacon used to dismiss them with the
words, "Catechumens, go in peace -."—hence that part of the Liturgy
which closes with these words was called the " Mass of the Catechu-
mens."35
§ 6. How Catechumens prepared themselves for Baptism. When they
gave in their names. Whether their names were changed or not.
By whom names were given to Catechumens,
And now when the day of Baptism was close at hand, the Cate-
chumens carefully gave their attention to the work of Penitence:
they were clothed in goats' hair ;36 they abstained from wine37—they
separated themselves from the society of their wives38—they re-
frained from every kind of bodily luxury.
In the fourth week in Lent among the Latins,39 or among the
Greeks, in the second,40 they gave in their names to the Bishop, that
they might be inscribed on the registers of the Church.41 And so
also the Catechumens used to change their own names [if so dis-
posed] for the name of some Apostle or Martyr or other Saint,42
not indeed at their actual Baptism, as we see is the custom in our
own day, but many days before their Baptism.43 In ancient times,
the Bishop by whom they were to be baptized,44 or their Sponsors,
whom we call godfathers and godmothers, gave them their names,45
but from the seventh century this privilege was left to the parents
in all the Churches.46 Finally, when the Catechumens gave their
names in to the Bishop, they used to make a confession of their
individual sins; this is imperatively required47 by the ancient Fathers
of the Church [" they ought," they say, "to do so :"]—thus we read
of the emperor Constantine, that, before he was admitted to the
sacrament of Baptism, he made a special confession of his sins.48
35 Constitut. Apostolic. 1. viii. c. 5, 6. Athenais, before her marriage with the
36 Constit. Apost. ibid. Emperor Theodosius, took the new
37 Ibid. [Tertull. de Bapt. c. 20; name of Etidocia at her Baptism.]
de Poen. c. 6.] 43 V. Hugon. Menardi Not. ad Sa-
38 August, lib. de Fide et Operib. cram. Gregor. p. 99. Opp. Gregor. ed.
c. 6, 8; S. Caesar. Semi. 267, p. Bened. T. III. p. 350.
739, in Append. T. V. Oper. S. Aug. 44 V. Acta SS. Hippolyti, &c.
39 August. Serm. 213. 45 Gregor. Turon. Hist. Franc, 1. x.
40 Cyrill. Hierosol. in Catech. iii. c. 28.
41 August. Serm. 213. [August, de 46 Annal. Franc, apud Du Chesne,
Cura pro Mortuis, c. 12.] Hist. Francic. T. I. ad Ann. 759.
42 vSocrat. Hist. Eccl. 1. vii. c. 21; 47 Tertull. de Baptismo, c. 20; Greg.
Theodoret. de Curand. Grsecor. Affect. Nazianz. Serm. in S. Lavacr.
Serm. 8, in fine. [The Greek maiden 4S Euseb. inVita Constant. 1. iv. c. 61.
OF CATECHUMENS.
§ 7. Of the Examinations.
At length the Candidates who were approved for Holy Baptism,
and who were to be baptized on the ensuing Easter, were subjected
to examinations on seven stated days in Lent.49
Scrutinium—in Greek efeWis—was the name of that office which
the Church used on certain days for exorcising the Catechumens,
and teaching them the Creed.50 We have the testimony of the
Fathers51 that these examinations were everywhere the rule of the
Church from the very commencement of the Christian religion, and
they lasted down to the age of William Durandus,53 as late as the
thirteenth century.
On these special days then the Catechumens were placed stand-
ing53 in the customary part of the church, the men separated from
the women—clad only in one robe54—their heads covered55—then-
eyes veiled, that their minds might not wander,56—and with naked
feet, underneath which sackcloth was spread for them to walk on.*'
The Clergy in attendance, meanwhile, going up to them, first of all
breathed three times in their faces—and then the Priest, while
anointing their ears and nostrils with spittle,58recited the exorcisms.59
This was the manner of exorcizing Catechumens. Yet the usual
definition of exorcism is, " The utterance of a rebuke against unclean
spirits ;"60—for by breathing on them, and by exorcism, the evil
power was driven out of Catechumens.61
The Greeks used to breathe on their ears and faces f~ the Latins
on their faces only.63 Moreover also among the Greeks the Cate-
chumens themselves used to "blow upon" Satan after the Clergy.64
This was the more ancient Office for the preparatory examinations.
In the fourth century the Latins introduced into it the additional
ceremony of giving the Catechumens salt to taste.65 And about the
sixth, or perhaps the seventh, century, fresh rites were again added
49 Ordo Rom. Antiquior. apud Mar- 5S Aug. Tractat. 44, in Johan.;
ten. de Antiq. Eccl. Disc. T. I. Art. 3. Ambr. Ep. 80.
50 Ibid. °9 Cone. Constant. I. c. 7; Gennad.
51 Cone. Constant. I. Act. 7; Cyrill. lib. de Eccl. Dogmatib. c. 31.
Hieros. in Procatechesi; S. Ambros. 60 S. Isidor. de Div. Offic. 1. ii. c. 21.
de Myster. c. 1 ; Cone. Carthag. .IV. c. 61 August. 1. i. de Symb. ad Catech.
85, An. 398. [Cone. Bracar. II. c. 1.] c. 1.
52 Ration. 1. vi. c. 56. b2 Cone. Constant. I. c. 7.
53 Ordo Rom. Antiq. apud Mabillon. 63 V. Antiquos Ordines Baptismi ap.
in Museo Italic. T. II. p. xcv.; Cyrill. Martene ibid.
in Procatech. n. 11. 64 V. Grcec. Eucholog. de Catech.
54 Chrysostom. Horn, ad Illuminat. 65 Isidor. ibid. ["Exorcisantur, de-
55 August. 1. ii. de Symb. ad Cate- hide salem accipiimt." In the Baptis-
chum. ct 1, 5; Mabill. Annal. Bene- mal Office of the Roman Church this is
diet. T. IV. in Vita S. Odilberti. still ordered to be done before Bap-
[ August. Serm. iv. in Dominic. Octav. tism—it is called the "salt of wisdom."
Paschse, 155 de Tempore.] Cone. Carthag. III. c. 5, An. 397;
56 Cyrill. Procatech., 11.5, p. 7; and Aug. Confess. 1. i. c. 11, § 17; de
Cat. Mystag. i. n. 9. Pec. Mer. ii. 26; Martene de Ant.
5'* August, ibid.; VitaS. Odilb.ibid. Eccl. Rit. I. i. 6, Ord. 3.]
o POLITY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH.
to the old ones: for then, at the very beginning of the service, they
used to sprinkle the Catechumens with ashes, and to ask them
whether they " renounced the Devil," and then they examined them
on their confession of faith.66
In the course of the examinations the Catechumens were taught
the Creed.67 At Rome this instruction was given them on the
Wednesday of the fourth week in Lent—as on this day they used
to teach them the Lord's Prayer :68—in Gaul Palm Sunday was the
day69 for it—in the African Churches they were taught the Creed on
the Saturday before the fifth Sunday in Lent—and the Lord's Prayer
on the eighth day after this—according to the testimony of S. Augus-
tine.70 But the Greeks did this later—for they taught the Creed to
the Catechumens on the day before Good Friday {Parasceve).11
When the Bishop taught them the Creed he used to explain each
clause of it to them,72—while the Deacon before teaching the Lord's
Prayer, used to recite that section of the Gospel in which that Prayer
is contained.73 This use prevailed among the Latins especially since
the fifth century, but before then even the candidates for Baptism
were not taught the Lord's Prayer in the very words of Christ.74
Nay the Greek Fathers had not in ancient times been accustomed
to teach it them till after Baptism.75 [It was anciently called evxrj
7ri<j7u)v—the Prayer of the Baptized—as used only by them.]
As regards the Creed:—the Apostles' Creed was taught every-
where in the Churches down to the time of the first Council of
Nice: after that the Church used the Nicene formula of faith down
to the sixth century :76 but at length, after the first Council of Con-
stantinople, some of both the Latin and Greek Churches used the
latest Creed of that Council.77
The Creed and the Lord's Prayer which had thus been taught
66 Pontific. Salisburien. apud Mar- betaken in its ancient, not in its^mo-
tene in Thesauro Veter. Mon. T. VI. dern sense. The term Apostles'—or
67 S. Ambros. Epist. 33, ad Marcell. Apostolical—Creed (Symbolum Apos-
Soror.; Isidor. ib. c. 22. tolicum) was applied anciently to each
68 Antiq. Ordo Rom. apud Mart. ib. of the various Baptismal formulae of faith
69 Cone. Agathen. c. 13, An. 506. adopted by different local Churches.
70 Serm. 213 and Serm. 58. "The Baptismal Candidates of the
71 Nicephor. Hist. Eccl. 1. xvi. c. 35; early Church repeated in a form more
Theodor. Lect. Hist. Eccl. 1. ii. [Theo- or less long that belief in Father, Son,
dorus says, "It was usual to recite the and Holy Spirit, which has grown
Creed publicly only once a year, viz. on up into the Apostles' Creed in the West,
the Parasceve—or day of Preparation— and the Nicene Creed in the East."
the day before Good Friday—Thursday What we now call the Apostles' Creed
in Holy Week." See Cone. Laodic. c. is properly speaking the Roman Creed.
46.] It is peculiar to the Western Church,
72 August. Serm. 214. and was never current in the East, (see
73 August. Serm. 58. Bingham, x. iii. § I; Waterland, III. p.
74 Id. Serm. 58 in c. 6 Matth. 196, note 2, &c.,) the Eastern Churches
75 V. Touttee, Dissert. 2, ad Cyrill. denied all knowledge of it by their re-
Hierosol. Cateches. presentatives at the Council of Flo-
76 Cone. Constant. I. Act. 5. [Cone. rence.]
Ephes. can. 7. When we say "the 77 V. Antiq. Ord. Rom. Missale Ge-
Apostles' Creed was taught everywhere las. apud Menard.; Ord. Gellon. apud
in the Churches," the expression is to Martene ibid.
ON BAPTISM.
them, the Catechumens used to repeat by heart to the Bishop
on the eighth day after.78 But at Rome in the middle ages the
Bishop used to ask the Catechumens, on Easter Eve, "Dost
thou believe?" (using the word "Pisteuis;"—the Greek word for
Credis, with a Latin inflection common in that age,) and they
by way of answer repeated to him the Creed.79—This then was the
manner of those examinations, by which Catechumens who had been
thus prepared for Baptism were initiated into it on Holy Saturday.
The Discipline of the Catechumenate was kept up as long as
Baptism was administered to adults: hence when the custom of
admitting infants to Holy Baptism had begun to be the general
practice, it gradually fell into disuse. But in some places the ancient
discipline of the Catechumens was retained as late as the thirteenth
century.80 Nay, according to the testimony of Cockier,81 some form
of this discipline was kept up in the Church of Liege down to
the seventeenth century. In the Latin Church there are still kept
up the old forms and rites of exorcisms, those which we use in
the Baptism of little children. [And the Lutherans, as well as
the Roman Church, have retained the rite of exorcism to the
present day.]
CHAPTER II.
ON BAPTISM.
To Catechumens, prepared on the plan and in the manner we have
described, the Sacrament of Baptism was administered.
Baptism, fiaTnicfibs, is a Greek word,—the Latin for which is
lotio—washing. It is the name of that first Sacrament, by which
any one obtains entrance into the Church of Christ, and is united
to Him. The essence of the Sacrament consists in the washing of
water accompanied by the use of the divine words.
§ i. On what days in ancient times Catechumens used to be Baptized, at
what time the custom began of administering Baptism on any day.
According to the discipline of the ancient Church, Baptism used
to be administered among the Latins on two days only, i.e., Easter
Day and the Day of Pentecost. Of this Tertullian is a witness1 in
the third century, as well as other Fathers who flourished in the
fourth and fifth.2 That this restriction as to the time of Baptisms was
7S S. Ambr. ibid.; Isid. ibid. 1. ii. c. 79 V. Sacram. Gregorian.
22, 23; Cone. Agath. c. 13, An. 506, so Durandus, Ration. 1. vi.
[" Symbolum placuit ab omnibus eccle- S1 Joh. Cockier de Surlet. in Face
siis una die, id est ante octo dies Do- Histor. Part. 2, c. 55.
minicce resurrectionis publice in ecclesia l Lib. de Baptism, c. 19.
competentibus tradi;"] Aug. Serm.213, 2 S. Hieron. Epist. 61 ad Pammach
in Tradit. Symboli. c. 16; S. Leo I. Epist. 16, ["Duo
IO POLITY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH.
sanctioned everywhere in the Church by public authority and by the
decrees of Councils, down to the fourth century, we know from the
testimony of various writers.3 And from the Synod held at Rouen,
a.d. 1072, we learn that the same regulation of Church discipline
was, in some places, in force even as late as that eleventh century.4
The Greek Churches maintained the same discipline as the Latins
down to the fourth century, but at that time the custom began of
administering Baptism to Catechumens at the Feast of the Epiphany
also.5 This custom by degrees found favour also even with the
Latin Churches, especially with those of Africa,6 and in the fifth cen-
tury7 with the Churches of Sicily,—and in the sixth century8 with
those of France: in which century in the French Church it became
usual also to administer that sacrament to Catechumens on Christ-
mas Day (on which day Clovis, King of the Franks, was baptized9),
and also on the festival of S. John the Baptist.10 But when in the
Spanish Churches in the fourth century,11 and in those also of Cam-
pania, Samnium, and Picenum in the fifth,12 Baptism began to be
administered on the festivals of Apostles and Martyrs, the Roman
Pontiffs expressed their disapproval of this new custom,13 being tena-
cious of ancient discipline.
But although the law of the Church was as we have described 'it,
yet even in the first three centuries, if threatened with persecution,
the Bishops baptized and confirmed Catechumens without any
distinction of days, when occasion required.1* Also in times of siege,
or of death, or of an increasingly severe illness,15 or in imminent
danger of shipwreck,16 or when the plague was approaching,17 or an
earthquake was expected, as also in the case of the pregnancy of
women,18 Baptism was administered to any one who demanded the
grace of that sacrament.
tantum tempora, id est, Pascha, et Pen- 8 [Martene de Ant. Eccl. ii. 27.]
tecosten, esse servanda."] 9 Hincmar. Rem. Epist. ad Episc.
3 Anonym. Respons. ad Capit. Epis- Franc, c. 14; Greg. Turon. Hist. Franc,
copor. sub Carolo Magno in Append. ii. 31 ; lb. Oper. Append.
ad Capit. Reg. Franc, ap. Baluz. T. II. 10 Greg. Turon. Hist. Franc. 1. viii.
p. 1403 ; Ahyton. Episc. Capitular, vii. c. 9.
An. 822, in D'Acherii Spicileg. T. VI. u Siricius Papa, Epist. i. ad Himer.
p. 691, in II. ed. p. 584; Capitula Episc. Taracon. c. 2.
Herardi Archiepisc. Turon. An. 858, 12 Leo I., Epist. 136, edit. Quesn.
ap. Baluz. T. I. p. 1289, c. 31 ; Concil. 140, ed. Cacciari. [Ep. 168 ed. Migne.]
Gerunden. An. 517, c. 4; Autissio- la Siric. and Leo, ibid. [Cone. Ma-
doren. An. 578, c. 18, [Easter only]; tisc. II. c. 3.]
Mogunt. An. 813. c. 4, &c. 14 V. Henr. Vales, in Not. ad Hist.
4 Can. 24, ["Ne Generate Baptisma Eccl. Euseb. 1. vii. c. 11. [Tertull. de
nisi Sabbato Paschse et Pentecostes Bapt. c. 19.]
fiat."] lo Gelas. Papas Epist. 9.
5 S. Greg. Naz. Orat. 40 ad Bap- 16 Leo I. Epist. 16, ["In mortis
tizand. V. Not. Goar. in Euch. Grsec periculo, in obsidionis discrimine, in
de Bapt. persecutionis augustiis, in timore nau-
6 S. Leo I. Ep. 16 (?). fragii."]
7 Greg. Turon. 1. de Glor. Mart. 17 Greg. Naz. ibid.; August. Serm.
i. 88(?). [Leo, Ep. 16, ad Episc. Si- 19, cle Divers.
culos<] 1S Cone. Neocses. c. 6, [allows to
ON BAPTISM. II
But when that time-honoured discipline, connected with stated
annual seasons for Baptism began to be relaxed, and at last to be
neglected altogether, as was the case in both the Eastern and Western
Church about the eleventh century, by degrees that law which fixed
certain days for it,—of which we have spoken,—began to be relaxed
also. For in that century, as we have the authority of Theophy-
lact19 for saying, Baptism might be administered to little children in
the .Greek Church on any day, and the Abbot Rupertus tells us that
it was the same in the Latin Church.20 Moreover in England also
in the tenth century the same new discipline had in some parts
gained ground,21 though as late as the thirteenth century some
Churches in France, and also the Church of Worcester in England,
[and the Church of London,] thought that the ancient discipline
ought not to be departed from, and did not allow Baptism to
be administered on any other days but those which antiquity had
sanctioned.22
§ 2. Baptism was anciently administered by the Bishops themselves.
Time when that office was first delegated to the Presbyters. Of
the qualifications proper for a Mi7iister of Baptism.
From the first ages of the Church solemn Baptism was adminis-
tered to Catechumens by Bishops alone,23 except when they were
hindered by some special cause, in which case they entrusted its
administration to a Presbyter,24 or even sometimes to the Deacons.25
This at least we conjecture sometimes happened from statements of
the early Fathers.26
In the beginning of the seventh century, some of the Bishops,
beginning to feel that office burdensome, used to delegate it to the
Presbyters. But when the Church, fearing lest the Presbyters should
thus be taken away from their own proper work,27 objected to their
being thus employed, the Bishops, on the days appointed by the
Church, used to baptize two or three of the candidates, and then
leave the rest to be baptized by the Presbyters : this was their custom
baptize women with child whenever Hieronym. Dial. adv. Lucifer, c. 4;
they will.] Aug.de Civit. 1. xxii. c. 8, &c. [Const.
19 Comment, in c. 10 Lucce, XI. Apost. 1. iii. c. 11.]
s£ec. -4 Gelas. Pap. Epist. ad Episc. Lucan.,
20 De Divin. Ofik. 1. iv. c. 18. Brut. &c.; Isid. de Div. Offic. 1. ii. c. 25,
21 Ex Capitular. Edgardi Reg. Capit. [" Constat baptisma solis sacerdotibus
13, secc. X. esse tractandum, ej usque ministerium
22 Cone. Leodiense, An. 1237 ; Cone. nee ipsis diaconibus explere est licitum
Wigomien. An. 1240, can. 5. [Cone. absque episcopo, vel presbytero."]
Londin. An. 1237, c. 3.] 2'5 Tertull. ibid. ; Ignat. ibid. ; Ordo
23 Ignat. Mart. Ep. aclSmyrnen. c. 8; Rom. apud Mabillon. T. II. Musei
Tertull. 1. de Bapt. c. 17, [" The right Ital. p. xcvi. 83.
of giving it indeed belongs to the chief 26 Tertull. ib.; Greg. Naz. Orat. de
Priest, which is the Bishop: then to Bapt.
the Presbyters and Deacons, yet not 27 Cone. Hispalen. II. c. 7, An. 619.
without the authority of the Bishop."]
12 POLITY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH.
especially from the ninth28 down to the beginning of the eleventh
century :29 hence by the end of the eleventh century it is quite plain
that the solemn administrations of Baptism were left to the Presby-
ters alone. The Church of Milan alone has preferred to follow the
rule of primitive antiquity, for there to this day the Bishop admi-
nisters solemn Baptism on Easter Eve and on the Vigil of Pente-
cost*^ The chief reason why the Bishops came to depart from
primitive custom was the very great number of Baptismal candidates,
which were too many for one Bishop to baptize: hence it was neces-
sary for Presbyters to help the Bishops in this work: and hence as
one Baptismal font of the Cathedral church was not sufficient for
so many Baptisms, we see churches where Baptism might be admi-
nistered beginning to multiply both at Rome and elsewhere, especially
after the ninth century.31
So much concerning the Ministers of Baptism. But even a lay-
man was allowed to administer Baptism in case of urgent necessity,
provided he had not been twice married, and had his own baptism
in its i?itegrityy i.e., had also received the Sacrament of Confirmation,33
[or, as some explain it, had kept faithfully his own baptismal vows.]
Women, except a case of the very gravest necessity occurred, were
not allowed by the early Fathers of the Church to discharge that
sacred office.33
When Presbyters began to discharge that office, the Bishops "used
to impart (tradebant) to their Presbyters the Sacrament of Bap-
tism :"34 the meaning of this expression is, that they taught them all
they would have to teach in administering that Sacrament, [explain-
ing fully what the Baptismal vows pledge us to renounce, and what
the Creeds pledge us to believe.] Therefore they were required
to know by heart the Signaculum and the Baptisteriwn^ i.e., the
form and ritual of Baptism. And since in ancient times Baptism,
as we have said, used to be administered on the Vigils of Easter and
Pentecost, on which days a fast had been enjoined, the Church also in
after ages required that her ministers should baptize fasting,36—and
this discipline was in some places still kept up in the sixteenth
century.37
At length the Minister officiating at a Baptism was required to
wear sacred vestments, and (in the middle ages indeed) the Alb [and
28 Ord. Roman, apud Mabill. Mus. Cone. Carth. IV. c. ioo, ["Mulier bap-
Ital. T. II. p. 184. tizare non prassumat;"] Epiphanius, 1.
29 Cone. Lemovicen. An. 1031. iii. adver. Hseres. [Const. Apost. 1. iii.
30 Cceremoniale Ambrosianum [pub- c. 9; Johan. Moschus, Pratum Spiri-
lished by Cardinal Borromeo. Martene, tuale, c. 3.]
p. 7.] 34 Cone. Turonen. III. c. 18.
31 Vide § 3 (on Baptisteries.) 35 Capitulare Caroli Magn. ad An.
32 Cone. Eliberit. c. ^8, ["qui lava- 789, num. 3, ap. Baluz. T. I. p. 243,
crum suum integrum habet, nee sit bi- and An. 804, num. 3.
gamus:" S. Cyprian calls Priests who 36 Cone. Parisiens. c. 7, An. 829;
had not lapsed, "integros sacerdotes," Melden. apud Grat. Dist. 5; Rotomag.
which, according to some, explains this An. 1072, c. 5.
Canon.] 37 Cone. Moguntin. c. 16, An. 1549.
»3
Tert. de Veland. Virgin, c. 9;
ON BAPTISM. 13
Stole;]38 for as late as the eleventh century it was still unlawful for
Presbyters to baptize without [a Stole and] an Alb, (in Italian
Camice,) or to wear the surplice only (Ital. Cotta.)S9
§ 3. Baptisteries.
In the first age of the Church we read of the Apostles and their
disciples administering Baptism in all places alike: but most usually
they baptized their converts in the flowing waters of rivers,40 as the
first Christians not unnaturally thought that the waters of rivers had
been in a manner consecrated by Christ, who chose to be baptized
in the Jordan. And therefore it was that, in the time of Constan-
tine, (who wished to be baptized in the same river as our Lord,41)
Catechumens eagerly desired to wash away their sins in those [life-
giving] waters,42 \yitali gurgite baptizarz,] and there, in succeeding
ages, on the eve of the Epiphany, solemn Baptism used to be admi-
nistered43 [to crowds who resorted thither;] but in the first three
centuries of the Church Bishops used to administer that Sacra-
ment sometimes in cemeteries, sometimes in prisons, as the case
might be.44
But when peace was restored to the Church, the Bishops every-
where consecrated sacred buildings in places suitable for the celebra-
tion of the Sacrament of Baptism. These buildings the Greeks
called Illuminatoria, houses of light,45 and the Latins anciently
called them "Baptisteries," and afterwards "Baptismal Churches,"46
or Oracles,47 and latterly Baptismal Plebes® or Baptismal TituliJ®
3S Ord. Rom. Antiquior. ap. Mar- tigny to have been lined with marble
tene, ibid. and resorted to by crowds on the Eve
39 Cone. Rotomag. An. 1072, ibid., of the Epiphany. (Martigny, Diet, des
[" Jejunus, indutus alba et stola."] Antiq. Chret. art. Baptistere})\
40 Act. Apost.; Justin. Mart. Apolog. 44 Acta SS. Fruct. et Eulog.; Acta
2; Tert. 1. de Bapt. c. 4. [The pas- SS. Montani et Luc. apud Ruinart.
sage is an incidental testimony to S. Pe- Acta Martyr. Sincera.
ter's connection with Rome: Tertullian 45 Goar in Not. ad c. Bapt. Euchol.
says, "The nature of water sanctified [S. Chrysostom calls the Baptisteiy the
by the Holy One, itself also received "bride-chamber of the Spirit," and the
the power of sanctifying There- "port of grace." (See Bingham, viii.
fore there is no difference whether a x. §7.)]
man be washed in the sea or in a pool, 46 Capitular. Pipini Reg. An. 703,
in a river or in a fountain, in a lake or n. 7.
in a canal; nor is there any distinction ^ Capitul. Excerpt, ex Legib. Lon-
between those whom John baptized in gobard. n. 16.
the Jordan, and those whom Peter bap- 4S Capitul. Caroli Calvi, An. 876.
tized i7i the Tiber"—"nee quicquam [Synod. Rom. An. 826, c. 8. Plebs
refert inter eos quos Joannes in Jordane, means (a) the Laity generally, (b) Pa-
et quos Petrus in Tiberi tinxit."] rishes or dioceses, or (c) especially (ac-
41 Euseb. in Vita Const. 1. iv. c. cording to Thomassin) great parish
62.^ churches, which were in charge of
42 Hieronym. 1. de Loc. Hebraic, in Archpresbyters, in which alone Baptism
voce Bethabara. was administered, and which possessed
43 Itinerar. Antonini Martyr, apud some jurisdiction over the inferior pa-
Mabill. in Analect. T. IV. [The spot rishes." (Diet, of Christ. Antiq.)]
in the Jordan where our Saviour was 49 Flodoard. Hist. Remens. 1. ii.
baptized by S. John is said by Mar- c. 19.
14 POLITY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH.
Ecclesiastical writers tell us that buildings of this description were
anciently separated from the church itself :50 and that this was the
case, we can see from those old Baptisteries which are still standing
at Rome, Florence, Pisa, Parma, &c.51 The shape of these Bap-
tismal Buildings was rounded like a tower,52 and in the middle of it,
almost exactly in the centre, was the Concha53 [or Font,] made of
stone [or marble,54] round,55 [or octagonal,] or cruciform56 in shape.
This Concha [or Font,—called generally in Greek KoXvpflrjOpa, and in
Latin p'scina,] was sunk in the floor of the building: and in it
there were three steps to the right, by which the candidates went
down into it, and three steps to the left, by which they went
up out of it: at the bottom level of it, almost on the ground,
was another step, on which both the Bishop and the godparents
used to stand.57 [The seven steps symbolized, according to S.
Isidore, the sevenfold gifts of the Holy Spirit.] In some places,
besides the larger font, there were lesser ones placed around in the
same floor of the sacred edifice :58 but about the eighth century,
when it had begun to be the custom to administer Baptism by affu-
sion, the font (concha) was constructed of smaller size, and was
placed in the churches themselves, on the left of the entrance, at a
higher elevation from the ground, tabernacle-shaped,59 as is seen in
our parish churches.
These ancient Baptisteries used to have one or more Oratories60
or Altars, at which sometimes the sacred service of the Mass was
performed, that there, according to custom, the Eucharist might be
administered to those who had been baptized: and, therefore, be-
neath them, the bodies of Martyrs were buried,61 but none others
were allowed to be interred there.62
And so, although anciently the Cathedral church alone had a Bap-
tismal font, by degrees, with the consent of the Bishop, this privi-
lege, after the eighth century, began to be extended to titular
churches and to town parish churches. For down to the ninth
century63 the country churches were without Baptisteries: and hence
also, as late as the sixteenth century,64 it was unlawful to administer
50 Paulin. Epist. 12, ad Sever.; For- 59 Idem in Itinere German. Analect.
tunat. Carmin. 1. ii. Carm. 12. T. IV.
51 Mabill. Iter Italic, in Museo Ital. 60 Anastas. Bibliothecar. in Hilario et
T. I. p. 9, 10, 39. in Symmaco, [" Fecit oratoria tria in
52 Paulin. ibid.; Du Cang. in Gloss. baptisterio basilica?," &c.; "Ad fontem
Med. Mv. sub v. Baplisteriiim. in basilica; oratorium fecit."]
53 Johan. Diac. 1. de Eccl. Lateran. 61 Greg. Turon. de Vit. Patr. c. 7, and
c# j2. Hist. Franc. 1. x. c. 31.
*54 Cone. Wigorn. c. 5, An. 1240; 62 Cone. Autissiodor. c. 14, An. 57S,
Const. Episcop. Sarum apud Martene [" Non licet in baptisteriis corpora se-
in Thesauro Vet. Monum. T. VII. peliri."]
55 Mabill. ibid. G's Cone. Melden. c. 48, An. 845,
50 Greg.Tur. deGlor. Mart. 1. i. c. 23. [" Nemo presbyterorum baptizare prse-
5? Isidor. Etymolog. 1. xv. c. 4, and sumat nisi in vicis et ecclesiis baptis-
de Eccl. Offic. 1. ii. c. 25. malibus, atque temporibus constitu-
58 Mabill. ibid, de Baptist. Pisano, tis."]
p# j53# 64 Cone. Colonien. An. 1536.
ON BAPTISM. 15
Baptism in private Oratories or in a house,65 except in the case of
Kings and great Princes.66
§ 4. Of preliminary Rites which formerly preceded Baptism.
On the day before Easter, i.e., on Holy Saturday, about the hour
of noon, the Catechumens assembled themselves at church, that they
might pass that final examination about which we have been speak-
ing,67 at the conclusion of which they returned home. At length, at
the hour of midnight, they went back again to the church, and there
after the recitation of the Lessons from the Old Testament, and the
benediction of the Paschal Candle,68 [which celebrated the new rising
of the Sun of Righteousness from the darkness of the tomb,] the
water was consecrated with solemn ritual. This consecration of the
water is traced back by the early Fathers of the Church to Apos-
tolical tradition.69 Anciently the water was sanctified by simply
signing it with the sign of the Cross, and by the invocation of the
name of Christ : but from the ninth century the service became a
more lengthy one, by the addition of some of those prayers which
we use at this day.70
After the consecration of the water, the Bishop used formerly to
ask the Catechumens once whether they renounced " the devil, and his
pomps, and the world," to which they one by one made answer,
"I do."71
In the ancient Church of Jerusalem, (but in that Church only,)
this renunciation in the form of question and answer between the
Bishop and the Catechumens was repeated four times :72 but although
among the Latins in some Churches, down to the ninth century, the
Bishop was satisfied with the Catechumens repeating the formula
once,73 yet generally from the fourth century the renunciation was
repeated twice, first, of the devil and his works, second, of the world
and its luxury,—the same formula which is used in our day by the
Church of Milan :74 and at length about the eighth century that three-
fold renunciation which obtains among ourselves, came into use.75
Until the Catechumens had concluded this ceremony of renuncia-
tion they stood facing the West, and when it was finished they turned
to the East,76 and among the Greeks, at each repetition of the words
"I renounce," they stretched out their hands one after the other, as
if putting the devil to flight.77 Among the Greeks this ceremony of
65 Cone. Quinisext. c. 59, An. 691. 7'2 Cyrill. Hierosol. Catech. Myst. i.
66 Ex Clementin. xv. 1. iii. 73 Ex Libello Pirminii apud Mabill.
07 Chap. i. § 7. Analect. T. IV. p. 569, in alt. ed. fol.
GS Ordo Sacram. Eccl. Lugd. ap. p. 67; and Antiq. Missal. Gallic, apud
Martene ibid. Thomasium.
69 Cypr. Ep. 70, ad Januar.; Const. 74 Ambros. 1. de Myster. c. 2.
Apost. 1. vii. c. 43 ; Basil. 1. de Spir. '5 Rituale Ambr. edit. Cadomi.
S. c. 27; August. l.ix.cont.Julian.c. 18. 76 Beda in c. 8 lib. Tobias. Antiq.
70 Walafrid. Strab. de Reb. Eccles. Ritual, apud Mart. ibid. [Cyril, ibid.]'
cap. de Bapt. 77 Ambros. de Initiatis, c. 2; Hie-
71 Const. Apost. 1. vii. c. 40, 41; ronym. in c. 6 Amos. [Cyrill. ibid.]
Chrysost. Horn. 21, ad Popul. Antioch.
16 POLITY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH.
renunciation was anciently followed by one of anointing. The Greeks
[immediately before Baptism] used to anoint the Catechumens from
the crown of the head to the sole of the foot,78 or at least on the
head, ears and right hand,79'80 and the Latins about the seventh cen-
tury began to use this same unction,81 though formerly they used it
at the previous examinations only.82
Finally the Bishop asked the Catechumen "if he believed in the
Name of the Father, the Son, and the Holy Ghost,"83 to which
he, in his own language, made a profession that he did believe
these things. This was the most ancient form of discipline both in
the Greek and Latin Churches.84 The Latins used to interrogate
the Catechumens about each Article of the Creed separately,85 and
especially about any particular Article of the Faith with reference to
which a controversy was going on at the time, owing to some con-
temporary heresy :86 but to those who did not know how to respond
appositely to the questions, the Deacons in the case of men, and the
Deaconesses in the case of women, prompted them in a correct form
of words.87 Thus even from the fourth century godfathers and god-
mothers used to make answer for children to the Bishop.88
In these different services the Catechumens spent the hours of the
night:—and indeed down even to the eleventh century solemn Bap-
tism was administered by night in some of the Latin Churches :89—
but, generally speaking, after the ninth century, where the custom ot
holding such solemn Baptismal Services survived, the service was
ended by three o'clock in the afternoon.90
§ 5. About Baptism itself.
When these ceremonies were completed the Deacon undressed the
Catechumens, and presented them naked to the Bishop.91 This
78 Cyrill. Hier. Cat. Myst. ii. 3; 85 Acta S. Steph. Mart, apud Baron.
Greg. Nazian. Orat. 40, de Baptismo. ad An. 259; Libell. Pirminii apud Ma-
79 Theodoret. Comment, in c. 7 bill, in Analect. T. IV. p. 569, in alt.
Canticor. [Const. Apost. iii. 16, and vii. ed. fol. p. 67; Sacramentaria Gelas. et
22 and 42; vii. 42 is the Bishop's prayer Gregorian.
that the anointing with the mystical oil 86 Ex Epist. Nicetii ad Justinian.
before Baptism might prepare the can- Imp. ap. Du Chesne, Hist. Franc. T. I.
didate for the anointing with the mys- S7 Cone. Carthag. IV. c. 12.
tical ointment after it.] 8S Aug. Epist. 98, ad Bonifac. (al.
80 Chrysost. Horn. 6, in Epist. ad 23.) [Aug. Serm. 116 de Tempore.]
Colossen. S9 Rupert, de Div. Offic. 1. vi.
81 Sacram. Gellon. apud Mart. ibid.; 90 Amalarius de Offic. 1. iv. c. 28.
Leidrad. Episc. Lugd. 1. de Bapt. c. 2. 91 Cyrill. Myst. Catech. ii. 2, ["Ye
82 Antiq. Canon. Romani ad Episc. put off your clothes, ye stood naked ;"]
Gallise. Concilior. Gall. T. II. Cone. Constant, sub Menna, Act. 5,
83 Cyril. Hier. Catech. Mystag. 2. [" Sine tunicis, sine calceamentis." For
[Tertull. de Bapt. c. 6.] other authorities for this extraordinaiy
84 Cypr. Epist. 69, § 6; Dionys. statement see also Bingham, xi. xi. § 1,
Alex. Epist. ad Philem. apud Euseb. and Diet. Christ. Antiq. p. 160. Am-
i-list. Eccles. 1. vii. c. 8; Cyrill. Hier. bros. Serm. 10, says, "nudi nascimur in
ibid.; Ambros. ibid. c. 5; Leo I. Serm. sseculo, nudi etiam accedimus ad lava-
4,
de Nativ. Dom. crum."]
ON BAPTISM. - 17
office the Deaconesses discharged in the case of women :92—but
the men and women stood apart in separate places, and they all went
in and out of the Baptismal Font, hidden by a curtain which con-
cealed them.93
The Bishop, thus assisted by the Deacons, who were ready at hand
to help him,94 standing on the lower step of the Font, immersed the
Catechumen in the water—this he did, in ancient ^ times, thrice—at
each immersion (in Greek called KardBvais) invoking the Name of
One of the Persons of the undivided Trinity :95 in the middle ages
it was also so managed that the Catechumen somehow described with
his body the sign of the Cross in the water.96 This manner of Bap-
tism the Greek Church used generally, almost to the eighth cen-
tury,97 and at this day it prevails everywhere throughout the East.98
Among the Latins, down to the sixth century, Baptism was every-
where administered by trine immersion,99 after which time Baptism
by one immersion became very common [first in the Spanish, and
then in other Latin Churches], even though no urgent cause made
such a form of Baptism necessary.100 [But triple immersion con-
tinued to be the prevailing custom,] and at Milan, even to this day,
the head of the infant is dipped three times under water at its Bap-
tism.101 Yet the Latins, even from the earliest ages, were sometimes
accustomed to baptize by affusion,102 to which mode of Baptism the
Roman Pontiffs gave their sanction in the eighth century.103 But
[not till the fourteenth century had this become the general rule of
the Western Church, and] we read of immersion being prescribed at
the administration of Baptism in a Roman Missal published for the use
of the Minorite Friars [an order of Capuchins] in the fifteenth cen-
tury, and in a Roman Ritual published at Caen, a.d. 1614.
§ 6. Rites which followed immediately after Baptism.
Among the Latins, after the Catechumen had been three times
immersed, the Presbyter, who was serving the Bishop,104 anointed
92 [Const. Apost. iii. 15, i6;Epiph. Tolet. IV. cap. 6, An. 633, [" Re-
adv. Hser. 79, 3.] prehensibile esse nullatenus potest in-
93 Const. Apost. 1. iii. c. 16; Ord. fantem in baptismate vel ter vel semel
Rom. Ann. 1000, apud Mabill. Mus. mergere;''] Cone. Wormatien. c. 5, An.
Ital. T. II. [The arrangement of these 868, [ *' Infantem in baptismate vel ter vel
curtains is described in Smith's Diet. semel mergere non reprehensibile,"] &c.
Antiq. p. 161. Later mediaeval works 101 Ritual. Ambros. edit. Cadomi,
of art represent adult candidates as par- An. 1614. [Can. Apost. 50, very strictly
tially clothed, judging by a picture given commands three immersions at Bap-
in Diet. Antiq. p. 171.] tisni.]
94 Ordo Roman. Antiquior. apud Ma- m Ex Actis S. Bacchi Junior, editis
bil. ibid. a Combefisio.
95 Tertull. 1. adv. Prax. c. 26. 103 In Responsis ad interrog. Episc.
96 Ex Pontincali Salisbur. apud Mart. Gall.; Cone. Gall. T. II. [It is de-
9' Damasc. Epist. de Trisag. fended by S. Cyprian as valid and suf-
98 Vansleb. Hist. Eccl. Alexandr. ficient in Ep. 76, Rig. 69, Ox., and it
part. 2, c. 22. is the special act represented in the
99 Menard, in T. III. Opp. Gregor. earliest pictures of Baptisms.]
p. 352; Sacram. Gregorian. 104 Ex Vulg. Alcuin. de Div. Ofiic.
'"" Greg. Magn. Epist. i. 43; Cone. c. 19.
C
100
lo POLITY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH.
him, as he stood on the floor of the Font, with consecrated oil105 on
the top of his head,106—and then the Bishop threw over his head a
sort of veil :107 to this Baptismal veil (ckrismafe)m they have given
the name of "Birrus? or cloak,109 from its similarity to the hood
of a monastic cowl.110 This ceremony of anointing is however not
in use among the Greeks, though it still survives among ourselves.111
In the African [and Eastern] Churches, after the anointing, the
Bishop used to give a kiss [called "peace/' or the "kiss of peace"] to
the newly baptized.112 He then clothed them in white raiment113—and
this custom has prevailed everywhere in the Churches from the very
earliest times : among the Greeks,114 and afterwards among the Ethi-
opians,115 he used then to crown them with garlands of flowers. In
some of the Latin Churches, on the other hand, before the Catechu-
mens put on their white robes, the Bishop, or one of the Presbyters,
or Deacons, used to wash their feet,116—wherefore, in the fourth
century, the catechumens used to walk with naked feet during the
Octave of Easter.117 [But this custom of washing the feet was never
observed in the Roman Church: and the Spanish Council of Eliberis
passed a Canon against it. Can. 48.]
After they had been clothed in white raiment a wax-candle was
put into the hands of each of them.118 Presently the Bishop lighted
a large wax-candle, from fire reserved from the Friday.119 A cleric
carrying this large candle walked before the Bishop, followed by
those who had been baptized, from the baptistery to the church,
where they were received with singing.120 After the conclusion of
the Litanies they approached the altar.121 Meanwhile the Choir
sang the "Agnus Dei"and at length when the precentor said, " Light
them," those who had been baptized lighted their candles, which they
continued to hold lighted in their hands during the whole Service of
the Mass.122
But before proceeding to the Sacrifice, the Bishop confirmed them
with the sacred chrism (concerning which see next chapter). Then
he celebrated the Liturgy, and administered to them the Sacrament
of the Eucharist: for this discipline [with the practice of communi-
105 Innoc. Pap. I. Epist. ad Decent; Euseb. in Vita Const. 1. iii. c.62; Ambr.
Isidor. de Div. Offic. 1. ii.'c. 25, 26, 1. de Myst. c. 7; Aug. Ep. 34.
["Non solum pontifices et reges, sed 114 Chrysost. Horn. 5, ad Baptizand.
omnis Ecclesia unctione chrismatis con- [Catech. i. ad Illuminand. Catech. ii.;
secratur."] Cyril. Mystag. Catech. iv. 8.]
100 Const. Apost. 1. iii. c. 16. 115 Ordo Baptismi /Ethiop. in Bib-
107 S. Greg. M. 1. ix. Epist. 6; Ra- lioth. Patr. T. VI. [p. 25, Paris, 1654.]
ban. Maur. de Instit. Cler. 1. i. c. 29. 116 Ambros. de Myster. c. 6; de Sa-
108 Anonym. Turon. ap. Marten. cram. 1. iii. c. 1; duo antiq. Missalia
109 S. Greg. Magn. ibid., [" Birrum edita a Thomasio. [Martene, de Ant.
album, quo de fonte resurgens indutus Ecc. Rit. T. I. pp. 63, 64. Mabillon,
fuerat."] Mus. Ital. T. L]
110 Johan.Lansperg.Dial. deMonach. U/ Aug. Epist. 55, n. 35.
c# 3, 11S Ambr. 1. de Virg. laps. c. 5.
111 Menard. Not. in Sac. Greg. p. 144. 119 Amal. de ord. Antiphonar. c. 14.
112 Cyprian. Epist. 59, Rig. 64, Ox., 12° Gregor. Naz. Orat. 40, de Baptism,
ad Fidum. [August. Contra duas Epist. m Id. ibid. [S. Cyrill. Myst. Cat. iv.]
Pelag. 1. iv. c. 8, § 23, 24.] 122 Vulg. Alcuin. c. de Sabb. S.;
113 ActaS. Genesiiap. Ruinart. ibid.; Greg. Turon. Hist. Franc. 1. v. c. 11.
ON BAPTISM. 19
eating infants] prevailed everywhere, both in the Greek and Latin
Church, from the first123 down to the twelfth century.124 But in that
century, in the Latin Church, instead of the Blood of Christ, they
began to administer to the baptized wine which had been blessed.125
And we read that this custom prevailed everywhere down to the
sixteenth century, when the Minister used to give his finger, dipped
in that wine, to the infant to suck.126 Nevertheless, in some places
in this same sixteenth century, the Blood of Christ was administered
to little children after being baptized, as we know from the evidence
of the Missal of the Church of Amiens, published a.d. 1506.
But among the Orientals the ancient discipline survives: for the
Jacobites, Syrians, Maronites, and others administer the Blood of
Christ to the newly baptized.127 Formerly the Blood of Christ
was given to children out of the chalice which was put to their lips,128
—but afterwards, even down to our own time, the Priest puts into the
infants' mouths his finger moistened with the Blood, and they suck
it off his finger :129 some among them however let them take the
Blood out of a spoon.130
Finally the Bishop used to give the catechumens a cup of milk
and honey, that they might receive as it were an earnest of the pro-
mised land—i.e. of the Kingdom of Heaven, [or as an emblem of
their being spiritually new-born children]: from the very earliest
times131 this custom prevailed, down to the ninth century.132
When all these ceremonies were over the solemn service of Bap-
tism was ended.
To those who had just been baptized the name of Neophytes—
Novices—was given, [at least] during the whole of the Easter week.
They were called Neophytes (Seofaroi) either because "lately born"
123 Justin. Apolog. 2; Origen. Horn. siast. c. 20, ssec. XII. [Al. Robertas
4, in Josue; Dionys. de Eccl. Hier. c. Paululus.]
11; Chrysost. Horn, ad Neoph.; Tertull. v2° Idem ibid.
1. de Bap. c. 16; Cyprian. Ep. 63, ad V2G Ritual. Remens. An. 1581, et
Csecil.; Ambr. 1. deMyst. c. 8. [S. Au- alia Ritual. An. 1536, ap. Martene.
gustine evidently considered this Sa- 127 Vansleb. ibid. p. 2, c. 18; Ga-
crament to be generally necessary to the briel. Syon. [Sinaita] Ep. ad Nihusium
salvation of infants; Aug. Semi. 174, in Symmict. Allatii.
§ 7; Contra Julianum, Op. Imperf. 1. 12s Goar in Euch. [Goar in Annot.
ii. c. 30; de Peccat. Mor. 1. i. c. 20, Nihusii ad Allatii Dissert, de Missa
§ 26, &c, 24, § 34. (From Diet. Praesanct.]
Antiq. p. 836.) Infants might some- v29 Vansleb. ibid. ; Nainon. in Euo-
times be communicated in one kind plia Fid. part. 2, c. 3.
only, as is the custom now in the Holy 130 Gabr. Syon. ibid. ["The Eas-
Eastern Church, where the Eucharist tern Church, with its usual tenacity of
is given them under the species of wine. ancient forms, still immerses, still com-
But though this is the practice, the municates, and still confirms its infant
rule is said to be otherwise. (lb.) And members In the Roman Church
for abundant evidence that they did the first communion precedes confirma-
communicate, and in both kinds, see tion, and preparation for that super-
Bingham, xii. i. 2. It would be hard sedes preparation for confirmation."—
to give the reason why Infant Com- Dean Stanley.]
munion has been dropped. It proves m Tert. 1. de Cor. Mil. c. 3; Hier.
in itself the antiquity of Infant Bap- Dial. adv. Lucif.
tism: the practice of each was universal.] 13': Joh. Diac. Ep. ad Senar. ap. Mab.
124 Hugo Victor. 1. Observ. Eccle- Mus. It. T. I. part. 2, p. 73.
C 2
20 POLITY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH.
into the Society of Christians—or because by Baptism they had been
in a manner " lately engrafted" into the Church; for in each sense
the Apostle gave them that name, i Tim. hi. 6.
And so during the seven days of Easter week the Neophytes kept
away from sumptuous banquets, from games, and even from the
society of their wives.133 Every day they were present at the sacred
services of the Church, [stationed about the altar] in a different
place from that commonly occupied by the faithful ;134 every day
they partook of the Eucharist,135 and the Bishop, in sermons specially
composed for them, taught them those most sacred mysteries of
our ^ Religion, with which as catechumens they had been unac-
quainted,136 and at length on the Sunday after Easter they laid aside
their white robes [which they had worn during the preceding week],
and were reckoned among the faithful.
§ 7. Concerning Godfathers and Godmothers.
From the very beginning the Church entrusted Catechumens to
the care of faithful persons that they might instruct them, and so
present them to the Bishop to be baptized on the day of solemn
baptism. Among the Greeks these were called 'kvahoxoi}zl i.e.,
sureties, as the act itself of standing as surety for children at Bap-
tism was called 'AvaSoXr).m The Latins called them susceptores
—as they assisted the Bishop in "taking up" the baptized out of
the font.139 Moreover also, with the same sense and signification
in the word, the Greeks sometimes called them by the name of
1'AvdSoxoi—since the coming up out of the baptismal font was called
'A.vaho<TL9:—they were also called "Offerers," (offerentes).m—At
length towards the end of the eighth century, they appear to have
received the name of Godfathers and Godmothers (Pairing Ma-
trincz;) the Council of Cealchythe, (Chelsea,) first makes mention
of them by that name.141 [By S. Augustine (Serm. 116) they are
called parenfes, and the godchildreny£/zY.]
And so the children, thus taken charge of, were under the care
of their godparents, until they could make the same profession with
their own mouths, and release their sureties from their responsi-
bility143—in other words until they were able to repeat the Creed by
themselves.
In former times deacons generally discharged the office of god-
father, and deaconesses the office of godmother.143 Until the ninth
133 Cone. Carth. IV. c. S6, An. 398, 139 Tertull. 1. de Bapt. c. 18. [Ter-
["Neophyti aliquamdht a lautioribus tull. de Cor. Mil. c. iii.]
epulis, et spectaculis, et conjugibus, 140 Auct. de Ecclesiast. Hierarch.
abstineant."] c. 2, part. 2, and c. 7 ad fin.
134 Aug. Serm. 260, ["Novi ho- m Can. 2, An. 7S7. [Not in the
mines effecti, sanctum altare circum- Latin: possibly in the Anglo-Saxon
dant." See Diet. Antiq. p. 1385.] text.]
135 Id. Serm. 227. 112 Capitul.Ahyton. c.25,inD'Acherii
136 Homil. Patr. in hebdom. Pasch. Spicileg. T. VI. p. 691, in sec. edit. II.
137 Cyrill. Alex, in c. 12 Johan. p. 584.
138 £x Pachymer. ap. Suicer. in voce 143 Const. Apost. 1. iii. c. 16. [Cone.
'Avadox'f)' Carth. IV. c. 12.]
ABOUT THE SACRAMENT OF CONFIRMATION. 21
century each baptismal candidate was contented with one godparent
[parents* themselves occasionally standing for their own children];
—but in that age the number of godparents began to be increased:
and though the Church had forbidden the practice by her edicts,144
yet after the thirteenth century even Councils gave their sanction to
the rule that the number of godparents should be three,145 provided
that two men and one woman should stand for a male, and two
women and one man should stand for a female. And Chardonius
tells us that this had become the custom in the French Church in
the sixteenth century.146 But parents,147 excommunicated persons,
public penitents,148 monks,149 heretics, or those suspected of heresy,150
were [from time to time] forbidden to discharge that office. And
S. Charles, Bishop of Milan, forbade even Presbyters to under-
take it.151
CHAPTER III.
ABOUT THE SACRAMENT OF CONFIRMATION.
In the early Church, as we have intimated, Baptism and the Sacra-
ment of Confirmation were administered at the same time: we shall
therefore naturally speak of the latter in this place: and we shall also
take this opportunity of describing the Ritual of Confirmation, which
came into use from the time when it began to be separated from
Baptism.
§i. Confirmation formerly connectedwith Baptism. When it began
to be separated from it.
When the Bishop had baptized the Catechumens with water, he
immediately anointed them with the consecrated unction, and con-
firmed them by laying his hand upon them.1 And, being in this
manner anointed with the most heavenly chrism,2 by the Bishop's
* [Caesar. Arelat. Serm. 264, 267.] 14S Capit. Reg. Franc. 1. vi. c. 182.
144 Cone. Metense, cap. 6, An. SS8, 149 Cone. Autissiodor. c. 25, An. 578,
[" Infantem unus a fonte baptismatis [" Non licet abbati filios de baptismo
suscipiat."] habere."]
145 Cone. Baiocen. cap. 4, An. 1300, 15° Cone. Remens. An. 1583.
[" Ad elevandum puerum de sacro fonte 151 Decret. Synod. 17.
tres tantum recipiantur;"] Cone. Wi- 1 Tertull. 1. de Bapt. c. 7 and 8;
gorn. c. 5, An. 1240, ["Masculum ad [de Resurr. Cam. c. 8. S. Cyp. Ep.
minus duo masculi et una mulier susci- 70, § 3; Const. Apos. iii. 17, and vii.
piant: fceminam dure mulieres et mas- 22.]
cuius unus;"] Exonien. c. 2, An. 1287. 2 Cone. Laodic. c. 48, ["5e7 robs
146 Histoire des Sacr. T. I. 1. i. c. 14. (pwrt^ofievovs /.te-ra rb /Haimcr/Aa xpiecrQai
147 Chron. Vispergen. An. 1224. xplaixari iTrovpaviy, nal fJLtrdxovs elvcu
[Cone. Mogunt. An. S13, can. 55, ttjs fiaaiKelas rov Xpivrov."] Ambros.
"Nullus proprium filium vel filiam de 1. iii. de Myst. c. 7 ; Hieron. Dial. adv.
Fonte Baptismatis suscipiat."] Luc. c. 4.
22 POLITY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH.
prayer those who had been baptized received the Holy Ghost.3
And thus in former times the anointing with the chrism and the lay-
ing on of hands—i.e. the Sacrament of Confirmation—followed im-
mediately after Baptism, and preceded the reception of the Eucharist
itself.4 But in some places by the ninth century, and generally by
the eleventh, when solemn Baptisms [at fixed seasons] had become
obsolete, the Sacrament of Confirmation began by degrees to be
administered separately from that of Baptism :5 since in that century,
Baptism, as we have said, was administered by Presbyters who had
not the power of Confirming, a separate time and distinct Ritual
began everywhere to be prescribed for Confirmation: though at
Rome6 and in some Churches in France7 Baptism and Confirmation
were administered together even in the fifteenth century.
m The Oriental Churches have never departed from the ancient dis-
cipline—to this day they never separate Baptism from Confirmation.8
It is however worthy of observation that even in former times those
who lived in less important cities, though they were sometimes bap-
tized by presbyters or deacons, could be confirmed only on the
occasion of a visit from the Bishop.9
§ 2. Of the Minister of that Sacrament. Where and when it was
administered. When it began to be administered separately from
Baptism.
From the very beginning of the Church the Bishop, and the Bishop
alone, administered the Sacrament of Confirmation to those who had
been baptized.10 But, for all this, both in the Spanish11 and Gallic
Churches13 and elsewhere, licence was given, with the Pope's per-
mission, for presbyters to administer it in some special cases.13 And
in the Greek Church we read that that office is to this day every-
where delegated to the presbyters by the Bishops :14 nevertheless it
3 Cypr. Ep. 73, ad Jubaianum, § 8. Ep. 45, [Gregory sends a sick Bishop
[S. Cyprian says, referring to Acts viii. a present of a horse to carry him on his
17, li The same is done now among us. Confirmation tours.] Beda in Vita S.
Those baptized in the Church being Cuthberti, xxix. An. 686.
brought to the Bishop of the Church, 10 Innocent. I. Ep. 1 ad Decent. § 3;
by our prayer and the laying on of An. 400; Greg. M. 1. iv. Ep. 9; Hier.
(our) hands, receive the Holy Ghost, ibid. [Cypr. ibid. ; Cone. Hispal. II. c.
and are perfected with the seal of the 7, An. 619.]
Lord." In Ep. 75 he refers also to n Cone. Hispal. c. 7 [forbids Pres-
Acts xix. in same way.] byters to confirm.]
* Cone. Tolet. iv. c. 57, An. 633. 12 Cone. Arausican. I. c. 1, An. 441;
5 Ritualia XI. ssec. ap. Marten, ibid. Epaonen. c. 16, An. 517; Petr. de
c. 2, Art. 4; de IX. ssec. v. Raban. Marca, in Not. ad Cone. Clarom. In
Maur. de Inst. Cler. 1. ii. c. 39. Append, ad ejusd. dissert, de Con-
6 Missale Rom. ad usum Fratr. Min. cordia Sacerd. et Imp. p. 269, ed.
An. 1500. Francof. [These Canons allow Pres-
7 V. Ritual. Suessionen. et Vien- byters to confirm dying heretics who
nense Gallic, ap. Mart. ibid. desire to be reconciled.]
8 Allat. de Perp. Consens. Eccles. lH Greg. M. 1. iii. Ep. 26, ["ubiepis-
Occ. et Orient. 1. iii. c. 18; Vansleb. copi desunt."]
ib. p. 2, c. 21. 14 Goar in Euchol.
9 Flieron. ibid.; Greg. M. 1. x.
ABOUT THE SACRAMENT OF CONFIRMATION. 2$
is required that he who administers Confirmation must do so, fast-
ing,15 and clothed in sacred vestments.16
And later on, when Baptism was administered on one day and
Confirmation on another, at first the Bishop administered the latter
Sacrament in the sacrarium or sacristy17 to those who had been bap-
tized, and at length [he held Confirmations] in the church itself.18
And thus from the ninth and tenth centuries Neophytes received
Confirmation on the first Lord's Day after Easter, when they laid
aside their white robes; [hence this day was called "Dominica in
albis depositis."] And this custom prevailed so late as the thirteenth
century.19 For in that age, when zeal for that Sacrament had grown
cold in the minds of Christians, the Church ordered that Confirma-
tion should be received within a year at least of their Baptism, under
pain of anathema.20 But by degrees, as that century advanced, the
time for receiving Confirmation began to be left open, first to the
third year,21 then in the sixteenth century to the seventh year,22 and
at length, after the Council of Trent, it might be deferred to the
twelfth year after Baptism.23 Nevertheless, in some Churches, those
who neglected Confirmation for a long time were, not allowed to
receive the Sacraments of the Eucharist24 and of Matrimony.25
§ 3. Of the way in which the Baptized were prepared for
Confirmation,
Those who were to be confirmed came into the church fasting,26
and went up to [their own] Priest, to whom [if they were ten years
old or upwards] they confessed their sins.27 He examined them28 in
the Lord's Prayer, the Apostles' Creed, the Angelic Salutation, and
15 Cone. Meten. ap. Bruch. 1. iv. c. 23 Catechism. Cone. Trid. c. de Sacr.
67(?)j Cone. Rothom. c. 7, An. 1072, Confirm.
[This seventh Canon of the Synod of 24 Cone. Lambeth, c. 4, An. 1281,
Rouen is, "Confirmatio jejunis a jeju- ["Nullus ad sacramentum corporis et
nis, et cum igne, conferenda. Item sanguinis Domini admittatur, extra mor-
dormm Sancti Spiritus ut non detur tis articulum, nisi fuerit confinnatus, vel
nisi jejunis eta jejunis: neque ipsa con- nisi fuerit a receptione connrmationis
firmatio absque igne fiat, statutum est." rationabiliter impeditus."]
Alluding perhaps to some symbolism of 25 Cone. Bituric. Tit. 20, c. 7, An.
the fiery tongues; either a lighted can- 1584.
die, (as at Baptism in the Roman Church 26 Cone. Baiocen. c. 5, An. 1300;
now,) or a brazier of charcoal.] Senonen. An. 1524; Catech. Cone.
ll Ord. Rom. Mus. Ital. T. II. Trid. ibid.
17 Sacrament. Gregor. -7 Cone. Colonien. c. 5, An. 12S0,
1S Antiq. Ordo Rom. ap. Mart. ib. ["Parentes ducant parvulos ad episco-
19 Vulg. Alcuin. de Div. Ofhc. c. de pum septennes vel majoris setatis con-
Septuages.; Raban. Maur. Instit. Cleric. finnandos: vero si fuerint decern an-
1. ii. c. 39. norum vel ultra, prius suis sacerdoti-
20 Durand. Mimat. Ration. 1. vi. c. 84. bus confiteantur, quam confirmentur."]
21 Cone. Wigom. c. 6, An. 1240; Constit. Odon. Episc. Paris, c. 4.
Cone. Exonien. c. 3, An. 1287. [The [Cone. Baiocen. c. 5, An. 1300; Sy-
Council of Worcester requires children nod. Exonien. c. 3, An. 1287, "Ad-
to be confirmed within two years, and ulti ad confirmandum minime ofTerantur,
the Synod of Exeter within three years, nisi peccata sua prius fuerint confessi
after their birth.] eodem die."]
22 Cone. Turonen. c. 7, An. 1583; 2S Cone. Aquen. ibid.; Narbonen.
Aquen. An. 1585. An. 1609.
24 POLITY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH.
the Ten Commandments, (all which had to be repeated from memory
by them to the Bishop.) Then they washed their heads,29 and cut off
any hair which hung too much over the forehead,30 and so presented
themselves to the Bishop. He first asked the name of each [that
he might confirm each by name], that it might be inscribed in the
Confirmation Registers,31 and also that it might be changed, if it was
either a discreditable or a ridiculous one.33 He then examined them
on the Decalogue, and on some other subjects, as we have stated:
and at length he admitted them to the Sacrament of Confirmation,
either immediately after Mass,33 or, as was very usual, especially in
the sixteenth century, at nine o'clock a.m.,34 the hour when the Holy
Spirit descended on the Apostles.
§ 4. Of the Oil of the Chrism: How consecrated. How administered
by the Bishop.
From the beginning of the Church simple oil was used as the
material of the Chrism, both by the Latins and by the Greeks.35 It
was, perhaps, about the beginning of the sixth century that the Balm,
which was formerly found only in Judaea, was first mixed with the
oil,36 and this mixture of oil and Balm of Gilead the Latins used
almost down to the sixteenth century. But when in that century the
Spaniards had brought a new Balm from India, Paul III. and
Pius IV. allowed the Latin Church to use that Balm in preference to
the other.37 But in the Greek Church, besides the Balm, it is usual
to pour into the oil and boil down some forty different kinds of
spices, which their Euchologion very exactly enumerates38 [thirty-
six, besides the wine and oil].
The Bishop alone, in former times, had the right of consecrating
this oil, when it had been mixed with the Balm and other spices,39
nor, at the present day, is this right of his ever infringed, and he it
is who distributes it to the Parish Priests of his diocese. Hence it
was that in the middle ages this jurisdiction of the Bishop was itself
usually called "Chrisma."40 But when the Presbyters then began to
pay sums of money to the Bishop for the Chrism,41—which sums
were called from that circumstance "Chrismals,"—Innocent III. and
Alexander III. very properly put a stop to that practice.43
29 Cone. Rothomag. An. 1581; Me- 37 V. Corinchium de Sacram. Qusest.
diol. sub S. Carolo. 72, Art. 9, Dub. 1. n. 40.
30 Cone. Colon, ibid. 38 Cap. de Chrism, conficiend.
31 Cone. Rothom.; Aquen. ibid. 39 Epist. Gelasii Papse apud Mabill.
32 Cone. Trecen. An. 1400; Senon. Mus. Ital. T. I.; Cone. Carth. II. c. 3,
An. 1524; Aquen. ibid. et Cone. Carth. III. c. 36, ["Presbyter
33 Ex vita S. Udalrici Ep. Augus- inconsulto episcopo Virgines non con-
tani, ssec. X. ap. Bolland. 13 Julii App. secret: chrisma vero nunquam confi-
34 Cone. Aquen. ibid. cial."] Renaudot, La Perpetuity de la
35 Cyprian. Epist. 70; Optat. Milev. Foy, T. V. p. 171.
de Schism. Donat. 1. vii.; Basilius de 40 Cangium in v. Chris?ua.
Spir. S. c. 27. [al. 66.] 41 S. Anselmi Ep. Cantuar. Epistolar.
36 Greg. Magni Comment, in c. 1 1. iv. Epist. 61.
Cantic.; V. Dissert. Mich. Amati de 42 Apud Gregor. Tit. de Simon, c.
Opobalsamo. 3^ and c. 16.
ABOUT THE SACRAMENT OF CONFIRMATION. 25
From the first till perhaps the fifth century there was no day fixed
for the consecration of the Chrism. But in the Western Church,
after the fifth century, the custom began of consecrating the Chrism
on the Thursday in Holy Week ;43 yet this custom did not imme-
diately come into general use, since in the French Church, even in
the ninth century, it used to be consecrated by the Bishops without
any special day being fixed for this ceremony.44 And although in
the Greek Church the same day in the year is set apart for the con-
secration of the Chrism,45 nevertheless, when they are without the
Holy Oil,—a circumstance which often happens, from the incon-
venience of the place or for other reasons,—they make the Chrism
on any day.
This ceremony of consecrating or sanctifying the oil46 for Confir-
mation was, in the opinion of S. Basil,47 derived from the Apostles,
and it is mentioned by the more ancient Fathers of the Church.48
After the fifth century the Bishop used to consecrate the oil during
the second of three Masses, which were then celebrated on Thurs-
day in Holy Week, wherefore that second Mass was called the Mass
of the Chrism.49 In the Greek Church, as the right of compounding
and consecrating the Chrism was specially given to the Patriarchs,
amid the solemnities of the Eucharistic Services, this part of the
Liturgy was performed with very elaborate Ritual.50
This, then, was the oil used by the Bishop at the administration of
this Sacrament of Confirmation; for first of all he laid his hands on
those about to be confirmed, repeating the while a precomposed
Prayer,51 which laying on of hands, though it was anciently common
both to Latins and Greeks alike,52 the Greeks, since the fifteenth
century, seem to have been without.53 After the laying on of his
hands, the Bishop, among the Latins, used to anoint the foreheads
of those to be confirmed with this Holy Oil of which we have been
speaking, and this custom prevails in our own day, but anciently in
the Eastern Church he used to anoint the forehead, ears, breast, and
nostrils,54 and now he anoints also the eyes, mouth, hands, and feet :55
and while he was thus anointing he pronounced at the same time
certain words. In the Greek Church these words were formerly as
follows: "The seal of the gift of the Holy Spirit/' which words
they still use.56 But the Latins anciently used the following words:
"The sign of Christ unto eternal life. Amen."57 But in the middle
43 Sacram. Gelas. [MissaChrismalis.] 50 Baillet, Fetes Mobiles, Teudi-Saint.
44 Cone. Meldense, An. 845, c. 46, 5* V. § 1 of this chapter."
["Nemo sacrum chrisma, nisi in quinta 5'2 V. Patres sup. laud.; Ambros. 1. i.;
feria majoris septimance, id est in ccena Eulog. contr. Novat. 1. ii.; GEcumen. in
quae specialiter appellator Dominica, c. 6 Epist. ad Hebrceos, &c.
conficere pnesumat."] 53 V. Renaudot, La Perpetuite, &c
45 Eucholog. 1. ii. T. V. c. 12.
46 Cyprian. Epist. 70, § 3. 54 Cyrill. Hierosol. Catech. Mystag.
47 Ubi supra. iii. 3.
48 Basil, Cyprian.,Optat., ibid.; Cy- 55 V. Eucholog. 1. i.
rill. Hierosol. Catech. 5, &c. 56 Ibid. Adnotat. Goar.
49 Menard. Not. in Sacrament. Greg. 5? Sacram. Gelas. in admin. Chrism,
p. 75; Bona, Rer. Liturg. 1. i. c. 18.
26 POLITY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH.
ages these forms varied in different Churches: for in some Churches
[as e.g. in the Church of England] the formula was, "Receive thou
the sign of the Holy Cross by the Chrism of salvation in Christ
Jesus unto eternal life. Amen."58 Elsewhere this more brief form
was used, "In the name of the Father, and of the Son, and of the
Holy Ghost."59 But in Books of Ritual, after the tenth century,
we generally meet with this form: "I seal thee," or, "I sign thee
with the sign of the Cross, and I confirm thee with the Chrism
of salvation, in the name of the Father, &c. Amen,"60 which
form we now use. After these words were said it was the custom
in old times for the Bishop to touch the cheeks of those who
had been confirmed with his hand, as though he would strike them
with a slight blow. [This still forms part of the Confirmation Office
of the Roman Church, and it is explained in the Catechism of the
Council of Trent to be symbolical of the buffeting to be endured
for Christ.] Durandus, Bishop of Mende, a writer of the thirteenth
century, is the first who makes mention of it.61
Last of all the Godfathers and Godmothers used to bind round
the forehead of each of those who had been Confirmed with a cer-
tain linen fillet, so that what was left of the holy oil should not be
wiped off the forehead by washing or any other means, before the
appointed time.62 In the twelfth century they used to wear this
fillet over the Chrism on the forehead for seven days,63 and in the
thirteenth century for at least three days.61 But in the sixteenth
century they either wore these bandages, (as they were then called,)
only during the whole day on which they had been confirmed,65 or
they immediately wiped the anointed forehead with a piece of cotton,
and washed66 it with the bandage.
This custom had been long in use in some Churches in France
from the fifteenth century: for there they were in the habit of wash-
ing the foreheads of those who had been confirmed with water and
salt before they went out of church.67
Such are the Rites observed in the Sacrament of Confirmation:
with these that part of the service was concluded."
58 In Pontine. Egbert. Eboracens. duum portentur ad ecclesiam in fonte
Medio VIII. scec. [circ. a.d. 700.] baptismatis abluendi, et ligamina com-
69 Amalar. de Div. Offic. 1. i. c. 37; burantur."] Cone. Colonien. c. 5, An.
Durand. Ration. 1. vi. c. 84. 1281.
60 Antiq. Ordin. apud Martene de 65 Cone. Carnoten. An. 1526.
Antiq. Eccl. Discipl. 1. i. art. 6. G6 Cone. Aquen. An. 15S1; Senon.
61 Ration. 1. vi. c. 81. [Cone. Tri- An. 1524.
dent. Catech. ad Paroch. Pars ii. c. 3, C7 Cone. Trecense, An. 1400.
q. 25.] [* Dean Plumptre remarks in Smith's
62 Antiq. Ordin. Roman, apud Ma- Dictionary of Christian Antiquities, p.
bil. Mus. Ital. T. I. 425, "Of what may be called the mo-
63 Anonym, apud Martene ibid.; and dern Protestant idea of Confirmation, as
Hugon. Victor, de Sacram. 1. ii. part. 7, the ratification by the baptized child,
c. 7. when he has attained an age capable of
64 Cone. Wigorn. c. 6, An. 1240, deliberate choice, of the promises made
[" Confirmandi habeant ligamina novae for him by his sponsors, there is not the
telse: qui confirmati fuerint, post tri- slightest trace in Christian Antiquity."]
OF THE MINISTERS OF THE CHURCH. 27
SECTION II.
OF THE MINISTERS AND MAGISTRATES OF THE CHRISTIAN
CHURCH.
Those who had received the Sacraments of Baptism and Confir-
mation were called "Christians f for from the first century, those
who had embraced the religion of Christ, being first of all called
"Nazarenes," then "Jessseans," [followers of Jesus], at length at
Antioch appropriated to themselves the name of "Christians."1
Thenceforward, both in the first and second centuries, they were
called by that name even by the heathen. But since among heathen
writers of that age the Founder of our Religion was called Xprjards,
Chreestos, (among the Latins "Chrestus,"2) they called them "Chres-
tiani," i.e., " Chreestians."3 Indeed as the name " Christus" (anointed)
was evidently a new [and unintelligible] one to heathens, therefore
that name "Chrestus" (good) everywhere prevailed as commonly
among the Greeks4 as among the Latins, who had both the masculine
form of "Chrestus,"5 and the feminine "Chresta,"6 and the diminu-
tive " Chrestillus."7
m Now as in a well and regularly ordered Republic, there must be
different ranks among those by whom its coalition is secured, so in the
Society of Christians there are certain Magistrates, who in accord-
ance with Christ's appointment, have precedence over the rest, both
in the arrangement of the services of Divine worship, and in the in-
struction of people in doctrine and in morals. These latter, then,
were publicly elected from the whole body of the Christian Repub-
lic,8 and those thus elected were distinguished from the rest of Chris-
tian people by the Divinely appointed mark of the "Sacrament of
_l Epiph. Hser. xxix. n. 4. [Epipha- ibid. S. Augustine says, "We call
nms considers the name Jessa^an earlier people Christians because they are an-
than that of Christian.] ointed with the sacred Chrism" (De Civ.
- Lucian. in Philopatr.; Sueton. in Dei. xx. 10): so Theophilus of An-
Claud. c. 25, ["impulsore Chresto;"] tioch, "We are called Christians be-
Tacit. Ann. 1. xv. c. 44. cause we are anointed with the oil of
3 Tertull. Apol. c. 3. ["The word God:" (quoted by Bingham, xii. iii.
Christians, so far as its meaning is con- 2.)]
cerned, is derived from 'anointing,' 4 Appian. in Bell. Mithrid. de Xpfaru
and even when by you it is wrongly Bithyniae Rege; Auson. Epigr. xxxix.'
pronounced Chreestian, (for not even 5 Martial. 1. vii. Enig. 54; 1. ix.
of the name is there any certain Epig. 28.
knowledge among you,) it is made 6 Antiq. Lapid. ap. Mich. Rossalium
from 'sweetness' or from 'kindness.'" de Immut. Christian, nomine.
(Tertull. Ox. ed.) The heathen to 7 Martial. 1. ii. Epigr. 91. [Nume-
whom the name "Christus" was uniii- rous nicknames were criven to Chris-
telligible, substituted Chrestus,—gra- tians,—as Atheists, Magicians, Man-
cious or good, which was a name worshippers, &c. In Apol. 39 Tertul-
among themselves. Clem. Alex, says, lian says, "We are denoted by the title
"They who believe in Christ forth- of 'The Brethren.' "]
with are, and are called xPV^ol, 'good s Epist. Cler. Rom. ad Honor. Im-
people,"' (lit. useful people.) See note per. ap. Baron. A. 419, n. 13.
28 POLITY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH.
Holy Orders." This is the essential characteristic of " Magistrates"
of the Christian Church: and as with the "Magistrates" of the
Church we have subordinate " Ministers" associated, it will therefore
be worth our while to treat separately of each in order [first of
Ministers, then of Magistrates].
CHAPTER I.
OF THE MINISTERS OF THE CHURCH.
We call by the name of "Ministers" those whom the Magistrates
of the Church used to employ either to help them in their sacred
ministrations, or in any other matters. By the name of Magistrate is
to be understood first a Bishop, and secondly a Presbyter. There is
also a certain difference in rank among the Ministers, as there is among
the Magistrates: for of them some are distinguished by the Sacra-
mental mark [of ordination] set upon them, as from the very beginning
of the Church was the case with the Deacons, and at length with the
Subdeacons also; but others of them, although they do not take
precedence of the rest of the faithful by any divinely-appointed out-
ward mark [of holy orders,] are nevertheless distinguished by a cer-
tain sign, which is called the "Tonsure;" for those distinguished by
this Tonsure are reckoned as Church "Ministers" of an inferior
Order. It will then be our business to treat first of these inferior
ministers [or Minor Orders,] then of those who are reckoned to
belong to the first Order, [Deacons, Subdeacons, &c.,] and lastly of
the " Magistrates," [i.e., the Bishops and Presbyters of the Church.]
At the beginning of the Church, only the Deacons discharged
the office of Christian Ministers. Then by degrees the Order of
Readers and of Subdeacons was instituted; but as soon as ever the
Church enjoyed peace from her enemies, their number immediately
began to be increased: for when our Religion came more out into
the light of open day, and Christians began to celebrate their sacred
mysteries with more solemn ritual, these first ministers were not
found sufficient for the discharge of these duties, and therefore new
ones were created.
§ i. About Ministers of the Second Order, and about the Tonsure.
Those Ministers of the Second Order, whom we call "Clerks,"
were admitted by the Bishop to that office: and since they were
never consecrated by receiving Holy Orders, they were elected at the
discretion of the Bishop alone, without the suffrages of the people.
But the Bishop, though not without the advice of the Presbytery,
made choice of one who was distinguished by innocency of life, pro-
OF THE MINISTERS OF THE CHURCH. 29
vided he was qualified to read the Holy Scriptures, and had a certain
intelligent acquaintance with them.9 While the Church was still
persecuted by the heathen, one was specially chosen who [in the face
of persecution] had made a public confession of the faith.10 For
like reason they who had been compelled to do public penance for
the commission of any crime,11 those who had been twice married,12
those who had received clinical Baptism, (i.e., had been baptized at
the approach of death.)13 those who had put any one to death, though
unintentionally, judges who had passed sentence of death on a cri-
minal, or their assistants,14 and finally those who were deeply in debt,
or who were public usurers,15 slaves,16 or serfs of the soil, without the
consent of their master,17 all these were excluded from the ranks of the
Christian Ministry. Nay more,—to these ancient laws others, in a sub-
sequent age, were added. By these it was made unlawful for any to
enter the Ministry of the Church who were deformed in person,
blind, deaf, dumb, mutilated,18 idiots, possessed persons,19 or those
not born in lawful wedlock.20 But although the Church, by such
laws as these, kept up the dignity of Holy Orders, still we find, in
accordance with the peculiar circumstances of any particular place or
time, her discipline was slightly relaxed to meet such a case.21
When then a man, who offered himself, seemed to him fitted for
the ministry of the Church, the Bishop marked him for it by the
"Tonsure," i.e., he cut off from his head certain locks of his hair.
This mark is called by the Greeks c(ppa^h, i.e., a seal, or sometimes
xapafcrrfp (character).22 While the heathen persecutions against the
Church lasted, the Christian ministers remained without this mark of
the tonsure, that they might not thus expose themselves to their per-
secutors : therefore the clergy used to walk about with short hair and
trimmed beards after the Roman fashion. After this, when the bar-
barians gained possession of the Roman Empire, as they, according
to their custom, let their hair grow long, the clergy were the only
9 Hilar. Papa, Epist. 2. 16 Canon. Apost. Can. 82, ["We
10 Cypr. Epist. 33, [38 Ox. "After do not permit servants to be ordained
the rack to come to the desk," &c] into the clergy without their master's
11 Id. Ep. 67 § 6 ; Greg. Magn. 1. iv. consent."]
Ep. 26, ii. 37; Isid. Hisp. de Ofnc. 17 Cone. Aurel. III. c. 26, An. 538,
Eccl. 1. ii. c. 5, ["Aliquo mortali pec- ["Nullus servilibus colonariisque con-
cato correptus."] ditionibus obligatus," &c]
12 Ap. Gratian. Dist. 26, c. 3. [Can. 1S Leo P. I. Ep. 3. [By Can. Apos.
Apos. c. 17; S. Ambros. de Off. Min. 77, 7§> lame men were admitted to the
i. 50; Greg. Mag. 1. ii. Ep. 37.] Episcopacy, blind or deaf excluded.
13 [Cone. Neoczes. can. 12, An. 314, Greg. Mag. excludes from ordination
"' Eav vo<tuv tls (pooTiadij ds irptcrfivTepoi' l' in qualibet parte corporis vitiatum."
&yeadai ov duvarai—ovk ii< Trpoaipecreoos Ep. ii. 37.]
yap 7} Triams avrdv, aAA' e£ apdyKrjs."] 19 Cone. Clarom. ap. Grat. Dist. 56,
Cone. Carth. I. c. 8 [requires entire c. 11. [Can. Apos. c. 79, "If any
disentanglement from worldly business.] one hath a dc"emon let him not be or-
14 Ap. Grat. ib., and Dist. 50, c. 8. dained."]
15 Innoc. P. I. Ep. 2; Greg. M. 1. x. ^ Cone. Melden. c. 64, An. 845.
Ep. 62, ["Nosamatoribususurarumnul- -1 Ibid., [" Nisi Ecclesice utilitas vel
la ratione manus imponimus." Twelve necessitas, vel .... aliter exegerit."]
per cent, was the interest allowed by M Ap. Balsam, in Can. Apost. 62.
Roman law ancient and modern.]
3° POLITY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH.
men who kept up the old Roman custom : and therefore, he who was
selected to serve among the ministers of the Church, let his over-
growth of hair be cut off by the hands of the Bishop himself, that
he might be like other clergy. Hence it has at length come to pass
that any one who enters the ministry of the Church wears a Ton-
sure, a token that the Bishop has sealed him for his work. From,
therefore, the fourth to almost the eighth century the Tonsure
simply amounted to this, that the clergy wore their hair shorter
than other men, for the shaving of the crown of the head had not
yet become a universal custom. For as the laity also themselves
ever since the fourth century, if they professed greater strictness of
life, have scrupled about letting their hair grow long,23 the clergy,
who ought to be superior to other men in holiness of life, have been
specially forbidden to go about with long hair f1' and therefore it
has been ordered by decrees of Councils, both in the Greek and
Roman Church, that the clergy should wear their hair very short ;25
and when some Spanish clerics [Readers] wished to wear curls
(antzas,) on their foreheads, after the manner of the Goths, who
used to cultivate love-locks (granos) or curls (a'rr/ios,) (in their lan-
guage cinnabar^) this also was forbidden by Councils in the sixth
century.27
Such was the kind of "Tonsure" which in the sixth century28
prevailed everywhere in the Latin Church, the clergy of which, from
the fourth to the seventh centuries29 were also forbidden to cultivate
beards.30 And though in the Western Church, till the eleventh cen-
tury, the laity were accustomed to wear beards, the clergy were
accustomed to shave theirs.31 But in the fifth century in some of
23 Hier. in c. 44 Ezech. ["The man shall let his hair grow, nor shave
clergy's hair should not be extrava- his beard." The second, "Readers
gantly long, nor their heads closely must not chaunt in the church in a se-
shaven." In the Apost. Constitut. i. cular dress, nor wear love-locks after
3, men who are believers in Christ the heathen fashion."]
are directed to wear short hair, but are 28 Cone. Agath. c. 20, An. 506;
forbidden to shave the beard, as if Greg. Turon. Hist. 1. ii. c. 41. [This
thereby obliterating the peculiar dis- Canon directs that Clergy who retain
tinction of manhood, tV [xop(p7]v rod long hair shall have it shortened, even
avdp&irov.~] against their will, by the Archdeacon.
24 Greg. Nazianz. Orat. 28; Buonar. The Council of Rouen, can. 6, An.
Osserv. sopra i veteri Cemet., Osserv. 1096, orders all men to keep their hair
xi.; Act. S. Gorg. ap. Baillet. 2 Aout. cut short, as becomes Christian men,
An. 580. under pain of excommunication.]
™ Cone. Carth. IV. c. 44, An. 398; 29 Cone. Carth. IV. c. 44, An. 398.
Cone. Tolet. IV. c. 41, An. 633. [Of this Canon there are two readings:
[Cone. Quinisext. c. 3, An. 692. This (1) "Clericus nee comam nutriat nee
Council of Toledo orders that all Clerks, barbam :" (2) " Clericus nee comam nu-
as well as the Priests and Deacons, triat nee barbam radat."]
shall shave the entire crown of the 'M Ratramn. Corb. contr. Grsec. 1. vii.
head, and leave but a slight rim of hair c. 50. in DAcherii Spicil. Vol. I. p.
in the form of a circle.] 102, ["Jam videmus quod de barbse
26 Isid. Hisp. Orig. 1. xix. c. 17. tonsione clericos culpare non tantum
[Isid. Hispal. de Eccl. Offic. ii. 4.] Romanorum verum omnium occiden-
2? Cone. Barcin. I. c. 3, An. 540; talium Christianarum Ecclesiarum non
Cone. Bracar. I. c. 11, An. 563. [The verentur."]
first of these Canons says, "No clergy- 31 Greg. P. VII. 1. vm. Ep. 10. [Or-
OF THE MINISTERS OF THE CHURCH. 31
the French Churches, the clergy began to wear also a Tonsure, in
shape like a wheel or crown ;32 for on the Bishop admitting the laity
into the ranks of the clergy, he not only cut off the curling locks
from their foreheads, but also shaved the hair from the top of the
head, leaving a sort of crown or circle of hair to grow round the
head: wherefore the Tonsure was called a crown33 in the sixth cen-
tury. After this, by degrees, this form of Tonsure found its way into
other Churches, and by the eighth century it appears to have been
universally adopted in the Roman Church.34 But the Greeks of that
period wore the more ancient kind of Tonsure, since their clergy
went about with short hair, [their Tonsure being total, and] without
this circular ring of hair left on the head :35 and it was only later on
that they fell in to a certain extent with the custom of the Roman
Church, since Germanus II., Patriarch of Constantinople, in the
thirteenth century, is the first who makes mention of their Tonsure
being worn like a crown.36
^ Thus, then, from the fifth century the shape of the Tonsure was
circular, as has been said: and so it was called a wheel,37 and in the
sixth century a crown,38 and in lapse of time a circle.39 [But besides
the Roman, which was called S. Peter's Tonsure, and the Greek,
which was called S. Paul's, there was thirdly the Celtic Tonsure,
known as S. John's, worn by the Saxons in the Celtic Church.] For the
Saxons wore a Tonsure of a crescent or semi-circular form: [shaving
all the hair in front of a line drawn over the top of the head from
ear to ear,] but this they abandoned in the ninth century, and
adopted the round one.40 Almost all the Latins41 retained the more
ample one; but from the ninth, and more especially the eleventh cen-
dering an Archbishop in Sardinia to be four months, and so qualified himself to
shaved, he thus writes to the governor of receive the Latin instead of the Greek
that province: "Nolumus prudentiam Tonsure which he had previously worn,
tuam moleste accipere quod archiepis- being a native of Tarsus. In the other
copum vestrum Jacobum consuetudini he describes a vision of a child, who
sanctas Romanse Ecclesise, matris om- saw S. Peter and S. Paul, one of whom
nium Ecclesiarum, vestneque specialiter was shaven as a clergyman, and the
obedire coegimus, scilicet ut, quemad- other wore his beard long.]
moduni totius occidentalis Ecclesire cle- 35 Beda ibid. [The Greek Tonsure
rus, ab ipsis fidei Christians primordiis, consists in shaving, or rather in closely
barbam radendi morem tenuit, ita et clipping the whole head.]
ipse frater noster vester archiepiscopus 36 In Theor. Rer. Eccl. Biblioth
raderet"] Patr. T. II.
32 Sidon. Apollin. 1. iv. Ep. 24. [A 37 Sidon. Apoll. ibid.
French priest is described as having 3S Greg. Turon. ibid.
"Coma brevis; barba prolixa."] 39 Beda ibid.
33 Greg. Turon. de Vit. Patr. c. 6, 40 Id. Hist. Angl. 1. v. c. 21; Mabill.
9, 17; de Glor. Mart. 1. i. c. 28. Ann. Bened. Pnef. in Ssec. III'. [Bede
[This reference is the earliest allusion here tells us that the Saxon was ex-
to the coronal tonsure of the Clergy, changed for the Roman Tonsure by the
according to Thomassin.] subjects of Nectan, King of the Picts,
34 Beda, Hist. Angl. 1. iv. c. 1 and with whom the Abbat Ceolfrid dis-
14. [In the first of these passages Bede cussed the subject in a letter. This
tells us that Theodore was not conse- letter was written about A.D. 700.]
crated Archbishop of Canterbury till 41 Baluz. in Not. ad Capit.' Reo-.
he had allowed his hair to grow for Franc. &"
32 POLITY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH.
tury, it began by degrees to be reduced in size, notwithstanding that
canons were everywhere passed by Councils forbidding the smaller
Tonsure.42 For which reason both in the Churches of France43 and
of England,44 and elsewhere45 also, even down to the thirteenth and
fourteenth centuries, the Tonsure was worn by the clergy in the
shape of a crown, circular like that now worn by the Mendicant
Friars: though in the Greek Church, from about the fifteenth cen-
tury, the Tonsure has been cruciform.46
It is, however, to be observed that in ancient times the Tonsure
accompanied Minor Orders, and was never given to any one some
time before receiving Orders47 [as is sometimes done now in modern
times]; and thus none were called by the name of clerics except
those who, by receiving some Order, had been enrolled among the
Minor Ministers of the Church.48
But while in the progress of the seventh century, parents began to
entrust their little boys to the Bishop to be educated, who, on receiv-
ing them under his charge, used to cut off their hair49 with a certain
ceremonial rite, (which rite was in the tenth century performed50 also
by Presbyters and Deacons, as the Bishop's delegates, and sometimes
even by laymen, who were known for the superior holiness of their
life), by degrees from that time the Tonsure began to be separated
from the Minor Orders, [i.e., began to be received at a separate time,
without admission into Orders being received with it:] in the ninth
century among the Latins,51 and in the eleventh, and still more the
twelfth among the Greeks,52 it was generally given before admission
into Orders [not simultaneously with it]. And therefore those who
had only received the simple Tonsure from that moment enjoyed the
name and privileges of clerics.53 Hence married men who wore the
Tonsure used the name and the privileges of clerics,54 even down to
the fourteenth century.
Thus much about the Tonsure,—the taking of which amongst us
precedes Holy Orders,—which the clergy receive from their Bishop,
and the monks from their Abbot.
§ 2. Of the duties of Ministers of the Second Order.
As after the fourth century the numbers of the Church Ministers
were regulated by the Bishops according to the importance of the
42 Ratram. Hist. Long. 1. v. c. 54. 49 Morin. ibid. Exerc. xc. c. 3.
43 Cone. Paris, c. I, An. 1212; o0 Mabill. ibid.
Cone. Montis Pessulan. c. 4, An. 1214; 51 Cone. Melden. An. 845, c. 58,
Pontif. Silvanecten. cumfigur. seec. XIV. [" Canonici, tonsured already, and de-
44 Cone. Extrecen. c. 17, An. 1287; siring to be attached to some Diocese,
Cone Londin. c. 2, An. 1342. to be then duly ordained."] Hincm.
45 Martene, ibid. T. II. 1. i. c. 8. Rem. de Car. Man. T. II. p. 219.
46 Goar. Prsef. ad c. xx. Euch. 52 Balsam, in c. 62 Apost., and c.
47 Morin. De Sacr. Ordin. Part. 3, 33, Cone. Trullan. An. 692.
Exerc. xv. 53 c- Du Cange, in v. Ciena Con-
48 Cone. Carth. II. c. 21, An. 397, jugati.
[" Clericorum nomen etiam lectores et 54 Id. ibid,
psalmists et ostiarii retinent."]
OF THE MINISTERS OF THE CHURCH. 2>2>
Churches which they served, so in the larger Churches the distinct
orders among the clergy were more numerous than in the smaller.
In the fourth century in the Latin Church there were six such dis-
tinct Church offices: viz., (i) that of "Subdeacons," (though these
did not as yet receive the Sacrament of Holy Orders;) (2) "Readers;"
(3) "Exorcists;" (4) "Acolyths;" (5) "Doorkeepers," and (6) u Can-
tores"v» (Singers or Chanters.) These Cantores were in some places
called Psahnistce.^ At Rome, moreover, in the same century there
were also "Attendants (custodes) of the Martyrs."57 But after the
twelfth century there were new Church offices created in addition to
these ancient ones; as "Sacristans," "Churchwardens," (custodes?*)
"Parafrsenarii" (Bishops' Equerries.59) In some places also "Church
Bell-ringers," and Matricularii, "Church Pensioners."60) In the Greek
Church there were generally "Subdeacons" and "Readers" em-
ployed,61 though in some of their Churches there seem to have been
the offices of "Exorcists" and " Interpreters of tongues," [who rendered
one language into another when need required, either in the reading
of the lessons or in the sermon, translating the Latin or Greek into the
vernacular,] and also "Copiatce" or Undertakers of Funerals.62 And
yet as early as the subsequent century at least both Doorkeepers
and Undertakers ceased to hold distinct offices in their Churches.63
We will treat hereafter about the Office of Sub deacons, but we
will now describe all the other minor orders except them.
Readers.—The class of "Readers" (Greek, ava^vwo-i]^ was the
most ancient64 of all the minor orders. To them in former times the
55 Cone. Carth. IV. can. 10, An. 398. poor who were borne on the "matri-
[Const. Apost. ii. 25; iii. 11; viii. 10. cula," or roll of the Church, were called
Apost. Can. 27, 43, 69. The Apos- matricularii, "matriculated." Cone,
tolical Constitutions reckon four Minor Colon, "directs that those persons
Orders—Subdeacons, Readers, Sin- whose office it is to ring the church
gers, and Porters.] bells, shall know how to read, in order
56 Greg. Turon. Vit. Patr. c. 6. that they may be able to make the re-
[Conc. Carth. ib. Called also, it sponses; and also that they shall wear
would seem, "Confessors" in Greg. the alb during divine sendee." Origi-
Sacram. as confessing God by singing nally it was the priests' duty to sound
His praise. So the Hebrew word the bells.]
Judah means confession or praise.] 61 Cone. CEcum. VIII. Act. 10, c. 5,
57 Ex Cone. Rom. sub Silvestro P. [i.e., Cone. Const. IV. This Canon
58 Duo tit. in Decret. Greg. [Per- seems aimed at rich laymen designing
haps entrusted with treasures and out- to obtain high dignities by ordination,
ward affairs of the Church. (Bingham and forbids Neophytes being ordained
ii. xix. 19, and iii. xiii. 2.) They are to higher grades.]
called by S. Isidore "custodes sacro- 62 Epiph. in Expos. Fid. c. 21.
rum." (De Div. Off. ii. 9.)] 63 Codinus de Offic. Magn. Eccl. et
59 Concil. Later. V. An. 1513. ["Pa- Anise Const, ed. Jac. Goar. Paris, 1645,
rafr&narii"—Palfreynariers, or equer- fol. and in Corp. Byzantin. T. XVIII.
ries in attendance on great mediaeval ed. Venet. p. 1.
Church dignitaries when riding in pub- C4 Cyprian. Epist. 29, 38, and 39.
lie,—Cardinals, Bishops, Abbots, &c. [Tertull. de Prescript, c. 41; Just.
In ecclesiastical households these men Mart. Apol. 1. §6; Can. Apost. 27,
were sometimes tonsured.] 43, 69; Const. Apost. ii. 25 ; iii. n;
60 Syn. Colon, c. 16, An. 1310. viii. 10. The office was a favourite one
[Greg. Turon. Hist. Franc, vii. 29; with youths of the higher orders in so-
Thomassin, Eccl. Dis. i. 2, c. 33. The ciety.]
D
34 POLITY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH.
custody of the Sacred Books of Scripture was entrusted in times
when the Church was harassed by persecutions.65 But subsequently
the Bishops began to employ them in the reading of the Sacred
Books,—which formed part of the public Service of the Church—
and also in the benediction of the first fruits, which it was then the
custom, at least since the fourth century,66 to offer upon the altar.67
In reference to this custom, the Bishop at the present day delivers to
them a Missal at their ordination. In the first three centuries those
especially who had confessed the Faith before the heathen were
chosen for Readers,68 though, till after the fourth century, in which
they were called on to read the Scriptures in public, it was not neces-
sary that they should even be fit to read the Scriptures [in church;69]
but from that time this became the more necessary, because after
that no laymen, not even the monks, were allowed to read the Sacred
Books in the churches.70 The election and the ordination of
Readers rested with the Bishop alone, so that not even the Chore-
piscopi might lawfully ordain them without Episcopal licence.71
In the Greek Church one of them who was older than the rest was
set over the Order of these Readers: he was called 'Apxiavayvwairj?,
i( archilector? archreader.72 Then we must not omit to notice that
in former times the name of Reader, (lector) was a designation some-
times common to all the inferior clergy, as if it was meant thus
specially to designate ministers of the second grade.73
Exorcists were those who by command of the Bishop used to
repeat over the catechumens those exorcisms about which we have
spoken :74 and since in former times as often as the Liturgy was
celebrated, the Church prescribed certain ceremonies to be gone
through with possessed persons who were present at the services, the
Exorcists used to lay their hands upon the heads of such and repeat
public prayers.75 [They were not anciently among the minor orders;
they might be laymen or Priests or Deacons.] But when the dis-
cipline of the Catechumenate fell into disuse, the principal part of
the Exorcist's work also became obsolete, and it was no longer lawful
65 Baron. An. 303, n. 7, 21, 13. ordained to read from the Ambo: Const.
[The Acta Martyrum constantly speak Apos. requires that Readers be ordained
of the Readers being questioned about by the Bishops. The delivery of a Bible
the Holy Scriptures in their houses.— (codicem) to him by the Bishop was the
Optat. Milev. p. 152.] essential ceremony in a Reader's ordi-
66 Cone. Carth. III. c. 24, An. 397, nation. (Cone. Carth. IV. c. 8.)]
["In Sacramento corporis et sanguinis 72 Ex Cone. Antioch. in Act. Cone.
Domini nihilampliusofferatur,quamipse Chalced. Act. 14.
Dominus tradidit, hoc est panis et vinum 73 Ex Ep. Leon. P. I. ad Rust.
aqua mixtum, nee amplius in sacrificiis Episc. Narbon.
offeratur quam de uvis et frumentis."] 74 Sect. i. c. i. § 8. [In Const. Apost.
67 Book III. Sect. ii. c. iv. § 6. viii. 26, an Exorcist is said not to be
68 Cypr. Epist. 33ed. Bened.,380xon. among the minor orders. If one with
™ Damas. P. Ep. ibid. special gifts of healing is to be ordained,
70 Syn. Trull, c. ^ An- 69J; Bal- he must become a Bishop, Presbyter,
sam. in eund. Can. or Deacon.]
71 Syn. GEcum. VII. c. 14, [i.e. r° Cone. Carth. ibid. c. 90, ["Omni
Cone. Nic. II. An. jSj.] Const. Apost. die Exorcistse Energumenis manus im-
iii. 11. [This Canon forbids those not ponant."]
OF THE MINISTERS OF THE CHURCH. 35
for them to exorcise possessed persons without an express licence
from the Bishop.76 [And they were thenceforth reckoned among
the minor orders of the Church.]
Acolyths.—'Ak6\ov0oi, Acolyths, Acolites, or Acolytes, among the
Greeks keirov-rdrot, deputati?1 was the name given to those who held
[lighted] candles for the Bishop at a celebration of the Blessed
Sacrament,78 [or carried them before him in processions.] Their help
was of great service to the Bishops from the very first ages of the
Church, since it was they whom the Bishops employed to carry the
Eucharist, and also the blessed bread (Eulogicu??i) to the absent and
to the sick.
Door-keepers or Ostzarii,—Qvpwpoi—were those who used to stand
at the church doors, both to keep off heathen from entering the
church, and to make the men and the women enter by their own
proper doors ; for access to the churches was by one door to the
part where the women worshipped and by another to the part appro-
priated to the men.79 Finally, their duty it was to arrange the Cate-
chumens and Penitents in order, and to enforce silence in church.80
This order of clergy was very prominent among the Latin Churches,
[and it is expressly ordered in the Apostolical Constitutions (iii. n,)
that the Ostiarius must be ordained by a Bishop.]
Singers (Cantores).—The Latins had, besides the above orders,
singers or chanters of Psalms. These formerly, before the custom of
singing the Psalms prevailed, (as we shall have to speak about,81)
used to begin to recite the Psalm, the rest of the congregation taking
it up after them; but when, notably after the sixth century, singing
had become the general custom in the public psalmody of the Church,
these men were called "Cantores,"—chanters or singers,—since they
managed the music of the Psalms in the churches. For the Bishops
took great trouble to instruct them, either themselves, or by others
who excelled in knowledge of music. Hence in the sixth century a
school for Singers was set up by Gregory, Bishop of Tours,82 in the
French Churches, and the same was done at Rome by S. Gregory
the Great,83 who invited to that city the clergy of almost all the
Churches of the West,84 that they might thoroughly learn the music
76 Pontif. Rom. Pauli. V. deRituEx- s0 Cone. Carth. IV. c. 9, ["Let the
orcismi. [Cone. Carth. IV. c. 7; Epiph. Bishop, at his ordination, deliver to him
Expos. Fid. c. 21; Cone. Laod. c. 24.] the keys of the Church, saying, Behave
77 Morin. de Sacr. Ordin. 1. vi. c. 9. thyself as one who must give account to
[Pt. ii. p. 66 ed. Antwerp, 1695.] God of the things that are kept locked
78 Cone. Carth. IV. c. 6, [" Acoly- under these keys." Isid. Hispal. de
thus sciat se ad accendenda Eccl. Ofhc. ii. 15, "Intrare templum
ecclesiaeluminariamancipari." S. Cyp. nisi per Ostiarios non possumus."]
Ep. 7, 34, 59, 77, 7§- Isid. Hispal. sl Book II. Sect. ii. c. ii. § 3.
de Eccl. Offic. ii. 14, "accenduntur S2 Greg. Turon. de Mir. S. Mart,
luminaria ab eis et deportantur."] 1. i. c. 33.
79 Book II. Sect. i. c. iii. and "Plan S3 Johann. Diac. Vita S. Greg. 1. ii.
of Church." [In the East Deacons stood c. 6, T. IV. p. 7, Op. S. Gre°-or. ed!
at the men's entrance, and Subdeacons or Ben.
Deaconesses at the women's. Const. S4 Id. ibid. c. 7, S. ["The origin of
Apost. ii. 57, viii. 11.] this School is by some traced to^Pope
D 2
36 POLITY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH.
of the Psalms under the Prsecentor (Archicantor) of S. Peter's at
Rome.85 The result was that clergy from England,86 France, Spain,
and Italy flocked thither,87 and the chanting of the whole of the
West conformed itself to the rule of the Roman Church.88 But in
the Spanish Churches there were singers [cantores] who sang the
Psalms in a style professedly free from all stage effect, but marked
with a Christian simplicity: and this is the style of Gregorian plain-
song, which has been retained by us. These Cantores of Spain
fasted [the day] before they were to sing the divine offices, but ate
beans, which were supposed to benefit the voice, whence they were
called [by the heathen] Fabarii—bean-eaters.89 The Roman style of
chanting, and their schools of song, were introduced into England by
James of York, a Deacon of the Church, on his return from the
singing school at Rome.90 Theodore, Archbishop of Canterbury,
restored this school in the seventh century.91 In the Eastern Church
the office of Chanter used anciently to be performed by Presbyters;
but in the Middle Ages eunuchs were ordained as "Readers,"
that so the duties of singers might be performed by them92 in the
churches.
Besides the grades of Inferior Ministers which we have thus enu-
merated, there were many others about whom we shall speak at the
end of this section. For when the Bishop conferred some new office
in the Church on clerks who had belonged to any of the Orders
which we have described, they received a new name at the same
time with their new office—so that the same clerk who had belonged
to the Order of Readers, would then be called a "Notary," or
"Advocate," &c, because he was discharging the duties of an office
of which these were the titles.93 But in a subsequent age the Latin
Church departed a little from the ancient custom in this matter, as
we shall have occasion to explain.
The Greek Church, on the other hand, thought that a great dis-
tinction existed between the minor Orders and other Church-offices.
Hence the Bishop conferred those first Orders, which they called
rdgeis, by an imposition of hands known as xGiP°^6a^a—this how-
ever was different from that xeiP010V'ul-> which was the name of the
ordination by the laying on of hands which the Bishop used in con-
ferring "Holy Orders :"—and therefore the Tonsure, which, as we
Sylvester; in any case, if it existed be- An. 747, Roman plain-song was made
fore, S. Gregory endowed it," (Bona, obligatory in England, or else the clergy
Rer. Lit. I. xxv. 20.)] must read the Psalms.]
85 Beda, Hist. 1. iv. c. 18. [Bede S9 Isid. Hist, de Eccl. Offic. 1. ii. c.
relates the work that was done in Eng- 12. [Plin. Nat. Hist. xx. 6.]
land for the improvement of Psalmody 90 Beda ib. 1. ii. c. 20, and 1. iv.
by John, the Praecentor of S. Peter's at c. 2.
Rome, sent hither by Pope Agatho.] 91 Id. 1. v. c. 20, and 1. iv. c. 2.
86 Ibid. 1. v. c. 20. [See also Appendix xii. to Bede, Migne,
V Johan. Diac. ibid. T. XCV.]
88 Id. ibid. [So great was the in- 92 Balsam, in c. 4 Cone. Trull, and
fluence of this Roman Prsecentor's in c. 14 Syn. GEcum. VII.
work, that by the Council of Cloveshoo, 93 Gelas. P. Ep. 9.
OF THE MINISTERS OF THE CHURCH. 37
have said, was received at the same time with the Orders themselves,
is itself called xeLP°^e<J^a by the ancients. Other Church offices were
also created, known by the name of "cum/ia" or " duties"—these
the Bishop conferred not by imposition of hands (xetpodeGia), but
7rpo/So\rj, by nomination or preferment,94 (promotions)
Thus then the Bishop used to confer the orders which we call
"Minor Orders," [not by regular ordination, but] by the laying on
of hands called xeiP°^6a^a- He did this generally on some Lord's
day before the beginning of the Liturgy, formerly in the narthex, or
ante-chapel of the church, or in one of its side aisles, and then gene-
rally in the sacristies.95
One remark remains to be made: that formerly the minor Orders
were conferred to enable a man to discharge a particular office, so
that he who was, e.g., a reader might discharge its special duties,
until the Bishop thought he might be admitted to the superior
Orders. Wherefore neither were the different Orders conferred simul-
taneously,96 nor were all the Orders conferred on one clerk,97 as is
the custom with us: but when any of the clergy had used the office
of a reader, chanter, &c, well, he was then raised to the subdiaconate
—or sometimes he was advanced to be a deacon or archdeacon.98
For the ancients were very cautious in providing that the clergy should
not exercise for too short a time the office to which they had been
called. For no one was nominated to any office except that he
mighrt discharge the duties belonging to it.99 But in the middle
ages, in times when the clergy ceased to attend to the duties of their
office for want of leisure, the custom by degrees came in of conferring
four minor orders simultaneously.
§ 3. Of Ministers of the First Order: and first, concerning
Subdeacons.
We are going to treat first of Subdeacons, because they were for-
merly reckoned among the minor Orders; and then we shall describe
the order and offices of the deacons.
From the third century the Fathers have made mention of the
order of subdeacons.100 The Greeks called them 'Y^/kW,101 or
'YTrodidicovoi.10" This order formerly alike among the Greeks and
among the Latins was included among the ranks of the inferior
ministers; but in the East they discharged a twofold office—for
they used to stand at the doors of the church,103 [i.e. especially
during the Communion Service, taking care that no one went in
94 Cone. Chalced. can. 2, [irpopdx- 10° V. Menard. Not. ad Sacram. Gre-
A.eo-0cu.] gor. c. de Subdiac. ordin. [S. Cypr.
95 Ambros. Comm. in Ep. ad Tim.; passim.]
Amalar. Div. Offic. 1. ii. c. 6. 101 Cone. Nic. Act. 1, part. 2, ap.
9J Siricii P. Ep. i. c. 9, 10. Suicer. in hac voc. [Const. Apost. iii.
97 Innoc. I. P. Ep. 4, c. 5 ; Gelas. P. 11; Can. Apost. 43.]
Ep. 9- 102 Const. Apost. 1. viii. c. 11.
9S Sidon. Apollin. 1. iv. Ep. 25. 103 Cone. Laodic. c. 22 and 43 [and
99 Id. ib. ; Zosim. P. Ep. 1. 21]; ["He must not leave the church-
38 POLITY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH.
or out during the time of the Oblation]—(as the Greeks for the
most part were without any ostiarii)—and they used to present the
oblations of the people to the Bishop who was offering the Holy
Sacrifice.104 Wherefore in the greater Churches they were more
numerous, as e.g. there were seventy at Constantinople, as we gather
from an edict of Heraclius.105 They discharged this last office in
the Western106 Church also, though not till a later period, for it
was not till after the ninth century that they there began to read in
public during the Liturgy the Canonical Epistles or other Scripture
Lessons ;107 for this reason the Fathers108 spoke of them as "handling
the sacred mysteries:" since the bread and the wine which the faith-
ful offered on the altar by their hands were the elements of the
sacred mysteries. At Rome moreover in the sixth century they were
very often employed to take charge of the estates and revenues of
the Church.109 But as among the Readers in the Eastern Church
there was an Archreader, so both in that Church and also at Rome
there was a chief of the Subdeacons, who was called by the Greeks,
"Do7nesticus" *2vpoikos, and by the Latins Oblationarius [or one
who had charge of the offerings made at the altar.]110 But at length
in the eleventh century in the Western Church the Subdiaconate
began to be included among the first order of ministers: for ever
since the Fathers at the Council of Beneventum held under Pope
Urban II. spoke of them as persons who had received Holy
Orders,111 everywhere writers of the twelfth century began to reckon
the subdiaconate among the superior Orders,113—and Innocent III.
plainly afterwards confirmed this appellation in the same century.113
After this, whereas before none were reckoned among the members
of a Chapter except Presbyters and Deacons, from the thirteenth
and fourteenth centuries Subdeacons also were reckoned among the
capitular body, and had a voice (as the expression is) among its
members.114
The ceremony of their ordination was formerly performed by the
Bishop: but after the sixth century both the Bishop and the Arch-
deacon took part in it: for the former used to deliver into the hands
door during service:" "He must not Christi diaconibus ad altaria Domini
wear a stole." "Before the service he offerunt."]
must bring the altar vessels to the dea- 109 Chap, on the "Manager of Church
con, but not touch them at a celebra- funds," below.
tion."] Zonar. in hunc can. [Const. 11() Anast. Bibl. ib., ["Constituit ut
Apost. ib.] nullus presbyter missas celebraret per
104 Const. Apost. ibid.; ["At the omnem hebdomadam, nisi consecratum
time of the Oblation he must bring episcopi loci clesignati susciperet decla-
water to wash the priest's hands."] ratum, quod nominatur fermentum."]
Cone. Nic. II. Act. 2. 1H Ap. Ivon. Decret. part. v. c. 7.
105 Heracl. Nov. 13. in Bibl. Jur. 112 Hugo de S. Vict, de Sacr. 1. ii.
Can. Orient, pag. 1367. part. 3, c. 13; Petr. Cantor. 1. i. de
106 Anast. Bibl. in Vit. Greg. III. Verb. Mirif.
107 Antiqua Ritual, apud Martene de 113 C. Miramur de Serv. non ordi-
Ant. Eccles. Disc. T. II. _ nand. (?)
108 Isid. Iiisp. de Eccl. Offic. 1. ii. 114 Cone. Avenion. c. 3, An. 1337;
c. 10; ["Vasa corporis et sanguinis and Trident, confirmed, sess. 22, c. 4.
OF THE MINISTERS OF THE CHURCH. 39
of the ordinand a paten and a chalice,115 the latter delivered to him
a ewer of water, a linen maniple and towel. But after the ninth
century the Bishops again performed the whole of the office by them-
selves at the ordination of Subdeacons, and they added the new
ritual of placing in their hands the book of the Canonical Epistles
which was to be read by them.116
The Greeks appear to have formerly adopted the same ritual as
the Latins,117 but in process of time, and certainly since the four-
teenth century, the Greek Bishops begin the ordination of Subdeacons
by the laying on of hands,118 and conclude by delivering to them
the sacred vessels.119 Thus much about Subdeacons, whom in the
Western Church after the twelfth century we reckon among the
ministers of the first order.
§ 4. Concerning Deacons.
"Deacon," from the Greek word Aidtcovos—in Latin, "??iinister"
servant—was the general name of those who discharged the minis-
terial offices of the Church. So formerly the Apostles120 themselves,
and the Bishops were called Deacons—servants.121 But even from
the very beginning of the Church this had already become the special
and peculiar name of those who hold the third rank in the Hierarchy
of the Church after Bishops and Presbyters.122
Scripture teaches that this order of Deacons was instituted by
the Apostles,123 both that they might help to administer the Eucha-
rist to the faithful, and that they might take charge of the common
property of the Church; and to these duties their office used to be
restricted. Hence from the very first the Apostles chose them in a
general assembly of the people, and the Church everywhere retained
this mode of election down to the sixth century. For the Bishop
first took the opinion of the clergy124 as to the life and character of
the one whom he himself would have chosen to admit to the office
of Deacon; he then convoked the people, and presented the ordi-
nation candidate to them, and having quietly taken their suffrages125
he confirmed the people's choice. This was the discipline observed
115 Ap. Martene, Antiqua Rit. Ordin. 1>:i Chrysost. Horn. i. in Ep. ad
T. II. p. 20. [Cone. Carth. IV. c. 5, Philipp. c. i. v. 1.
and S. Isidore, de Offic. Ecc. ii. 10, 122 Estii Comment, in Ep. ad Ephes.
also give the above description of their c. iii. v. 7. [Const. Apost. passim.]
ordination, "Seeing he has no imposi- v:s Act. Apost. c. 6.
tion of hands, let him receive," &c] v:4 Cypr. Epist. 67, § 3 and 4, Ep. 38,
l™ Ant. Ritual. X. scec. and c. 16. title, and § 1. ["In clerical ordina-
117 Antiq. Eucholog. ap. Goar. in c. tions my custom is to consult you."]
Ord. Subd. v2b Id. Ep. 67and 38,Ox. [The people
118 Simeon. Thessal. de Sacr. Ord. c. have the power of choosing worthy, and
2; [162 ap. Migne, P. G. T. CLV. p. rejecting unworthy, priests .... and
367.] also deacons according to the example
119 Morin. ib. Exerc. ii. c. 3. of Acts vi. 2.] Cone. Laodic. c. 13,
120 Athenag. Orat. c. Gent. ; CEcum. [forbids entrusting the election of priests
ap. Phot. Cod. 49. to the people (toIs 5x\ois eTrirpeireiv.)']
4° POLITY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH.
by the Eastern126 and Western12? Church during the first six cen-
turies. But after the sixth century, when the Bishops found them-
selves unable to prevent an uproar of the people in elections of this
kind, they abandoned by degrees the ancient mode of election; and
at last an edict of Justinian allowed any private citizen the right of
laying before the Bishop an accusation against the candidate for
Deacon's orders.138 Since then the Church has retained, and still
retains, a certain show of ancient discipline, when at the ordination
of a Deacon, the Bishop asks the people whether they have anything
to say against the ordination candidate;129 and for this reason the
Council of Trent ordered the names of candidates for Holy Orders
to be published in their own parishes.
In ancient times the number of Deacons attached to each Church
was seven, in accordance with the Apostolic precedent. That this
was at first the rule in all the Churches we chiefly infer from what
we know of the Greek130 and Roman131 Churches. But in the
larger Churches of the East the number of Deacons immensely in-
creased, so much so that at Constantinople, e.g. in the sixth century,
Justinian132 restricted their number to 106, and at length in the
seventh century the Emperor IJeraclius reduced them to fifty.133
Thus, in like manner, after the fourth century, both at Rome and
elsewhere in the Western Church, their numbers increased in pro-
portion to the wealth of the Churches: for since in that age the
property of the Church was the support of her ministers, these were
more numerous where she had grown more wealthy.
Though Deacons were at first only employed in the distribution
of the Eucharist, and in the dispensing of the Church's alms, their
duties by degrees so largely increased that in the third century, if
there was any urgent necessity, they had the power of reconciling
penitents by imposition of hands.134 And from the fourth century
in the East they were even assessors of the Bishop when he pro-
nounced judicial sentence, and gave their votes in Canonical judg-
ments.135 They took precedence of the minor clergy, and had the
power of excommunicating them.136 And at length in the West, at
the beginning of the fourth century, Bishops appointed them to take
126 Cone. Laodic. ib. ; Epist. Synod. 132 Justinian. Nov. 3 and Phot, in
Cone. Nicam. ap. Socrat. 1. i. c. 6. Nomoc. T. I. c. 30.
127 Cone. Carth. III. c. 22 and IV. c. u:i Heraclii Nov. ap. Phot. ib.
22; ["Episcopus civium conniventiam [Apost.Const, iii. 19, says, "In number
et testimonium quadrat."] Siric. Epis. let the Deacons be according to the
ad Himer. c. 10; Hieron. Ep. ad Rust. largeness of the Church."]
Monach. "4 Cypr> Ep> l% j-« Pa>nitentes apud
128 Justinian. Nov. 123, c. 14. Diaconum exomologesim facere delicti
129 Pontif. Rom. in Ord. Pres. suipossint: utmanueis in pcenitentia im-
130 Cone. Neoca^s. c. 15, ["Seven positaveniant ad Dominum cum pace."]
Deacons, and no more, in every city, 135 Const. Apost. 1. ii. c. 47, ["Let
however large."] Trull, c. 16. the Deacons and Presbyters be at your
131 Sozom. 1. vii. c. 19, [Seven in (Bishops') judicature."]
the Church of Rome, in accordance 136 lb. 1. viii. c. 28, [A Deacon sepa-
with the number in Acts 6, in other rates (excommunicates) a Subdeacon,
Churches the numbers vary.] &c, in the absence of a Presbyter.]
OF THE MINISTERS OF THE CHURCH. 41
charge of parishes ;137 hence the name of the parishes came to be
"Diaconice" though it was not lawful for them either to administer
Baptism in them without the Bishop's leave,138 or to administer the
Eucharist except by command of a Priest ;139 and in fact they never
took part in the administration of the Eucharist except when a Pres-
byter was present, and according to his discretion,140 entire discre-
tion in the matter of administering the Eucharist being allowed to
Deacons only in the absence of the Bishop and Presbyter.141
Since then, as time went on, the sphere of their duties became
more extensive, at Rome, where they were the guardians of the
treasure of the Church, and in other places also, the Deacons gra-
dually became ambitious of rising to an equality with the Presbyters
themselves,142 and wished to sit among those who, according to
custom, were assessors to the Bishop.143 This was the case especially
in the French Churches, where they dared to offer the Holy Sacri-
fice itself.144 Hence in the Middle Ages their authority became by
degrees so great that even the Bishops themselves perceived with
regret that the due regulation of the Churches entirely depended on
the good fidelity of the Deacons, as we shall hereafter show.
Deacons were nevertheless summoned to be present at Councils
even down to the eleventh century.145 In the same century
Urban II. even issued an edict allowing them to be nominated to
the Episcopate: and this edict was confirmed by Innocent III.146
By the end of the twelfth century they were in the habit of imposing
penance, of administering the Eucharist, and of baptizing in cases
where death was apprehended—and that without the Bishop's leave147
—[they might preach when licensed by the Bishop to do so]—and
in a case of necessity the Bishops allowed them to hear confessions
137 Cone. Eliber. c. 77, An. 305, conus ita se presbyteri, ut episcopi, mi-
["Si quis diaconus regens plebem (a nistrum noverit."]
parish) sine episcopo vel presbytero," 143 Hieron. Ep. ad Evagr., ["Men-
&c. Cone. Tarracon. c. 7, An. 516; sarum et viduarum minister supra eos
Greg. Turon. de Gloria Confess, c. 30.] tumidus effert, ad quorum preces Christi
138 lb. c. 77; Hieron. adv. Lucifer. corpus sanguisque conficitur."]
c. 4. [Tertull. de Bapt. xvii. The 144 Cone. Arelaten. I. c. 15, An.
Apostolical Constitutions distinctly as- 314, [" De diaconibus quos cogno-
sert that it was not lawful for a Deacon vimus multis locis offeree, placuit mi-
to baptize, (iii. 11 ; viii. 28.)] nime fieri debere."]
139 Cone. Elib. c. 32, ["Diaconum 145 Cone. Lemovicen. An. 1031.
communionem prsestare debere, si ei 146 Decret. cum al. multis, De ^Etate,
jusserit sacerdos."] et qualit. Prceficiend.
140 Cone. Carth. IV. c. 3S, [" Dia- U7 Cone. Eboracen. c. 5, An. 1195;
conus, prsesente presbytero, eucharis- Cone. Londin. c. 3, An. 1200. [These
tiam corporis Christi populo, si necessi- Synods of York and London absolutely
tas cogat, jussus eroget."] forbid Deacons to baptize a child where
141 Gelas. P. Ep. 9. [Their peculiar a Priest can be had: "Decrevimus ut
office was the administration of the cup non nisi summa et gravi necessitate
(Const. Apost. viii. 13, "<5 Sidtcovos /ca- diaconus bapttzet." "Non liceat dia-
Te^eTco rb irorripiov:" S. Cyp. de Laps. conis baptizare, nisi duplici necessitate:
c. 25 ;) but they might only commu- viz., quia sacerdos non potest, vel ab-
nicate the people, not Bishops or Pres- sens, vel stulte non vult, et mors im-
byters.] minet puero."]
142 Cone. Carth. IV. c. 37, ["Dia-
42 POLITY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH.
—as was specially the case in the Churches of Gaul.148 Deacons
therefore in that age were sometimes by no means anxious to rise to
the^ ranks of the Presbyterate, but preferred to pass the whole of
their lives in that grade of the ministry to which they already be-
longed.149
As regards the manner of the ordination of Deacons, this for-
merly consisted in the laying on of the Bishop's hands, [not the
hands of the Presbyters, (Cone. Carth. IV. can. 4)]—and the reci-
tation of one prayer. After the ninth century the custom began of
delivering a Book of the Gospels and a Dalmatic to those about to
be ordained :150 that Prayer which now follows the delivery of the
Book of the Gospels was an addition made to the ritual of the
Ordination Service151 about the eleventh century, and the form of
it has not remained the same in all the Churches.153 In like manner
in the twelfth century that formula of consecration began to be
pronounced which we use at the present day.153 This was the
manner of making Deacons among the Latins; but the ritual of
the Greek Church diners widely from that of the Latin: for with the
Greeks the candidate for ordination, accompanied by two Deacons,
makes the circuit of the altar thrice; he is then presented to the
Bishop, by whom he is thrice signed on the forehead with the sign
of the cross; next putting off the vestment of a Subdeacon, he kneels
down with his forehead resting on the top (piensm) of the altar, and the
Bishop thrice lays his hands upon him, (the Archdeacon the while
reciting certain prayers,) and then puts a stole on his left shoulder,
[where by the fortieth Canon of the fourth Council of Toledo a
Deacon is required to wear it,] the people crying out af 10s—" he is
worthy;" lastly, he receives the pnri'Siop—the sacred fan, of which
we shall speak hereafter:154—and reciting those prayers which are
called the " Diaconals," he communicates, together with the other
Deacons.
This is the manner of ordination which has been in use in the
Greek Church from ancient times down to our own days :155 the
ritual of the Jacobites, Nestorians, and also the Copts differs but
slightly from that of the Greeks.156 Thus much about Deacons.
§ 5. Concerning Archdeacons.
The first of the Deacons was formerly called an "Archdeacon"—
nor was there much difference between him and the others except
148 Constit. Odon. Arch. Paris. Spi- 152 Antiq. Ritual, ap. Martene. ib.;
cileg. T. II. c. 56. [Philostorg. Ii. E. Menard. Not. in. Sacram. c. de Diac.'
iii. 17.] Ord.; Morin. ib.
149 Petri Blessens. Ep. 123. 15:* Ritual. XII. ssec. ap. Morin. ib.
160 Morin. ib. Exer. iii. c. I. [Mar- 154 Book II. Sect. ii. c. ix.
tene says this delivery of the Gospels 155 Greec. Euch. c. de Ord. Diac.
was long peculiar to the English Church. and Goar. Not. ad h. c.
(See Blunt's Ann. P. B.)] 156 Morin. ibid.; Renaud. La Perp.
151 Durand. Mimat. in Disc. xxiv. de la Foy, T. I. 1. v. c. 7.
q- 3.
OF THE MINISTERS OF THE CHURCH. 43
in age ;157 [originally having special charge of the funds of the
Church, and of their distribution among the poor (in accordance
with the Scriptural account of the first appointment,) he was
known especially as umensarum et viduarum minister."} But after
the fourth century these chief Deacons began to be entrusted
with the principal offices in the Church. The result was that the
Archidiaconate grew into being the highest dignity which the
clergy could aspire to. In the Eastern Church in the fourth cen-
tury Archdeacons were present at GEcumenical Councils as repre-
sentatives of the Bishops of any particular Church who were not
able to attend :158 and the Bishops made so much use of their help159
that they appear to have taken precedence of the whole body of
clergy :160 and in the Western Church, in the same century, the first
growth of their authority is to be traced also ;161 for as early as the
fifth century they took the first rank after the Bishops,162 though as
Archdeacons they belonged only to the order of Deacons,163 as is
evident from the fact that at that time if they wished to enter into
the order of the Priesthood they were obliged to resign the office of
the Archidiaconate.164 Thus too the Archdeacon of a metropolitan
Church used to receive appeals and accusations even against Suf-
fragan Bishops themselves.165 By these means, in the West, they
came into power, and took such precedence of the inferior clergy
and of the other Deacons, that they had the right of excommunicat-
ing them,166 and it was to them the parish priests wrent for the dis-
tribution of the holy oil.167 Moreover, from the third, and still more
from the fourth century, they began to be entrusted with the guardian-
157 Cone. Carth. IV. c. 17; Opt. "dispensationem totius causae et curse
Milev. cle Schismat. Donat. 1. i. c. 26. ecclesiastical"]
[Cone. Agath. c. 25, An. 506.] 163 Id. ibidem. [Leo complains to
158 Cone. Chalced. Act. 1 and 2, An. the Emperor that Anatolius made his
451. [Photinus acted as his Bishop's archdeacon Aetius a presbyter in order
substitute at the Council of Chalced on.] to get rid of him. So it was in the case
159 Chrysost. Epist. ad Innoc. I. of Honoratus. Greg. Mag. ii. 19.]
[Bingham thinks that the name of 164 Cone. Agath. c. 20, An. 506 (?)
"Ordinary," which was anciently given [All that Pelliccia says here about Arch-
to Archdeacons, and which is found in deacons comes out in the lengthy cor-
our Prayer Books, comes from " Ordi- respondence carried on by Gregory the
natio Ecclesiae," or "Ordinationes,'3 Great about Archdeacon Honoratus.
i.e. the orders and directions which it See Greg. Mag. Ep. i. 19, and ii.
was one of the duties of the Archdea- 18—20.]
con to give, as the Bishop's represen- 165 Cone. Chalced. Act. 9, 10, ["so
tative, respecting the Church Services.] as to prevent the consecration of the
160 Cone. Chalced. ib. unworthy."]
161 Cone. Tolet. I. c. 20, An. 400, 166 Cone. Aurel. IV. c. 26, An. 541,
[" Statutum est diaconum non chris- [" Clerici ab Archidiacono civitatis ad-
mare, (confirm,) sed presbyterum ab- moniti corrigantur secundum
sente episcopo, przesente vero si ab ecclesiasticam disciplinam."]
ipso fuerit prseceptum." "Nullum nisi 167 Cone. Autissiod. c. 6, An. 57S.
episcopum chrisma conficere."] [In this Council of Auxerre the parish
162 S. Leo P. I. Ep. ad Marc. Imp. priest is required to send for the chrism
n. ill, 112. [In Ep. 106 (al. 71) to his own Archdeacon: this is the first
Leo calls the office "officiorum prima- mention of their authority over Pres-
tus." In Ep. in, he says it involves byters.]
44 POLITY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH.
ship of the property of the Church,168 and in subsequent times it
was they who administered the patrimony and revenues of the
Church.169 And at last even the Bishop himself was not allowed
either to hold ordinations, or to reconcile penitents, unless the Arch-
deacon was present with him,170 as his assessor.
But as the Bishops made as much use as possible of their help,
they were ambitious first to raise themselves to the level of the rank
of Presbyters, and then at length to exalt the dignity of their juris-
diction above that of the Presbyters themselves. Hence, after the
ninth century the Archdeacons had a tribunal of their own, which
was scarcely subject to any episcopal authority, since only one
appeal was reserved to the Bishop: and in some churches they sat
m the choir opposite the Bishop on their own lower range of stalls.171
On their own authority also they gave the investiture of benefices
together with cure of souls;173 and for this reason they extorted
fees at times from the parish priests, either when they invested them
with a benefice, or when they held visitations at their churches,173
[for which they are censured at the second Council of Chalons], since
they turned the right of a canonical visitation into a matter of pri-
vate privilege.174 And therefore it was that in the thirteenth century
the Archpresbyters themselves were to a certain extent subject to
Archdeacons' jurisdiction ;175 this was specially the case after that
passage in Gratian's Decretal, falsely attributed to S. Isidore, conferred
on Archdeacons their last accession of power.176 Wherefore we
are not _ surprised to find that in France they assumed the title
of "Prince,"177 and that in the eyes of lay princes themselves
the dignity of Archdeacon was a prize so highly coveted that
it became necessary to order by a decree of Councils that it
should not be conferred on any who had not first been in Deacon's
orders.178
And so when the authority of the Archdeacons had become so
great, as to be a matter of grave and constant anxiety to the Bishops
themselves, the latter began by degrees to curtail their authority and
privileges, principally in the greater Churches : this diminution of their
168 Hieron. Ep. ad Evang. ; Acta S. 172 Id. ibid.
Laurent, ap. Bolland. [S. Augustine 173 Cone. Cabilon. II. c. 15, An.
says S. Laurence had the "Opes 813; Aquisgr. II., An. 797, c. 4;
Ecclesise" in his custody. (Serm. de Parisien. sub Lud. et Loth. Imper.
Divers, cxi.) So Greg. Mag. Ep. i. 174 Cone. Cabilon. ibid. [Censures the
20.] Archdeacon's exacting fees for visita-
169 Cone. Pragen. I. c. 7, An. 1346, tions.]
[directs attention of Archdeacons to 175 Epist. Innoc. P. III. A. ad hcec
cases of usury.] de Offic. Archidiac.
170 Cone. Carthag. IV. c. 5, 6, 9; l7(J Garzias Loysa, Not. in Cone.
Ordo Roman, c. i. 3, 4, ap. Mabill. Tolet. VIII.
ib. [In these Canons of the African 177 Lambert. Hist. Metens. 1. iv. c.
Church the Archdeacon is directed to 95.
take part in the ordinations of subdea- 178 Cone. Bituric. c. 4, An. 1031;
cons, acolytes, and ostiarii.] Clarom. c. 3, An. 1096; Lateran. sub
171 Vassembourg. Antiquit. Gallic Callisto II. c. 2, An. 1123.
Belgicee, 1. v.
OF THE MINISTERS OF THE CHURCH. 45
power began from the thirteenth century,179 and by the sixteenth
century their privileges had been transferred to Vicars General.180
The consequence was that almost throughout the whole Church no
jurisdiction was attached to the dignity of an Archdeacon, and his
precedence in the Chapters was nominal only. Among the Greeks
themselves also the Archdeacons have shared the same fate which
they have among ourselves: [there they never rose into the same
power which they did in the West; but] the privileges and the
jurisdiction which they did possess have been transferred to the
Keepers of the Archives (Chartophylaces,) as we shall hereafter relate.
§ 6. Concerni?ig Deaconesses.
The Order of Deaconesses is as old as the Church itself,181 for
thus provision was made that the respect due to woman's modesty
should be observed, it being thought fitting that women should be
ministered to by those of their own sex.182 In times of persecu-
tion there was also another additional reason for employing them,
viz., that in places where, on account of the unbelievers, the Bishop
could not send Deacons to the women, he might be able to send a
Deaconess.183 There is no doubt, then, that the Fathers184 in-
cluded the Order of Deaconesses among the regular clerical Orders
of the Church, and from the very earliest times the Bishop used
to ordain them by the imposition of hands. This ceremony, or
office of Ordination, is called by the older Latin writers185 the laying
on of hands, and by the more ancient Greek186 authors xetP0T0V^
which afforded a handle to the Montanists for teaching that these
women could attain to any dignity of the Priesthood.187 In the be-
ginning of the Church any women could be admitted among the
Order of Deaconesses, provided only they were (in the language of
the Apostle) "chaste, sober, not false accusers, faithful in all
179 Cone. Salmur. c. 7, 8, An. 1253; Deaconesses and the Deacons be ready
Turonen. c. 8, 12, An. 1231. to carry messages/']
150 V. Hericourt, Lois Ecclesiast. ^3 lb. 1. iii. c. 15.
c. 18. 1S4 Cone. Nicaen. c. 19, ex vers.
151 Epist. ad Rom. xvi. 1; and 1 Arab. ["The same rule" (about re-
ad Tim. iii. 11, and v. 11. [Dea- baptising Paulianists) "shall apply to
conesses were considered a Clerical their Deaconesses, and to all of the
Order, ordained by Episcopal imposi- Clerical order; but those who are Dea-
tion of hands, and not without clerical conesses in habit only, having received
privileges. They used to receive the no imposition of hands, we ruled should
Holy Communion immediately after the be treated as laity."] Epiph. Panopl.
male clergy; their ordination included Hceres. 79, c. 3.
a vow of celibacy, but they were often 1S5 Tertull. 1. de Vel. Virg. Vide
called by the name of Widows, though Coteler. not. in Const. Apost. 1. viii.
distinct from the general body of wi- c. 19.
dows belonging to the Church. (See 1SG Const. Apost. 1. viii. c. 19;
Smith's Dictionary of Christian An- Cone. Chalced. c. 15. [x^tpodeaia is
tiquities.)] the word used in Cone. Chalc.]
^S2 Const. Apost. 1. iii. c. 19, ["Let 1S7 Epiph. ibid. [Const. Apost. iii. 9;
the Deaconess be diligent in taking xeiP0T0V€il' SictKovicro-as.]
care of the women; and let both the
4-6 POLITY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH.
things."^88 _ In the language of Tertullian, and in accordance with
the discipline of his age, it was necessary they should be sixty years
old, married to only one husband, mothers, and bringers up of chil-
dren, that they might assist other women with their advice.189 It
began to be the custom afterwards (as Church Orders were refused
to those who had been twice married,190) to confer the Office of
Deaconess on virgins, or on the widows of one husband,191 and in
the fourth century the Greek Fathers made forty the required age,192
and this rule the Emperor Justinian in a certain sense confirmed in
the fifth century [fixing their age at forty or fifty.193] After the
fourth century, however, a new Order of Deaconesses was established,
different from those last mentioned; i.e., those women whose hus-
bands took Holy Orders, (either Deacons, Presbyters, or Bishops,)
were [on the ordination of their husbands,] elected as members of a
College of Deaconesses; for when married men, for the sake of
taking Holy Orders, wished to lead a life of continency, it was usual
to confer the rank of Deaconesses on their wives,194 if they were of
tried virtue,195 and if they had attained to the age specified by law.196
In some places they were also required to enter a Religious House,
in which they were maintained from the revenues of the Church.197
These Deaconesses were, moreover, forbidden to enter on a second
marriage: this rule held good both in the Western Church, where
such as married again were excommunicated, together with the men
whom they had married,198 and in the Eastern Church, where besides
excommunication,199 they were also sentenced to forfeiture of pro-
perty, and capital punishment.200
The duties of Deaconesses were arranged as follows :—It was their
duty to undertake the government of the consecrated virgins,201 and
of the widows of the Church :202 to take the duties of the Ostiarii as
188 I. ad Tim. iii. n. shall be kept, at the Bishop's expense,
189 Tertull. ib. c. g; ad Uxor. i. 7, in a monastery far from him, or shall be
["Vidua allegitur in ordinem"~\ promoted to the Diaconate."]
190 Hieron. 1. i. ad Jovinian. 1% Justin. Novell, vi. c. 6.
191 Const. Apost. 1. vi._ c. 17, ["Let 197 Cone. Trull, ib. ["ttjs rod iiri(TK6-
the Deaconess be a pure virgin, or at the ttov irpovoias aTroAaveru:" Landon trans-
least a widow, who has been but once lates "at the Bishop's expense."]
married, faithful, and well esteemed."] 198 Cone. Rom. sub Greg. II. c. 1,
192 Cone. Chalced. c. 15, ["Let not a An. 721; [sub Zach. c. 5, An. 743.]
woman be ordained Deaconess before 199 Cone. Chalc. c. 15, ["Ifa Dea-
she be forty." The difficulty as to coness marry after ordination
deviation in the age of ordination is ex- let both her and her husband be an-
plained by the distinction between Pres- athematized."] Trullan. c. 14.
byteresses and Deaconesses, a lower age 200 Justin. Novell, vi. c. 6.
being sufficient for the latter.] 201 Greg. Nyss. in Vit. S. Macrinas;
193 Novell, vi. c. 6; Novell, exxiii. Epiph. in Exp. Fid. n. 21.
c. 13. 20* Const. Apost. 1. iii. c. 7, ["The
194 Epiph. in Expos. Fid.; Greg. Widows ought to be grave, obedient to
Naz. Ep. 95. their Bishops, and their Presbyters, and
195 Cone. Trull, c. 48, [orders that their Deacons, and besides these to the
"the wife of one who has been raised Deaconesses, with piety, reverence, and
to the Episcopate, having first separated fear."]
from her husband by mutual consent,
OF THE MINISTERS OF THE CHURCH. 47
door-keepers in church, and stand either at the principal entrance203
of the sacred building, or at the gate leading into the nave of the
women ;204 to instruct female Catechumens; to assist the Bishop
when he baptized women, and to anoint all the other parts of their
bodies except their foreheads ;205 to take the charge of the poor
and sick women,206 [as the Deacon did in the case of the men;] and
lastly, to be present with the Bishop, Presbyters, and Deacons when-
ever they had private interviews with women.207
But since Deaconesses were inscribed on the public Church roll of
the clerical Order,208 and were supported by Church funds,209 they
were elected by the Bishop's appointment, who, after due examina-
tion of their life and conversation,210 delivered to them the small
black habits of the Order,211 and gave them permission to live at
home, if they had reached the canonical age; though in some places
they were required by him to enter a Religious House (Asceterium.)m
The ritual of the Ordination of Deaconesses in former times
consisted of the Bishop's prayer and laying on of his hands.213 To
this was afterwards added the delivery of a Diaconal stole, together
with a chalice, from which they used to communicate these ladies
at their ordination.214
At _ length in the Middle Ages, the Bishop, while saying a Mass
peculiar to this ordination, after the reading of the Epistle, used to
throw a stole over each shoulder of the lady about to be ordained,
while she received from him a veil from off the altar, with which she
covered her head: and lastly the Bishop delivered to her a ring, and
a necklace or collar which had the appearance of a crown.215
The Order of Deaconesses still survived in the Eastern Church216
203 Ignat. Epist. ad Antioch. c. 12. as of man, Who didst replenish with the
204 Const. Apost. 1. ii. 57, 58, and viii. Spirit Miriam, and Deborah, and Han-
28, ["Let Deaconesses stand at the nah, and Huldah, Who didst not deem
women's entrances Let them it unworthy (of Thy Majesty) that Thy
find places in church for women, whether Only-begotten Son should be bom of a
poor or rich, that come in after the con- woman, Who also in the tabernacle of
gregation has sat down."] the testimony, and in the Temple, didst
205 Const. Ap. 1. iii. c. 15, 16; Cone. ordain women to watch at Thy sacred
Carth. IV. c. 12, ["sanosermonedocere doors; look now upon this Thine hand-
imperitas et rusticas mulieres."] maiden who is to be ordained to the
106 Epiph. ib.; Const. Ap. 1. iii. c. office of a Deaconess, and grant her
19; Hieron. Ep. 2, ad Nepotian. Thy Holy Spirit; cleanse her from
207 Epiph. Hasr. 79. [Const. Ap. ii. all filthiness of flesh and spirit, that she
26, "Let no woman have any inter- may worthily discharge the work which
course with the Deacon or the Bishop is committed to her, to Thy glory, and
except through the Deaconess."] to the praise of Thy Christ, 'with
208 Chrysost. Horn. 47 in Ep. ad Cor. Whom glory and adoration be to Thee
^°9 Euseb. 1. vi. c. 43. in the Holy Spirit, now and for ever.
210 Chrys.deSac. 1. iii. 17, 18; Hier. Amen."]
1. i. ad Jovin.; Cone. Carth. IV. c. 103. 214 V. Ritum apud Morin. Exerc. x.
211 Aug. Epist. 199. c. 1, ["Stola collo apponitur in altari":
212 Justin, ibid. _ ordinata communicatur: calix sanguine
213 Const. Apost. 1. viii. c. 19, 20. Christi plenus, ut ex eo degustet, in
[The beautiful ordination prayer in Cons. manibus traditur."]
Apost. viii. 20, is as follows: "O eternal -Va Ordo Rom. Biblioth. PP. T. VII.
God, the Father of our Lord Jesus 216 Cone. Trull, eo seec.; Petav. de
Christ, the Creator of woman as well Doct. Temp. 1. ii. An. 707.
4-8 POLITY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH.
at the beginning of the eighth century, but at what period exactly in
that part of the Church it ceased to exist is not known with cer-
tainty; but in the Western Church the Order of Deaconesses was
gradually abolished by decrees of Councils, after the sixth century,
because of their incontinency, [in the words of the Council of Orleans,
"because of the weakness of their sex,"] and it ceased to be reckoned
among the clerical Orders.217 To these decrees the Roman Pontiff
Zacharias, in the eighth century, added the weight of his approval.218
After this, although the Order of Deaconesses had been kept up in
some parts of the Church even down to the ninth century,219 yet we
have the testimony of Atto, Bishop of Vercelli, that in the tenth
century they were not even known by name among the Latins.220
After the tenth century, therefore, it will be observed that the name
of Deaconess survived only among Abbesses,—in that name of
"Archdeaconess," which an Abbess sometimes assumed, as we
shall hereafter explain.
CHAPTER II.
OF PRESBYTERS AND THE PRESBYTERY.
Those men to whom belongs the privilege of consecrating the
Sacrament of the Body and Blood of Christ, were formerly called
by the Greek Church Presbyters or "Elders," and this name for
them was retained by the Latin Church. It was given them not
only on account of their age, but on account also of the maturity of
their characters and experience.1 For this reason it was obligatory
on the Bishop to take the votes of the people in their election, as it
was in the choice of Deacons, as we have already described. The
strictness of this rule began, however, to be relaxed in the sixth
century, and at last it became altogether obsolete, as may be seen
by referring to what we have said above in Chapter I. § 4 about
Deacons.
But there can be no doubt the Bishop used to select for ordination
217 [Cone. Arausiac. I. c. 26, An. 441, up by the State under Constantine: (3)
11 Diaconse omnimodis non ordinan- The superseding of Adult by Infant Bap-
dse."] Cone. Epaonen. c. 21, An. 517, tism: (4) Their own arrogance and mis-
["Viduarum consecrationem quas Dia- conduct.]
conas vocitant, ab omni regione nostra 218 Epist. ad Pipin. Major. Pal. Cone,
penitus abrogamus."] Cone. Aurel. II. Gall. T. I.
c. 17, 18, An. 533, ["Nulli postmo- 219 Ex Cone. Wormat. c. 73, An. 868.
dum fcemince diaconalis benedictio pro 22° Epist. viii.
conditionis hujus fragilitate credatur."] { Critop. Confess. Eccl. Orient, c.
[Riddle suggests four main causes for 11. [Isid. Hispal. de Ecc. Off. ii. 7,
the abrogation of Deaconesses: (i)The "Propter sapientiam presbyteri nomi-
discontinuance of the Agapae, which gave nantur."] [They are called exclusively
them so much employment: (2) The Presbyters in N. T. In Apost. Const,
care of the poor and sick being taken tepels also.]
OF PRESBYTERS AND THE PRESBYTERY. 49
men of an age best adapted for the discharge of their peculiar duties;
but as to what that age was, we read of no positive statute being
passed during the first five centuries, except the Decretal of Siricius,
according to which, if any man was ordained Deacon in his thirtieth
year, he was to be ordained a Presbyter after five years, i.e. in the
thirty-fifth year of his age.2 In the East likewise, in the sixth century,
an edict was issued by the Emperor Justinian forbidding Deacons
to be ordained [before their twenty-fifth year], and Presbyters be-
fore their thirty-fifth.3 Yet, for all this, in the West, both in the
French,4 and in the Spanish,5 and in the German6 Churches, thirty
was, as a general rule, the age at which men took Priest's Orders,
unless some urgent cause compelled them [to defer or to hasten their
ordination] :7 and in the Eastern Church also, in the eighth century,
they began to allow men to be ordained Presbyters at the age of
thirty,8 and this custom was confirmed by Leo the Wise, who abro-
gated the constitution of Justinian.9 This rule of Church discipline
continued in force even down to the thirteenth century,10 and at the
present day, at least in the more important of the Greek Churches,
it is still invariably observed.11 In the West, in like manner, the
Church appointed the same age for ordination from the eighth down
to the thirteenth century.12 But since the beginning of the fourteenth
century the ancient discipline has been relaxed, and sanction has
been given to the ordination of Presbyters in their twenty-fifth year,13
though this had never been allowed before the fourteenth century,
except in cases of the most extreme necessity.14 Yet the Council
of Trent has given its sanction to this age of twenty-five; and by its
2 Epist. i. c. 9. [By the eleventh 10 Sym. Thessalon. 1. de Ordinat.
canon of Council of Neocsesarea, An. c. 4.
315, no man could be ordained a pres- n Renaud. La Perpet. &c, T. I
byter before thirty: "Presbyter ante *- Cone. Francof. c. 49, An. 794,
triginta annos non ordinetur, etiam si [" Presbyter ante annos xxx. non ordi-
fuent homo valde dignus, sed reserve- netur."] Turon. III. c. 12, An. Si3
tur. Dominus enim Jesus Christus in Tolosan. An. 1056, c. 2, [" Placuit
trigesimo anno baptizatus est, et ccepit confinnare sicut scriptum est, ut epis-
docere." S. Luke iii. 23.] copus, vel abbas, presbyter, ante tri-
Novell. 123, c. 1, 13. ginta annos, diaconus vero ante viginti
Cone. Agath. c. 16, 17, An. 506; quinque non ordinetur."] Rothom c
Cone. Arelat. IV. (III.) An. 524, c. 1. 6, An. 1074, [" Ut ordines juxta SS.
LI he sixteenth canon of this Council of Patrum statuta dentur. Scilicet ut nul-
Agde forbids the ordination of a deacon lus ordinetur subdiaconus ante xx
under the age of twenty-five years: the annos, diaconus ante xxv. annos, pres-
seventeenth forbids the ordination of byter ante xxx. nisi summa necessitate
bishops or priests under thirty years of Sed tamen presbyter nullus ordinetur
age. The Council of Aries makes the ante xxv. annos."] Lateran III c i*
same rule.] An. 1177, [Bishops at thirty, deacons
Cone. Tolet. II. c. 1, An. 531 ; and at twenty-five.] Auscitan. c. 13, An.
IV c. 19 [20, An. 633.] 1300, [Benefices with cure of souls not
Zach. P. Ep. 13, ad Bonif. An. 751. to be given to those under twenty-five;
[In case of emergency a Presbyter at nor Priories to those under twenty ]
twenty-five.] is Conc. Vien., An. 1311, [chiefly to
'Id. ib. ; Hincm. in Vita S. Remig. condemn the Templars :] Clement 1 i
8 Phot, in Noraoc. T. I. c. 28. tit. 6, c. 3.
9 Nov. Const. 123 and 16. u Cone. Rothom. ib.
E
50 POLITY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH.
decision Church discipline is regulated in this matter at the present
day.15
So then, after the Bishop had satisfied himself as to the age and
moral character of the Deacons, and the people had given their votes
for their ordination, he admitted them to the order of the Priesthood.
The service for the ordination of Presbyters was in former times
shorter and simpler than it is now, both in the Western and in the
Eastern Church, consisting merely of the prayers16 of the Bishop,
and the laying on of his hands and of the hands of the Presbyters be-
longing to his own Church; [in the language of the Apostolical Con-
stitutions (viii. 46), Bishops, Presbyters, and Deacons, were made by
prayer and by the laying on of hands.] But after the sixth century,
in the western parts of France and Spain, and in the African
Churches, to the prayer and laying on of hands there was added the
ceremony of the anointing17 [of the Presbyter's hands, and in the
English Church of his head also]: and this ceremony formed part
of the ordination service, after the ninth century, in the Roman
Church also, and in other Latin Churches,18 though none of the
Oriental Churches used it, being satisfied to keep up the more
ancient discipline.19 After the tenth century also the Latins began
the custom of placing in the hands of the ordination candidates the
sacred vessels of the Priesthood,20 and this ritual has been a part of
the service everywhere in the Church from the twelfth century down
to our own times.21 Yet of those prayers which we have in the
Roman Pontifical in the Ordination Service, that is the most ancient
of all which comes the third in order, and which is offered during
the laying on of hands, and which is called in the older Rituals, "the
Consecration ;"22 while the last prayer, "Receive thou the Holy
Ghost/' &c, is wanting23 in Rituals more ancient than the twelfth
15 sess# 23, 24. 19 Habert. in Pontif. Eccl. Grsec. p.
16 S. Paul, ad Tim. 1; Const. Apost. 386; Renaud. La Perp. de la Foy, T.
1. viii. c. 16; [" When thou ordainest V. c. 5.
a Presbyter, O Bishop, lay thy hand 20 Morin. ibidem. [Cabassut. Notit.
upon his head, in the presence of the Concil. c. 43. Another ancient rite is
Presbyters and Deacons, and pray," the Bishop's vesting of the Presbyter in
&c] Cone. Carth. IV. c. 3, An. 397; the chasuble (Cone. Tolet. IV. c. 28 :)
[" Presbyter cum ordinatur, Episcopo in some Ordinals the Bishop is directed
eum benedicente, et manum super ca- to do this before, in others after, the
put ejus tenente, etiam omnes presby- anointing with the chrism. (Smith's
teri, qui prsesentes sunt, manus," &c] Diet. p. 1514.) Before vesting him
Hieron. in Iesai. c. 58, 10. in the chasuble the Bishop turns the
17 Antiq. ssec. VI. Ritual, ap. Mo- stole, hitherto worn over the left shoul-
rin. Exerc. vi. c. 2. ["The rite is der, over the right. (lb.)]
found in almost all ordinals, and is 21 Hugo, 1. ii. de Sacr. part 3, c. 12;
mentioned by two French Liturgical Magist. Sentent. 1. iv. Dist. 24.
writers of the ninth century." (Smith's 22 Antiq. Rit. ap. Mor. et Marten, ib.
Diet. p. 1515.)] 23 Ritual, ssec. XII. ap. Morin. et
18 Nicol. Pap. in Respons. ad Ro- Mart. ib. [The words, "Receive the
dulf. Arch. Bitur. ["Nicolas tells Holy Ghost," &c., are first found in
the Archbishop that it is not a custom a book belonging to the cathedral of
of the Roman Church, and that he had Mayence of the thirteenth century,
never heard of its being practised." Ib.] (Brunt's Annotated Prayer Bk. ad loc.)]
OF PRESBYTERS AND THE PRESBYTERY. 51
century, and perhaps only began to be generally used after the
sixteenth century.24 And so also since the fourteenth century it
became the custom for the ordination candidates to recite the Canon
of the Mass (as we usually see it done), with the Bishop who was the
celebrant.25 Such was the office for ordination, by which every Pres-
byter was ordained, and by which he was admitted into the body
(owehpiov, sanhedrim) of the Presbytery.26
The whole body of the Presbyters was called by the Greeks Upecr-
fivrepiov, avvihpiov too Upeafivreptov, and by the Latins Presbyteriwn;
for from the first ages of the Church as far down as the fifth century,
Presbyters and Deacons were united together with the Bishop as it
were into one Body, and they were the senate of the Bishop,
reigning with him on the Apostolic throne ;27 without their consent
therefore it was not lawful for the Bishop to ordain, nor in their
absence might he hear causes and pronounce sentence. Moreover
in passing any measure whatever, in matters relating either to the
discipline of the Church, or its estates and revenues, it was obligatory
on the Bishop to take counsel with the Presbytery.28 Hence when
a Bishop died anywhere, or was absent anywhere from his Church,29
the Presbytery carried on his duties, though abstaining from taking
into their hands any very important matters of business,30 and from
conferring Holy Orders.31 This is the constitution of the Presbytery,
a body which afterwards, with a change of name, began in the
middle ages to be called a Chapter: and of this capitular body,
not only all the Presbyters of a Church, but also the Deacons them-
selves,32 and after the eleventh century, as we have said, the Sub-
deacons also,33 were formerly members in their own right. So were
also those who were called "Canons:" a name derived from the
word "canon,"—a word by which writers of Roman history used
to describe a muster-roll of soldiers and their commissariat; but
which we use to describe that Church muster-roll, in which those
had been inscribed who were entitled to be supported by Church
funds : and this was originally the case with all those of whom the
24 Johan. Major. Com. in Mag. Sen- suorum clericos non ordinet, ita ut
tent. Disc. 24, q. 1. civium conniventiam et testimonium
25 Marten, ibid. quserat;" (2) "Episcopus nullius cau-
26 Basil. Epist. 319, [al. 81]. [In sam audiat absque prsesentia clericorum
Chrys. de Sacerd. iii. 15, the Presbyters suorum, alioquin irrita erit sententia
are called "the Sanhedrim of the Pres- episcopi, nisi clericorum prsesentia con-
byters :" in Apost. Const, ii. 28, "The firmetur."] Cone. Turon. II. c. 7.
Bishop's counsellors; the Sanhedrim, 29 Greg. I. Pap. 1. v. Ep. 13; xiii.
and Senate of the Church:" by S. Ig- 18; Mart. Pap. I. Ep. 11.
natius (Ep. ad Trail, n. 3), "The San- 30 Epist. Cleri Rom. ap. Cyprian,
hedrim of God."] Ep. 5, and 31 (14 and 30 Oxon.)
27 Siricius P. Ep. 2; Felic. P. Ep. 31 S. Ignat. Ep. Antioch. c. 8; Cypr.
4; Basil, ib. [Presbyters were called Ep. 10 (?)
priests of the second order, or of the 32 Cypr. Ep. 21 (?) [They are so
second throne—oi e/c SeuTepou 6p6vov, spoken of in the Apostolical Constitu-
(Euseb. H. E. x. 5, &c.)] tions; Cyprian often says he did not
28 Cone. Carth. IV. c. 22, 23, [(1) act without the ad vice of both.]
"Episcopus sine consilio clericorum 33 Cone. Avenion. c. 3, An. 1337.
E 2
52 POLITY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH.
Presbytery used to be composed.34 After the eleventh century, even
down to the time of the Council of Trent, the Presbytery are called
the Church's senate.35
Thus much about the Presbytery : we shall say more of the Canons
of the Church hereafter.
CHAPTER III.
OF ARCHPRESBYTERS.
Subsequently to the fourth century the senior among a body of
Presbyters1 obtained the name and official rank of Archpresbyter,
or, as he was called by the Greeks, of Protopope.2 In former times,
down to the fifth century, there was one Archpresbyter in each
Church ;3 for in that age the Archpresbyter was first in rank next to
the Bishop f so high was his rank that he was generally chosen to
succeed the Bishop after his decease, and at Rome [and elsewhere]
during the vacancy of the See, he used to govern the Church,5 [as
chief of the college of Presbyters, i.e. of the Chapter. His position,
then, was much the same as that of Dean in a cathedral church].
It therefore belonged to his office to take the superintendence of the
canonical clergy, to undertake the care of widows, foreigners, orphans,
and paupers6 [who were the Bishop's special charge]. But at the
beginning of the sixth century it became usual for them to have the
charge both of town and country parishes,7 [as our Rural Deans];
34 Calixtill. Ep. 13, and Alex. III. copi, singuli Archipresbyteri, singuli
c. v. de his, quse fiunt a Prselatis sine Archidiaconi."]
consensu Capit. can. 3. 4 Liberatus, Breviar. c. 14. ["Dios-
35 Trid. Sess. 14, c. 12. [So Hieron. curus, Bishop of Alexandria, had ap-
in Esai. iii. ; Pius, Ep. 2 ad Just. Vien. pointed him (Proterius) Archpresby-
"The Church's Senate;" and "the ter." In the East, then, the Bishop
Senate of Christ."] might sometimes make a special ap-
1 Greg. Naz. Or. xliii. 39; Act. Cone. pointment, though not in the West.]
Chalced. ; [see Mansi, VII. 252, from 5 V. Epist. Cleri Rom. ad Hibern.
which it appears that the Archpresbyter ap. Bedam, Hist. Angl. 1. ii. c. 19.
is mentioned in some versions of the 6 Cone. Carth. IV. c. 17, [" Epis-
acts of the Council of Chalcedon;] S. copus gubernationem Viduarum, Pu-
Paulin. de S. Felic. Nat. i.; Leo I. pillorum, ac Peregrinorum, non per se-
Ep. 5, ad Dor. Episc. Benev. [al. 17. ipsum sed per Archipresbyterum aut
Archpresbyters of Cathedrals were after- per Archidiaconum agat."]
wards called decani; Archpresbyters of 7 Greg. Turon. Mirac. i. 78, and ii.
country districts, decani rurales.] 22, and De Vit. Patr. c. 9, ["Archi-
2 Codin. de Offic. Magn. Eccles. c. presbyter vici; Archipresbyter paro-
1, ed. Goar. T. XVIII. ed. Venet. dike; Archipresbyter qui ipsum locum
Byzan. 1. ii. c. 19. regebat,"—the first mention of rural
3 Hieronym. Ep. 95, (al. 4) ad deans.]
Rustic, ["Singuli Ecclesiarum Epis-
OF ARCHPRESBYTERS. 53
hence their power began by degrees to extend so widely8 that their
office was eagerly coveted by the nobles themselves; and sometimes,
especially in France, it was usurped by them.9 And so Archpres-
byters were able to inflict ecclesiastical penalties on presbyters,
deacons, and other clerks ;10 and their power received such strong
support from the royal authority that fines were inflicted on those
who refused to pay them the honours which they thought their
due ;n and though the Bishop ordained them, he had no power to
depose them except in a Diocesan Synod.12 The free mode of life
afterwards indulged in by the Bishops themselves too much fostered
the power of these Archpresbyters: so that in the middle ages we
find Bishops leaving their own proper churches and going to live at
the courts of princes, while these Archpresbyters usurped the entire
government of the Church, exercised judicial functions,13 appointed
parish priests,14 and began, on their own authority, to discharge all
the duties of the Episcopacy.15
Matters went so far that after the eleventh century we find the
Bishops anxiously endeavouring to put limits to the jurisdiction of
these men,16 and to subject them to the control of the Archdeacons,17
and never entrusting them with the cure of a parish, except in cases
where they could keep them within the strict limits of the law, and
where the consent of the Archdeacon had been previously obtained.18
And though in recent times to be a member of the Archpresbytery
conferred a certain dignity of rank in the Chapter, and so far carries
with it a certain appearance of its ancient dignity, yet even clerks
as young as twenty-two are now admitted to the office, except in
cases where a cure of souls is attached to it, in accordance with the
twelfth canon of the twenty-fourth session of the Council of Trent.
8 Cone. Cabil. c. n, An. 650, [Lay sure for any contempt of the admoni-
judges not to visit monasteries or pa- tions of an Archpresbyter.5']
rishes, except on the invitation of the 12 Cone. Turon. II. c. 7, An. 567.
abbat in the one case, and of the arch- [The Bishop no power to depose an
presbyter in the other. ] Cone. Rom. sub Abbat or an Archpresbyter except in full
Symm. Act. 7 ; Greg. Turon. ibid. synod of Presbyters and Abbats.]
9 Cone. Remen. c. 19, An. 625, 13 Grat. Dist. 50, c. 20, c. 64.
["No layman to be appointed Arch- 14 Cone. Ticin. c. 6, An. 850. [They
presbyter; but the senior presbyter."] appointed Confessors for the guilty on
10 Cone. Turon. II. c. 19, An. 567. their visitations.]
[An Archpresbyter to do penance in 15 Cone. Aquisg. II. c. 5, An. 836.
his cell on bread and water, for a [Archpresbyters and Archdeacons are
month, if he neglects to compel the to avoid avarice, and to take the over-
presbyters and other clergy of his dis- sight of people and clergy.]
trict to live chastely.] ^ Conc> Lan^esien. c. 2, An. 127S;
11 Cone. Autissiod. c.20, 44, An-578. Pictav. Tit. 2, part 2, An. 1280.
[The Archpresbyter to inform the Bi- *' Decret. Greg. 1. i. Tit. 24, de
shop or Archdeacon—first instance of Ofhc. Archipr.
such mention—of clerical immoralities; 1S See Chapter on the duties of Arch-
"Laity to be fined at the king's plea- deacons.
54 POLITY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH.
CHAPTER IV.
OF PARISH PRIESTS AND CARDINAL PRIESTS.
Since the Canons and Fathers of the Church are constantly making
mention of Cardinal Presbyters and Cardinal Deacons, and as under
this title they appear also sometimes to designate those whom we
now call Parish Priests, we shall proceed to speak first of Cardinals,
both Cardinal Deacons and Cardinal Presbyters, and then of Parish
Priests themselves.
§ i. Of Cardinal Presbyters and Deacons.
From the fifth century Presbyters or Deacons in the Latin Church,
whom the Bishop at their ordination appointed to serve some par-
ticular church, were called Cardinals.1
Wherefore Bishops who presided over some churches, not because
they had intruded themselves into them, but because they had been
canonically appointed, were also called Cardinal Bishops.2 When
Gregory the Great speaks of any one as a Cardinal Bishop,3 he does
not mean either one who had been temporarily appointed to a church as
its visitor, nor one who held it "ad commendam" as it was called, (i.e.,
who held a benefice by a temporary grant), but he means one who by
his ordination had been specially appointed to the government of that
church. Such a man was (so to speak), a fixture in his parish,
fastened by the "hinges" (in Latin, car dines) [i.e., the title], to the
church of which he had been made Rector. And it is quite evident
that it is in this sense that in all the churches of the West presbyters
and deacons have received the names of Cardinals,4 for presbyters
and deacons were in a certain sense Cardinal Parish Priests, and
sometimes had formerly cure of souls.5 But as after the sixth cen-
tury a greater number of presbyters and deacons were attached to a
cathedral church, those were also called Cardinals6 from whom after-
wards Parish Priests were selected.7 Of this kind are those Cardinal
Presbyters whom Bishop Walters8 made subject to the power of the
Archdeacon.
Lastly, we must bear in mind that this name of Cardinal was given
both to Bishops and Presbyters and Deacons and Subdeacons who
1 Gelas. Epist. ad Sabin.; Pelagius, 6 Greg. Magn. 1. i. Ep. 15. [He bids
Ep. ad Eleuter.; and Cone. Rom. sub a Bishop visit a church, and ordain one
Steph. IV. An. 769, ap. Holstenium Cardinal Presbyter and two Deacons
in Collect. Rorn.; Cone. Melden. c. there.]
54, An. 845. 6 Joann. Diac. Vit. Greg. M. 1. iii. c.
2 In Collat. Donatist. cum Cathol. 8, 10, 34.
Augustini sewo. 7 V. Capitular. Walteri Episc. Aure-
3 L. i. Ep. 79. [" Cardo idem est ac lian. An. 858; and Atton. Ep. Vercell. c.
titulus." Index ad Greg. Ep.] 6 and 7.
4 Cone. Melden. ib.; Greg. Magn. 1. 8 Ibid. cap. 2.
x. Ep. 70 and 84, and 1. i. Ep. S3.
OF PARISH PRIESTS AND CARDINAL PRIESTS. $$
r
held any benefice in perpetuity, even though it was only titular. In
this sense one is called by Hadrian II.9 a Cardinal Metropolitan, be-
cause he enjoyed in perpetuity metropolitan rank.
§ 2. Of Parish Priests.
Since in the early ages of the Church the faithful mostly assembled
themselves together on festivals and holidays in one place, and church
matters were regulated not according to the pleasure of the Bishop,
but according to the necessities of the times, there were no parishes
in existence, as the Christian people were under the immediate
government10 of the Bishop. But when the Church had begun
steadily to extend itself, and in the villages also country churches
were founded (under the name of x<*>Pai)>11 over these a Presbyter or
Deacon was placed in charge, though the Bishop alone had mean-
while sole jurisdiction in the city. In the fourth and fifth centuries
in the East,13 and earlier in the West, this was the form of eccle-
siastical polity. To this Cyprian refers when he makes mention of
"city clergy,"13 {clericorum civitatis).
But in great cities, besides the cathedral, there were also certain
other churches to which their own proper Presbyters and Deacons
were attached. It is quite evident that after the fourth century this
was the case both in Rome,14 and also in the East,15 where in the
same parish we find a large number of presbyters, among whom
one took precedence over the rest, and was the superintendent of the
parish, which was called Xavpa or Xdftpa, (a collection of cells or a
cloister).16
9 Epist. 18 ad Car. Calv. ["An in- world."—(From Fra Paolo Sarpi's Trea-
cardinated priest was one who had been tise on Almsgiving.) The same expla-
dispossessed of his own Benefice and nation of the origin of the word Car-
provided with another. This began in dinal is given in note to Greg. Mao-.
Italy in the sixth century, in the con- Ep. i. 79 (Migne, Vol. LXXVII.)]
fusion caused by wars, which drove 10 Just. Mart. Apol. 2; Can. Apost.
many clergy from their parishes. Bishops c. 15, [This Canon forbids any clerk
thus appointed were called Episcopi to leave his own parish and live in
Cardinales, and Priests, Presbyteri Car- another, without the consent of his
dinales. The Churches of Rome and Bishop.]
Ravenna, being the richest, received u Canon. Apostol. can. 36, ["A
most of these strangers, and therefore Bishop must not venture to ordain out
they had more Cardinals. These of his own bounds for cities or countries
Churches, then, veiy seldom ordained that are not subject to him."]
any of their own body, but very often 12 Athanas. Apolog. 2 ad Imp. Con-
incardinatcd strangers, wherefore in stantium; Epiph. Hser. 68, n. 4, 1. 2.
their churches all were called Cardinals. Cone. Sardic. c. 6, An. 347, [forbids
In that of Rome the name still remains. to consecrate a Bishop for a small place
In that of Ravenna it lasted till An. where a presbyter suffices, for fear of
J543> when Paul III. by a Bull abro- lowering the episcopal dignity.]
gated the name of Cardinal in that 13 S. Cyp. Ep. passim.
Church. Thus the name of Cardinal, 14 Anast. Biblioth. in vit. Siricii. V.
originally a title significant of infirmity, Baron, ad An. 112.
came to be a name expressive of dignity, 15 Athan. Epist. ad Solitar.
and it is now said they are Cardinals, lfi Athan. ib.; Epiph. ib. [For other
that is, Cardines (hinges) of the whole derivations of the word see Smith's Diet]
56 POLITY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH.
The regular duties of these Cardinal or Parish Priests, down to the
fifth century, appear only to have been to give the people of their
parish religious instruction, and to keep the Bishop informed of all
matters connected with the government of their church, since the
administration of the Sacraments and the Liturgy of the [Holy]
Sacrifice could only be celebrated in the cathedral church.1? Where-
fore we must observe that it is only of instruction preparatory for
Baptism and Penance that the Librarian Anastasius must be under-
stood to speak, when in the life of Pope S. Marcellinus, he says that
Baptisms and Penances were administered in parish churches (Titult)
during his pontificate, i.e., in the third century. In the Greek Church
we read18 of the instruction preparatory to Penance,—hhacKaXla —
being entrusted to the Cardinal Presbyters, i.e., of the Bishop dele-
gating to them a certain power of prescribing a form of Penance to
their own people, and of publishing to the faithful of their own
parish a sentence of excommunication which had been before pro-
nounced by the Bishop.19 But in the beginning of the fifth century,
when the Christians increased in numbers, and when one cathedral
church in a place was not found sufficient for them, by degrees the
custom arose of administering the Eucharist in the different parishes
of the city, on which occasions the Bishop, at the conclusion of the
Liturgy, sent the Sacrament to the Parish Priests, and they distributed
it to their own people.30 And perhaps it is about this distribution of
the Sacrament that Anastasius is to be understood to speak when he
says, that during the pontificate of Pope Siricius, in the course of the
fourth century, Cardinal Presbyters celebrated Masses in their own
parish churches (Titulispropriis).
Thus up to the period we have mentioned, we find the Bishops by
degrees delegating to the Parish Priests the power of reconciling21
penitents "in cases of emergency," and in the absence of the Bishop;
of reconciling heretics, if in danger of death • of excommunicating
the faithful of their own parish,23 (at accordance, i.e., with the Bishop's
approval); of visiting the sick, and administering to them the Sacra-
ment of Extreme Unction;23 and lastly, of blessing private houses
whether in town or country.24 And when it began to be the custom
to sing the service in each parish church, it was their duty to select
the singers of the Psalms, i.e., the clerical chanters.35 So far was this
the custom, that at length in the seventh century Parish Priests were
17 Athan. Apolog. 2, ad Imper. to them the holy chrism and the bless-
18 Chrysos. ap. Thomas. Vet. et Nov. ing.]
Eccl. Disc. T. II. p. 3. ^ Hieronym. Ep. ad Heliod.; Aug.
19 Cone. Antioch. c. 6; and Balsam. Ep. 255.
in hunc can. 23 Innoc. I. Ep. ad Episc. Eugiib.
20 Innoc. I. Epist. 1 ad Decent. c. 8.
21 Cone. Carth. III. c. 32, 36, An. 24 Cone. Regense, c. 5, An. 439,
398. Cone. Arausic. I. c. 1, An. 441. [" Omni presbytero per familias, per
[Council of Orange declares that priests agros, per privatas domos pro desiderio
may in the Bishop's absence confirm fidelium facultatem benedictionis ape-
heretics, who being in danger of death, rire."]
desire to be reconciled, by administering 25 Cone. Carth. IV. c. 10, ["Psalmis-
OF PARISH PRIESTS AND CARDINAL PRIESTS. 57
in the habit of increasing or diminishing the number of the clerks in
proportion to the amount of the revenues of their church,26 for
clerical aid was then much needed, since already, as early as the
sixth century Parish Priests used to celebrate the entire service of the
Holy Sacrifice in their own church ; nay, they would sometimes recite
two Masses on the same day, one in their own church, the other per-
haps in some Oratory built within the limits of their own parish,
that so there might be a sufficient provision made for the faithful
whatever their numbers might be.27 And so in subsequent times,
when the Bishops had Parish Priests associated with them as joint
labourers in their episcopal work,28 they very naturally entrusted each
of them with the daily instruction and education of the clerks of
their own parish,29 and also to a certain extent they made the Pres-
byters of the parish subject to their control, especially in all matters
connected with the regulation of public worship,30 and with the
burial of the dead.31 For in the eighth century the burial of the
dead had long been one of the duties of Parish Priests.32 Parish
Priests also in that age used to baptize infants, and instruct adults in
the mysteries of the faith, preparing them for admission to the
Sacrament of Confirmation.33 Wherefore it was the duty of all faith-
ful parishioners to attend their own church on stated days, and there
be present at the Liturgy, and take together the Communion of
the Sacrament of the Eucharist. So strict was this rule, that it
was expressly forbidden for people to be present at the sendees of,
[i.e., to communicate at,] any other parish church except their own ;u
and on Holy Days the Parish Priest himself, before beginning Mass,
was bound to eject from the church any who belonged to another
parish,35 an exception being only made in case any one was on a
ta, id est cantor, potest absque scientia 29 Capitular. Theodul. Episc. Aurel.
episcopi sola jussione presbyteri ofneium c. 2, 3, and 28.
suscipere cantandi, dicente presbytero, 30 Capit. Car. Magni. 1. v. c. 49, 50.
Vide ut quod ore cantas corde credas, 31 Hincmar. Remen. Capit. T. II.
et quod corde credis, operibus com- c. 49.
probes."] 32 Conc> Aquisgr. ib. [Baluz. I. 2 So.]
26 Cone Emerit. An. 666, c. 18, ™ Id.ib.
["orders priests who by the Bishop's 34 Constit. Herardi Ep. Tur. c. 121.
permission hold two or more poor pa- Cone. Gall. T. III. Capit. Car. Magn.
rishes together, to maintain at their own 1. vi. c. 456, [? but Sect. 456 of 1. iii.
expense clerks to say for them the holy of "Benedicti Capitularium Collectio,"
office every Sunday."] (Migne, T. XCVIL, col. 858,) has,
27 Greg. Turon. de Glor. Conf. c. "Statutum est, ut unusquisque clericus
50. [Gregory says of Severus a Pres- vel laicus non communicet in aliena
byter, "Aliud cedificavit templum Dei plebe (another parish) sine litteris epis-
.... cum dies Dominicus advenisset, copi sui."] Cone. Cabil. II. c. 1 (?)
celebratis missis uno in loco, ad alium 35 Cone. Nanneten. c. 1, An. 65S,
pergebat."] Cone. Autissiodor. An. [This canon of Council of Nantes di-
$78, c. 10, [^Non licet super uno rects parish priests to send away wan -
altario in una die duas missas di- derers from neighbouring parishes who
cere."] came to their churches on Sundays and
28 Cone. Aquisg. II. cap. 2, can. 5, holy days to the neglect of their own
An. 836, ["Pnesunt ecclesise Christi, pastors. It also directs them to drive
et in confectione divini corporis et san- out of the Church those who refused to
guinis consortes cum episcopis sunt."] be reconciled to their enemies.]
5 8 POLITY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH.
journey, or leave had been given him by his own Parish Priest.36
All this seems to have been done with the intention of preventing
the faithful from escaping the observation of their own Priest, and
from eluding the careful supervision which he kept up over their
moral characters. For from the beginning Parish Priests have had
the right of exercising coercion over their own people, and of ex-
communicating them except they repented. And these rights they
everywhere exercised from the fifth down to the twelfth century; but
in the thirteenth century, as they had begun to abuse the authority
of excommunication which had been given them, they were by edicts
of Councils deprived of it.37
In this way, then, the Bishop appointed the Parish Priests from
among Cardinal Deacons or Presbyters. The appointments were
formerly made with the consent of the whole clerical body, but
in the middle ages only with the consent of the Canons,38 and
especially of the Archdeacon, whose duty it was to examine into the
life, intellectual gifts, and learning of the Cardinal Presbyters.39
Two remarks in conclusion remain to be made.
(i) That there were various names by which Parish Priests were
called. In old times they were everywhere called, both among Greeks
and Latins,40 Co-Presbyters. In the middle ages they were called
Chief Priests,41 Priests of the Second Order,42 Prior Presbyters.43
(2) That they were divided into "Primitive" and "Inferior"
Priests. For as, with the increasing number of Christians, one parish
priest and one parish church only would not be sufficient, the custom
began of erecting chapels within the limits of a parish, in which a
Presbyter was placed, who administered the Sacraments to those
living in the vicinity: and these latter were called "inferior Parish
Priests."44 Thus much of the history of Parish Priests.
36 Cap. Reg. Franc. 1. i. c. 147. 40 Cone. Ephes. Act. 2 and 3; Cce-
37 Cone. Turon. An. 1239, c. 5; lest. I. Ep. ad Cone. Ephes.
Cone. Exon. An. 1287, p. 3, &c. 41 Ant. Glossograph. ap. Van Esp.
[Canon I. of Council of Tours orders in Motivo Jur. pro Guill. Van de
that the Bishop shall appoint three Nesse.
clerks, or three reputable laymen, in 42 Constit. Riculphi, An. 889, c. 1.
every parish, who shall take an oath to Cone. Generalium T. IX.
report faithfully concerning all scandals 43 Cone. Aquisg. II. cap. 2, c. 16,
in morality, faith, &c, happening in An. 836, [" Unicuique ecclesia? suus
the neighbourhood. Canons 5 and 6 provideatur ab episcopis presbyter, ut
forbid Curates and Rectors to excom- per se earn tenere possit, aut etiam
municate their parishioners on their own priori presbytero subjugatus ministerium
authority.] sacerdotale perficere possit."]
38 Cone. Tolet. An. 843, c. 7. (?) 44 Concil. Aquisgran. ibid. (?)
39 Capitul. Walter. An. 858, c. 2.
OF CHURCH OFFICERS PECULIAR TO THE EAST. 59
CHAPTER V.
OF CHURCH OFFICERS PECULIAR TO THE EAST; MANAGERS OF
CHURCH FUNDS; KEEPERS OF ARCHIVES, ETC.
The title of "Exocatacoeli," (i^wKaTatcoiXoc), was a name common
to the chief ministers of the Patriarch in the Church of Constan-
tinople, of whom there were the following as comprised in this class:
I. The high Steward (fid^as oUou6fio<5): II. The chief Bursar (fie^as
aaiceXXapLos): III. The chief Treasurer (vicevocpvXag): IV. The
Keeper of the Archives (xap-rocfivXat;): V. The Prasfectus Sacelli
(o oaiceWlov): VI. The chief Church Advocate (Trpuo-reiccLKos). All
these were moreover called "Exocatacoeli" (egixitcaiaKoikoL or igivica-
toktjXol). Omitting grammatical questions about the meaning of this
word, (which may be found in J. Gretser,1) it has been established
beyond all doubt that the Exocatacoeli occupied the same position in
the See of the Patriarch of Constantinople which the Cardinal
Deacons did in that of the Roman Pontiff, possessed of almost the
same privileges, and almost the same jurisdiction. For these six
church officers we have just mentioned were Deacons,2 to whom the
Patriarch entrusted the management of the chief matters of business
and jurisdiction in the Church; he used to do this by delegating to
each individually his own share of personal authority. But this at
last grew into a power which would be naturally connected with the
office itself, especially when their power reached its greatest height in
the eleventh century under the Emperors Michael Ducas, and Alexius
Comnenus.3 After this they ranked even above the Bishops them-
selves, so much so that in the Patriarchal assembly they sat even
above the Metropolitans and the Bishops. By the Patriarchal
assembly we mean that which the Greeks called a Synod, which con-
sisted of a Council of almost all the Bishops which were subject to
the Patriarchal Chair. This assembly was usually summoned by a
new Patriarch4 either for the passing of new laws (such as are nearly
all those which are contained in the third and fourth book of the
Jus Orientalium) or of confirming old ones.
§ 1. Of the High Steward.
Of the "Exocatacoeli," the first in authority was the High Steward,
{Magnus (Economics). In other churches of the East this church
1 In adnotat. ad Codin. inter Script. above the KardKoiXoi, or lower row,
Byzant. ed. Venet. p. 133, Paris, p. where less distinguished persons sat.]
153. ["Exocataccelior QwKaTaKoiXoi." 2 V. Cone. GEcum. VI. Act. 1, and
The title of these six great dignitaries Du Fresne, Glossar. in h. v.
of the Church of Constantinople is pro- 3 Balsam, in c. 18 Cone. Niccen. I.
bably derived from their sitting in the 4 Goar. in Not. ad Codin. de Omc.
upper tier of seats in the synthronus, Magna? Aula? et Eccl. Constantinop.
6o
POLITY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH.
officer was formerly elected by the concurrent voice of the clergy,5
but latterly the appointment rested solely with the Bishop himself.6
No Bishop was allowed to be without one of these officers.7 In
former times he used to be called a Steward of the Church of Con-
stantinople, the same title by which he was known in other Churches
of the East; but when by the favour of the Emperors the Patriarchs
of Constantinople had been loaded with special privileges, which
raised very greatly the dignity of their See, the Emperor Andronicus8
conferred on the Steward of that Church (as on each of these six
dignitaries), the title of "chief" or "great." In former times that
officer was ^ elected by the Emperor, but after the reign of Isaac
Comnenus in the eleventh century, the privilege of that appointment
was vested in the Patriarchs.9
The High Steward, then, had under his own control the pro-
perty and all the revenues of the Church: from these he furnished
supplies both to the Patriarch and the Church as time and circum-
stances might require ;10 and four times in the year he made a return
to the Patriarch of all his expenses.11 He assisted the Patriarch
when he took a Celebration, holding in his hand the Eucharistic fan
(flabellum), and he sat on the Patriarch's right hand when pronounc-
ing judicial sentence in his presence.12 When therefore the Church
of Constantinople was without its own proper pastor, the administra-
tion of all the property of that Church13 was ipso jure entrusted to
him.
§2. Of the Chief Bursar.
Second in rank among these Church dignitaries was the Great
Sacellarius,—fii^a? oaiceWdpios,—senior keeper of the purse. He
was chosen by the Patriarch among these Deacons, and to his control
were made subject all the monasteries of men which were in the
region of Galata and in the royal city.14 His coadjutor was the
"Governor-general" of monasteries, (clpx^v iCbv fxovaa^qpCiDv), who
was reckoned as belonging to the second or third class of the Pa-
triarch's officials. It was this great dignitary's duty to manage the
property of the monasteries, and to act as inspector of them, and to
make a report twice a year to the Patriarch concerning them, both as
regards the expenses of the monasteries and the moral characters of
the monks. In the Holy Synod he used to sit with the Patriarch on
the right hand of the High Steward.15
§ 3- Of the Chief Treasurer.
The Deacon third in rank under the Patriarch was "the chief
5 Theoph. Alex. Hist. 1. iii. c. n. n Allatianaap. Coclin. ibid. inNotis.
6 Cone. Nicsen. II. c. I, An. 787. 12 Id. ibid.
7 Cone. Nicaen. II. c. 2. 13 Balsam, in c. 9 Edicti Theoph.
8 Cantacuzen. Hist. 1. ii. c. I. 14 Allatianaet Regiaap. Codin. ibid.
9 Zonar. in vita Isaaci Comn. 15 Codin. ibid, cum Adnotation. ad
10 Codin. ibid. Tit. 2.
OF THE KEEPER OF THE ARCHIVES. 61
guardian of the sacred vessels," (fii^a? cncevo^vXag). He was called
by the Latins a " Cimeliarch"—" a keeper of the treasures," (/ee^Xta),
and he was also elected by the Patriarch himself. When the Patri-
arch was celebrating, he used to stand at the doors of the Sacristy,
that he might bring him thence the sacred vessels and other altar
furniture as they were needed.16 He had a tribunal in the inner
court of the Sacristy, at which he gave judgment on matters con-
nected with Church revenues, and all other business relating to the
privileges of the clergy.17
§ 4. Of the Keeper of the Archives.
The fourth of these Church Officers was the "Chartophylax,"
Xapro(/)v\ag, the Chartulary or Registrar. This was the Deacon who
was called "the Patriarch's right hand,"18 and might well be con-
sidered his Vicar General. For he presided over a court in which
he gave judgment (against which there was no appeal), on matri-
monial cases, and on all clerical suits, with power, after trying the
case, of punishing offenders with excommunication.19 It was his
duty to make investigation concerning the moral character of ordina-
tion candidates, and to sign letters of permission for their ordina-
tion,20 and to subject the selected candidates to an examination,
either at the house of the Bishop or at that of the Abbot of some
monastery.21 He took cognizance of the licences of Presbyters
who came from other dioceses, i.e., of their letters of recommenda-
tion or introduction written by their own diocesan, after the examina-
tion of which he gave them permission to celebrate Mass.22 It was
his office to introduce23 to the Patriarch any Bishops who were sub-
ject to his Patriarchate, and any clerics of other dioceses who might
be sent to him by their Bishops. He took the Patriarch's place at
Councils in his absence,24 and occupied a seat above all the Bishops :25
for though after the reign of Alexius Comnenus this privilege had
been common to every Chartophylax of the Eastern Patriarchs,
yet afterwards, by an edict of the Emperor Michael Palasologus, the
privilege was confined to the Chartophylax of the See of Constan-
tinople.26 Thus the Chartophylax was the Patriarch's Vicar and his
Librarian and Archive-keeper,27 and therefore, like the Archdeacon,
he assisted the Patriarch when offering the Holy Sacrifice. In a
16 Codin. ad 3 Tit. [In the Epistles 20 Balsam, in c. 9 Synod. VII.
of Gregory the Great the sacred trea- 21 Anastas. Bibl. Adnot. in Act. 2
sures of the Church,—altar vessels, Synod. VIII.
vestments, candelabra, &c.,—are called ~ Balsamon. Nomoc. inc. 16 Cone.
"cimelia," and the place where they Nicaen. I.
were kept the "cimeliarchum." In the 23 Anast. Bibl. ibid.
West Archdeacons were responsible for 24 Cone. Later, sub Martin. Pap
them.] consult. 4, An. 649.
17 Allatiana ap. Cod. ad 3 Tit. 25 Balsam, ibidem.
18 Codin. ibid. 26 In Append. Juris Orient.
19 Balsam. Juris Orient. T. I. sect. ^ Const. Monas. Hist. Leon. Isau-
xiv. rici.
62 POLITY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH.
word, he was in the Patriarch's most secret confidence, and for this
reason, on being admitted to the office by the Patriarch, he received
from him the Patriarchal ring, [or seal], which he wore suspended
round his neck28 ever after.
§ 5- Of the Prcefectus Sacelli.
The President of the Sacellum—o aaKeXktov—was the fifth Deacon
under the Patriarch: he, as we are told by Codinus Curopalates,29
had under his superintendence Catholic Churches and the Sacellum:
but Balsamon30 throws more light on the true nature of his office,
when he tells us that he was the visitor of nunneries and of the
prison of the patriarch's palace. From these expressions the mean-
ing of his name, President of the " Sacellum," is easily explained,
for " Sacella" was the name which in the middle ages the Greeks31
gave both to nunneries and to prisons ; Gretser32 is therefore mistaken
in supposing that the name is derived from "sacculus," a purse,—
as if he was the patriarch's purse-bearer (saccularius\ or officer of
finance.
§6. Of the Chief Church-Advocate.
To the five Deacons, about whom we have been speaking, who
alone, in ancient times, had a right to the name of "Exocatacceli,"
a sixth was added in the twelfth century by Georgius Xiphilinus,
Patriarch of Constantinople; this was the " chief advocate," 7rpiv7eic-
8iko$, who, though one of the Patriarch's ministers of the second
class, was included by Georgius among the Exocatacceli.33 He was
a judge attached to the Church of the Patriarch, having a tribunal in
the entrance-court of the Church of S. Sophia at Constantinople:
he had the assistance of twelve assessors, and gave judgment on
causes relating to captives, and other ecclesiastical matters of a less
important nature, while he referred more important cases to the
patriarch.34 But there was a difference which must be noticed be-
tween the High Advocate of the Church of Constantinople and an
ordinary Advocate of other Oriental Churches. For from ancient
times the Eastern Bishops used to entrust laymen who were well
versed in the law with the management of causes which arose in
their own Churches, and these laymen they called Presidents,35 or
Church-Advocates,36 (irpoaTaia^ or ifackrjcrietcSiKoi), and they are
mentioned as such by the Emperor Justinian in his Constitution.37
28 Balsam. Jur. Orient, sect. xxxi. 3i Codin. ibid. n. 7; Allatiana ap.
29 De Officiis Magn. Eccles. num. 5. eund. n. 7.
30 Meditat. de Chartoph. &c, 1. vii. 35 Epiphan. Hcer. 72. [Kupiaicbs
Jur. Orient. irpocrrdTrjs.']
31 V. Codic. MS. Pachymeris, in 36 Photin. in vita Johan. Jejunat.
Turcogrsecia, p. 203. 37 Ap. Balsam, in c. 15 Cone. Carth.
32 In adnot. ad Codin. c. 3. III. An. 397, [forbids all clerks from
33 Johan. Citri. Episc. in Respons. becoming agents or procurators.]
ad Cabasil. Jur. Grsecor. Rom.T.I. 1. v.
OF MANAGERS OF CHURCH FUNDS. 6$
This name of Advocates (ckBikoi) was also sometimes given in the
East to presbyters who were sent by their Bishops as commissioners
to the Emperor on some mission connected with the affairs of the
Church ;38 and lastly, there were the Deacon Advocates, [of whom
we are now speaking],39 who were the defenders in all causes of
widows, paupers, and orphans.40
Such then were the men whom the Greeks called ^ Exocatacceli:
they were chiefs among the Deacons, and Prime Ministers of the
Patriarch : their glory began to wane with the glory of the See of
Constantinople, and the Patriarchate of Constantinople has itself
shared the same fate, and sunk into the same obscurity.
CHAPTER VI.
OF MANAGERS OF CHURCH FUNDS—ADVOCATES AND BISHOPS*
VICARS AMONG THE LATINS.
In former times the duty of managers of Church-funds {(Economi)
was vested in the Bishop, both among the Latins and among the
Greeks, for he had leisure for the work of taking care of the property
of the Church. But as, through the piety of the faithful, especially
of princes, the wealth of the Church was constantly increasing, the
Bishops not liking that their own minds should be too much dis-
tracted by secular work,1 delegated financial business to one of the
presbyters or deacons.2 These officers of finance were in ancient
times publicly selected by the Bishop, with the concurrence of all
the clergy, though after the seventh and eighth centuries they were
appointed at the sole discretion of the Bishop.3 Their duties con-
sisted in keeping an account of the revenues and expenses of the
church, managing the feudal estates and country possessions of the
church, and in taking upon themselves the support of clerks, paupers,
and widows.4 These duties they performed in the name of the
church, and relying on the authority thus given them, they were
independent enough to oppose the Bishop himself, if he showed any
38 Cone. Ephes. Act. 2; Chalced. which has a Bishop have also an CEco-
Act. 2, c. 23; Constantinop. sub Fla- nomus out of its own clergy."]
viano, Act. 5; Constantin. sub Menna, 2 Anast. Bibl. Hist, ad Zenon. An.
Act. 1. 27.
39 Cone. Constantinop. II. Collat. 3 Cone. Hispalen. II., An. 617, c.
1 ; and Constant. III. Act. 8. 9; Cone. Nic. II., An. 7S7, c. 1.
40 Vita Joh. Elemosyn. Patriarch. [This Council of Seville forbids a lay-
Alexandr. c. I. man to sit in court as a bishop's asses-
1 Cone. Chalced. c. 2,25,26, An. sor on the ground of the Scripture rule,
451. [" Let the revenues of a widowed "Non arabis in bove simul et asino,"~\
Church be secured by the QEconomus 4 Isid. Hispal. Ep. ad Leudif. 15.
of that Church:" "Let every Church
64 POLITY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH.
wish to alienate the property of the Church.5 The office was kept
up everywhere in the Church in the full vigour of its authority down
to the time of the second Council of Lateran in the twelfth century.
At length this office of church-steward was for a time revived by the
Council of Trent,6 and it is still discharged by him who collects the
revenues of the Church during the vacancy of any See.
"Defensores," or Advocates, was the name given to the patrons of
the Church whose services were placed by the Emperor at the dis-
posal of a Bishop, and accepted by him,7 to defend causes arising
in his Church against the power of the rich.8 They were, as was
natural, chosen from among laymen who were best versed in law,
and their chief business was to defend before the prince the patri-
mony, the laws and the privileges of the Church.9
But there was another class of Advocates (defensores), and they
were chosen from the clerical body. For if a Bishop observed any
one among the clergy to have a special aptitude for business, he
appointed him to this office of Advocate: and he was called a
Church Steward, {(Economics). This office rose to most importance
among the Latins,10 chiefly after the fifth century: and in the sixth
century it began to be reckoned among the principal offices of the
Church, especially after these Church-Stewards were chosen as mem-
bers of the college of notaries at Rome.11
In the Roman Church, indeed, the authority which they possessed
was a matter of the very highest importance, for the charge of all the
property of the Church was entrusted to them,12 and they managed
the- causes of clerks, paupers, widows and orphans.13 Moreover
these stewards were sent by the Pontiff on missions to other Churches
also, both that they might enforce among the clergy an obedient
observance of the canons,14 and that they might undertake the de-
fence of canonical causes ;15 from this circumstance they were called
"Executors of the Canons/'16 and they were sometimes commis-
5 Capit. Car. Magn. 1. ii. c. 9, ap. and vii. 308; Cone. Mogunt. An. 813,
Baluz. T. I. p. 746, and Lud. Pii, 1. c. 50.
i. c. 73, 1. iv. c. 51 and 107. 10 Gelas. Pap. Ep. 3. [Ep. ix. c. 2,
6 Sess. 24, c. 16. An. 492—496.]
7 Collect. Cone. African, c. 97. n Greg. Pap. I. 1. viii. Ep. 14.
8 Cone. Carth. V. c. 9; Milev. II. [" Schola notariorum atque subdia-
c. 26, An. 416; Zosimi Pap. Ep. 1, conorum," &c]
c. 3. [" Ab imperatoribus universis 12 Id. 1. iii. Ep. 21.
visum est postulandum propter afflic- 13 Id. 1. v. Ep. 29. [Isidor. Hispal.
tionem pauperum, quorum molestiis Ep. 1.]
sine intermissione fatigatur ecclesia, ut H Id. 1. ii. Ep. 1. [Bingham re-
defensores eis adversus potentias divi- marks that they were charged with mak-
tum cum episcoporum provisione dele- ing inquiry whether every clerk belong-
gentur." See also Cone. Carth. I. can. ing to the Church carefully attended
9, where it is said that affronts against Morning and Evening Service, and with
the Church might be redressed if the reporting delinquents (iii. xi. 3.)]
defensores did their duty. (So explained 15 Id. 1. x. Ep. 1.
by Bingham, iii. xi. 3.)] 16 Id. ib. Ep. 11. [In these cases
9 Steph. Pap. III. Ep. 3, ad Caro- they enforce obedience upon Bishops.]
loman.; Capit. Car. Magn. 1. v. c. 31,
ADVOCATES AND BISHOPS' VICARS. 65
sioned by the Pontiff to sit in judgment on Bishops.17 Advocates
of the first kind, held office in the Western Church down to the ninth
century :18 but after the sixth century we do not find advocates of
the second kind mentioned by any ecclesiastical writers.
When in the ninth century Italy was sorely harassed by wars, these
Advocates, able only to plead causes in court, were not sufficiently
powerful to protect the patrimony of the Church, for she needed
defenders who could protect her property by arms rather [than by
arguments]. The Bishops therefore begged from their Princes patrons
who were able to give battle to their enemies, and who, if the property
of the Church was attacked, could repel force by force ;19 and Princes
in each case granted what the different Churches asked for.20
Patrons of this kind were called Vicegerents (Vicedomini or Vis-
domini) inasmuch as they were in a sense delegates or Vicars of the
Bishops, with respect to the feudal estates of the Church, especially
after the Bishops presented them with ecclesiastical feudal rights,
including the right of succession in their families.21 The Bishops
did this in the expectation that they would more zealously defend
against an enemy that Church property which they, as it were, held
as their own. Hence these Vicegerents were regarded as vassals of
the Bishops by the law of feudal tenure; and the laws of the Lom-
bards allowed Bishops and Abbats to have two Vicegerents each,
one of whom managed the secular business of a church or monas-
tery, and may properly be reckoned as belonging to the class of
Advocates (defensores) :22 while the other, to whom the title of Vice-
gerent more correctly belonged, took the oath to a Prince for a
Bishop or Abbat, was regarded as a feudal retainer, was employed
in the palace or the court, and led out his troops in battle, accord-
ing to the law of the feudal system. And ■ so in this matter these
Vicars exercised authority over the subjects23 of the Church, and
pronounced sentence against them in judgment, and their sentences
were called the decrees (placita) of the Vicegerents, and in Germany
they were appropriately called Counts (graphwnes).-^
Lastly, it was they who took charge of the Bishop's palace and
property during the vacancy of a See.25
But when after the eleventh century these Vicegerents began to
abuse the authority which had been given them, by using it against the
privileges of the Church, Bishops and Abbats everywhere preferred
being without them.
We must not conclude this division of our subject without remark-
ing that there were also other Vicedomini, or Vicars,26 of a different
17 Johan. Diac. in vita S. Greg. 1. ^ Flodoard. Hist. 1. ii. c. 91.
xxii. c. 11. -3 Hincmar. T. II. part 9.
18 Ordin. Rom. srec. IX. in Bibl. -4 Du Cange in h. v.
Patr. -5 Tabul. Corbeiens. in novo The-
19 Cone. Mogunt. An. Si3. saur. Diplom. Martene, &c., c. 13.
20 Capitul. Reg. Franc. 1. vii. c. 33, -6 Capit. Ludov. Pii, c. 63; Cone,
ap. Baluz. T. I. p. 1036. V. Naucler. Gall. T. II.; Cone. Remen. An. 813,
ad An. S09. c. 24.
-l Marin, de Canonicis, 1. ii. c. 46.
66 POLITY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH.
class, whom a Bishop, or Abbat or Abbess who possessed as it
were episcopal authority and jurisdiction, used to send to provincial
councils: for these were called Vicegerents or Vicars, since they
personified and represented a Bishop, or an Abbat, or an Abbess.
At Rome there was also a Vicar of the supreme Pontiff, who was a
presbyter, or sometimes a Bishop :27 his duty consisted in taking
charge of the private household of the Roman Pontiff.28
CHAPTER VII.
OF REGISTRARS AND NOTARIES, AND OF BISHOPS' PRIVATE CHAP-
LAINS; AND OF THE PRIMICERII, AMONG THE GREEKS AND
LATINS IN THE MIDDLE AGES.
§ i. Of Registrars and Notaries.
Those were called, in the Middle Ages, Chartularii, or Registrars,
who had under their charge the archives of the cathedral church.
The Greeks called them also XaprcxfivXafces,1 or Bif3\io(f)v\.aK6?, as
they generally discharged the office of Librarian in addition to their
other employments.2 These men also acted as Chancellors of the
Bishops,3—for the same presbyter or deacon could, without much
trouble, manage to take the direction of these three departments.
In former times the Latins gave the name of Chartuhwii to
those clerks who kept written records of the public or private acts of
a Bishop or a Church, and this office was usually entrusted to
minor clerks and to little boys,4 who used to take down the ad-
dresses of the Bishops.5 But in the fifth century they everywhere
took the name of Notaries, and at the same time, in the Roman
Church especially, the office began to be one of largely increased im-
27 Anastas. Biblioth. in Vit. Steph. the title rewarded it for defending. (See
IV. (?) Smith's Diet, of Antiq. sub hacvoce.)]
28 Idem in Vit. Steph. III. [" As- 1 Cone. GEcum. VII. Act. 4 and 5.
cendentes in vicedominio," &c.; "Ille 2 Cone. GEcum. VIII. Act. 5, [i.e.,
cum episcopo et vicedomino suo in ba- Constant. IV. An. 879.]
silicam aufugit." Two modern words, 3 Simeon. Thessal. de Sacr. Ordin.
strangely changed from their original c. 6.
meaning, have come down to our times 4 Evodius, Ep. ad August, inter ejus
from these ancient Church offices of Epist. n. 158.
Advocatus or Defensor Ecclesise, the 6 August. Ep. no. ["A notariis
word "Advowson," which means that excipiuntur quce dicimus." Augustine
right of nomination to a church or says that those who have learned short-
abbey which the original Advocate ex- hand {iiotcc) are called "Notarii," (De
pressly did not possess: and the title Doct. Christ, ii. 26 :) they were ori-
of " Defender of the Faith," attached to ginally employed to take down all that
the crown of England, which now pro- passed at the trials of the Martyrs,
tests against what the Papal donor of (Bingham, iii. xiii. 5.)]
OF REGISTRARS AND NOTARIES. 67
portance and dignity. For under Leo I. we find them sent to
Councils6 in the character of Legates,7 and after that it became
usual to entrust to their discretion the management of business
matters of the very highest importance,8 and both the Pontiff and
other Bishops found them useful as confidential envoys when secresy
was required.9 For this reason there was at Rome a college of
notaries, the head of which was called the Primicerius (the first on
the roll) of notaries, and his coadjutor Secwidicerius (the second
on the roll) of notaries,—the former being entered first, and the
latter second, on the registry of notaries.10 At Rome in the sixth
century the provincial administration of the notaries was spread
over twelve different departments, each of the twelve districts of the
city having attached to it its own proper Notary: these were for
this reason called Notarii Regionarii (District Notaries.)11 In France
the clerical notary of a cathedral church used to carry the Bishop's
pastoral staff at solemn celebrations of the Liturgy.13 And since
in the middle ages the laity were grossly illiterate, they availed
themselves of the assistance of clerical notaries in public and
private acts, as the written documents of that age testify; wherefore
the clergy who held the office of Notaries, did not usually resign
that office on taking Priest's Orders, nor did they consider themselves
as the servants of the Church only, but they attended to the business
of the laity also. And though after the ninth century they were
forbidden by the Church,13 and after that by Roman Pontiffs,11 to
do work of a secular kind, yet in the fifteenth century clerks and
even presbyters were among the notaries of the emperor,15 and in the
sixteenth century we find there are some clerks among the notaries
of kings and emperors, and that they are publicly discharging the
duties of that office.16
Among the members of the college of notaries at Rome we find
occasional mention of a Librarian of the Pontiff. This man, subse-
quently to the sixth century, used to be in subdeacon's Orders,17
and when by degrees the dignity of the office rose greatly in public
estimation, deacons, presbyters, and in the ninth and tenth cen-
turies even Bishops were eager to obtain the office of Librarian at
G Cone. Ephes. II. sive Constant, sub 12 Vita Ccesarii Arelat. ii. c. 2, § iS.
Anatol.; Cone. Chalcedon. Act. 14. Migne, Patrol. V. LXVII. p. 1034.
[One Tarianus, deacon and notary, is Y6 Cone. Cabilon. II. An. 875, c. 44.
mentioned.] 14 Decret. 1. iii. Tit. L. Ne cler. vel
7 S.. Leo I. Ep. 10, 15, and 23. Rom. c. sicut te.
8 S. Greg. Magn. 1. viii. Ep. 26 and 15 V. Histor. S. Martini des Champs,
1. iii. Ep. 34. [A Notary is sent by sect. I.
Gregory to inquire into an accusation 16 V. Govar. Hist, sui temp. 1. 5.
brought against a Bishop, and to in- 17 Anast. Bibl. V. Greg. Pap. I. and
flict punishment on him if guilty.] Greg. II., ["Hie (Greg. II.) subdia-
9 Id. Dialog. 1. iii. c. 10. conus atque sacellarius factus: biblio-
10 Id. 1. iii. Ep. 22 andl. ix. Ep. 21. thecal illi est cura commissa." Greg.
[Primicerius =" primus in ceram re- Mag. iii. 34, "Reckoned anions^ the
latus," the first entered on the wax- Minor Orders." Alteserra in Gre^.
tablet, or roll, of the clergy.] Mag. Ep. iii. 22.]
11 Baron, ad An. 598.
68 POLITY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH.
Rome.18 In that age, indeed, that Librarian filled also the office of
Chancellor to the Pontiff, as is quite evident from extant subscrip-
tions to Bulls of the tenth century.19 It was from this circumstance
that in the eleventh century the Chancellors of the Roman See
became possessed of such vast authority and power in the Church of
Rome :20 after that date the Roman Curia made the two offices dis-
tinct from one another, which it was only right that they should be.
§ 2. Of Syncelli and Primicerii.
^v^keWoi {syncelli) was formerly the name of those who lived as
companions with Bishops, "sharing the same cells" with them,21 as
the word means. They were clergy, who both in the Eastern22 and
Western Church23 were regarded in the light of eye-witnesses of the
life and moral character of each of the Bishops. This Church office
began at Rome in the sixth century, when S. Gregory the Great sent
away all laymen from the pontifical residence, and allowed24 only
monks and clerks of a more holy life to reside with him, giving to
them at the same time the name of "familiar attendants/' (fami-
liar es). After this an edict was also issued by Theodoric, King of
Italy, commanding that Bishops, presbyters, and deacons, should
have their concellanei—sharers of their cells—living with them,25
and this order was ratified by Councils in Spain,20 and in the
churches of Gaul :27 some Bishops felt this to be an irksome annoy-
ance, but the same rule was again passed with even greater strictness
by Councils held in the ninth century.28 In the East Patriarchs
also had their Syncelli, the chief of whom was called Upuoioav^KeX-
\os\29 He accompanied the Patriarch to Councils; as e.g. we find
in the eighth (Ecumenical Synod the Syncellus of the Patriarch of
Jerusalem took his seat among the Fathers there.30 Sometimes also
18 Id. in Vita Stephani VI. et For- 27 Cone. Turon. II. c. 19, An. 567,
mosi. [" Quotiescunque archipresbyter seii in
19 Bull. Clem. II. de translat. Epis. vico manserit seu ad villain suam am-
Pestani; Epist. Leon. Pap. IX., prse- bulaverit, unus lector canonicorum su-
sertim Ep. 14. orum aut certus aliquis de numero cle-
20 Baron, ad An. 1061, n. 31. ricorum cum illo ambulet, et in cella
21 Cone. Chalced. Act. 6; Constant. ubi ille jacet lectum habeat pro testi-
sub Flaviano, Act. 6. monio."]
22 Ex laud. Concil. 28 Cone. Paris. VI. c. 20, An. 829,
23 Greg. Magn. 1. v. Ep. 28. [Cas- andPapien. c. 1, An.850. [This Council
torius a Deacon (some MSS. read a of Pavia directs that Bishops shall keep
Notary) to keep strict watch on the about them Priests and Deacons of known
moral conduct of the Bishop of Pesaro.] probity to be witnesses of their secret
24 Johann. Diac. in ejus vita, 1. i. c. acts: in the Council at Rome under
11 and 12. Gregory the Great, 595, clerks or monks
25 Ap. Ennodium, Opusc. III. c. 7. are ordered to be about a Bishop al-
26 Cone. Gerunden. c. 6, An. 517. ways, to act as secret witnesses of his
Tolet. IV. c. 22 and 23, An. 589, actions.]
["Episcopos testimonium probabilium 29 Epist. Dioscor. inter Epist. Hor-
personarum in conclavi suo habere." misdse post 70.
"Presbyteri atque levitae . . . incellulis 30 Act. 1.
suis testes vitse habeant."]
OF SYNCELLI AND PRIMICERII. 69
on the death of a Patriarch this man succeeded him in his patri-
archal chair.31 And at length we learn without surprise that these
Proto-syncelli were so puffed up with pride that in the patriarchal
councils, (called the sessions of the Holy Office), they presumed to sit
even above the Metropolitans.32 The office of Proto-syncellus to
the See of Constantinople is reckoned, however, among the second
order of dignities, as in it was vested jurisdiction over offenders
against the dogmas of the Catholic Faith.33
In mediaeval times these Syncelli became everywhere common
among the Latins34 under the name of counsellors (consiliarii). For
the Bishops chose for Syncelli men of superior learning, whose
counsel they would find useful in any matters of specially grave
importance.35 Counsellors of this kind at Rome used to be called
favourites Deliciosi^ And since even kings always admitted
presbyters to their counsels,37 especially in those general assemblies
of the kingdom,38 (which were formerly called Placita, Bishops'
courts, and, in the third dynasty of the Frank kings, began to be
called "Parliaments"), the name of favourites (Deliciosi) was in
that age given to the counsellors of kings39 also.
Primicerius ("first on the wax") was the title of the church
official whose name came first in the list [of the inferior clergy] in
various church-departments; for names used to be written on tablets
smeared with wax. Since therefore the name of the Chartophulax,
the chief registrar, who was also Archdeacon, came first, as we said,
in the Church-roll at Constantinople, he used to be called the
"Primicerius :'M0 and for the same reason in Gaul there was a
"Primicerius" of the school of readers :n and in the Roman
Church a Primicerius over the college of notaries :42 for the names
of all these stood first in the registers of their order or college.
From these facts we naturally conclude that nothing certain can be
determined as to the meaning of this name, when it is met with in
written documents of mediaeval times : for the name in itself gives
no indication of its meaning, which must be judged of rather by the
surrounding context.
In Spain there was an official called Primiclenis, "chief clerk," or
head of the inferior clergy. The minor orders of clerks were made
31 Cedren. Ii. 1. v. de Mich. Philos. 36 Jolian. Pap. VIII. Ep. 69, 19,
S£ec. X. and 101.
32 Ex Codin. Curopal. ap. Bar. ad 37 Steph. Pap. Ep. 3, ad Pipin. Ital.
An. 1030. [Codin. Curopal. p. 112, ed. Reg.
Bonn.] 38 Hincmar. Opusc. de Ordin. Palat.
33 Sim. Thessal. de Sacr. Ordin. c. T. II.
15
Anast. Bibl. in vita Adr. I.,
Beda, Hist. Angl. 1. ii. c. 19, [" Gulfardus religiosus abbas et con-
[" Johannes servus Dei, consiliarius siliarius, seu Albinus deliciosus ipsius
Apostolical sedis."] regis."]
35 Id. ib. 1. v. c. 20; [" Bonifacius, 40 Cone. Constant, sub Menna, Act.
consiliarius apostolici papce ;"] Acta 5, An. 543.
Cone. Nicen. II. ap. Baron. An. 41 Remig. Archiep. Remen. Ep. ap.
6S5, and Baluz. in Not. ad Lup. Falcon. Episc, Cone. Gallic. T. II.
Ferrar. 42 Greg. Magn. 1. iii. Ep. 22.
7° POLITY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH.
subject to this man's authority,43 [he had special charge of their
teaching and discipline], and there were also under him certain lay-
men called Basilicarii, men employed in the Spanish Church in
the making of incense, material for the chrism, altar lights, veils for
the baptistery, and other such like things.44 In Italy these men
were called JZditui^ (vergers of a church), and at Rome Mansionarii
(resident wardens); and since the Roman clergy used their help in
trifling and menial Church offices, the. name of "fellow-freedmen"
(colliberti) was given to them.46 The Greeks in the middle ages
called them Trapafxovapioi: [they were included among the inferior
Clergy]: but they must be distinguished from the Presbyter-man-
sionarii, whom [at the Council of Constantinople] they called irpoa-
uai/dpioL. (Can. 2.)
CHAPTER VIII.
OF PALACE-CHAPLAINS.
It is plain from history that subsequently to the fourth century the
palaces of emperors and kings had private oratories or chapels
attached to them. Eusebius1 tells us that Constantine the first
Christian Emperor had his private oratory, where the presby-
ters, with the assistance of the clergy, used to celebrate Divine
Service.2 After this presbyters who officiated in the emperor's private
chapel were called " presbyters of the palace:" one of these is men-
tioned by Palladius3 as being associated with Chrysostom as a de-
fender of the catholic faith: these clerks were called "Clerks of the
chapel royal" (regit sacelli); at the head of these ministers was
an Arch-chaplain, as he was called by the Latins, (as we shall ex-
plain), who was also known as the iraTTTra^ too UaXaTtov—Or rod IlaXa-
1LOV 7rpifXlK7JpL09^
In the West, [according to the monk of S. Gall, Vita Car. Mag.
i. 4], the royal oratory took the name of a " chapel," in the Gallic
Church, from the cafipa or cloak of S. Martin, Bishop of Tours,
which was kept in it; or it was so called from the case in which the
43 Conc.Emerit.c. 10 and 14; An. 666. l In vita Constantini, 1. iv. c.
[Every cathedral must have an Archpres- 56.
byter, an Archdeacon, and a Primice- 2 Id. ib. and Sozom. 1. i. c. 8. [Sozo-
rius.] nien says, Constantine built a church in
44 Isidor. Hisp. Ep. ad Leudifred.; the palace (h to7s paaiXeiots evKT-fjpiov
and De Eccles. Offic. 1. ii. c. 5. olcou KaTtanevaae) and when he went to
45 Paulin. Nolan. Ep. 6. war he took with him a tent made exactly
46 Cone. Chalc. Act. 5, ex vers. after the pattern of this church, and
Dionys. Exig. [Greg. Mag. Dial. iii. priests and deacons who were attached
24. They had the care of the lamps of to it.]
the churches, and superintended their 3 In vita S. Joh. Chrysost.
"decorations" of silk, flowers, &c. 4 In Synod. Const. IV. Act. 3.
(Fleury.)]
OF PALACE-CHAPLAINS. 71
cloak was kept,—since it is probable that from the word cappa is
derived the word capsella, (a little box,) and thence the word
capella—a chapel. Marculfus5 in the seventh century is the first
who mentions this capella: and he tells us that above this box or
chest the Sacrament was exhibited in the adjusting of suits, and that
the kings of France used to carry it about with them in their
military expeditions.6
Therefore in this oratory of the kings of France, subsequently to
the age of Clovis in the fifth century, presbyters used to minister,
who were called chaplains (cappellani), that office then not being one
peculiarly belonging to Bishops.7 But in the sixth and seventh
centuries the number of chaplains was increased, and under Clothair
II. and his son Dagobert,8 one was made head over the rest, under
the title of Abbot of the King's Oratory. But as early as towards
the end of the seventh century the office of presiding chaplain to
the royal oratory was one held by a Bishop; for under Theo-
doric III., son of Clovis II., the President of the king's chapel,
was called Prince of the Bishops.9 This title seems to have been
deservedly given: for in the eighth century in the reign of King
Pepin there was in the king's palace a school for those clergy who
officiated at Divine Service in the chapel royal : and we find that
the most eminent Bishops in the kingdom were men who had been
chosen from these clergy.10 But even in that age the Bishop who
was over the chapel royal was not obliged to reside in the king's
palace, but only to be in attendance at the palace (i.e. at the palace-
chapel) at the proper times, and to visit the establishment of the
clergy who lived there.11
It is plain however that in the ninth century the archchaplain, or
the king's chief chaplain—as in that age the president of the chapel
royal was called,13—had his fixed residence at the palace itself.
This is plain from the duties of his office at that time: for he had
the ecclesiastical business of the whole kingdom passing through his
hands; he held conferences with the king ori all episcopal causes
which came before him ;13 and he obtained the royal assent before
deciding on any matter affecting the interests of the Church.11 To
his jurisdiction moreover all the clergy resident in the palace were
made subject; he held a final court of appeal for all ecclesiastical
causes; he was admitted as a privy councillor of the king's; nor
could any subject obtain audience with the king without an order from
him : and lastly all the members of the royal family and household
5 Marculfi Formular. Antiquar. 1. i. 9 Concess. Archicapell. ap. eimd. La
c. 28. [Some think "cupella," a place Cointe, ibid.
of Christian burial, gives the etymology 10 Steph. Leodien. in vita S. Alo-
of the word chapel. (Smith's Diet. doaldi ap. Surium, die 12 Mai
Antiq. p. 520.)]
I Id. ibid. 1. i. c. 5.
7 Bignon. in Not. ad Marculf. 1. i.
c 25. ia Epist. Frotarii ad Hilduin. ap.
s La Cointe, Ann. Eccles. Franc, ad Du Chesne, T. I.
11 Ilincm. Rem. Opusc. viii. T. II.
12 Cone. Aquis^ran. I.; Rescript.
Lothar. An. 861, &c. Spicileg. T. XII.
13 Epist. Frotarii ad Hilduin. ap.
Du Chesne, T. I.
An. 617, num. 7 and 19. 14 Flodoard, 1. hi. c. 24.
72 POLITY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH.
were under his spiritual jurisdiction.15 Such powers and privileges
as these were conferred on the Bishop who was at the head of the
royal chapel, in the times which followed the reign of Charlemagne;
naturally therefore he began at that time to take rank as the first
person in the realm after the king and royal family ;16 and he was
given various names in accordance with the varied duties of his
office, as Primicerius of the palace ;17 Master of ecclesiastics ;18 Pre-
sident archpalatine ;19 Guardian of the palace f° and naturally also,
for the same reasons, kings' sons did not disdain to hold this office,
as e.g. we find it filled by Drogo, a son of Charlemagne, that Bishop
of Metz, who was at the same time both archchaplain, and proctor
(apocrisarius) of the Roman See.31 And in the reign of Charlemagne
we find that the Roman Pontiffs presented archchaplains with the
pall,22 for which reason it is that the archchaplain is styled "Arch-
chaplain of the sacred palace," in the Council of Mayence.23
Finally, in the ninth century the archchaplain received the name
of Almoner24 (eleemosynarius.) The executors of a king's will were
everywhere called by this name of Almoners25 in that early age;
and therefore, as kings chose their chaplains as the executors of their
wills for distributing their alms after their death, for that reason the
archchaplain was called an Almoner. By this name then he was
generally known after the tenth century, while in the fifteenth cen-
tury he began to be called the High Almoner, that fresh title of
"High" having been added to his name.26 But at that time, when
the High Almoner used to live at court, and when new privileges had
been conferred upon him in addition to those old ones of which
we have been speaking, especially that of exercising jurisdiction over
all monasteries and churches of a royal foundation, he used to take
an oath to the king at the time of his election, that he would never
demand any gratuity.27 The high almoner of the emperor was also
his registrar (chartularius), wherefore he was generally spoken of as
the emperor's registrar.2? We may mention also that in mediaeval
times archchaplains were elected by a national council, the election
being also confirmed by the Pope :29 but after the ninth century
their appointment was vested entirely in the king.
The staff of clergy resident in the royal chapel was made up of
15 Hincm. Rem. ib.; Epist. Capituli 23 Cone. Mogunt. An. 813. [Hilde-
Senon., and Vit. S. Anscharii ap. Du bald, Archbishop of Cologne and Arch -
Chesne, T. I. and III. ; Adalhard. de chaplain, presided.]
Ordine Palatii, [ap. Hincmar. T. II. 24 Capitul. Carol. Calvi, An. S77.
206—8.] 25 Baluz. in Not. ad Capit. 16, T.
16 Hincm. Opusc. i. T. II. II.
17 Alcuin. Epist. 42. 26 Gallic Christ. T. II. sub Carolo
18 Lupi Abbat. Epist. 97. VII.
19 Spicileg. T. VII. 27 Tilletius, Tabul. Reg. Chartar.
20 Adalhard, ibid. Franc, c. 10.
21 Ex Epist. Car. Calvi ad Nic. Pap. 28 Chron. Cassin. 1. iv.; De Petr.
ap. Du Chesne, T. I. Diac. c. 114.
22 Flodoard, 1. ii. c. 17; Codic. 29 Cone. Franco ford. An. 794, c.
Carol. Ep. Pauli I. R. P. ad Pipin. 53.
n. 26.
OF PALACE-CHAPLAINS. 73
minor clerks, of presbyters, and of monks ;—these last in the middle
ages being known by the name of the Lord's Vassals ;30—and all
these, as we said, had their private residence within the very palace
of the king. But clerks and presbyters did not in the ninth century
receive ordination from the archchaplain, but they were ordained by
the Bishop to whose diocese they belonged; wherefore neither clerks
nor presbyters could be admitted among the court clergy without
the licence of their own Bishop,31 to whom, specially as regards their
ordination, they were subject, though living at court.32 As monks
also in the middle ages were reckoned among the king's chaplains,33
they were for this reason called " Monks of the Palace."34 And all
these lived in community and according to canonical rule. This
was the case with the clergy of the imperial palace down to the end
of the twelfth century, and during the reign of the Emperor Henry
VI. ;35 hence subsequently to the eleventh century the name by
which they were vulgarly known was the "canonical clergy of the
chapel royal,"36 and from among them both in the Eastern37 and
Western Church almost all the Bishops of the kingdom were usually
selected.38
In the Eastern Church, indeed, in ancient times the clergy of the
Royal Oratory used to live outside the walls of the palace, since they
came to the emperor's palace when about to officiate at Divine Service.
But in the beginning of the ninth century—as Cedrenus relates39—
as the murderers of the Emperor Leo the Armenian had on that oc-
casion obtained entrance to the palace by secretly mixing themselves
with the clergy who were going in there to celebrate the service in
the third watch of the night (3 o'clock a.m.), since then the emperors
assigned to the clergy and to their archchaplain their own residences
within the palace itself. These also followed the emperor to war,
carrying and guarding the wood of the Holy Cross, on which soldiers
took the oath of allegiance in those times.
Appendix on Noblemen's Chaplains.
In writers of the ninth century we find mention made of chaplains
who used to officiate in private oratories of the nobility. They did
not, however, discharge the sacred duties of their office according to
our system in these days, i.e., for a certain time, as it suits their own
convenience, in that nobleman's chapel to which they are for the
30 Walafrid. Strab. de Reb. Eccle- 35 Spondan. ad An. 1197.
siast. c. 31. 36 Vita S. Bennon. Episc. c. 11;
31 Cone. Aquisgr. An. 836, c. 23; sa?c. XL die 16 Jun. ap. Surium.
Cone. Melden. An. 845, c. 58. 37 Niceph. Hist, passim, in 1. v. and
32 Hincmar. Rem. Ep. ad Cleric. vi.
Capel. Reg. T. II. 3S Flodoard, 1. iii. c. 24; Hincmar,
33 V. Ep. Lupi Abbat. 27, ap. Du ib.
Chesne, T. II. 39 Inter Script. Rer. Constantinop.
34 Gerberti Ep. 22 ; Spicileg. T. III. T. V. p. 418, 469, 612 and 642.
74 POLITY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH.
time attached, but by their ordination they were instituted (incardinati)
to that particular oratory which they undertook to serve.40 In those
times, then, when the nobles were engaged in perpetual wars, they took
care to build chapels in the castles of their own demesnes, and for
these they required the services of officiating chaplains. And so
they would select one of the sons of their own village serfs, called
by them "Clericiones"—clerics,—and present him to the Bishop
for ordination, their chapel serving as a title for Orders.41 But from
that time they used them for the most menial offices. They used to
wait at their table, to exercise their dogs, to train their riding horses,
to look after their farms,42 to educate the children of the nobles, and
to be pedagogues to them.43 To remedy these abuses numerous
decrees were issued, both by Councils and by Roman Pontiffs, for it
was ordered that presbyters who were chaplains to the nobility
should keep entirely aloof from secular business, and should devote
themselves to a more decent discharge of their own proper duties,44
and that they should not undertake the office without the licence of
the Bishop or Archdeacon :45 and they were strongly urged to show
obedience in all things both to their Bishop and their parish priest.46
The Bishops endeavoured, by these injunctions, at least to a certain
extent, to remedy the old established abuses of which we have
spoken; but that they met with but little success in these endeavours
was acknowledged by the fathers of the Council of Cologne47 so lately
as the sixteenth century, and even at the present day abuses
connected with the ministry of these private chaplains are sometimes
a matter of reproach to us.
CHAPTER IX.
ABOUT EISHOPS.
'Ew/c-kotto? (Episcopus), [in Latin, an inspector, a watchman, (in-
spector, speculator), from the Greek word iwiaicoirGu, to watch over],
was the name of that commissioner (inagistratus) among the Athe-
nians, who used to travel every year through the subject cities of
Attica, that at his leisure he might hold a visitation and administer
justice in them.1 And this was the official name, therefore, which
40 Ex Guiberto Abb. 1. iii. de vita [this Canon forbids the laity to have
sua, c. ult. chaplains independent of the Bishop.]
41 Agobard. Archiep. Lugduii. Epist. 47 Syn. Colon. An. 1536, Part. 2,
de Privil. et Jurib. Sacerd. c. 27.
42 Cone. Ticinen. An. 850, c. 18. x Aristoph. in Avib. v. 1023. Suidas
43 Ex. Guiberto ibid. and Harpocrat. sub voc. [Cf. Bockh.
44 Epist. Nicol. V. ad Consult. Saxon. Inscr. I. p. no; Herm. Pol. Ant.
45 Cone. Clarom. An. 1095, c. 18. § 157-8.]
46 Cone. Moguntin. An. 1310, c. 59;
ABOUT BISHOPS. 75
the Church transferred to those who in the republic of Christians
have authority over others, and who are the inspectors of their morals
and of their manner of life.2 This inspector was the first in the
ecclesiastical hierarchy, and to him both laymen, and Deacons, and
Presbyters were subject, while he himself was subject to Christ.3
§ i. Of the Names of the Bishops.
In ancient times the Bishops were also called the Presbytery, on ac-
count of their age, for generally they were senior in age to the other
clergy,4 though their orders and their consecration in themselves gave
them precedence over those to whom the name of presbyters or elders
strictly belonged as members of that order in the ministry.5 They
were also popularly called overseers, presidents, pontiffs (antistites,
7rpoea7u)769y prcepositz, pontifices), names which formerly the first of
the priests among the Romans specially assumed, as one who was
considered the arbiter of things human and Divine.6
The name of "Pope" was sometimes given to Bishops, as e.g., to
the Bishop of Carthage,7 and certain Bishops in Gaul ;8 and to the
Eastern Patriarchs, especially the Patriarch of Alexandria,9 the Bishop
of Jerusalem,10 and others. But subsequently to the sixth century
this name of "Pope" seems to have been everywhere considered as
peculiarly belonging to the Roman Pontiff alone.11 Bishops have
also been called apostles13 and apostolical, as successors of the
apostles, [and their sees, as late as Charlemagne, Sedes Apos-
tolical]13
2 S. Ignat. Ep. ad Smyrn. c. 8 and always gives the French Bishops the
12; ejusd. ad Magnes. c. 6. [Isid. His- title of "Dominus Papa." See Bing-
pal. de Ecc. Off. ii. 5, § 8; Greg. Mag. ham, ii. ii. § 7, who adds that Papa was
Ep. xiii. 37, calls a Bishop Speculator the common name of all Bishops for
or Inspector.} several ages. A Bishop is now entitled
3 Id. ib. [In Apost. Const, ii. 26, to be addressed as "my Lord" by virtue
the Bishop is called rrar^p, yyovfisvos, of this old title of Dominus, of which
and even iiriyeios Oebs i^era. Qe6v.~] Lord is a translation. The earliest
4 CEcum. in c. 20 Actor.; Maxim. meaning of the word Pope is "father-
in c. i. de Ccelesti Hierarchy Theodoret. in-the-faith" of his converts, according
in c. i. v. 7 Epist. ad Titum. to Smith's Diet. p. 1652.]
5 Ignat. laud. Epist. [In Const. 9 Epiphan. Hser. 69.
Apost. ii. 57, viii. 12, presbyters are 10 Avit. Vienn. Epist. 23.
called tepeTs, and bishops apx^peis. In n Libell. Liberati, c. 18, 21, and 22;
the first Canon of the fourth Council of Synod. VI. Act. 18, and Epist. Syno-
Arles, An. 524, Bishops are called dales.
"Sacerdotesdomini," "Lord Priests."] 12 Idali Epist. ad Arch. Tolet. in
6 Pomp. Fest. de Verb. Signif. in D'Acherii Spicileg. T. I. p. 313. [See
voce Ordo. [Greg. Turon. Hist. Franc. Bingham, ii. ii. 1, for authorities that
1. ix. c. 42.] Bishops were called Apostles as well as
7 Codic. Can. Eccl. Afric. [So Ail- Apostolici.]
gustine is usually addressed in letters as 13 Epist. 42 Bonifac, and Ep. De-
"Beatissimo Fapce Augustino," and sider. Spicileg. T. I. [Greg. Turon.
Cyprian, "Cypriano Papa;."] Hist. Franc, ix. 42; S. Aug. Ep. 42.
8 Fortun. Pictav. 1. iii. Poemat.; S. Isidore in his Origines, vii. xi. as-
Greg. Turon. Hist. Franc. 1. ii. 27, signs " Sedes Apostolicce" to Patriarchs,
and iv. 26. [So Sidonius Apollinarius Archbishops, and Bishops alike, while
76 POLITY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH.
By these names, then, we find that Bishops are everywhere spoken
of in the records of ecclesiastical history. But when they themselves
wrote letters they adopted the title of "Servant of the servants of
God:" this they did in the West down to the seventh century.14
And so in later times in the inscriptions of their letters they used the
following formula down to the twelfth century, "By the Grace of
God and of the Apostolic See," &c. The first who used this form
is said to have been the Bishop of the island of Cyprus, after he
had obtained jurisdiction over the Armenians and Maronites by the
favour of the Apostolic See,15 and his example was followed by some
Bishops of the Eastern Church, and after the thirteenth century by
all those of the whole of the Western Church.16
§ 2. Of the Election of a Bishop.
The election of a Bishop used to be held after calling together a
general assembly of the Church. This was in accordance with the
example of the Apostles,17 and it recognised the principle that chiefly
in the hands of Christian people should be vested the power either
of electing worthy candidates or of rejecting the unworthy.18 On
the death, therefore, of the Bishop of any Church, the clergy wrote
letters both to the other Bishops of the same Province and to the
Metropolitan, informing them of his death, and they, on receiving
this information, met together in the church of that parish which had
been left a widow by the death of her shepherd.19 Pending this
meeting of the provincial Bishops, it used anciently to be the custom,
on the death of a Bishop, for the Bishop of a neighbouring Church,
[who had been selected for this office by the Metropolitan], to repair
thither immediately, both to carry on a certain government of the
Church and to prevent any irregular election, and he used to be
admitting that the "potestas" and bon. An. 1351; Concilior. T. XII.
"dignitas" conferred on S. Peter, and [In Saxon England Bishops were called
transmitted from him to all Bishops, "God's Bydels," or messengers. Bingh.
were given "specialius Romano antis- ii. ii. 10.]
titi," (ad Eugen. Episc. Tolet. Migne, 17 Act. i. 15, [vi. 2.] [There is also
LXXXIII. 574-)] a passage on the subject in S. Chrysos-
14 Desiderii Episc. Cadurcensis Epist. tom's eighteenth Homily on 2 Cor.,
10, 11. Biblioth. Patr. T. IX. p. 415. and the whole solemnity is described in
[See Thomassin, I. i. 4, § 4. Desiderius the Sacramentarium of Gregory the
was Bishop of Cahors An. 660. Thus Great, p. 236.]
Augustine (Ep. 217 ad Vitalem) super- 18 Cyp. Ep. 67, § 5, ["The Bishop
scribes a letter, "August. Episc. servus should be chosen in the presence of the
Christi et per ipsum servus servorum people who know most fully the lives
ipsius." And Gregory the Great in of each," &c. So Leo M. Epis. 89,
Ep. i. 36, styles himself servus ser- "Qui prsefuturus est omnibus, abom-
vorum Dei, in writing to a Subdea- nibus eligatur." Const. Apost. viii. 4,
con.] directs three appeals to the people's
15 Constitut. Archiep. Nicosien. Edit. votes.]
An. 1351. 19 Greg. Naz. Orat. 18, and Epist. 22
16 Cone. Ravennat. An. 1310, 1314, ad Cler. Csesariens.
1317, Concilior. T. XL; Cone. Nar-
ABOUT BISHOPS. 77
called an Intercessor^ or Visitor,21 as the election could not be
deferred beyond three months in the Eastern Church,22 or beyond a
year in the Western.23
After, then, the provincial Bishops, or at the least three of them,24
had met together, a fast was proclaimed25 for three days, and at
length on .the third day, the clergy, the nobility of the city,
the heads of monasteries, and the common people, met together in
the same place, and to them they submitted the name of some
deserving candidate, and then the votes of all were taken,26 not
excluding even those of the rural Presbyters, and the people of the
country villages.27 For this reason the election was called in the
East x€lPorrouia> or the show of hands, for assent was expressed by
the stretching forth of the open hands of the electors. When the
votes and suffrages of all had thus been carefully examined into, the
decision as to the election was pronounced.28 This was confirmed
by the general subscription of all the clergy and nobles (honora-
torum). It was first read out from the pulpit by a deacon, then the
people shouted out their acclamations, using, if it was in the East,
the expression agio?, "worthy," if it was in the West, "bene meritus,
bene dignus" (he well deserves it, he is well worthy),29 then he was
sent to the Metropolitan, who first confir?ned the election?® and then
consecrated the selected candidate.
Before his consecration the Bishops, in the presence of the people,
held an examination into the character and the learning of the
Bishop elect,31 and he, when it appeared that he was duly qualified
for the episcopal office, delivered to the Metropolitan a confession of
faith, in which he professed to him belief in the dogmas of the
Catholic Faith, and promised obedience to the Canons of the
Church.32
20 Cone. Carth. V. c. 8. [Al. Cod. lxviii., "Suffragio, judicio, testimonio,
Afric. lxxiv.] consensu, populi et cleri universal fra-
21 Greg. Mag. Ep. ii. 16, and passim, temitatis suffragio."]
[He endeavoured to make the clergy 27 Sever. Sulpic. Vit. S. Martin, c. 7.
and people unanimous in favour of a [So Optatus, 1. i. ''suffragio totius
new Bishop.] populi."]
22 Cone. Chalcedonens. c. 25, An. *3 Cone. Chalced. Act. 16.
451, [three months.] 29 Philostorg. 1. ix. c. 10; Vales, in
23 Cone. Carth. V. ib., [a year.] Not. ad 1. vi. c. 29, Hist. Eccles. Euseb.
Greg. Mag. 1. vii. Ep. 14 and 42, [three [So Const. Apost. viii. 4; it was a
months.] Cone. Vernen. c. 17, An. common exclamation at election of
755. Bishops.]
24 Isid. Hisp. de Eccles. Offic. 1. ii. 30 Cone. Nicaen. T. c. 4 and 6. [Can.
c- 5- [Cyp. Ep. 67, § 5. In Cone. 4 requires the ratification {Kvpos) of
Niccen. I. Can. 4, the personal pre- the Metropolitan, Can. 6 declares elec-
sence of "all the Bishops of the Pro- tions void if made without consent
vince," (eVapxfa) is required where pos- [yvwfxri) of the Metropolitan.]
sible; if this is not possible, three at 31 Tractat. de Errorib. Origen. ap.
least must be present.] Labbeum, Concilior. T. V.
25 Acta Basil. Episc. Laudun. ap. 32 Cone. Carth. IV. can. i; Isidor.
Bolland. 19 Januar.; Act. S. Corn. de Eccl. Offic. 1. ii. c. 5, and in Ord.
Episc. Constantien. ap. Sur. 26 No- Roman, ap. Albin. Flac. de Div. Offic.
vembr. part 1 and 2. [Cone. Nic. II. c. 2, An.
26 [Cyprian. Epist. xliv., lv., lix., 7S7; Justin. Novel. 137, n. 2. These
l
7^ POLITY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH.
>
[Sometimes a Bishop was chosen by "inspiration" or " revelation,"
as it was called, i.e.,,by the unanimous and unpremeditated choice
of the electors, but generally] this was the manner of the election of a
Bishop from the fourth to the sixth century. Subsequently, how-
ever, to the fourth century these elections began sometimes to be
scenes of popular uproar and party strife,33 which in the Western
Church became more and more common through the intrigues of
the nobles, who endeavoured to foment the spirit of turbulent
violence among the people; by degrees, therefore, in the course of
the sixth century kings interposed their authority in the elections,
and their consent came to be considered as most of all essential to
the validity of the election, and in time this royal assent was not
generally given after the election had been made, but was secured as
a first step before the election was proceeded to at all. This was
more especially the case in the Churches of France, for among the
ancient formulas preserved by Marculfus,34 we find one which con-
tains the epistle which the king used to write to the Metropolitan on
the occasion of any election of a Bishop, and in it the king proposes
to the Metropolitan some one who is to be elected by him, but he
speaks of him as already elected by him wit/i the advice of the Bishops,
and he enjoins the Metropolitan to admit him to ordination, and to
observe at his ordination the ordinary rules. But when an ordination
is spoken of as one conducted according to ordinary rules, this
implies the securing beforehand the consent of the people, which,
down to the ninth and even the tenth centuries, was required as
essential to the validity of an election.35 Hence, under the Mero-
vingian kings of France, the mayors of the palace sometimes gave
their consent at the elections of Bishops in the stead of the king,30
which we read of being done very commonly under kings of the
second and third of that dynasty.37 In Spain also the kings used to
elect the Bishops in the seventh century,38 and in England since the
eleventh century this has been the prerogative of the king.39 And yet
this prerogative was sometimes surrendered by the kings to the chapters
Councils require the Bishop elect to pass 36 Bonifac. Pap. Ep. 92; Cone,
an examination before the Metropo- Liptin. c. 1; and Suessionen. c. 2, ap.
litan as to his orthodoxy and learn- Franc; Florent. in Comm. ad Tit. vi.
ing, as to whether he is well acquainted 1. 1, Decret. Greg. IX.
with the Canons, as well as with the 37 Florent. ibid.
Scriptures. He is required to profess 38 Cone. Toletan. XII. An. 681, c.
that he receives the Seven Synods, and 6. [In Spain the King and the Metro -
promises to keep the Canons enacted politan of Toledo seem by this Canon
by them.] to have acquired practically a joint
3:j Cone. Nicsen. I. c. 4. [Rather, power of nomination. It empowers
Cone. Laodic. An. 360, c. 19, which the Archbishop of Toledo, as Primate,
is directed against tumultuary proceed- to consecrate at Toledo, "quoscunque
ings at elections, and forbids their be- regalis potestas elegerit et jam dicti
ing left to the multitude.] Toletani episcopi judicium dignos esse
34 L. i. c. 5, ed. Baluz. in Capitular. probaverit."]
T. II. p. 378. 39 Eadmer. Cantuar. in Iiistor. Prcc-
35 Capit. Reg. Franc. 1. i. c. 48; fat. ap. Florent. ibid., and Johan. Saris-
Hincmar. Rem. Ep. ad Hedenulph. berien. Epist. 292, 295, 297, &c.
ABOUT BISHOPS. 79
of the cathedral church; especially in France about the twelfth and
thirteenth centuries40 was this the case, but afterwards in other
Churches also the custom prevailed.41 But at length, either because
Metropolitans began to abuse their privilege of election, or because
of the quarrels which arose among the Chapters during an election,
election causes were very frequently transferred for settlement to
Rome; the result was that the election of some of the Bishops, as
also their confirmation, was left by degrees in the hands of the
Roman Pontiff, so that at last in the fourteenth century, by the
Chancellor's Regulations, issued by authority of Pope John XXII.,
the confirmation of every Bishop's election was left altogether to
the Pope.
A word must be added, in conclusion, as to the age at which a
man was eligible for the episcopal office. Subsequently to the fourth
century when Canons on the subject began to be passed, a presbyter
in the Eastern Church might be raised to the episcopate in the fiftieth
year of his age,42 but this rule was not universal, for in some places
it was only necessary that he should be more than thirty years old.43
And this became the universal rule in the reign of the emperor
Justinian.44 The case has been known of a man having been con-
secrated a Bishop when only twenty or twenty-two years old, [as in
the case of S. Athanasius.] But history never mentions an instance
of this kind, except when some special reason seemed to justify it.45
In like manner, after the sixth century, we find that decrees of
councils were passed in the Western Church by which it was made
unlawful that any man should be raised to the Episcopate before his
thirtieth year.46 But from this general rule the Church in particular
cases has departed, when a special occasion required it, as, e.g., in
the case of S. Remigius, who was consecrated Bishop [of Rheims
a.d. 461], in the twenty-second year of his age.47 But generally the
ancient discipline has remained in force down to our own times,
whenever in any age the Church from time to time renewed the old
Canons passed by councils on this subject.48
§ 3. Of the Consecration of a Bishop.
A Bishop, before his consecration, took a solemn and formal oath
of allegiance and obedience to the king. This at least was the
40 Pragm. Sanction, An. 1268; Pi- 46 Cone. Arelat. IV. c. 1, An. 475.
thoeus de Libert. Gallic. T. I. c. 15. Isidor. Hisp. de Offic. Eccles. 1. ii. c. 5,
41 Decret. Alex. III. c. 4 and 5 in § 10, [" ex qua aetate Christus orsus est
Collect. Decret. Greg. IX. prxdicare."]
42 Ex Const. Apost. 1. ii, c. 1, [" Not 47 Ex Hincmar. in ejus vita, c. 6.
under fifty years of age."] 4S Cone. Francoford. An. 794, c. 12;
43 Greg. Naz. Orat. 40; [Cone. Neo- Turon. An. 813, c. 50; Tolosan. An.
cses. c. 11, An. 315.] 1056, c. 2; Later. An. 1177, c. 13;
44 Nov. 133, c. 1, ap. Phot., and Bal- Viennen. An. 1311; Colonien. An.
sam. in Collect. Const. Eccl. 1. iii. 153S; Trident. 1545.
45 Niceph. Callixt. Hist. 1. iii. c. 39.
8o
POLITY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH.
custom throughout France since the ninth century began.49 Since
the beginning of the same century he made also a profession of
obedience to his Metropolitan,50 but without any oath*1 being taken.
Indeed since the beginning of the eighth century it was usual for a
Bishop, before consecration, to make a similar profession of obedience
to the Roman Pontiff.52 It is thought by some that this custom
originated in the oath administered by Gregory II. to Bishop Boni-
face in the same century,53 though others think the custom originated
later, in a decree of a council which Pope Gregory VII. held at
Rome a.d. 1079. As to the prescribed form of oath which is
taken at the present day, it is certain it was drawn up by Pope
Clement VIII.54
According to the statutes of ancient councils, the consecration of
a Bishop ought to be conducted by the Metropolitan,55 or if he is
unable to take the service himself, he must issue his mandate of
consecration to all the Bishops of the Province; of these, [all if
possible, but if not], three at least must be present at the consecra-
tion, according to the most ancient rule of Church discipline; and
it was also the rule in some places to summon the Bishops of the
neighbouring Province.56 The reason of this was, that if there were
not as many as three Bishops belonging to the same Province, those
of the neighbouring Province (7r\r]aiox^pov iwapx^) were to be
called on to consecrate.57
Thus, then, the elected candidate for the Episcopacy was con-
secrated by his Metropolitan, assisted by other Bishops. In ancient
times, in accordance with the practice of the Church from the
beginning, this was done by the imposition of hands, accompanied
by invocation of the Holy Spirit.58 But about the fourth century
additions began to be made to the ritual of this consecration
service, for in the Eastern Church a Book of the four Gospels used
to be laid on the head and shoulders of the ordination candidate,59
and this ritual was observed in some parts of the Western Church,
49 Agobard. Tract, de Discr. utriusque 55 Cone. Nicsen. I. c. 4, and Lao-
Regimin.; V. Mabill. Ann. Ord. S. dicen. c. 12, An. 365.
Bened. ssec. VI. p. 2. 56 Cone. NicEen. I. c. 4 and 6. [This
50 Cone. Gallise, T. II. p. 655; Ep. rule of the Council of Nice, requiring
466 in App. Cone. Labb. T. VIII. three consecrating Bishops, is constantly
51 Cone. Cabilon. II. An. 813, c. 13, referred to.]
[forbids the oath which some then en- 57 Cone. Sardic. c. 6, An. 347;
acted at consecration, "quod digni sint, Antioch. c. 19, An. 341 ; Carthag. IV.
et contra canones non sint facturi, et vulgo II. c. 12, An. 390.
obedientes sint episcopo qui eos ordinat, 58 Acta Apost. xiii. 3; Epist. i.
&c, quod juramentum quia pericu- ad Timoth. v. 22; Morin. de Sacr.
losum est, omnes una inhibendum Ordin. Part ii.
statuimus."] ft9 Const. Apost. 1. viii. c. 4, ["Let
52 Binius, Cone. T. III. p. 2, and one of the principal Bishops, together
Baron. An. 723. with two others, stand near to the altar,
53 Petr. de Marc. Concord. 1. vi. c. 7, the rest of the Bishops and Presbyters
n. 6; Jul. Lavor. de Elect. T. IV. c. praying silently, and the Deacons hold-
22; Baron, ibid., aliique. ing the Holy Gospels open upon the
54 Van Esp. T. I. p. 1, tit. xv. Edit. head of him that is to be ordained."]
Neapol. Ballad, in Dial, de vita Chrys. c. 12.
ABOUT BISHOPS. 31
first of all perhaps in the Churches of Africa,60 from which it passed
over to other Churches of the West also. That this was the case
we may fairly conjecture from a certain custom which was kept up in
the French and especially the English Churches in the eleventh
century, for there, we are told by the author of the life of S. Cuth-
bert61 and by Matthew Paris,62 that from the first words which met the
reader's eyes when the Metropolitan opened the Book of the Gospels
at the consecration of a Bishop elect, the people used to augur
whether when he was ordained he would make a good or a bad
Bishop. For why should the Metropolitan open a Book of the
Gospels, except to lay it, when open, on the head and shoulders of
the ordinee in the usual way?
After the fifth century the ceremony of anointing [the head]
began to be introduced into the Office for the consecration of a
Bishop, first in the Gallican Churches,63 and in the sixth century at
Rome, about the time of S. Gregory the Great.64 But though all
are agreed that this ceremony is not of greater antiquity than the
fifth century, yet it cannot be determined with any certainty at what
time the custom became general in other Latin Churches, though it
is certain that it was so after the thirteenth century. [After the sixth
or] certainly after the ninth century it became customary [in the
Western Church] for the Metropolitan, after anointing the Bishop, to
deliver to him a ring and pastoral staff.65 It is important, in con-
clusion, to remark that that formula now found in the Roman
Pontifical at the consecration of a Bishop, "Receive thou the Holy
Ghost," &c, is not more ancient than the fourteenth century. This
is proved by the general testimony of ancient ordinals, which are
without that formula, in Morinus and Martene. At the conclusion
of the consecration service the Metropolitan delivered to the new
Bishop letters of orders testifying to his ordination,66 and certain
heads of a treatise on the best management of a Church, and the
duties of the office which he had undertaken, of which we have a
specimen in the Roman Pontifical.
The new Bishop, then, in accordance with the custom of the
Church,67 wrote letters to the other Bishops, informing them of his
60 Cone. Carthag. IV. c. 2, An. 398, 65 Martene de Antiq. Eccl. Disc. lib.
["Episcopus cum ordinatur, duo epis- i. c. 8, art. xi. [Both are mentioned
copi ponant et teneant Evangeliorum in S. Isidor. Hispal. de Ecc. Off. ii. 5;
codicem super caput et cervicem ejus." Cone Tolet. IV. c. 28, An. 633; in
So in almost every ritual Eastern and Gregory's Sacramentary, An. 590, and
Western. In the first Prayer Book of in Pontifical of Egbert, An. 732. S.
Edward VI., 1549, this old custom was Isidore explains the pastoral staff to be
observed, and the Archbishop was re- symbolical of pastoral guidance, and
quired to lay an open Bible on the new the ring to symbolise "disciplina ar-
Bishop's neck.] cani," the seal of holy reserve under
6J Ap. Bolland. die 20 Martii. which Sacramental mysteries are spoken
62 Hist. Anglic. sa?c. XI. of to the world,—" signaculum secre-
63 Morin. de Sacr. Ord. Exerc. vi. c. torium."]
2, § 2. 66 Conc> Milevit. An. 402, c. 14.
64 Greg. Magn. Comm. in I. Reg. 6? S. Leo I. Pap. Ep. 118, [Greg,
c. 10. Mag. Ep. 1, 25, 27, 47.]
G
8 2 POLITY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH.
consecration, and in these letters he generally wrote out a certain
confession of the Catholic Faith,68 and by them he united himself in
communion with other Bishops.
I might here speak of the elaborate ritual in use in the Eastern
Church at the consecration of a Bishop, but as, with the exception
of what I have described above, all other ritualist ceremonies are
novel in their origin, and would not perhaps be interesting to us, I
must refer those of my readers who wish to pursue the subject, to
the Euchologium of the Eastern Church.
After the consecration of the new Bishop [came his enthroniza-
tion]: it was customary in mediaeval times in some of the Latin
Churches for him to be carried by the Bishops of the same Province
in a gilded chair to the episcopal cathedral, the clergy at the same
time chanting Psalms.69 Some traces of this custom lingered in the
churches of France in the tenth century, where on the anniversary
of their consecration the Bishops used to be carried to church on
the shoulders of the nobility.70 From the very earliest times in
every Church both of the East and West the Bishop of it cele-
brated the anniversary of his consecration.71 This was done at
Rome on a scale of great magnificence, since on that occasion
Bishops flocked thither from all the cities of Italy.72 In the Eastern
Church this anniversary day was kept with a service of its own,
which was appropriated to the occasion, and which is still extant in
the Euchologium of the Greeks.
§ 4. Of the creation of new Sees; of Missionary Bishops among the
Heathen.
When the Apostles "had laid the foundations of the faith in any
remote regions," they used to appoint new pastors73 over them, that
they themselves might hasten on to occupy fresh ground. For this
reason the Bishops, who were the immediate successors of the
Apostles in these Churches, succeeded also to this privilege of theirs,
and founded new Episcopal Sees when the occasion required them
to do so, or else sent Bishops into those countries which had recently
embraced the Christian faith.74 Thus Athanasius, Bishop of Alex-
68 Greg. Magn. ix. 52, ["Hinc est place set apart for him among the rest
enim ut quoties in quatuor pracipuis of the Bishops, they all giving him the
sedibus antistites ordinantur, synodales kiss in the Lord."]
sibi epistolas vicissim mittant, in quibus 7° Hist. Sebastiani Rovillard. [Greg,
se sanctum Chalcedonensem synodum Turon. Hist. Franc, iii. 2.]
cum aliis generalibus synodis custodire 71 S. Paulin. Nolan. Ep. 16; S.
fateantur."] Cone. Nicsen. II. Act. 3. August. Horn, de Temp. 24, 25, and
69 Ex vita S. Wilfridi Episcopi Ep. 70.
Eboracens. [See also Const. Apost. 72 Hilar. Pap. Ep. ad Ascan. et ceter.
viii. 5, "After the Prayer (of Con- Episc. Tarracon.
secration) let one of the Bishops elevate 73 Euseb. Pamph. Hist. Eccl. 1. iii.
the Sacrifice upon the hands of him that c. 37.
is ordained, and early in the morning 74 Socrat. Plist. Eccl. 1. i. c. 19; 1.
let him be placed in his throne, in a iv. c. 36; Hincmar. T. I. Opusc. iv.
ABOUT BISHOPS. &$
andria, founded a new Episcopal See in India, sending thither Fru-
mentarius as a Bishop. Chrysostom sent Willan as a Bishop to the
Goths, and Juvenal, Bishop of the Church at Jerusalem, gave a
mission to a Bishop for the Saracens, and the Roman Pontiff did the
same for the Scotch and Irish.75 In later times we find councils
formally granting to Metropolitans this privilege of creating new Sees
and sending forth Bishops to them.76 But since the sixth century,
the consent of a Metropolitan was not alone of itself sufficient for
the creation of new Sees: it was necessary besides that a decree of a
Provincial Synod should be obtained; and it was a prevalent custom
in the middle ages, that the King should give his consent also.77
In the West the approval of the Roman Pontiff was indispens-
able.78 But though even since the sixth century the Roman Pontiff
created new Sees on his own responsibility, this was done by
him occasionally only, till the eighth century, when he began to
claim for himself the right to do so on all occasions, and when he
was even wont sometimes to concede this right to his legates. Thus
Stephen, King of Hungary, was able to found a new See without
waiting for the consent of the Roman Pontiff, because he in his own
person" filled the office of perpetual Legate of the Roman See.79
Down to the sixth century also the translation of a Bishop from one
Church to another required the decree of a Provincial Synod, which
was granted when a good canonical reason could be shown for it.
But in the Eastern Church in the middle ages the consent of the
emperor had to be obtained before such a translation could take
place.80 A similar rule held good in the Western Church,81 where
the consent of the Roman Pontiff or of the legates of the Apostolic
See was also necessary.82
§ 5. Of the distiiidive Ornaments of Bishops.
Among the distinctive insignia of Bishops, the first place must be
given to the mitre. Mitra, or Mitre, was the name which the
Romans gave to the covering which an Asiatic woman wore upon her
75 S. Prosper adv. Collat.; Phot. precedes the See (sedes). The city
Cod. 48. makes the Bishop, rather than the
76 Cone. Ephesin. in Libello suppl. Bishop the city.]
in Append. Cone. Chalced. Act. 10. 7S V. Epist. Leon. P. ad Childebert.
77 Zonar. in c. $S Cone. Trull., and Reg. An. $37, Cone. Gallia?, T. I.;
Balsam, in c. 16 and 60 Cone. Carth. Greg. Turon. Hist. 1. vii. c. 17, and'
IV. [Thus the Council of London, Acta S. Medardi ap. Surium, die 8
An. 1075, gives consent for the transla- Junii; Ivon. Carnot. 1. ad Pasch. II.
tion of the Sees of Dorchester and Sher- n. 240.
borne, "Prohibetur episcopales sedes 79 Ex ejus vita ap. Sur. die 20 Auo-.
in villis existere; concessum est regia c. 8. **
munificentia et sinodali auctoritate, epis- 80 Zonar. and Balsam, ibid,
copis de villis transire ad civitates," &c. S1 Ex vita Lanfranc. Ep. Cantuar,
It may be remarked that this Canon for 82 Vita S. Anscharii ap. Sur. 11
the translation of Sees from "villages" Octobr., and Epist. Ioann. XIII. Pap.
to "cities," proves that the city (civitas) ap. Baron. An. 965.
G 2
84 POLITY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH.
head.83 So also among Christians, mitella, or little mitre,84 was
the name given to the head-dress of a virgin.85 The ornamental
head-dress worn by kings in India86 was in like manner called a
mitre,87 and the mitre of the Jewish priests was perhaps a covering
for the head, of this kind.88 In the first ages of the Church then
the mitre was nothing else than a sort of linen fillet (vitta) so
bound round the head,89 that it assumed the shape of a sort of cap.
It is therefore called by the ancients aie<j)avo<s, a crown,90 or Kidapis, a
diadem.91 That down to the sixth century the mitre was of a simple
shape we know from the testimony of ancient records, for in that
century John of Cappadocia, a Bishop of Constantinople, first began
the custom of adorning the tiara or mitre with gold and with sacred
imagery depicted on it.93 And this custom was afterwards adopted
by the Latins also in the middle ages, as we may see in mitres of
that age which have come down to us, and in mosaic works. The
mitre was, however, so peculiarly an ornament of Bishops, that
Bishops used to take oath upon it, [and to be adjured by it],93 and
the word "crown" (a name commonly given to the mitre among
Bishops), was often used for the episcopate, as e.g., a friend of the
Bishop was called a "friend of the Crown/'94 [and per coronam
tuam,—by thy crown,—was equivalent to "by thy episcopacy"].
Sandals also belong to the "ornaments" of a Bishop, for to this
day he wears them during the celebration of the Liturgy. These
are made with a sole beneath, and of a perforated upper leather,
reaching half way up the foot. Women's shoes among the early
Greeks were almost of the same shape, and they were called by the
same name.95
Yet writers of the ninth century are the earliest authors who seem
83 V. Servium in annotat. ad Virgil. reference is to the opening words of
JEn. iv. 216 and ix. 616. [So Isidor. the oration delivered by Eusebius on
Hispal. Etymolog. xix. 31, 4, "Pileum the consecration of the great church at
virorum, mitrse vero fceminarum."] Tyre, which begins with an address to
84 Ap. Catull. Epithal. 63 sq.; Virgil. Paulinus, Bishop of Tyre, and the as-
Cop. i. sembled clergy, "Friends and Priests
85 Optat. adv. Parmen. 1. vi. c. 4. (tepeiy) of God, who are clad in the
[Optatus says, "A little mitre of purple- holy robe that reacheth to the feet
coloured wool was the badge of pro- (^0877^77), and with the heavenly crown
fessed virginity." Of this Eusebius (crrecpa^os) of glory, the inspired unc-
speaks also (Mart. Pal. 9,) and Martene tion and the sacerdotal garment of the
says (de Ecc. Rit. ii. iv. 13) that a Holy Spirit, &c."]
mitre, in addition to a veil, was placed 91 Greg. Naz. Orat. v. [Orat. x. 4;
on the head of a virgin when she was Patrol. Gr. XXXV. 829.]
consecrated to a religious life.] 92 Cantacuzen. 1. iii. c. 36.
86 Strabo, 1. xv. (?); Brisson. deRegn. 93 August. Ep. 147 ; Hieron. Ep. ad
Persic, i. 46. August. [See, as confirming this ex-
87 Philostr. de vita Apollon. 1. ii. c. planation, Smith's Diet, of Christian
II. Antiq., p. 239.]
88 V. Maimon. in Kele Hammikdash 94 Alypius, Ep. 35, ad Paulin. inter
c. 8, § 19, &c. August. Ep. [Ed. Migne, Ep. 24;
89 V. Histor. Methodii, part 4, and "Ad venerabilem socium coronse tuas,
Glycam. ibid. fratrem nostrum Aurelium," &c.]
90 Euseb. Hist. Ecclesiast. 1. x. c. 4; 95 V. Turneb. Adversar. 1. xxix. c. 8;
Ammian. Marcell. 1. xxix. 5. [The Salmas. ad Tertullian. de Pallio, p. 368.
ABOUT BISHOPS. 8$
to have included sandals among the ornaments peculiar to Bishops,96
for earlier writers are evidently silent about them, with the exception
of one writer of the sixth century, viz., Pope Gregory I., who is
perhaps speaking of Bishop's sandals, when he is forbidding Deacons
to wear those particular shoes.97 Pope Innocent III. in the twelfth
century makes mention also of gloves for the hands (chirothec<z), as
worn by the Bishop during the Liturgy.98
The Ring is also one of the distinctive ornaments worn by
Bishops. This is usually worn by them on a finger of the right
hand, in accordance, apparently, with an ancient custom of the
Jews.99 The episcopal ring is mentioned by Optatus of Milevis,100
and in the sixth century by Isidore of Seville also,101 and by some
councils held in Gaul.103 In the Eastern Church, as we learn from
the writings of Balsamon, the ring is not one of the ornaments
of a Bishop,103 [except among the Maronite Syrians and the Arme-
nians].
The Crozier, or pastoral staff, is the next ornament used by
Bishops. This is mentioned by Gregory, Bishop of Tours, in the
sixth century.104 It appears indeed to have been an ornament
especially belonging to Primates in the ecclesiastical hierarchy; for
the sceptre which was borne by kings was a golden staff, as we know
from the description which Eginhard has given us of the sceptre of
Charlemagne.105 It has at the top the figure of a curved crook,
which is not surprising if we consider the ancient shape and name
of a shepherd's crook, and why it was so shaped and named. "A
shepherd's crook," as Paul the Lawyer says, "was called a ' Pedum,'
because with it the sheep are caught by the feet" (pedes).
At his consecration, further, a Bishop used to receive from the
hands of the Metropolitan a ring and a pastoral staff.106 In former
times the latter was not made of the precious metals, but of
wood,107 generally elder wood.108 In the Eastern Church, as we are
informed by Balsamon, the curved pastoral staff was peculiar to a
Patriarch.
Lastly, Bishops wear a cross suspended round the neck, which the
Greeks called to Trepia^jua.109
96 Auctor. Collectan. sub Bedse no- 103 Jur. Orient. T. I.
mine, quod tribuitur Floro Diac. c. de 104 De Mirac. S. Mart. 1. i. c. 4.
septem ordinib.; and Vulgat. Alcuin. de 105 L. i. c. 19.
Div. Offic. c. 20; Amalar. Fort, de 106 Isidor. ib. 1. ii. c. 5; Cone. Tri-
Eccles. Offic. 1. Ii. c. 25. cass. and Nemausen. [Cone. Tolet.
97 L. vii. Ep. 28; Decret. I. dist. IV. c. 28.]
xciii. 21. 10? Greg. Turonen. ibid., ["baculo
98 L. ii. de Myster. Miss. c. 41. sustentante stare."]
99 V. Wanshelium Schediasm. Line. m V. vitam S. Bruchardi, 1. ii. c. 1,
22 Teremise. ap. Sur. 19 Octobr. [" Martigny says,
100 L. i. c. 10, de Schism. Donat. that in primitive times it was of wood,
101 De Offic. Eccl. 1. ii. c. 5, § 12, most commonly of cypress wood."
["dum consecratur datur baculus et da- (Diet, des Antiq. Chret. s. v. Eve-
tur annulus."] ques.)]
102 Cone. Tricass. An. 857, and Ne- 109 V. Possin. Not. ad Mich. Palaeol.
mausen. An. 885, Cone. Gall. T. III.
86 POLITY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH.
This custom arose perhaps from the fact that formerly they used
to wear an i^icd\7nov, a reliquary " in the bosom," in which were either
the bones of some saint, or in the middle ages the wood of the holy
cross ;110 for as this reliquary, [though sometimes square], was gene-
rally cruciform in shape, hence perhaps arose the custom of wearing
a cross.
We have now said enough on the distinctive ornaments of Bishops,
though we shall have occasion hereafter to refer to the subject of the
Pall and other such matters.
CHAPTER X.
OF TITULAR BISHOPS.
By Titular Bishops we mean those whose diocese is situated
within the dominions of princes who are enemies to Christianity,
and who, therefore, are not allowed to reside in their own dio-
cese, nor to administer its affairs. For though in ancient times
no one might enjoy an ecclesiastical benefice who was not in a
position to discharge the ecclesiastical duties of it, and though
this rule had been made binding on clergy and on Bishops alike, still
even since the fourth century councils have allowed Bishops to enjoy
the honours of the episcopate, if they had made honest endeavours
to govern their dioceses, even though those endeavours had been
in vain.1 When Arabs, Saracens, and other barbarians began to
invade the Eastern Empire, then the occasion first arose for the
appointment of these Titular Bishops. But the Emperor Alexius
Comnenus in the twelfth century was the first who actually issued an
edict on the subject. He commanded that those Bishops who had
been set over Churches situated in parts of the East, which were
poor and entirely inaccessible to Episcopal supervision, should be
allowed to retain their title to an ecclesiastical benefice f meaning
by "poor" churches, those which had been wasted by the bar-
barians. But, adds the emperor, this arrangement is to stand only
till those Churches which are'now inaccessible to the visits of a Bishop,
because they are occupied by the bitterest enemies of Christianity,
shall have been rescued from the power of the barbarians :3 in which
condition of subjection to their enemies were the Patriarchates of
Jerusalem and Antioch, and very many other episcopal and metro-
politan Churches. That Titular Bishops might not want the neces-
110 Anast. Biblioth. Not. ad Synod. c. 18, [A Bishop, driven by persecution
CPolitan. IV. Sess. 6. [For first men- from his own diocese, to be allowed to
tion of these reliquaries (phylacteria) reside, and to take celebrations, in ano-
see Greg. Mag. Ep. iiL 33; vi. 6; xiv. ther.]
12.] 2 Balsamon. in c. 37 Cone. Trullani.
1 Cone. Sardicen. c. 21, and Antioch. 3 Idem. ibid.
OF TITULAR BISHOPS. 87
saries of life, the emperor ordered that these should be supplied
them from the imperial treasury.4
By Titular Bishops, then, we first of all mean those whose churches
had fallen into the hands of the barbarians, the government of which
it was therefore impossible for them to carry on, though they were
placed under their jurisdiction; and then, after this, as these Bishops
died, others succeeded them, ordained to their titles, or to the
Churches which they hoped they would very speedily recover from
the enemy. Thus Spain enjoyed the supervision of Titular Bishops
during the period while so many provinces of that kingdom were
occupied by the Moors.5
But in the thirteenth century Latins began to be consecrated in
some places as titular Oriental Patriarchs. For when in the year
1261 the Greeks again took Constantinople, after expelling from
thence the Latins, who had ruled there during a period of sixty
years, the Latin Patriarch was deposed from the See of Constan-
tinople. But the Latins, in hopes of recovering Constantinople,
created Latin Patriarchs, who took their title from that Church, and
when they died others were appointed to succeed them. When the
exercise of this privilege occasioned fierce contests between the Vene-
tians and French, at length all power of creating Titular Patriarchs
was vested in the Roman Pontiff,6 and at the beginning of the four-
teenth century the right of filling up the four Oriental Patriarchates
was declared to belong to the See of Rome by Pope Boniface VIII.7
But as meanwhile the Greeks also created Patriarchs of their own
for the same titles, at length in the fifteenth century at the Council
of Florence a rule was agreed on between the Greeks and the Latins
that to prevent there being two occupants of the same Patriarchal
See together, the one who first died, whether he was a Greek or
Latin, should be succeeded by the survivor: and in accordance with
this rule, during the Pontificate of Nicolas V., when a Latin Patriarch
of Constantinople died, he was succeeded by a Greek.8 Afterwards
the Greeks obtained the power of electing their own Patriarchs for
the future. But in the same century they began to violate the terms
of their compact, especially when after the death of one of the Greek
Patriarchs at Rome Pius II. appointed a Latin successor; but this
the Pontiff did in accordance with the rules of the Roman Chancery,9
of which rules the Greeks were generally ignorant.
Wherefore since the fourteenth century the titular Bishops of
Oriental Churches have been created by the Roman Pontiff.10 But
as it was found that some of them were in distress through want of
necessary food, and were leading an unsettled and wandering life,11
it was resolved, after mature deliberation, that except the Patriarchs,
4 Id. ib., and inc.21 Cone. Sardicen., s Ap. Rainaldum, An. 1459, n. 84.
[" Et larga benevolentia et humanitas 9 Regula de Morientib. in Curia.
ei est exhibenda."] 10 Cone. Viennen. in Clementin. c.
5 Roderic. de Reb. Hisp. 1. iv.c. 18. "In plerisque."
g Rainald. An. 1301, n. 24. n Cone. Ravenn. An. 1311, c. 4, and
7 Extrav. Com. 1. i. c. 3. 1314, c. 4. (?)
oo POLITY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH.
only those should be elected titular Bishops for the future who could
be invited by other Bishops to take part with them in proper epis-
copal work.12 Wherefore it became the custom of Bishops' Vicars
General to be also consecrated to the titular episcopacy. This was
first done in Germany in the beginning of the sixteenth century,13
the example was soon followed in all other parts of the Church,14
and the custom has continued down to our own day.
CHAPTER XL
OF CHOREPISCOPI.
As in the third century of the Church episcopal dioceses had
begun to spread gradually even into rural places, the Bishops
appointed certain rural vicars who should, as their representatives,
exercise jurisdiction in the villages. The Greeks called these vicars
Xwpe7TL(nco7rot,—Bishops of country places, or wepiodevrac,—circuit
visitors, curators, who visited the different Churches in tour,1 and
the Latins called them Chorepiscopi, retaining in use the same
Greek word.2 And as after the time of Constantine the Great the
boundaries of the dioceses were continually enlarging more and
more, we find that an increasing number of these Chorepiscopi were
also added to each individual diocese.3 In the Eastern Church they,
as the Bishop's deputies, performed by his authority the same duties
as he did. They administered the Sacrament of Confirmation, con-
secrated churches, gave virgins the sacred veil, and examined into
the lives and characters of the clergy of the district over which they
presided, (that so they might certify the Bishop concerning them at
their ordination4). They ordained Deacons and Priests, when the
Bishop was present himself and commanded them to do so,5 and
12 Cone. Colonien. An. 1422; Co- Cone. Nicsen. c. 8. [The former of
mitia Lutetise habita sub Carolo VI. these Canons says the Chorepiscopi
An. 1394. were in imitation of the Seventy, as
13 Ex Edict. Cardin. Campegii Le- fellow-labourers with the Bishops for
gati Apost. An. 1524, c. 19. care of the poor. The latter directs
14 Cone. Colon. An. 1536, and Au- that any reconciled Novatian Bishop
gustan. An. 1548, Act. 2. may be admitted as a country Bishop or
1 Cone. Laodic. c. 57, An. 363, [This as a Presbyter.]
Canon directs that Bishops shall not be 3 V. Vitam S. Basil. Cassar. a S.
appointed in villages and country places, Gregor. Naz. metrice scriptam; and
but that in their stead Presbyters with Basilii Ep. 181.
the title of Periodeuta should be em- 4 Id. Ep. 181.
ployed, and is generally thought to con- 5 Cone. Antioch. An. 341, c. 10.
trast, and not to identify, the Chorepis- [The Council of Antioch gives them a
copi and Periodeutse. Robertson, like general commission to ordain all clergy
Pelliccia, is inclined to identify them. under the rank of Presbyters and Dea-
(See his Church Hist. vol. i. p. 301.)] cons, but not these last without special
2 Cone. Neocses. c. 14, An. 314; leave from the city Bishop. It says
OF CHOREPISCOPI.
89
Readers and other minor orders of clerks even in the absence of the
Bishop,6 though it is evident they performed all these duties with the
Bishop's knowledge, i.e., with his consent.7 They were present at
councils, in which they took their seats and subscribed their names
to the Acts passed as the Bishops did.8 But as among these duties
which we have described some belong properly and exclusively to
the episcopal office, disputes have naturally arisen on the subject of
their orders among those learned in canon law, which we leave them
to settle for themselves.*
They appear, indeed, in the Western Church, to have attained
their greatest power in the fifth century,9 and as the Bishops had
then delegated to them almost all the authority which they them-
selves possessed,10 they began by degrees to usurp the privileges and
the jurisdiction which rightly belonged to the episcopate. Hence
arose frequent disputes between them and the Bishops.11 The result
was that at length in the seventh century councils began to issue
edicts which- limited the privileges of the rural Bishops within
narrower bounds,13 and in the eighth century they were forbidden by
the Roman Pontiff S. Leo III.13 to consecrate either Priests,
virgins, churches, or the oil for Confirmation; and these restrictions
were in every part of the Church ratified by councils in that and in
the following century.14 Hence in the ninth century the authority
of rural Bishops was little more than nominal, extending only
over ministers of inferior grade,15 so that by the tenth century both
also that a Chorepiscopus was ordained
by one Bishop only, the Bishop of the
city to whose jurisdiction he belonged.]
6 Ibid, and Cone. Ancyr. c. 13, An.
314. [The Council of Ancyra says,
"The Chorepiscopi shall not ordain
Presbyters and Deacons without the
permission of the Bishop in writing."]
7 Cone. Laodic. c. 57, An. 363. (?)
8 Cone. Neocces. in Subscriptionibus;
Nicaen. I. in Subscript.; Chalced. Act.
4; S. Athan. Apolog. 2, T. I. p. 802,
ed. Paris. 1698, [Al. Opp. I. 200.] [In
the Council of Chalcedon, Act. 4, Va-
lentinus and Alexander sign themselves
"Presbyter and Periodeutes."]
* [Robertson (Ch. Hist. Vol. II. p.
182,) says, "Some had episcopal con-
secration, while the greater number
were merely presbyters," quoting Za-
char. ad Bonifac. Ep. 65, and Pagi,
xiii. 552. The writer of the article
Chorepiscopi in Smith's Diet, of Chris-
tian Antiq., is inclined to think they
were all originally Bishops, but sank
into Presbyters.]
9 Cone. Regien. An. 439, c. 3. [This
is the first mention of Chorepiscopi in
the West; it gives them authority to
hold Confirmations.]
10 V. Isid. Hisp. de Offic. Eccl. 1. ii.
c. 6. [S. Isidore says they are or-
dained after the example of the Seventy,
and may ordain the minor orders, but
not Presbyters or Deacons, without
their Diocesan's consent, "praster con-
scientiam episcopi."]
11 V. Capitul. Reg. Franc. 1. vi. c.
12 Cone. Hispalen. II. c. 7, An. 619.
[This Council rather treats of Pres-
byters.]
13 In Resp. ad Episc. Gall, et Germ.
[Gratian says, (C. Chor. d. 68,) "Prop-
ter insolentiam ab ecclesia prohibiti
sunt."]
14 Cone. Ratisb. An. 69, and Melden.
An. 845, c. 20, [Cone. Paris, c. 27, An.
829. The Council of Ratisbon does
not allow the Chorepiscopi to perform
any episcopal functions unless they had
been ordained by three Bishops. The
Councils of Meaux and Paris forbid them
to confirm, consecrate churches, or
ordain, or to perform any other func-
tions peculiar to the episcopate.]
15 Ex statut. Ebbon. Arch. Remens.
ap. Flod. in Append, ad Hist. Eccl.
Rem.
9° POLITY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH.
in the West and East, Bishops had gradually withdrawn their old
privileges from the Chorepiscopi, and transferred them either to the
Archpresbyters or to the Vicars-general, and in the same century
their dignity and their office became by degrees extinct.
CHAPTER XII.
OF bishops' vicars.
In former times "Bishops' Vicars" was only another name for
Chorepiscopi, as has already been said : hence it is that Isidore thus
expresses himself,1 "Bishops' Vicars, whom the Greeks call Chor-
episcopi;" and hence the Latins very frequently described as Vicars
those whom the Greeks spoke of as Chorepiscopi: and hence a
Presbyter who was over a town-parish was called a Vicar; especially
in the African Churches this was the case,2 since it was principally
in small towns that he discharged the same office as that of a parish
priest in a cathedral city.
Sidonius thus enumerates one by one the official duties of a Vicar :3
he says, "A Vicar is the Bishop's counsellor in courts of law, his
deputy in churches, his agent in business matters, his bailiff in his
farms, his registrar in his tithes, the companion of his private studies,
the constant attendant at his public expositions;" from all this we
draw two inferences, first, that in the single person of the Vicar there
were combined together the offices of Counsellor, Steward, Vicegerent,
Notary, Treasurer, Theologian and Domestic Chaplain (Syncellus);
secondly, that in small cities in the Western Church the Bishop
found one minister enough for the discharge of all these duties, pro-
vided he was invested with the authority of a Vicar; for down to
the fourteenth century duties of that kind in large Churches belonged
partly to the offices of Stewards, Notaries, Syncelli, and others of
which we have spoken; partly, and indeed principally to the office
of Archdeacons, as has been also explained.
But towards the end of the thirteenth and in the beginning of the
fourteenth century, when the Bishops endeavoured to curtail the
excessive privileges of Archdeacons, Vicars-general were commonly
attached to the large Churches,4 to whom the Bishops transferred
almost all the duties formerly discharged by Archdeacons; especially
the inquiry into judicial suits, the authority and duty of giving abso-
lution in "reserved cases,"5 the right of inflicting punishment on
1 In c. 13 Cone. Ancyr. [Isid. Hisp. siis, procuratorem in negotiis, villicum
de Off. Eccl. 1. ii. c. 6, "Chorepiscopi, in prcediis, tabularium in tributis, in
id est, vicarii episcoporum, juxta quod lectionibus comitem, in expositionibus
canones testantur, &c."] contubernalem."]
2 V. Possid. in vita S. August, c. 5. 4 Tit. de Offic. Vicar, in sexto.
3 L. iv. Epist. 11, ["Episcopi con- 5 Ibid,
siliarium in judiciis, vicarium in eccle-
OF THE REGULAR CLERGY. 91
the clergy, and of granting Letters Dimissory for ordaining clerks,
even in the absence of the Bishop6—and other privileges which
were at length accurately defined within certain limits by Pope In-
nocent IV. in the Council of Lyons.7
CHAPTER XIII.
OF THE REGULAR CLERGY.
In the first four centuries of the Church the clergy used to live
among people of every variety of class and calling,1 for each of them
might spend his life at home with his own friends. Augustine,
Bishop of the Church of Hippo, in the fourth century, was the first
Bishop who compelled the clergy of his cathedral church to live
together in community in a monastery built within its precincts,2
and if any objected to follow that kind of life, he [at one time even]
refused them admission into Holy Orders :3 those who thus lived
in community in obedience to canonical rules, were called "Regular
Clergy," (Clerici Canonici). But then other Bishops everywhere
adopted this custom of a monastic life as well in the other Churches
of Africa,4 as in those of Spain,5 in the sixth century, where the
Bishop, the Presbyters, and the Clergy lived together in community.6
This was also the rule in the Churches of Gaul,7 where the Bishop and
his Clergy used to live in community, and had one table in common,
which Gregory of Tours calls the Table of the Regulars.8 This
custom of living by rule was also introduced into England in the
same century by the monk Augustine, who was sent there by S.
Gregory the Great :9 for the custom had been already introduced
6 Cone. Ravennat. An. 1314. sacerdoti Severo, et qui tecum sunt fra-
7 V. C. Roman, in sexto, de Offic. tribus, Augustinus, et fratres qui mecum
Ordin. sunt." And so with the others.]
1 August. deMorib. Eccl. 1. i. c. 32. 5 Cone. Toletan. II. c. 1, An. 531,
2 Possid. in ejus vita, c. 5. [The [" In domo eccleske."]
system appears to have originated with 6 Cone. Toletan. IV. c. 22 and 23,
Eusebius of Vercelli, An. 371. (See An. 6^, ["In conclavi suo;" "in
Smith's Diet. Antiq., p. 1492, and Bing- conclavi episcopi."]
ham, ii. vii. 8.)] 7 Cone. Turon. II. c. 12, An. 567,
3 Id. ib. c. 25; August. Serm. 49, [" Cumepiscopo tarn in cella quamubi-
de divers. [Al. Serm. 355, ch. 4. S. cunque fuerit sui habitant eumque pro-
Augustine says he had once resolved secmunturet presbyteri et diaconi," &c]
to enforce the rule, but that he now s Hist. 1. x. ad finem [c. 31, § 16,
changed his mind: "Statueram, sicut "Baudinus. . . instituit mensam ca-
nostis, nullum ordinare clericum, nisi nonicorum," i.e. at Tours ; and in Greg,
qui mecum vellet manere . . . ecce in Turon. Vita Patrum, c. 9, we learn
conspectu Dei et vestro muto consilium the clergy of Bourges lived at a com-
. . . nemini clericatum tollo nolenti mon table.]
mecum communiter vivere."] 9 Beda, Hist. Angl. 1. i. c. 27, and
4 August. Epist. ad Sever., Novat, in Vita S. Cuthberti, c. 16. [S. Gre-
et Evodium. [The first letter begins, gory tells Augustine that in the Church
"Domino beatissimo . . . fratri et con- of England, just brought to the faith, the
92 POLITY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH.
into Rome by S. Gregory's authority.10 The House in which the
clergy lived together used in the middle ages to be vulgarly called a
School,11 and they were called " scholastic clergy" (scholastiri).1* This
name was perhaps given them from the circumstance that there they
together devoted themselves to literature and to religious reading
under the direction of the Bishop, who regulated their lives, as an
abbat did those of the monks.13 But the clergy-house was like a
cloister adjoining the church.14 And so as late as the ninth century
almost all the Bishops of the Western Church used to live in com-
munity in these cloisters with their clergy. But by degrees this
custom was given up, so that in the eleventh century the system of
living together by rule began to fall into disuse; the Council of
Trent however revived the custom, by an excellent rule which or-
dered Bishops to use their utmost exertion to restore that old and
canonical institution which made it incumbent on the clergy to live
in community.15 From that time the custom again sprang up in
almost all the Churches, and continues in the present day.
SECTION III.
OF MONKS AND NUNS.
We have been speaking of the Ministers of the Christian Church:
it is now time that we say something about Monks. Monks—
fxovaxol, from the Greek word /novo?, alone—was the name given to
those men, who, severing themselves from all social ties, led a soli-
tary life which was never disturbed by this world's noise and din.
As, then, this class of men constitutes a distinct order in the
Republic of the Christian Church, this will be a suitable place for a
dissertation upon them.
CHAPTER I.
OF MONKS, OR THOSE LIVING IN COMMUNITY.
§ i. Of the Origin of Monks.
During the first three centuries of the Christian era the condition
of the Church was not compatible with the institution of Monasti-
Roman rule as to Church property 10 Johann. Diac. in ejus vita, 1. ii.
should prevail : a fourth for the Bishop c. n.
and his hospitalities—a fourth for the n Capitul. Car. Magn. in Addit. I.
clergy—a fourth for the poor—a fourth ii. c. 5, ed. Baluz. T. 1. p. 1138.
for church repairs: that the clergy 12 Cone. Paris. VI. An. 829, c. 30.
ought to live in community, and the 13 Cone. Aquisg. An. 879, c. 73.
people have all things common, like 14 Cone. Pontigonen. An. 878, c. 8.
the early Church at Pentecost.] 15 Sessio de Reform. 23, c. 6 and 18.
ABOUT MONASTERIES. 93
cism. It would have been utterly impossible for such societies of
men, which in their fundamental constitution require peace, to have
existed at all amid the tumults of persecutions. But in the fourth
century, when the Church for the first time began to enjoy peace, a
certain Antony, [born a.d. 251], set the example of monasticism, by col-
lecting together a large following of Christians in the remote deserts
of the Thebaid, and teaching them to lead a life which should be
spent in community, and which should be subject to very severe
rules of discipline.1 His example was followed by Eugenius or
Hones in some parts of Mesopotamia, by Pachomius, [born a.d. 292],
and Hilarius or Hilarion, (as he is usually called) in Palestine, and
by Amatha and Macarius, disciples of Antony, in other desert
places of Egypt and Syria.2 The order of monks was introduced
among the Western nations from the East, in the fourth century,
by S. Athanasius and his friends, who in a.d. 341 had fled to
Rome, taking refuge there from the persecution arising out of the
Arian heresy.3 For although Muratori and Fontanini have endea-
voured to throw doubt upon this fact, nevertheless all are agreed
upon this, that in the fourth century the order of monks first ex-
isted in Italy—that from thence it was introduced into Gaul by S.
Martin, Bishop of Tours, in the same century,4 and into Africa
by S. Augustine,5 in whose time we have the testimony of Possi-
dius that monks were spread over the whole world.6 These there-
fore were called monks, or " ccenobites" because they led a "com-
mon life," (as the word "coenobites" means), or as we say, lived in
community.
§ 2. About Monasteries.
From the very first institution of the order of monks their numbers
increased so prodigiously in the East that the monks living in
obedience to Antony amounted to 5,ooo,7 and those under Serapion
to io,ooo8 in number, so that the most secluded parts of the
East appeared to be more crowded with people than the large cities.
The monks then built their own dwellings, not on any uniform plan,
but on diverse plans according to circumstances. Indeed in the
fifth century some monks dwelt in out-of-the-way and desert places,
in which their residence was so constructed that a large portion of
the building would be in the centre, and little cells, separated from
each other, would be built round it. [The old Beguinage at Ghent
1 V. Acta SS. Bolland. Januar. T. 6 De Morib. Eccl. Carth 1 i c 21
IT- die J7- 7 Rufin. de Vit. Patr. lib. i.e. *
"Id. in vit. S. Hilarion.; V. Asse- ["The ccenobia in the Thebaid may be
man. Biblioth. Orient. Clem. Vat. T. compared to religious villages, peopled
IIVft.2, • -n • i ™ , bY a hard-working, ascetic brotherhood,
Hieronym. in Epitaph. Marcell. from which females were ri<ndly ex-
Ep. 16, T. I. p. 77, ed. Francof. eluded." (Smith's Diet. Antiqf p.
4 Sever. Sulpic. in ejus vita, c. 4 1239.)]'
and 5. s Idt ib> Q lS
5 Possid. in ejus vita, c. ult.
94 POLITY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH.
exactly reproduced this type of monastery], it was called a cosnobium
(a common dwelling-place,) and the monks were called coznobitce (or
those living in a community, or common life.) In the central build-
ing they all lived together, while those of them who aimed at greater
sanctity of life, gave themselves to prayer five days in the week in
those cells (commonly called Xavpai), content to live on bread and
water and dates.9 Others were satisfied with a narrower and more
confined place to live in: such were those called by S. Jerome10
Remobothi, and by Cassian11 Sarabaitce.
The latter, indeed, living two or three together, were not subject
to the authority of any abbat,13 and had constructed dwelling-places
for themselves in cities and in villages.13 But this second kind of
monastic life was condemned by writers of the fifth century, and
those only who lived together in community were given the name of
monks. As we have seen, monasteries had formerly been built in
places which were actually desert : but it was only for a short period
that they remained in the wilderness, since before the end of the
fourth century monks crept back from these desert places, and pre-
ferred not going very far from the neighbourhood of cities. Hence
at first monasteries were built outside the walls of some city,14 and
at last after the fifth century monks who formerly lived in lonely
deserts did not scruple to have their residences within the cities
themselves.
§ 3. Of the discipline of Monks.
In ancient times the monks' manner of life was one of great hard-
ship and severity; they wore very vile raiment, called therefore
raiment of hair-cloth, they constantly went bare-footed,15 they ab-
stained from wine and animal food,16 they lived on bread, water,
and dried fruits, on every day in the week except the Lord's Day,
when they allowed themselves cooked pulse :17 all these things they
prepared by their own labour, that they might not be burdensome
to others, and this was the reason, Jerome says, that they had
thick-skinned hands;18 through the whole week they spent their
time in manual labour and in prayer, and on the Lord's Day they
went to church, where they occupied their own particular place, and
where they sang the Psalms with the rest of the faithful, and with them
partook of the Holy Eucharist, when the Liturgy was over going
back again to their cloisters ;19 if the members of the monastery
9 V. antiq. Script, vitse S. Euthym. 15 Hieronym. 1. i. and ii. adv. Jovi-
c. 57, ap. Sur. 30 Januar.; August, de nian.
Mor. Eccl. ib. c 31. 16 Aug. de Morib. Eccl. ib. c. 31, 33.
10 Epist. ad Eustoch. de Virg. Serv. 17 Cassian. ibid. ; vita S. Euthym.
c. 15. [Remebothi and Sarabaitae: ibid.
Ecryptian local names.] 18 Ibid. [" callosas maims."]
"Collat. xviii. c. 7. 19 V. Alteserrae Ascetic. 1. i. c. 2.
12 Id. ib. [They had sometimes a resident Pres-
13 Hieronym. ib. byter: even then they went on festivals
14 August. Retract. 1. i. c. 21, and to the parish church.]
Cone Chalcedon. c. 4, An. 451.
OF THE DISCIPLINE OF MONKS. 95
were very few in number, they were governed by one president,20
if very many, they were divided into hundreds, or at any rate into tens,
and there was a president over each hundred or over each ten : and
they were all obedient to one abbat, who was the father of the
ccenobium.21
Such is the character of the monastic discipline which prevailed
among the first founders of the monastic system. But even before the
end of that fourth century in which the system of monasticism had its
rise, the discipline of that kind of life began to be relaxed both in
the East22 and West.23 The reason of this seems to me to be that
the monks began to seek for and to undertake clerical duties. For
in the fourth century in the Western Church monks were by degrees
admitted among the orders of the clergy,24 either when the abbat re-
quired them to take orders, or when the people demanded it.25 In the
Eastern Church the Bishops began by occasionally using the services
of the monks to help, instead of clerics, at celebrations of the Liturgy,
when there was a deficiency in the number of clerics required,26
and by degrees in the fifth century their abbats, commonly called
Archimandrites, (i.e. rulers of the folds), began to be admitted as
members of the presbytery, and the monks to be admitted among
the orders of the clergy.27 Henceforth from this time monks were
everywhere ambitious of rivalling the clergy, so much did they strive
for precedence that in the fifth century monks took rank next below
presbyters and next above deacons.28 Their Archimandrites also
were present at councils,29 and were even sometimes elected
Bishops.30 But although as a general rule in the fifth century
the majority of monks were not in holy orders, yet in the sixth
century the monastic orders were put on the same level with the
clergy by S. Gregory the Great, who promoted monks at once
to holy orders, though they had never been in minor orders :31
and this rule was confirmed by Pope Boniface IV. in the be-
ginning of the seventh century.32 From these circumstances
20 Hieronym. Ep. ad Rustic. the neighbourhood of "the Oak," a
21 Id. Ep. ad Eustoch. de Virg. suburb of Chalcedon, the monks of
Servand. [(c. 15 and 18); August, de which used to take clerical duty in the
Morib. Ecc. ibid. Augustine speaks Church.]
of the Dean having charge over ten 27 Cone. Constant, sub Flav. Act. 4
monks—Jerome, over nine.] and 5, An. 448. [Twenty-three Archi-
22 Cassiani Collat. xix. c. 6. mandrites affixed their signatures to the
23 Cassian. Institut. Mon. 1. xi. c. condemnation of Eutyches, himself an
14. Archimandrite.]
24 Sine. Pap. Ep. 1, c. 3. [Ap. 2S Epiph. Hcer. 6S.
Gratian. caus. 16, q. 1, quoted by Bing- 29 Cone. Constantinopolit. I. ; Ephe-
ham, vii. ii. 7, 8.] sin. ex Cone. Chalced. Act. 1 and
25 Hieron. ibid. [Such were called sess. 4.
"priest-monks," Upo^ovaxoi: Gratian 30 V. Sulp. Sev. de Vit. S. Mart. c.
says it is plain from Church history that 10, and Dial. i. c. 21. [Gre°-. Ma^.
to the time of Eusebius, Siricius, and Ep. xiii. 8.]
Zozimus, monks were laymen, not cler- 31 L. vi. Ep. 42, et passim.
gymen. lb.] 32 In Synodo Romana ap. Holsten.
26 Sozom. Hist. Eccles. 1. viii. c. 17, in Collect. &c.
[Rufinus established a monastery in
96 POLITY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH.
therefore it was that about that time monks were vulgarly called
clergy.33
But as since the fifth century monks, especially in the Western
Church, had too much degenerated from the strictness of their ancient
mode of life,34 therefore in the sixth century S. Benedict, [born
a.d. 480, died 542], attempted in some measure to bring back the
strictness of the early discipline of monastic life, and made some
additions to it, which he hoped would add stability to it ;35 and in
a very brief space of time his Rules prevailed throughout the whole
of the Western Church, so that the Western monks abandoned
the Rules by which they were formerly bound, and adopted the
Rules of S. Benedict; and that Order thenceforward had almost
a monopoly in the Western Church, especially after the eighth
century.36 Subsequently to the ninth century, by which time all
monks began to adopt the Benedictine discipline, some changes
were made in the old rules of the monastic order; as e.g. statutes
were passed that abbats ought to be ordained as presbyters ;37 and
monks should be admitted into the minor orders by the abbat him-
self;38 and that they should be empowered, on a mandate from the
Bishop, to hold benefices with cure of souls.39 But further changes
were made in the tenth century in the same direction; then the
chapters of cathedral churches consisted for the most part of monks :40
or there were two chapters, one of monks, the other of clergy, which
took their turns in keeping the Canonical Hours :41 the unbridled
licence of the clergy since the times of Charlemagne was the occa-
sion of this arrangement.42 From hence sprang up many fresh pri-
vileges of the monks; and many, who know nothing of the history
of the middle ages, see proofs in our own day that these privileges
have proved injurious to the monks who possessed them. But
when in the eleventh century the clergy began to complain that their
privileges were infringed upon, councils removed the monks from
all parochial charges ;43 and in the twelfth century decrees were passed
by which [abbats and] monks were formally forbidden either to
impose penances, or to visit the sick, or to anoint them with oil,
or to sing masses in public.44 For in that age it was only in parish
33 V. Mabill. Prsef. ad ssec. XI. Act. 39 Cone. Mogunt. An. 847.
SS. Ordin. Bened. 40 Epist. Alexandr. Pap. II. 39, ad
34 V. Sulp. Sev. Dial. i. c. 8. Lanfranc.
36 V. Mabill. ssec. I., and Annal.T.I. 41 V. Ital. Sacr. T. IV. de Eccl.
36 V. id. Prsef. adssec. IV. [The great Mediol. p. 1091 ; and Sur. die 2 Junii.
distinctive feature of Benedictine Rule c. 22, vit. S. Minuerci.
was the substitution of study for the 42 Cone. Meten. Cone. Gall. T. III.
comparative uselessness of mere manual Flodoard, 1. ii. c. ij; Vit. S. Dunstani
labour. (Smith's Diet, of Antiq.)] aP- Sur. 19 Mai.
37 Cone. Roman, c. 26, An. 827. 43 Wintonien. c. 6, An. 1078; Ro-
38 Cone. Aquisgr. c. 60, An. 817. thomagen. c. 5, An. 1074; Pictavien.
[In the East Archimandrites seem to An. 1100.
have been in holy orders since the fifth 44 Cone. Lateran. 1122, c. 17. [It
century: and in Wales, Ireland, and also enjoins them to receive the holy
Scotland the Abbots were ordained. chrism, and their orders, from their
(lb.)] Bishop.]
OF THE DISCIPLINE OF MONKS. 97
churches that mass was sung on Holy Days, at which the faithful
in the parish used to be present, as we shall speak of in the second
Section of our second Book. But in the thirteenth century Pope
Innocent III. restored to the monks their parochial privileges, and
pronounced them qualified to undertake the cure of souls in those
churches where they have no monastic residence, provided only they
had a presbyter as their associate in the parish ;45 for even in those
churches, which "with full privileges" belonged to monks, Pope
Urban III. had decided in the preceding century that none but a
presbyter could officiate as parish priest :46 though this law in recent
times has been no longer observed, since in the very churches of
their own monastery monks have been clearly allowed to act as
parish priests, if only they would be obedient to the Bishop47 in all
things pertaining to the cure of souls.
The provost of a monastery was in early times called an abbat
(abba, father), or archimandrite, (i.e. "ruler of the fold"). But in
the sixth century archimandrite was the name given to him who pre-
sided over all the abbats of some particular province,48 since in that
age the title and the office of abbat-general had not yet become
known in the West. In the Eastern Church, on the other hand, in
the same sixth century, there was a provost-general of all monks,
called Ka6o\iKo<}, (catholic-general,)49 the same who is called also by
the Greeks "exarch," or "primate,"50—or by Balsamon, TravTOKpdrwp.*1
It was then from the Orientals that as monkish orders multiplied in
the West, Latin monks borrowed the rule of presidents-general. For
in the ninth century the abbat of Monte Casino was head over all other
abbats, exercising a certain jurisdiction over them.53 But in the tenth
century the first who was abbat-general of his monks was S. Odo,
founder of the Order of Clugni,53 after whom other monastic orders
began by degrees to be governed by abbats-general. Thus then each
monastery used to be governed by an abbat, and he alone was given
the title of Domnus, or Lord,54 in the Western Church. The abbat
had also the right of appointing ministers to serve in a monastery
(known vulgarly as "officials" in the middle ages): they were called
deans, and fathers, (decani, nonni\ for they were generally the senior
monks,55 the first of whom was called in former times the president,
or prior;56 the second, dean, or chief dean,57 and the third the cellarer.58
45 C. Monachi, de statu Monachorum. 54 Reg. S. Benedicti, c. 63. [Hence
46 C. in Ecclesiis, De Capellis Mo- the words "Don" and "Donna."
nachor. Domnus, an abbreviation of Dominus,
47 V. Prosp. Fagn. Comm. in c. was a title given to Bishops and to .
"Super eo" de Regular. Saints, and afterwards to monks gene-
48 V. Columban. vit. c. 7. rally. (Smith, p. 572.)]
49 V. vit. Eutych. Patriarch. Constan- 55 lb. c. 64. [Nonnus was a term of
tinop. 15 Constant. Christ., T. IX. reverence—my Father: by the Italians
50 Du Cang. sub v. "E^px- Nonno is a title given to a grandfather,
51 Nomoc. c. 20, T. I. paternal or maternal; as a grand-
52 Chron. Cassin. 1. vi. c. 12; 1. viii. mother is la Norma.]
c 54- 56 S. Greg. Magni 1. vii. Ep. 10.
lz Biblioth. Cluniac. sect. 2; and r°7 Cone. Mogunt. I. c. 11, An. Si-1.
Mabil. Prcef. ad secc. V. Annal. Bened. 58 Reg. S. Bened. c. 31. ' ["As the
H
98 POLITY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH.
Anciently it was the Bishop who appointed the abbat.59 Indeed
monasteries and monks in early, times used to be obedient to the
Bishops in whose dioceses they were, as ecclesiastical history every-
where bears witness. But in the fifth century Bishops began to
entrust abbats with temporal power in their own monasteries,60 re-
taining only spiritual jurisdiction over the monks.61 Wherefore the
Bishops appointed the abbat,62 they held canonical visitations in
the monasteries,63 and the abbats made an annual return to their
own Bishops, giving them an account of the monks and of the
government of the monasteries.64 The same regulations remained
in force in the East also :65 in accordance with which monks were
placed under the jurisdiction of Bishops even down to the end of the
eleventh century.66 For at that time the Roman Pontiffs had begun
to take some monasteries under their special charge :67 in imitation
perhaps, of the Eastern Patriarchs, who.at the same period took some
monasteries under their own jurisdiction, which had before been
subject to certain Bishops, and called them ira-rpiapx1^—patriarchal
monasteries.68 So by degrees monks freed themselves from Epis-
copal jurisdiction. Hence in the twelfth century the abbats of
certain important monasteries were appointed by the Roman Pontiff,69
and in affairs of great importance monasteries were in a state of
dependence on the Roman Pontiff; the Bishop was held in less
account than he :70 so that in the thirteenth century monasteries of
every order were entirely exempted from episcopal jurisdiction.
These exemptions were carried so far, that in the sixteenth century
the Fathers of the Council of Trent were anxious to set limits to
their independence.71
And now that I have, according to my usual plan, very briefly
touched upon all matters bearing on the history of the exemption of
monasteries from episcopal authority: there is one fact which I
must not suppress, that I may not seem to wish to pass it by. The
withdrawal of monasteries from episcopal jurisdiction was not a step
taken only because the monks desired their liberty: the occasion
of it first of all was the negligence and the covetousness of the
Bishops of the middle ages: this was the real cause: the Bishops
became absorbed completely in secular business, and then they began
to care but little for the condition of monasteries,73 and, what was
prior was next to the abbat in spiritual 65 Cone. Nicsen. II. c. 16, An. 787.
matters, so the cellarer, under the 66 Cone. Coyacen. c. 2, An. 1050,
abbat, managed all secular affairs." [Orders abbats and abbesses to submit
(Ibid.)] iR a^ things to their Bishop]. Legio-
59 Greg. Magn. ib. nen. An. 1012; Turonen. An. 1069.
60 Cone. Arelat. V. An. 554. C7 Epist. 26, Calixti II., Rom. P.
61 Cone. Vernen. An. 755. 68 Balsam, in c. 31 Apost.; and in
62 Cone. Francof. c. 17, An. 795, c. 19, Cone. Niceen. II., An. 787.
["Ubi jussio Regis fuerit:" so also C9 Cone. Roman. An. 1122; Remen.
Justin. Novel, v. c. 9. Generally the II. An. 1119; Lateran. 1122.
monks elected their abbat, with the 7° V. S._ Bernard, de Consid. ad
bishop's consent.] Eugen. 1. iii.
63 Cone. Mogunt. c. 40, An. 813. 71 Sess. 4, 5, 6, and 7, de Reformat.
64 Capit. Car. Magn. 1. vi. c. 136. 72 Greg. Turon. Hist. Franc, ix. 40.
OF THE RULES OF MONKS. 99
the chief complaint, they attempted to rob them of their property,
both on the occasion of the ordination and of the canonical visita-
tion of the monks ;73 and when from time to time complaints on
this matter were laid by the monks before Popes and Princes, at
length, as early as the sixth century in Italy,74 and in France,75 and
in Spain,76 the exemption of monasteries from episcopal jurisdiction
was formally declared both by princes and by councils and Roman
Pontiffs: and such an exemption was a righteous act.
§4. Of the Rules of Monks.
Those who first began to live in community had no Rule written
down in letters, or digested into chapters: they used to teach the
younger monks who joined them, by word of mouth, lessons handed
down from the Fathers,—while meantime the Gospel, and the Gospel
alone, formed their Rule of monastic life.77 In the Eastern Church
the first who gave monks written Rules of the religious life was
S. Basil, who was Bishop of Caesarea in Cappadocia in the fourth
century: his Rules were at once adopted by all Eastern monks, and
are used by them at the present day, with a few omissions or addi-
tions when place or time requires.78 From the East the Rule of
S. Basil was introduced into the Western79 Church about the sixth
century: for up to that time monks had no fixed Rules in Gaul and
in Spain, instead of which they used certain little treatises on
asceticism, from the pen of S. Caesarius, Bishop of Aries, or of
Cassian, or of S. Martin, Bishop of Tours. From these sources
S. Columban drew up a Rule, intended first for monks in France,
which was complete in every particular ;80 and in the same century
another, equally complete, was written for the Spanish monks by
S. Isidore, Bishop of Seville, and this Rule was in use among them
down to the eighth century.81
73 Antiqua Exemt. Privil. ap. Mar- Agde and Orleans concerning the privi-
tene in Thesaur. Mon. T. IV. and VI. leges of monks, forbidding the Bishops
74 Greg. Magn. 1. ix. Ep. in; 1. vi. to seize the offerings made to monas-
29; and Cone. Roman. An. 601. [Gre- teries. The Council of Toledo forbids
gory directs that the Bishop is not to Bishops to tyrannise over monks by put-
interfere with the revenues or with the ting them to servile work, &c.; or to
internal affairs of the monastery, &c. meddle with the endowments of monas-
In this Roman Council a constitution teries. "In England the authority of
was drawn up in favour of monks; Bishops over monasteries was never
any bishop being forbidden to inter- more than nominal."]
fere with their property, revenue, &c.; 77 Coteler. in Comm. ad Veter. Patr.
the election of the abbat to rest with the Apophtheg. sect. 4.
monks, though no new monastery must 7S M. Collier, Voyag. d'Orient.T. II.
be founded without the Bishop's con- 1. ii. c. iS.
sent-l 79 V. ejus vit. ap. Sur. c. 15, die 26
70 Id. 1. xiii. Ep. 6, and Greg. Tu- August,
ron. ib., and Helyot. Hist, des Ordres, s" Joiik Abb. Vit. Columbani in Act
T. VI. SS. O. Bened. s^ec. II. p. 5.
76 Cone. Ilerden. c. 3, An. 524; S1 Mariana, Hist. Hisp. 1. i. c 7
Tolet. IV. An. 631, c. 51. [The and 1. v. c. 11.'
Council of Lerida renews the canons of
H 2
IOO POLITY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH.
But in the Western Church S. Benedict drew up a new monastic
Rule in the sixth century: and this was first adopted by the monks
in Italy, and at length after the eighth century it was introduced
into Gaul,82 and with only a few alterations was adopted in Ger-
many :83 about the end of the ninth century it came into use in
Spain j84 while in England it had been already adopted as early as
the sixth century.85 So it was that this Rule of S. Benedict super-
seded all others, both that of Basil, (used mostly in those parts of
Italy where Greeks were settled), and also the others of Columban
and Isidore. By the tenth century the Rule of S. Benedict was
alone in use in monasteries through almost the whole of the Western
Church.86
CHAPTER II.
OF FRIARS.
The thirteenth century was an age when the Church was specially
troubled with the novel and false doctrines of heretics. At this
time, then, as the old monks, from the more unrestrained freedom
of their mode of life, and by reason of the gross ignorance under
which they laboured, were not qualified to act as defenders of the
faith, certain new brotherhoods (sodalitales) of monks were esta-
blished in the Church, which by the lives and doctrines of their
members would be able to cope with the shameless effrontery of
heretics. These Brotherhoods took the name of Me?idica,7it Friars,
from the fact that contrary to the rules of monastic institutions, they
lived from day to day, not obtaining food and other necessaries of
life from any fixed endowments or incomes, nor by the labours of
their hands, but by begging them from door to door at the houses of
the faithful.
From their very commencement these brotherhoods increased to
an almost infinite extent; but afterwards their numbers were reduced
to four by Pope Gregory the Tenth, at the GEcumenical Council of
Lyons; these four order of Friars were known as the Dominicans,
Franciscans, Carmelites, and Hermits of S. Augustine.1
82 Mabill. in Prasf. in III. saec. Ann. land by S. Augustine: so Mabillon
Ord. S. Bened., [probably introduced and others.]
there by his disciple Maurus, from whom 86 Mabill. ib.
the famous monastery of S. Maur claims l An. 1274, c. 23. [Called the
its name. (Smith's Diet. p. 191.)] fourteenth GEcumenical by the Western:
83 Cone. Mogunt. c. 11, An. 813; not acknowledged as GEcumenical by
Capit. Reg. Franc. 1. i. in And. the Eastern Church. This canon dis-
** Mabill. ib. Pr^ef. ad ssec. IV. solves all begging orders established
86 Joann. Diac. in vit. S. Greg. Mag. since the Council of Lateran (1215)
1. iv. c. 80: [i.e. it prevailed in Italy, under Innocent III., unless they have
from whence it was brought into Eng- received the Pope's approval. ]
OF FRIARS. IOI
The founder of the Dominican order was a certain nobleman, a
Spaniard by birth, of the name of Dominic. He had been originally
a regular canon [sub-prior] in the Church of Osma, and visited Gaul,
with the hopes of checking the progress of heresy there. As his
strenuous efforts for this both in France and in Italy had been entirely
successful, the Roman Pontiffs Innocent III. and Honorius III. gave
him authority to found a new brotherhood, the members of which
were expected to be equally successful in checking the progress of
heresy in every part of the Christian Republic, as he had been in
France and Italy. He began by putting the Friars of his order under
the same Rule as that observed by the Regular Clergy of S. Augus-
tine, adding to it some precepts of his own of a severer kind, found-
ing also at the same time himself a sort of brotherhood of Regular
Clergy: but a few years afterwards in a general chapter which he
held at Bologna, he forbade any of his order to possess any property
of their own, binding them also with a vow of poverty.2 These men
were at first called Preachers (jbrczdicatores), and then Dominicans
after the name of their founder: in a short time they spread over
the whole of Europe, and by their labours they opposed with very
great success the progress of heresy: they thus conciliated to them-
selves the good-will of popes, of princes, and of people: and end-
less privileges were conferred upon them.
In the same century the splendour of the Dominican order was
closely rivalled by that of the Franciscans; these were so called from
an Italian, whose name was Francis, a native of Assisi in Umbria.
This order of Friars was first founded by him under the patronage
of Innocent III., and his plans received at length the approval of
Honorius III. in a.d. 1223. The principle of his plan was simply
this, that his Friars should be strictly bound by the vow of
poverty: that they should obtain a maintenance day by day from
the piety of the faithful: and that they should defend the faith by the
good example of their own lives :—by the command of their founder
they were called Minorite Friars? Through their rivalry of the Domi-
nicans, they were often the cause of dividing into two rival factions
popes and princes and people, as their sympathies inclined to the
one order or the other; but though as might be expected, their first
zeal began to cool down in the minds of these Friars, some were
always found among them anxious to keep up the early discipline of
their founder, and this is the reason why the order of the Francis-
cans has been divided into many different classes.
The order of the Carmelites is said to have been founded in Syria
about the twelfth century, and from thence to have been translated
into European countries in the thirteenth: the ancient Rule of their
order was approved of by Honorius III., and afterwards by Inno-
cent IV., some changes, required by differences of locality, being
made in it by them, and several alterations being also made by the
2 Vit. S. Dominici a Nic. Janse- 3 V. Lucam Wadding. Annal. Min.
nio. T. I.
102 POLITY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH.
latter in regulations which were applicable only to the Eastern mode
of living. Subsequently also Honorius IV. made a change in the
habits of their order, giving them that white cloak which they wear.4
In the sixteenth century the order was divided into two distinct
classes, through the labours of that illustrious lady S. Theresa, and
of her friend, S. John of the Holy Cross. Hence arose the new
order of barefooted Carmelites.5
In the thirteenth century also the Hermits of S. Augustine were
an order founded by Alexander IV. For the five orders of Hermits
which were already in existence were reduced by him to one com-
munity, which was placed by him under the rule of S. Augustine,
and over whom he placed as president Lanfrancus Septalanus. This
order, especially in the fourteenth century, was held in very high
esteem by the Church.6
CHAPTER III.
OF NUNS.
§ i. Of the Sacred Virgins of the Church.
Among those religious societies which grew with the growth of the
Christian Republic itself, each gathering strength together, a place
ought, I think, deservedly to be given to those consecrated virgins
whom the Church must have held in high esteem from the begin-
ning, since in the third century they were commonly regarded as
"the most distinguished portion of the flock of Christ."1 In that
age of the Church those who had once been admitted by the Bishop
into the regular order of Virgins of the Church, had no possible way
of going back again from that course of life which they had under-
taken to follow :2 though they used to live at home, they were sepa-
rated entirely from the society of men :3 and in the fourth century,
when the Church began to enjoy civil liberties, they were supported
by the Church out of the daily offerings of the faithful, when once
4 Spondan. ad An. 1285, and Castill. says, "dedicated to Christ, they are
Hist, prima part. 1. iii. c. 25. devoted for ever in honour of conti-
5 V. Helyot, Hist, des Ordr. T. I. nence." In Ep. 62, he says, "If they
c> 47# cannot persevere, better to marry than
6 V. Phil. Signin. Episcop. in Chron. fall into the fire by their sins." The
Aug. ad An. 1319. Council of Elvira forbids communion
1 S. Cyprian de Habitu Virgin, p. even in death to those who forsook
410, ed. Bened. [§ 3. The name Nun that state of virginity to which they had
is said to be an Egyptian word signify- consecrated themselves, i.e. if they have
ing virgin.] offended more than once.]
2 Id. Ep. 60, ad Episcop. Numid. 3 Cypr. Ep. 62, Rig. Ox. 4, [" We
and 62 ad Pompon, and Cone. Illi- do not suffer the virgins to dwell with
beritan. c. 13, An. 324. [In Ep. 60 he men."]
OF NUNS. 103
their names had been inscribed on the regular roll of the Church's
members, kuvovl.4* The numbers of these virgins so largely increased
that in the Church of Constantinople alone there were thousands of
them,5 as it was calculated at the time. In the East they used to
live in community together, under one roof; but in the West, accord-
ing to the testimony of S. Jerome, though their rule and manner of
life was the same, they used to live at home, working with their
hands while devoting themselves to fastings and prayers.6 They
wore also a more distinctive dress—i.e. a dark-grey habit, of a
very dark colour,7 a black (furvo) cloak, and a woollen girdle.8 They
did not—like the fashionable ladies of the day—wear the bodies of
their dresses made with equal folds in front, nor shoes ending in a
point.9 In those days it was allowable for little girls to take vows
of virginity when they were twelve years old, for by the Roman law
they were marriageable at that age.10
No virgin was admitted by the Bishop into this order, until, as it
has been said, her life and character after due examination had
proved her fitness for it ;n and when he decided that she was fitted
for the office of a consecrated virgin, he presented her with a virgin's
veil ;12 which veil used to be consecrated in church by the Bishop
with prescribed forms of benediction,13 generally on Easter Day, the
same day on which virgins used to be themselves consecrated.14
This bridal veil (flammeum) was made of red wool, and was not
worn as our Nuns are in the habit of wearing veils, but was wrapped
round the head, and from that circumstance was called a mitre
or mitella.lh This bridal veil, then, was the distinctive badge of
virgins who had devoted themselves to the service of the Church, and
they used to receive it from the hands of the Bishop, or sometimes,
4 Socrat. Hist. 1. i. c. 17, [The Em- pallio, auferre linteamenta ;" while Leo
press Helena entertained at a banquet speaks of "virginitatis propositionatque
"ras itapBhovs tols avayeypaix^evas eV habitum;" as if the dark coloured dress
t$ roov £kk\7i<tiu,v kolv6vi."~\ Cornel. which was adopted but partially in S.
Pap. Epist. ap. Euseb. Hist. Eccl. 1. Jerome's time had become usual in S.
vi. c. 43, [" There were in that Church Leo's a few years afterwards. (Smith's
(Rome) forty-six presbyters, seven dea- Diet. p. 2020.)]
cons, seven subdeacons, forty-two aco- 8 Id. Ep. ad Marcel. [Ep. 24 (21)
luthi, exorcists, readers, and janitors, Vol. I. p. 129.]
in all fifty-two; widows, with the af- 9 Id. ad Gaudent.
flicted and needy, more than fifteen 10 Chrysost. Horn. 8 in Ep. 1 ad
hundred, all which the goodness and Timoth.
love of God doth support and nou- n Id. de Sacerdot. 1. vi. c. 15.
rish."] 12 Hieronym. ad Demetr. [" Scio
5 Chrysost. Horn. 67 in Matth. [i.e. quod ad imprecationem pontificis flam-
in Egypt.] meum virginale sanctum operuerit ca-
6 Hieronym. Ep. ad Marc, de Laud. put."]
Aselloe; and Ep. ad Eustoch. de Virg. 13 Id. ib.
Serv. 14 Ambros. Exhortat. ad Virg. Laps.
7 Id. Ep. ad Gaudent. [Ep. 128 c. 5. ["Venit Pasch^e dies, in toto orbe
(98) Vol. I. p. 961, Ed. Vallars; Leo baptismi sacramenta celebrantur, ve-
Mag. Ep. 167 ad Rustic. Narbon. c. lantur sacra virgines."]
15. Jerome says, "Solent quccdam cum 15 Optat. Milev, de Schismate Donat.
futuram virginem spoponderint pulla. 1. vi. c. 4.
tunica earn induere et furvo operire
104 POLITY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH.
by permission of the Bishop, they might receive it from a Presbyter.16
These virgins used to sing the Psalms at the canonical hours17 at
home, [or in the monastery when they lived in community], but on
holidays they used to come to church, and were present at their own
proper place at the services: in churches they had their own par-
ticular place assigned them, on the one side separated by boards
from that part of the church where other women used always to
worship, and on the other side inclosed by a wall on which generally
were inscribed rules for the maintenance of virginity.18 The dif-
ferent congregations of these virgins, both in the West and in the
East were placed under the control of different Deaconesses, who
made their reports on them to the Bishop.19
§ 2. Of the Origin and Discipline of Nuns.
In the Eastern Church, ever since the fourth century, when monas-
teries were first founded for men, some were built for virgins also,
that those who lived in a separate home might have for the future
greater opportunity secured them for devoting themselves all together
to a religious life. Hence Antony built a monastery for women
in Egypt, and made his sister the head of it,20 and Pachomius also
founded a convent for Nuns on the banks of the Nile, the govern-
ment of which he also entrusted to his sister.21 Basil established a
very large number of similar communities in Cappadocia and in
Pontus,22 which afterwards seem to have spread over almost the
whole of the East, so much so that in the beginning of the fifth
century the inmates of one convent would number as many as two
16 Cone. Carth. III. c. 36, [" Pres- 19 Greg. Nyss. ibid. ; and Epiph. in
byter inconsulto Episcopo virgines non Expos. Fidei. [Gregory says that Lam-
consecret, Chrisma vero nunquam con- padia was "set over the body of virgins
ficiat."] in the diaconate :" but the latter office
17 Hieronym. 1. i. advers. Pelag.; may have been separable from the fe-
and in Epitaph. Paulse, Ep. 27, c. 10; male diaconate. Sozomen, (H. E. viii.
Gregor. Nyss. in vit. S. Macrinse. 23,) says Nicarete, a lady of noble birth
[S. Jerome, speaking in this letter of did not aspire to the honour of the dia-
the monasteries erected by the famous conate, nor to be over the virgins of the
lady, Paula, says, "Mane, hora tertia, Church.]
sexta, nona, vespere, noctis medio, per 20 Athanas. in vit. S. Antonii, c.
ordinem Psalterium cantabant ;" Paula 29. [After their early parting, her
built three monasteries for women, and brother never saw her till she had be-
one for men. In Ep. 108 ad Eustoch. come an aged abbess, thinking it his
§ 19, he speaks of Nuns going on the duty to overcome all natural affection.]
Lord's Day to the church,by the side 21 Vit. ejus inter Vit. Patr. c. 28.
of which they dwelt.] [It was built for her by his own monks
18 Ambr. Exhortat. ad Virg. Laps. c. from his monastery in Tabenne, an
6, ["Nonne vel ilium locum tabulis island of the Nile. S. Pachomius es-
separatum, in quo ecclesia stabas re- tablished the double order, but put
cordari debuisti?" "Nonne vel ilia the Nile between his monks and his
prsecepta, quae oculis tuis ipse scriptus nuns. (Pallad. Hist. Laus., c. 30—
paries ingerebat, recordari debuisti?" 34.) Pachomius was born a.d. 292 and
So Const. Apost. ii. 57, "Let the vir- died in 348.]
gins and the widows and the presby- 22 Nazianz. Orat. de Laudib. Basil,
teresses stand or sit in the front of all [Orat. 12.]
the rest" of the congregation.]
OF THE ORIGIN AND DISCIPLINE OF NU*NS. I05
hundred and fifty Nuns.23 In the West in the fourth century we know
from the testimony of writers of that age that convents for Nuns
were already common, that they existed at Rome24 and at Milan :25
that Augustine was specially interested in their extension in Africa :26
and that they took root in Gaul as early as the beginning of the fifth
century.27
The discipline observed by these Nuns was such as we have
described in the preceding paragraph. But in the East they used
to live in community, living on one kind of food only; sleeping on
the ground strewn only with flowers, i.e. on mattresses which they
had made for themselves with the stalks of plants; employing them-
selves industriously in wool-work -28 singing the Psalms at morning,
at evening, and at night.29 Among these ladies there was one who
was set over the rest, and who was obeyed by them all: she was
called the Amma, or Mother, from "am," the Syriac word for
mother ;30 and she, at stated times, used to cut off the Nuns' hair.31
The secular business of a convent of this description was entrusted
to the management of some senior presbyter, or, if the Bishop so
ordered, to some deacon, but he was on no account allowed to eat,
or to live, or to converse32 with the Nuns.
But in the West they used to bring up girls in monasteries even
from their infancy,33 observing the same discipline as the Orientals,
with only this one difference, that they did not cut off their hair.34
They had, however, everything in common together, and hence Augus-
tine calls their convents "convicta" i.e. "common-rooms."35 Some
virgin, older than the rest, was placed in authority over them, who
had the title of "Mother ?m even in those early times; though, be-
sides the Mother, the Bishop used occasionally to place a presbyter
over these monasteries.37
23 Theodoret. Hist. Relig. c. 20. Hum." A nun, especially an elder one,
24 Hieron. in Epitaph. Marcelke. was also called "mother." (Greg. Mag.
[In the last year of the sixth century Dial. iv. 13, and note.)]
Gregory the Great attributes the pre- 31 Id. ib. c. 41. [This was after-
servation of Rome from the Lombards wards strictly forbidden by Councils;
to the prayers of the nuns, about three Cone. Gangr. c. 17, &c]
thousand in number, within its walls. 32 Codic. Justinian, de Episc. et
(Ep. vii. 26.)] Cleric. T. I. leg. 43.
25 Ambros. Exhort. deVirg. c. 7, 10. 33 Hieronym. Ep. ad Lact.
26 Possid. in ejus vit. c. ult. 34 Optat. Mil. ib. 1. vi. c. 4; August.
27 Sever. Sulpic. Dial. ii. de vit. S. Ep. 211, § 10, [Writing to a community
Martini. [S. Martin, Bishop of Tours, of nuns in his diocese, he says, "Non
turned his episcopal palace into a mo- sint vobis tarn tenera capitum tegmina
nastery, and founded monasteries in ut retiola subter appareant. Capillos ex
France: he was followed to the grave nulla parte nudos habeatis, nee foris vel
by 2,000 monks.] spargat negligentia, vel componat in-
28 Theodoret. ib. [Jerome (Ep. ad dustria, &c.';]
Eustoch.), "urging nuns to make their 3* Ibid.
vocation real by strenuous diligence, 36 Hier. Ep. ad Marcel, de Obitu
advises them to have the wool ever in Lret.
their hands."] 37 Aug. ibid. § 4, 15, [" PraeposiUe
29 Id. ib. and Gregor. Nyss. ib. tanquam matri obedietur, honore ser-
30 Pallad. Hist. Lausiac. c. 42. vato, ne in ilia oftendatur Deo: multo
["'A^uas, mater monasteril, or monia- magis Presbytero qui omnium vestrum
106 POLITY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH.
But after the sixth century both Roman Pontiffs and Councils
showed an anxiety to place the management of convents on a dif-
ferent and better footing. It was therefore made unlawful for Nuns
ever to leave a monastery again after the fourth year from their
probationship,38 and any Nuns who had secretly escaped from a
monastery, must be brought back to it, even by force, by the Bishop.39
The Bishop also used to send in writing a special commission to
one of his clergy, authorising him as his agent to see that the Nuns
never went outside the precincts of the monastery for the transaction
of any secular business.40 For in the sixth century there was no
occasion for them to go out of the monastery even for the purpose
of receiving the Holy Communion, as there were even then public
churches [adjoining the monasteries,] which the Bishop visited once a
year, and in which he celebrated the Holy Communion with every
solemnity of ritual.41 But in Spain it was generally the custom for the
Nuns to be under the direction of abbats in spiritual matters, and for
these abbats to choose some monk who would be responsible for ma-
naging the Nuns' secular matters ;42 although the Nuns were primarily
under the control of the Bishop, and jurisdiction over them was never
taken out of his hands.43 From Spain this arrangement was copied by
other countries, and received the more ready consent of the Bishops,
both because Nuns generally earned their necessary food by making
clothes for monks,44 and because the Nuns often belonged to the
same religious order (sodalitatis), and were under the same Rule as
the monks. But that the Nuns were in all matters under the control
of the Bishop is evident both from the fact that from him the abbess
received consecration after her election by the Nuns,45 and that
from him the other Nuns received their veils ;46 in connexion with
curam gent." "Vos mater non utero 42 Cone. Hisp. II. c. n, An. 619,
sed animo suscepit." (Written An. 423.) [The abbat is only to communicate with
"Monasteries of women had no priests the nuns through the abbess.]
attached to them until the beginning of 43 Cone. Tolet. IV. An. 633, c. 16 (?)
the fifth century, and the practice seems [but Cone. Arelat. V. c. 5, An. 554,
to have spread somewhat slowly." says, "Episcopi de puellarum monas-
(Smith's Diet. p. 1465.)] teriis quae in sua civitate constituta
38 Cone. Aurelian. V. An. 549, c. sunt curam gerant."]
19. ["Triennium in ea qua intrave- 44 Isid. Hisp. de Eccl. Ofhc. 1. ii.
rint veste permaneant, et postmodum c. 16 § 17, ["Lanificio corpus exer-
. . . vestimenta religionis accipiant."] cent atque sustentant, vestesque ipsas
39 Greg. Magn. 1. viii. Ep. 8, 9. monachis tradunt, ab his invicem quod
[The Bishop, by the help of the Church victui opus est resumentes." S. Augus-
Advocate (Defensor), is directed first tine, (de Morib. Ecc. c. 31), also men-
to catch the Nun, and then to place her tions the nuns' making woollen gar-
in strict confinement in a monastery.] ments for the aged monks, and receiv-
40 Id. 1. iv. Ep. 9. ["Eis pro qui- ing food in exchange.]
buslibet causis privatis vel publicis, ex- 45 Greg. Tur. Hist. Franc. 1. ix. c.
tra venerabilia loca vagari non liceat."] 42, [" Electione nostra? congregations
41 Id. ibid, and 1. vii. Ep. 12. [Gre- Agnetem abbatissam institui. . . . quam
gory writes to the abbess promising beatissimi Germani prsesentibus suis
that the Bishop shall always celebrate fratribus benedictio consecravit." Cone,
for them in their chapel on their dedi- Vernen. c. 16, An. 755.]
cation day, but on other days the priest 46 Cone. Paris. VI. c. 13, An. 829;
deputed by the Bishop shall do so.] Capit. Car. Magn. 1. vii. c. 127.
OF THE CONSECRATION OF NUNS. 107
which we may remark that when in the same age Bishops began to
use the "Office for the ordination of Deaconesses" at the consecra-
tion of an abbess, the abbesses took occasion from that circumstance
to assume the name of Deaconesses, though, as we said, there were
in the eighth century no Deaconesses in the Latin Church.47
After the tenth century it became customary for Nuns to make a
public profession when they took the veil, their intention to do so,
and their voluntary choice of the profession being before then all
that was necessary. After that, to provide against the instability of
human nature, a Profession was made by Nuns in the presence of
witnesses, and was written down in a form which was carefully pre-
served.48 But virgins passed their noviciate in a lay dress,49 since
it was never allowable for one who had once assumed the monastic
habit, even without a public profession, and who had worn it for a
year, to go any more out of the monastery, since the assumption of
the habit was considered to be an open and public proof that the
vows were entirely voluntary.50 Subsequent regulations have how-
ever made some changes in all these matters.
We may observe in conclusion that Greek Nuns were under the
Rule of S. Basil : but that among the Latins, down to the ninth
century, Rules varied in different convents; and then the Rule of
S. Benedict became one of universal adoption in all the convents.
§ 3* Of the service for the consecratio?i of Nims.
It was the custom in former times, as we have said, for the Bishop
to admit virgins into the order of Nuns on any day in Easter week,
or on the feast of the Epiphany, or on Saints' Days, which were
Apostles' birth-days.51 This continued to be a prerogative of the
Bishops without any exception being made, down to the ninth cen-
tury. In that century the Bishops were, in some places, gradually
deprived of that privilege, through their own negligence, and abbesses
used to give the veil to their own Nuns :53 but in the thirteenth
century the Roman Pontiff53 restored them their ancient privilege:
and in the fifteenth century this was formally done by Councils also.54
In ancient times the Office for the Consecration of Nuns consisted
only in the giving to them the veil. Virgins, when they were about
to take the veil, presented themselves to the Bishop, clad in very
humble dress, for when they had once offered themselves for con-
secration they were never allowed to wear again silk dresses or gold
or jewelry.55 At length, in the eleventh century, the custom grew
47 V. S. Nili Abb. vit. c. 14, ap. 5* Gelas. Pap. Ep. 9, c. 12.
Sur. die 26 Septembr. ; Atton. Vercell. 52 Cone. Paris. VI. c. 41 and 43,
Ep. Epist. in D'Acherii Spicileg. T. An. 829. [" Forbade abbesses to usurp
VIII. (ed. nov. T. I.) [Thomass. this function."]
Eccl. Discip. i. 1. iii. c. 47, § 10.] 53 Rainald. ad An. 1244, n. 57.
48 V. I von. Carnot. Epist. 25, ad 54 Cone. Turon. c. 12, An. 15S3 •
Goffrid. Mediol. IV. &c.
49 V. Sanctim. Regular. Codic. ap. 55 Synod. Trullan. An. 692, c. 45.
Menard, in Cod. Regi.il. [" o-npucais Kal Trauroiais crroXais kcu
60 C. "Ex parte tua," deRegularib. Kofffiiois XPvaV Kc& AiGy," &c.]
Io8 POLITY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH.
up among the Latins of cutting off their hair and presenting them
with a ring and a crown in the service.66 And in the twelfth century
there were two kinds of veils in use among Nuns on these occasions,
one of which had a white embroidered cross in the centre, while
the other was without it. The first was worn by Nuns who were
consecrated by a Bishop, the other by those who received their
veil from an abbess.57 The prayers and other ritual ceremonies,
which are in the Pontifical now, are not older than the fifteenth
century.
The question in what year of their age Nuns might first take the
veil has been differently decided by different Churches. In the
Eastern Church, according to the Rule of S. Basil, which was plainly
the rule for all Nuns in the Eastern Church, their consecration could
take place after the sixteenth or seventeenth year of their age.58
But the Trullan Council altered the age,59 and forbade them to take
the veil till ten years older than the age fixed by S. Basil; and this
decree of the Eastern Church has been observed in some places as
late as down to the twelfth century.60 In the West also they were
consecrated at a later age, as e.g., in the African Churches in their
twenty-fifth year,61 while in Gaul they took the veil in their fortieth
year,62 as was usual at Rome also.63 But the Bishops sometimes
relaxed this law, if a virgin was in character old for her years.64 In
Germany the rule in this was almost the same, except that if by any
chance a girl had taken the veil when she was more than twelve
years old, it was not open to her to quit the convent.65 But after
this, by a law of the Decretals, a girl could give up the profession
even when she had completed her twelfth year.66 Such was the Rule
of the Church in these matters about the age for girls taking the veil
till the time of the Council of Trent, where it was finally settled that
Nuns could not be consecrated till their sixteenth year.
56 Vit. S. Hildegundse ap. Bollan- the veil under forty years of age, hovv-
dum. T. I. Januar.; and Baron, ad An. ever holy and exemplary her previous
1025, n. 1. life had been. So also does the Council
57 Petri Abelardi Epist. 8. of Saragossa, An. 381.]
58 Regul. S. Basil, c. 7, [Ep. ad 63 Anast. Biblioth. in Leone I. Pap.
Amphiloc. c. 18.] in Murator. SS. Rer. Ital. T. III.
59 C. 40. [Gregory the Great says that Abbesses
60 Balsam, in c. 27 Cone. Carth. III. may not be appointed over nunneries
An. 397. before sixty years of age. (Ep. iv. 11.)]
61 Cone. Carth. III. c. 4. [This 64 Ambr. de Virgin. 1. i. c. 11, [and
Canon forbids the ordination of Dea- 1. de Laps. Virg. c. 5.]
cons or the veiling of nuns before their 65 Capit. Car. Magn. 1. i. c. 107.
twenty-fifth year.] 66 Decret. Greg. IX. 1. iii. tit. 31,0.
62 Cone. Agath. An. 506, c. 19. 8, 11.
[This Canon forbids any woman to take
ABOUT CANONESSES AND ABBESSES. IO9
CHAPTER IV.
ABOUT CANONESSES AND ABBESSES OF THE MIDDLE AGES.
§ i. Of Canonesses.
The founder of the order of canonesses in Gaul is said to have
been Louis the Pious, who lived in the ninth century, and to his
exertions it was owing that rules for their guidance were formally
drawn up in a.d. 817 by the Council of Aix-la-Chapelle.1 But
whether that council gave a commission for drawing up a formally
written rule about canonesses to Amalarius, a presbyter of Metz, who
was the author of a Rule for Canonesses, is a point upon which
historians are not agreed.3 These religious women differed from
nuns who lived in community principally in this respect, that they
used to live independently in their own way, not bound by vows of
perpetual virginity and other monastic vows, but retaining a liberty
to marry, if they should be disposed to do so.3 Hence they were
called " Secular Canonesses."4 Indeed the discipline of their order
had in the thirteenth century departed very widely from the ancient
spirit of their institution, for [" attaching themselves, like the canons,
to particular churches,"] they had the assurance to take part in the
church service publicly in the choir with the canons and clergy, and
to join in processions.5 They admitted into their convents only the
daughters of noblemen or of officers of the highest military rank,
and they disliked the name of nun and mother? and wished to be
called domicellcB? (the usual name for the unmarried daughters of
princes, barons, grandees, and officers.)
At last councils put a stop to these abuses.8 But the order of
canonesses, which survives in our own day, seems rather to be
derived from that one which professed to be governed by the rules
of S. Augustine, and it is this order which was referred to by the
Council of Rheims, in a.d. 1148.9
§ 2. Of Abbesses.
In the middle ages the office of Abbess was one of the very
highest importance in the Western Church, especially in Germany,
1 Mabill. Ann. Ord. S. Ben. T. II. 6 Statut. Eccles. Cantuar. An. 1279,
2 V. Thomassin. de N. et V. Dis- in append, ad Cone. Gallic.
cipl. 1. iii. p. 1, c. 42, 43, 51, 63; Mu- 7 Jac. de Vitr. ib. \Domicellce.—As
rator. Antiq. Ital. Med. /Ev. T. V. p. the sons of these men, who had not yet
185 and 496. been raised to military rank, were only
3 Jacob, de Vitriaco, Hist. Occid. c. called domicilii, so their daughters also
21, 31. were called domicellcz, since the wives
4 Cone. Colon. An. 1536. of barons and soldiers would be called
5 Cone. Lateran. An. 1139, c. 27, Domintz, as the wives of a Dominus.]
[Forbids them to be present in the same 8 Councils quoted above.
choir with the monks and canons at the 9 C. 4.
chanting of the holy office.]
HO POLETY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH.
Brabant, Pannonia, and elsewhere; more particularly so after em-
perors gave feudal estates to the monasteries of nuns, and abbesses
began to be reckoned among the nobles and vassals of the crown.
The consequence was that abbesses were by degrees so puffed up
with self-importance, that they considered themselves not only pos-
sessed of civil power, but also of ecclesiastical authority over those
in a subordinate position to themselves, especially over those clerics
and monks of their own order, who in spiritual matters were attached
to the service of the monastery.10 Sometimes abbesses were placed
at the head of nuns and monks together, as was frequently the case
in the kingdom of Navarre in the eleventh century.11 They even
took their seats at provincial synods, both as peers of the realm and
in virtue of the abbey from which they took their title. Thus in the
eighth century an abbess of the order of S. Benedict was present at
the Synod of Nidd in a.d. 705,13 and another of the same order
in Germany in the ninth century, in a.d. 895,13 was present at the
Synod of Tribur.
Hence, forgetting their own proper position, these ladies, in a
spirit of rivalry, sought after the same privileges and powers as those
possessed by abbats, for they presumed to admit their vassals into
minor holy orders.14 They were in the habit of receiving the con-
fessions of the nuns, and of imposing penances upon them,15 and of
holding public meetings in the churches of the monasteries under
them.16 But to these mischievous customs, to which the carelessness
of the bishops and the ignorance of the clergy had given a handle,
the Church at length put a stop, and reduced the authority of these
ladies within their former bounds.*
We must not omit, in conclusion, to mention that both in Spain
and in France there were Abbesses-Ge?ieral of the whole kingdom.
Such was the Abbess of the Cistercian Order, who was over an
abbey in France in the Duchy of Burgundy, and in Spain another of
the same order in a monastery situate in the principality of Bruges.
An abbess-general had indeed the privilege of holding in her monas-
tery every year a general chapter of all the abbesses in the kingdom.
10 Capit. Lud. Pii, ap. Mabill. An- near the river Nidd in Northumbria
nal. Ord. S. Ben. T. I. et de Anglia by Bertwald, Archbishop of Canter-
ex Bedce Hist. 1. iv. c. 23, 24, 25, 26. bury, by order of Pope John VI.]
11 Mabill. sa?c. VII. Annal. Ord. S. 13 Trithem. Hist. Hirsaug. 1. xxxiv.
Bened. T. IV. ["An abbess, presid- n. 33. [Tribur, a royal residence near
ing over a joint house of monks and Mayence, formerly a palace of the kings
nuns, is noted by Theodore as a pecu- of France.]
liar Anglo-Saxon custom (Poenitent. II. 14 Capit. Reg. Franc. 1. i. c. 76.
vi. 8, in Wassersclil. p. 208.) But the [Capit. Car. Mag. An. 789, c. 75,
practice was a Celtic one, (e.g., S. Bri- (Pertz, Leges, i. 63.)]
gid), not simply Anglo-Saxon, and with 15 Mabill. ib. Prsef. ad skc. II., and
Celtic monastic missions, penetrated infra c. 8, Reg. Anoni.
also into the continent, France, Spain, 1G Extrav. x. De Pcen. et Remis.
and even Rome. The well-known case * [E.g., Cone. Forojul. An. 791, c.
of the Abbess Hilda is an instance."— 47; Cone. Cabilon. An. 813, c. 65, by
(Smith's Diet. Antiq.)] which abbesses are required to be sub-
12 Ap. Mabill. ibid. T. II. [Held ject to their Bishops.]
OF FRATERNITIES. Ill
Two chapters of this description, one held by a Spanish abbess in
a.d. 1189, another by a French abbess in a.d. iioo, are mentioned
at length in the Annals of the Cistercians.17
CHAPTER V.
OF FRATERNITIES.
By fraternities we mean social Guilds of Presbyters or of laymen,
which are formed for the purpose of carrying on some pious work in
connection with religion. But as the object of such institutions is
most clearly apparent when we see them at work in burying the dead,
and by combined prayers, helping the souls of departed members,
this is not the proper place to describe such confraternities, but we
shall more appropriately do so in the concluding section of our Sixth
Book, where we shall be describing Christian funerals. A few re-
marks, then, are all that I shall here make respecting the origin of
those confraternities which exist among ourselves.
In mediaeval times mention is made of fraternities by Hincmar,
Archbishop of Rheims. He speaks of them as confraternities, or, as
they were vulgarly called, guilds.1 It is plain from his statutes on
the subject,3 that these guilds were certain associated societies of the
faithful who met together in church on holy days, especially on days
when contributions were made for offering the Church's oblation.
The associated members were in this case all laymen. But at Rome
fraternities of presbyters began to spring up in the tenth century.
For in the district of S. Cosmas and S. Damian a confraternity
of priests was established, the members of which bound themselves
by a solemn oath before the Altar of the Lord that they would help
by their combined prayers the members of the confraternity who
should be dead: and they put up a marble tablet containing this
solemn compact, as a memorial of what they had done.3 These in
ancient times all wore the same kind of dress, and devoted themselves
to the discharge of the pious duties which they had undertaken, but
they do not appear to have adopted the white copes which now they
wear before the fourteenth century.4 After the sixteenth century their
numbers increased so incredibly, as I may say, that for the purpose
of mutual recognition they added to their linen copes some peculiar
ornaments besides.
tf T. I. p. 225, &c. 2 id. ib.
1 In Capit. ad Presbyt. Paroch. suae 3 Baron, ad An. 984.
Oper. T. I. [An. 858, c. 16, "De 4 Ex Auctore Anon. Chronici Patav.
collectis quas geldonias vel confratrias inter Script. Italic. T. XII.
vulgo vocant."]
112 POLITY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH.
SECTION IV.
OF PRINCES OF THE CHURCH.
We have been describing that great Christian Republic, the Ca-
tholic Church. We have spoken of its lay members, and of its
ministers and magistrates of the first and second order. It will be
well for us now, in the last place, to treat of those who hold the
highest rank of all in it, viz., of the Supreme Pontiff of the Roman
Church and his Legates, of Cardinals, Patriarchs, Exarchs, Primates,
and Archbishops or Metropolitans; and we will speak separately of
each of these.
CHAPTER I.
OF THE DIVISION OF THE CHURCH INTO PROVINCES.
Historical records leave us in no doubt of the fact that the
Christian Church was in some way or other divided into provinces,
but in what way or on what principle such a division as that which
existed was made, learned men are entirely at issue. Some suppose
that the Apostles and their successors assigned the first place in their
division to cities which had the largest populations; others that they
followed out very accurately the lines laid down for them in the
political divisions of the Roman Empire. But both opinions may
well be true, for the Apostles desired to lay the foundation stones of
the faith first of all in towns which had the largest populations,1 and
as the great metropolitan cities of the Roman Empire took the lead
of all other towns in this matter of population, we may believe,
therefore, that Apostles and apostolic men, in their order of founding
Churches, followed the order of the political divisions of the empire.
And as the magistrates of a metropolitan city exercised a sort of
authority over the magistrates of other towns which did not enjoy
metropolitan rank, and as the highest honour was assigned to them,
so from time immemorial the Church has assigned the rank of
primate to the Bishops of those cities which, according to Roman
law, were metropolitan. Hence she always regarded as Primates the
Bishops of Nicomedia in Bithynia, of Cassarea in Cappadocia, of
Amasea in Pontus, of Ephesus in Asia, and of Corinth in Achaia,
since in the divisions of the Roman Empire each of these cities enjoyed
the rank and privilege of a metropolis. But while imitating the essen-
tial principles of Roman policy, the Church even more closely
adapted her ecclesiastical polity to the genius of the civil polity of
the Roman Empire. For the ancients gave the name of firjipoiroke^
(metropolis) mother city, to those cities "which had sent forth
colonies, of which they were, so to speak, the ancient mothers."2 In
1 Epiph. Hser. 68, 69. 2 Suid. Lexic. in h. voce.
OF THE ROMAN PONTIFF. 113
like manner, then, those cities in which the Christian faith had been
at first preached by Apostles or their disciples, and from which in a
tributary stream it flowed forth to other cities, enjoyed certain metro-
politan jurisdiction, and hence the Bishops of these cities, being,
as it were, pre-eminently the depositaries of Apostolical tradition,
and their Churches being in a certain sense Mothers of the Faith, were
naturally regarded as primates by the Bishops of the same Province.
By this arrangement, then, the Church introduced among Bishops
who had received the same sacramental mark, and were all of
equal rank, that distinctive authority of Primacy, of which we have
spoken. And hence we need not be surprised at those additional
powers and privileges which were from time to time conferred, as
marks of honour, on those three cities of the Roman Empire, and
on their Bishops: on Rome the head of the whole world, Alexandria
in Egypt, and Antioch in the East, cities which were chief without a
rival, and whose distinctive privileges were confirmed to their Bishops
by the suffrages of the universal Church.3 By this means metro-
politan Churches, in proportion to their antiquity, or in proportion to
the number of their members, received by degrees accessions of
power, so that in the same primacy there were established by
canonical authority in later times offices with different grades of
power, as will hereafter be explained. Hence the names of Patri-
archs, Primates, Exarchs, Archbishops, which now took their rise,
and which had anciently been simply the titles of the Bishops of the
principal cities, without conferring any distinction in rank, in after
ages represented certain real grades of episcopal dignity.
If any one wishes to read more on this subject, he should study
the Second Book of the work of Peter de Marca, " De Concordia
Sacerdotii," with its very eloquent annotations by Famiani.
CHAPTER II.
OF THE ROMAN PONTIFF.
The Bishop of the Church of Rome is the successor of Peter, who
continued to be Bishop of Rome for twenty-five years consecutively,1
3 Cone. Nic?en. I. c. 6. [" Let the his History. In the first list S. Peter's
ancient customs prevail, namely, those episcopate is given as lasting twenty, in
in Egypt, and Libya, and Pentapolis; the second as lasting twenty-live years;
that the Bishop of Alexandria have au- Baluze and Pagi suggest that this last
thority over all these, since also the notion has arisen from misunderstand-
same is customary for the Bishop of ing a passage in Lactantius, (de Mort.
Rome," &c] Persecut. ii.) which says, (without spe-
1 Euseb. in Chron. An. Chr. 44, 1. ii. cial reference to S. Peter), that twenty-
[Eusebius gives us two lists of Bishops five years elapsed between the first mis-
of Rome drawn from distinct sources; sionary journey of the Apostles, and the
that in the Chronicon, Bk. ii., and that in beginning of Nero's reign.]
I
U4
POLITY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH.
and he continues and lives on in his successors,2 who in all
respects inherit the power administered by Peter.3 Hence as Peter,
to whom the keys of the kingdom of Heaven were committed, as
being preferred above the other disciples,4 and as by God's command
feeding the Church, was made the head of all the Churches in the
world,5 so the Roman Pontiff is in a sense that Apostle's successor,6
the successor of one who no one can lawfully doubt was chief of the
Apostles, and whose Bishopric was raised above every other.7
Wherefore from the earliest ages it has been the unbroken custom for
Bishops throughout all the world to refer to him, as their head, on
all matters which could admit of any doubt ;8 since it is a matter of
necessity that the whole Church, i.e., all the faithful throughout the
world, should have their centre at the Church of Rome, as represent-
ing the principality which has the greater power.9 And therefore
that the Roman Pontiff, as Apostolical President, occupies the posi-
tion of highest power, and has the care of all the Churches,10 has
been the teaching of the early Fathers of the Christian Republic.
They considered him, for the time being, the one Priest in the
Church, and, for the time being, the one judge.11 From these
facts we justly draw the following inferences: That the Roman
Pontiff held the Primacy of all the Churches,13 that he appointed
Bishops for other Churches,13 that he made laws and granted dispen-
there is for the time one High Priest in
the Church, and one judge for the time
in Cpirist's stead;" the words 'in the
Church,' probably meaning 'in each
Church,' and not referring to the Bishop
of Rome. But further on in the same
letter he speaks of schismatics as carry-
ing letters of appeal to "the chair of
Peter and to the principal Church [of
Rome], from whence the unity of the
priesthood derives its origin." It is re-
marked in wSmith's Diet. Antiq., p. 1658,
S. Cyprian's theory of the essential unity
of the Church, as set forth in this and
other passages, may perhaps justly be
regarded as tending to support that of
the primacy of the Bishop of Rome; he
regarded him as primus inter pares.]
12 Julii I. Rom. P. Epist, 1.
13 Cone. Chalced. Act. 1 and 7; S.
Leo I. R. P. Epist. 54 ad Martian.,
and 84 acl Anastas.; S. Greg. I. 1.
v. Ep. 21; ad Constant. August.; [see
also Ep. iv. 10, 20. In these Epistles
Gregory complains in angry language
to the Bishops of Dalmatia, and in
dignified language to the Emperor,
that Maximus has been consecrated
Bishop of Salona without his leave
and against his wish: he bewails to
the Emperor, "ut episcopi viei me despi-
ciant" and he excommunicates all who
were concerned in the transaction.] Cy-
2 Petr. Chrysol. Epist. ad Eutych. ed.
Gr. et Lat. Gerh. Vossius, Mogunt. 1604.
[S. Cyprian (Ep. 55) says the Bishop
of Rome occupies the place of Peter.]
3 Siric. R. P. Epist. ad Himer.
lipiscop. Tarracon.
4 Basil. Orat. de Judic. Dei.
5 Ep.AdrianiinSyn.GEc.VIII.Act.2.
6 Epiph. in Anchor.
7 August. 1. ii. de Baptismo, c. 1, §
2. ["Quis nescit ilium Apostolatus
principatum cuilibet episcopatui prae-
ferendum (i.e. principatum Petri)?"]
8 S. Damasi R. P. Ep. ad omn. Episc.
Oriental, ap. Theodor. Hist. 1. v. c. 10.
9 Irenseus, 1. iii. c. 3. ["It is neces-
sary that every Church should assemble
at this Church (of Rome), because of
its superior dignity," (potiorem princi-
palitatem.) This may be explained by
Cone. Antioch. c. 9, An. 341, "A me-
tropolitan is to have superintendence of
the whole province, because all people
who have business come together from
all quarters to the chief city."]
10 Athanas. Apolog. ii. (?)
11 Cyprian. Epist. ad Cornel. 55, ed.
Bened., 59 ed. Oxon. [See also Ep.
66 § 7, Ep. 55, 7. S. Cyprian's words
are, '' This has been the source whence
heresies and schisms have taken their
rise, that obedience is not paid to the
Priest of God, nor do they reflect that
OF THE ROMAN PONTIFF.
"5
sations from obedience to them ;14 for it was enacted at the Council
of Sardica, that all suitors might appeal to him, judgment being in
all cases suspended till their cause had been tried in the court of the
Bishop of Rome and there determined;15 and the same Council16
ordered that meanwhile from his decision there should be no appeal.17
With good reason, then, from the earliest ages the most illustrious
titles have been given to the Roman Pontiff: as Most Blessed Lord,
Holy Father of Fathers,18 Pontiff of Christians,19 Pontiff of all Pre-
sidents,20 by antonomasia, Ruler of the Church,21 Universal Arch-
bishop, Universal Patriarch.22
From all these things it is clear what was the mind of the ancient
Fathers of our religion respecting the Pontiff of the Roman See,
and what were the feelings both of Eastern and Western Churches
on the subject of his supreme power, not, be it remembered, yester-
day or the day before yesterday, but from the very earliest times.
[This is, on the whole, as temperate a statement of the Roman Catholic view
of the Papal Supremacy as can be found in any modern writer, and has a value
accordingly. But it is veiy far from adequately putting the whole case, as it omits
the limitations which even Gallican divines have recorded, not to speak of the
strictures of more independent critics.]
§ Digression; about the Election of the Roman Pontiff.
In former times the election of a Pontiff of the Roman Church
was conducted in almost exactly the same manner as that of other
the cause to Bishops on the spot, or
send legates thither. It is only fair to say
that the authenticity of these Canons has
been challenged by some scholars.]
17 Gelas. R. P. Ep. ad Faust , and
ad Episc. Dard.
1S Inter Canon. Afric. Epist. Steph.
Archiepisc. Carthag. ad Damas. R. P.
19 Euseb. in Chron. ad An. 44.
20 Id. Stephan. Carth. ibid.
21 Ambr. Ep. 81, ad Sine. R. P.
22 Cone. Chalced. Act. 3, An. 451.
[Gregory in his Epistles asserts that this
Council had sanctioned the use of this
title by the Popes, but that no Pope had
presumed to use it. In the strongest lan-
guage he claims the title of universal
Patriarch as having been given him, but
in language equally strong he disclaims
the propriety of using it. (Ep. v. 43; v.
18; xiii. 3J ; v. 20.) He says that if
one man was universal Bishop, other
Bishops would be no Bishops at all.
(Ep ix. 68.) Though he calls himself
"the head of the faith," and claims
power to appoint all Bishops in his own
immense diocese, and to give the pallium
to others also, (Ep. ii. 24 and 28; iv.
41 ; ix. 125 ; x. 62, &c, &c.,) he calls
Christ the one Head of the Church,
prian. ad Steph. Ep. 67, ed. Ben., 68
Oxon. [S.Cyprian here writes to Stephen
Bishop of Rome, urging him, by virtue of
his authority as chief Pontiff, to appoint
another Bishop of Aries in place of
Marcianus, who had joined himself to
Novatian.] Gelasii Epist. ad Episcop.
Dardanise; Theodoret. Hist. 1. v. c. 23
de Flaviano.
14 Gelas. Pap. Ep. 1; S. Greg. I. 1. xi.
Ep. 64, [Gregory's well-known letter to
S. Augustine, Archbishop of Canterbury.]
lo Cone. Sardic. An. 344, c. 4.
16 Cone. Sardic. c. 4 and 7. [In this
Council of Sardica,—the modern Sophia
or Sofia in Bulgaria,—the first recorded
formal step was taken towards esta-
blishing the Pope's judicial authority
over the entire Church, which in the
following century was fully recognised
in the West. The third Canon directs
that if a Bishop be condemned in his
own province, the Pope may, on ap-
peal, determine whether the case is to
be re-heard. The fourth, that a Bishop
so appealing may not be deprived till
the cause is concluded by the Pope.
The seventh, that if thus appealed to,
the Pope, having decided that a new
trial is necessary, may either delegate
Il6 POLITY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH.
Bishops, whose elections we have already described. He was elected,
i.e., by the clergy and the people.23 This was the mode of his
election from the fourth34 down to the eleventh century.25
But in the twelfth century the inhabitants of Rome having violently
expelled Pope Innocent II. from the Pontifical Chair, and exposed
him to further persecutions, they were therefore deservedly placed by
him under sentence of excommunication. Hence on the death of
Innocent II., the people and clergy were deprived of their right of elec-
tion, not being allowed to exercise it, as they lay under sentence of
excommunication, and the Cardinals by themselves alone elected
Coelestinus II. as the new Pope.26 The clergy and people of Rome
being then in this manner excluded from Pontifical elections, the
choice of a Pope was transferred to the Cardinals only, and with
them it has remained for ever after; for towards the end of the
twelfth century Alexander III., in a Lateran Synod, which he held
in a.d. 1179, passed a decree declaring that the privilege of this
papal election belonged of right to the college of Cardinals alone}1
But besides making this decree for the first time that only Car-
dinals could vote in the election of a Pope, he also decided that
he should be considered duly elected Pope on whom the choice of
two-thirds of the Cardinals fell.28 This papal decree was occasioned
by that schism which was raised against that same Alexander III.,
the result of which was, that though he was lawfully elected by twenty-
three Cardinals, he was nevertheless during the space of eighteen
years exposed to annoyances from three anti-popes who had been
raised to the Pontificate by the votes of two or three Cardinals.29
The decree of Alexander III. was confirmed by Gregory X. in
the general Synod of Lyons, in the first canon of which were em-
bodied rules which were strictly to regulate every conclave and every
election to the Papal Chair.
(Ep. v. 43). The title was in fact of- 26 V. Panvin. in Not. ad vitam Innoc.
fered during the Council of Chalcedon, II., Clement. III., et Alexand. III.
not by it; it was the unofficial act of three 27 Can. I. [This Canon of A.D. 1179
Alexandrian petitioners, and not sane- declares that from that time the election
tioned by the Council. But the imperial of the Pope should be confined to the
commissioners at the Council while se- College of Cardinals, and that two-
curing to the Archbishop of old Rome thirds of the votes should be required
primacy and pre-eminent dignity, "ac- to make a lawful election, instead of a
cording to the canons;" conferred the majority only, as heretofore. (Landon's
same privileges of dignity nevertheless Manual of Councils.) In a Synod held
on the Archbishop of Constantinople.] at Rome under Nicholas II., a.d. 1059,
23 S. Cyp. Ep. 55, Oxon., [" Cor- a constitution had been published grant-
nelius was made Bishop of Rome by ing to the Cardinals the chief voice in
the judgment of GOD and of His the election of the Pope; and declaring
Christ, by the testimony of almost all that if any be elected Pope without the
the clergy, by the suffrages of the peo- unanimous and canonical consent of the
pie who were then present, and by the Cardinals, and that of the other clergy
electoral college of ancient priests and and the laity, the election should be
good men."] void. (lb.)]
24 Athanas. Apolog. 2. 2H Decret. 1. 1. tit. 6, c. 6.
25 V. Librum Diurn. Rom. Pont. 2<J V. Felic. Conter. Hist. Concord,
edit, a Garnerio, and Dissert. Pape- inter Alexand. III. et Frideric. I.
broch. xvi. in Act. S. Gregor. II.
OF CARDINALS. 117
"Conclave" is the name given to that meeting of Cardinals which is
held by them on the occasion of a papal election, and it is also the name
of the place itself where the Cardinal electors meet together on that
occasion. This meeting in the Conclave, according to the constitution
of Pius IV., takes place on the tenth day after the death of the Pope.
In choosing a Pope, the Cardinals employ three different methods:
for the mode of election is threefold. They proceed, i, by scrutiny;
2, by compromise; 3, by inspiration. (1) When the first method is
employed, three trustworthy members of the college are selected, who
take the votes of each of the electors in secret, and commit them to
writing, and immediately publish them, putting forth, as it is called in
law, "a Publication of Consents :"30 after which, if two-thirds of the
Cardinals have been found to agree in the selection of one and the
same man, he is proclaimed Pope. (2) The second method is
employed when it is wished to avoid the length of a protracted
election. Then the electors promise one by one on oath that they
will confirm any election which two or three others selected among
themselves shall make, which may result in the election of the com-
promiser himself to the Papal chair.31 Of this kind of election in
ecclesiastical matters we have a bright example among the ancients
given us by Sidonius Apollinaris.32 (3) The third method is called
proceeding "by inspiration." An election of this nature is made
when the Pope is chosen, as it were, by the inspiration of the Spirit
of God, all the electors being unanimous without a single dissentient
voice. For though the aid of the Holy Spirit is always relied on
in the election of a Supreme Pontiff, this last method of choosing
him is essentially one made, as it is called, by inspiration, as the
customary methods of scrutiny or of compromise by arbitration, are
then departed from; and it is also called sometimes an election by
adoration, for on these occasions at least two-thirds of the electors
unanimously salute as Pope one and the same candidate.33 Thus
much about the election of the Roman Pontiff.
CHAPTER III.
OF THE CLERGY OF THE ROMAN CHURCH, OR OF CARDINALS.
§ i. Of the Origin of Cardinals.
We have already explained (in Book I. Sec. ii., Ch. iv. §1) that in
former times the name of " Cardinals" was given to those presbyters
and deacons, and sometimes also subdeacons, who at their ordina-
tion had been attached to some church from which they took their
30 Decret. 1. i. tit. de Elect. Potest, c. 32 L. vii. Epist. 9.
48 and 58. 33 V. Boeti. Epon. de Jure Sacro, 1.
31 Id. 33, and c. 55. i. de Regul.
JI° POLITY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH.
title. Hence in the Roman Church the rectors (moderatores) of these
titular churches used to be called Cardinals,1 and of them the Roman
clergy were composed. From this it is perfectly clear that by the
Cardinals of the Roman Church were only meant those deacons and
presbyters whose help the Pope made use of in the government of
the city churches. But in the eighth century, if we may credit Anas-
tasius the Librarian,2 Pope Stephen IV. was the first who allowed
the seven Bishops [whose churches adjoined] nearest the city, to
celebrate the Holy Mysteries in the cathedral church of S. Peter,
and these also Anastasius calls [Hebdomadal] Cardinals. But although
Anastasius may be credited in a matter of this kind, he is certainly
mistaken in supposing that such Bishops as those he speaks of were
Cardinals of the Roman Church, [or else he is not using the phrase
in the exact sense which it has since borne.] It seems to me to be
the more probable conjecture that those Bishops eagerly desired to
be reckoned among Cardinals of the Roman Church, (as the Roman
Pontiff was usually chosen from among those Cardinals,) but that the
assumption of this privilege was expressly refused to these Bishops
by Stephen IV. This indeed is clear from the law which Pope
Stephen passed in a synod which he held at Rome, by which law it
was forbidden under penalty of anathema that Bishops should be
reckoned among the Cardinals of the Roman Church.3 Hence as
late as at the end of the tenth century only presbyters and deacons
could be Cardinals of the Roman Church, and these are always
called by Anastasius " Princes of the clergy" (proceres cleri).1^ In those
times, therefore, in the Church of Rome Cardinals were inferior in
rank to Bishops, since these latter took precedence of Cardinals in
those councils which were held at Rome.5
But though the Bishops of those seven Churches which were situ-
ated nearest to the city, were not to be reckoned among the Car-
dinals, yet since the eighth century, when, as we said, they helped
the Pope in the celebrations of the Liturgy, they began to be called
"Roman Bishops;"6 and subsequently in the eleventh century,
"Cardinal Bishops of the Lateran Church," as being accustomed to
assist in Divine Service at the Church of the Lateran.7 Wherefore
1 Greg. Magn. 1. vi. n, and Joanru can be elected Pope. (Smith's Diet. p.
Diacon. in ejus vita, 1. iii. c. 8 and io, 292.)]
["diaconumtuasecclesiaecardinandum." 4 In vit. Valentin. L et Serg. II.
..." Ecclesise tuse cardinalem con- 5 Cone. Rom. An. 853 and 983 (?)
stituere." (Ep. ad Fortunatum Episco- An. 993 and 1015. [The seven
pum.)] Bishops of Ostia, Porto, S. Rufma,
2 In vit. Steph. IV. Albano, Sabina, Tusculum, and Pree-
3 Cone. Roman. An. 769, ap. Hoi- neste, began, in point of fact, to be
sten. in Collect. Cone. Roman. [This called Cardinals A. d. 1059, when formed
Council forbids the elevation of any into a College with the Cardinal Pres-
layman to the rank of Cardinal except byters and Deacons by Nicholas II.]
he have first passed through all the 6 Capit. Caroli Magn. 1. v. c. 34.
ecclesiastical orders, (Landon's Man- Vide Epist. Othon. Imper. ad Joann.
ual,) and declares that only one who XII. Rom. P. ap. Iiolsten. ibid.
has thus risen step by step, and been ~ S. Petr. Damian. 1. ii. Ep. 1 ad
made Cardinal Presbyter or Deacon Episc. Cardinal.
OF CARDINALS. 119
the Roman Pontiffs by degrees conferred on them such rights and
privileges as gave them a precedence over other Bishops, Primates,
and Patriarchs :8 by a law of Nicholas II.9 it was, that their autho-
rity was most largely increased, for he passed a decree conferring on
them the chief voice (summum jus) in voting at the election ^ of a
Roman Pontiff. Hence since the eleventh century the authority of
these Cardinal Bishops was continually increasing in the Roman
Church until it reached its greatest height in the twelfth century,
when, as we said, the right of voting at a Papal election was taken
away from the people and clergy of Rome, and the choice of a Pope
was left in their hands alone. Wherefore after this they began to be
called "the Pope's Holy Senate/'10 "Princes of the World," and
"Judges of the Earth;"11 and the Pontiff called them to his councils
in his management of the affairs of the Church.12
Since this Cardinals lawfully and fitly have held the first place
next to the Roman Pontiff, and have ranked as prelates above all
other Bishops (perpetuo prcelationis jure potiti). This high place
was first assigned them in the second Council of Lyons in the year
1274, when they took precedence even of the Latin Patriarchs,13 and
was at length formally confirmed to them by a special Bull of Pope
Eugenius IV. Ever afterwards Cardinals have been naturally held in
very high esteem, being looked on as the Apostolic College, by whose
advice the conduct of the most important business in the Church is
directed.14
§ 2. Of the Titles a?id the Number of Cardinals.
Those Cardinal Bishops, of whom we have been speaking, were
formerly the Bishops of the seven Churches which adjoined most
nearly the city of Rome, and even down to the twelfth century no
Episcopal jurisdiction over any other Churches was ever conferred on
Cardinal Bishops. But in that century, in the Pontificate of Pope
Alexander III., Cardinal Bishops for the first time began to exercise
Episcopal jurisdiction over other Churches,15 and in the fifteenth
century to change completely at times the titles which had specially
belonged to them.16 Other Cardinals, even as late as the fifteenth
century, used only to have a right to that title which corresponded
with the order of the ministry to which they had been admitted.
But after that, in the Pontificate of Pope Sixtus IV., Cardinal Deacons
began to take the titles of Presbyters, and Cardinal Presbyters the
8 Id. 1. i. Ep. 26. 13 Rainald. ad An. 1274, n. 3.
9 In Cone. Roman. An. 1056 [1059] 14 Vide Defmit. Acad. Pragen. An.
ap. Baron, hoc An. n. 25. I4*3> Concil. T. XII., and Epistol. Fri-
10 Epist. Cardin. ad Innoc. II. ap. der. Imper. ad Cavdinales ap. Matth.
Otton. Frising. 1. i. de Gest. Frid. Parisium, ad An. 1239.
c. 17. 15 Baron, ad An. 1177, n. 17.
11 S. Bernard. Epist. 130. 16 Ciaccon. in vit. Pontif. Romanor.
12 Id. de Consid. ad Eug. 1. iv.; Petr. Bonifac. IX. et Alexand. V.
Blesen. Epist. 165, ad Hadrian. IV.
!20 POLITY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH.
titles of Deacons, and Cardinal Clerks the titles of Deacons [of some
church in Rome].
In a Consistory held at Rome in the fourteenth century, in the
Pontificate of Urban VI., it was enacted that the number of Car-
dinals should never exceed twenty. This decree was occasioned by
that schism which at that time afflicted the Roman Church; there-
fore it was natural that the number of Cardinals should be reduced
within narrow limits, that opportunities for schism might be reduced
within narrow limits likewise.17 But in the beginning of the fifteenth
century their numbers were already beyond the limits assigned them,
and therefore the Council of Basle decreed that they should not be
more than twenty-four in number.18 This continued to be their fixed
number down to the end of the fifteenth century and the beginning
of the sixteenth, as is evident from Conclaves held at those dates :19
but to the original number seven others were, it seems, added by
Pope Leo X., so that they then became thirty-one in number. But
at a Conclave held in the year 1514, the number of Cardinals is
reckoned at thirty-nine; and in the year 1555 the number was in-
creased to forty,20 and in the same way they by degrees reached the
number of seventy, in imitation of the mystical number of Christ's
disciples.
§ 3. Of the Cardinals' Purple and Hat.
There can be no doubt that in the thirteenth century Cardinals
were specially distinguished by the purple dress which they wore.
But whether they began to wear it in a.d. 1212, or, as some think
more probable, in the year 1245, (when they wore it at the
sixth Council of Lyons,) is a question on which historians are not
agreed.21 We may make one remark, however, in connection with
the subject, that the purple pallium was in former times the special
ornament of Legates of the Roman Church: as therefore sub-
sequently to the twelfth century Cardinals everywhere filled the
office of Legates, this was the reason why they first began to wear
the purple pallium, which afterwards perhaps continued to be their
own distinctive dress.
The red hat which they wear is said to have been presented
to them by Pope Innocent IV. in the thirteenth century.22 The
hat was in shape like a very small cap, and with scarcely any
brim, and this was worn by Cardinals, as we know from pictures of
those times, down to the end of the fifteenth century: but then Pope
Nicolas V. wished them to wear an entirely red hat, and he distin-
guished them by a silk mitre of damascene work, and presented to
17 Rainald. An. 1376, n. 104. ^ C. "De antiqua,"deprivileg. [The
18 An. 1438, Sess. 23. [a.d. 1436.] privilege of wearing the red hat was first
19 Rainald. ad An. 1402, n. 28; An. granted to the cardinals in the Council
1503, n. 5. of Lyons, a.d. 1245, by Innocent IV.
20 V. Bullam "Compacti," An. 1555. (Nich. de Cur.bio, in Vita Inn. c. xxiii.)
21 Spondan. ad An. 1244, n. 4, and (Landon.)]
Rainald. ad An. 1213, n. 6.
OF PATRIARCHS. 121
them also those red hoods (capitia), which were then only worn by
Roman Pontiffs at the celebration of Divine Service.23 Down to the
end of the fourteenth century this red cap was only worn by Car-
dinals who had been elected from the clergy, for Cardinal Monks
wore both the habit and the cap, of the colour peculiar to their own
order. But Gregory XIV. presented Cardinal Monks also both with
the purple and with the red hat.2i Any man, therefore, who was
elected Cardinal used to come to Rome, where he received a red hat
from the hands of the Pontiff, which custom was observed until the
fourteenth century. But in the year 1350 Clement VI. was the first
of the Popes who sent a hat to a certain Bishop, (whom he had
made a Cardinal in France,) by the hands of three other Bishops,
writing at the same time that this was done by a Papal dispensation
and contrary to all antiquity.25 But those who wish to make them-
selves acquainted with the full rights and privileges of Cardinals,
must consult the more modern doctors of canon law.
CHAPTER IV.
OF PATRIARCHS.
UaTpiapx^s^ Patriarch, was in former times the name given to the
first founder of any family, from whom others were descended.1
Therefore in the Christian Republic this name was given to the
Bishops of those Churches which had been founded by Apostles, and
had been as it were the mothers of other Churches. Such were for-
merly the three Churches of Rome, Alexandria, and Antioch, to
which was soon added the Church of Jerusalem, and at length the
Church of Constantinople : the Bishops of these Churches were there-
fore called Patriarchs.
Down to the fourth century their rights and privileges were the
same as those of Metropolitans. But as in that age very many dis-
putes arose, which it was beyond the power even of Provincial
Councils to settle, certain supreme powers were conferred on those
Bishops of very ancient Churches, whose authority even then ex-
tended to the hearing of more important judicial causes, who could
ordain Metropolitans, adjudicate on causes in which they were con-
cerned, and convoke National Councils by the authority which they
then enjoyed. An appeal moreover was allowed to them from the
sentence of a Metropolitan.2
23 V. Cardin. Papien. Comment. 1. ii. l Siiid. in hac voce.
24 Spond. ad An. 1591, n. 12. 2 Justin. Novell. 123, c. 10, 2; and
25 Rainald. ad An. 1330; ad An. 1316, Jus Orient. Leunclavii passim,
n. 29.
POLITY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH.
§ i. Of the Patriarch of Rome.
Besides the Primacy of all Churches, which by Divine right he
enjoys, the Bishop of the Church of Rome has from the earliest
times been distinguished by the name and authority of " Patriarch ;"3
as " on the Roman Church Apostles poured out4 all their doctrine,
with their blood," [as Tertullian expresses it,] and as she above other
Churches throughout all the world was justly held to be a most
ancient Church (apxaioraTTj 'E/ooV/^am).5
But there is a double sense in which the Head of the Roman
Church appears to be called a Patriarch—first, on the ground of
those Patriarchal rights which he exercised by ordinary authority in
the Churches of his own Patriarchate: and next on account of that
primacy of jurisdiction which he held also over the other Patriarchs
of the East. At the first Council of Nice in the fourth century the
Roman PontirT is given the rank of a Patriarch, and the Churches
under his jurisdiction are called by Rufinus "Suburbicarian," the
meaning of which expression has given rise to no little controversy,
so much so that to this day it is uncertain what were the limits within
which the Roman Patriarchate was anciently contained. To those
however who are not drawn away by party spirit the opinion of
Jacobus Sirmondus seems the most probable, viz., that the Subur-
bicarian Churches mean those ten districts which rendered obedience
to the civil Vicar of the city, (i) Tuscia and Umbria; (2) Cam-
pania; [(3) Apulia and Calabria;] (4) Bruttium and Lucania; (5)
Samnium; [(6) Picenum;] (7) Valeria; (8) Sardinia; (9) Sicily, and
(10) Corsica.6
But that patriarchal authority which was given to the Roman
PontirT from the beginning of the Church, was enjoyed by virtue of
3 Cap. de Rom. Pontif. Rome, and that S. Mark, his com-
4 Tertull. dePrsescr. c. 36. \uApos- panion there, gives in his Gospel what
tles>" i.e. S. Paul and S. Peter, whom S. Peter orally preached there: that at
Tertullian speaks of as martyrs at Rome: Rome S. Peter wrote his first Epistle:
"What a happy Church is that! on that S. Paul and S. Peter were both
which the Apostles poured out all their martyred at Rome, having conjointly
doctrine with their blood : where Peter been founders of the Churches of Rome
had a like Passion with the Lord; and Corinth; and he quotes Irenseus
where Paul hath for his crown the same as saying that Peter and Paul pro-
death with John (the Baptist), where claimed the Gospel and founded the
the Apostle John was plunged into Church at Rome.]
boiling oil, and suffered nothing, and 6 Sirm. Censur. Conject Anon, de
was afterwards banished to an island."] Suburb. Region, edit. Paris, 1618, [1. i.
5 Origen ap. Euseb. Plist. Eccl. 1. vi. c. 4. The later Roman empire con-
c. 14. [Eusebius writes, "Origen says tained thirteen dioceses, and about one
that he also came to Rome, being de- hundred and twenty provinces; the
sirous of seeing the very ancient Church governor of a civil "diocese" was called
of Rome." On the subject of the origin Vicarius, or Eparchus ; thesuburbicaria
and antiquity of the Roman Church see regiones would denote the ten provinces
also the statements of Eusebius, 1. ii. of the Roman "Vicariate." (See Bing-
es. 14, 15, 25; 1. v. c. 8; 1. iii. c. 1; ham, ix. i. 9, and Smith's Diet. Antiq.
where he says that S. Peter preached in p. 1941.)]
OF PATRIARCHS. 123
the primacy which he held. For even Eastern Patriarchs appealed
to him in almost all causes of great importance. To his supreme
judgment the Patriarch of Alexandria had recourse in the third cen-
tury.7 Athanasius, Patriarch of the same see, followed what was the
law of the Church when he allowed the Pontiff to summon his ac-
cusers for trial to Rome.8 Chrysostom did the same in the same
country, when, though the Head9 of the Church of Constantinople,
he appealed to Rome against the sentence of the Patriarch of Alex-
andria.10 Thus the Roman Pontiff has at all times and in all places
and by all men been justly regarded as the Patriarch of Patriarchs.
§ 2. Of the Patriarch of Antioch.
The Bishop of the Church of Antioch was honoured with the
name and privileges of Patriarch, both because that city was the first
see of the first Apostle,11 and also because it was the Metropolis of
the whole of the East.13 Under the sway of the Patriarch of Antioch
were fifteen provinces of the East,13 though by this name we are by no
means to understand the provinces of the whole of the East to be
designated, but those fifteen of which the Diozcesis Orie?itis consisted,
according to the division of the empire under Vespasian.u By
limits of this kind the Patriarchate of Antioch was defined even
down to the tenth century, when the Saracens gained possession of
Syria. But when in the twelfth century Antioch was delivered by
the French from the Saracen yoke, a Latin Patriarch continued to
govern the See of Antioch even down to the thirteenth century, when
in the year 1268 the Sultan of Egypt sacked the city of Antioch.
In our own day there are two Patriarchs of Antioch, one of whom
has authority over the Syrians and the other of whom rules over the
Maronites ; the residence of the former is Hierapolis, commonly called
Aleppo • that of the latter is a certain monastery commonly called
Cannubin.1*
§ 3. Of the Patriarch of Alexandria.
The founder of the Church of Alexandria was S. Mark, the disciple
of Peter,16 and for that reason it is called the Evangelical See}^ The
7 In Cone. Roman, sub Dionys. Rom. n Euseb. in Chron. ad An -zq JEr
Pontif. An. 263. Christ.
8 Theodoret. Hist. Eccles. 1. i. c. 4; 12 Id. de Vit. Constant. 1. iii. c. 50
Socrat. Hist. Eccl. 1. ii. c. 11. [The 13 Cone. Ephesin. Act. 1, Ep. 2.
party of Eusebius sent an embassy to 14 Petr. de Marca, de Concord. &c.
Pope Julius, asking him to judge the 1. i. c. 4, n. 2.'
case of S. Athanasius.] « Relation du P. Nav. mois de Sep-
9 Sozom. Hist. Eccl. 1. viii. c. 28. tembre.
[An embassy of Bishops came from 16 Hieron. de Script. Eccl. in Marco
Constantinople to Pope Innocent I. V S. Leo, R. P. I. Ep. 9, ad Dios-
about the restoration of S. Chrysostom.] cor. [Al. Si.] [" Petri discipulus Mar-
10 Pallad. in ejus vita. [He appealed cus, qui Alexandrinam primus ecclesiam
to Rome and to the collective episco- gubernavit."]
pate of Italy.]
124 POLITY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH.
presiding Bishop of this Church exercised Patriarchal authority not
only in Egypt, but also in Pentapolis, in Libya and the region of
Marmarica. From the first to the seventh century Catholic Pa-
triarchs governed the Church of Alexandria. For at the beginning
of the seventh century, when the Saracens conquered Egypt, Pa-
triarchs of the sect of the Jacobites usurped the See of Alexandria,
and severed themselves from communion with the Church of Rome.
And although in the sixteenth century Gabriel, Patriarch of Alex-
andria, recognised the primacy of the Roman Pontiff, yet this union
was of very short18 duration. At this day a Jacobite is Patriarch of
Alexandria, who has his episcopal residence in the city of Cairo.19
§ 4. Of the Patriarch of Jerusalem.
Among those Churches which were founded by the Apostles must
justly be reckoned the Church of Jerusalem, whose first Bishop was
James the son of Alphseus, surnamed "the Just;" for which reason
it was called an Apostolic See.20 The three provinces into which
[under the Christian emperors] Palestine was divided, and Syria,
were subject to its jurisdiction, since not only on account of the
extent of the diocese, but because of the dignity of the city over
which he presided, (for in it had been enacted the great mysteries of
our religion,) the Bishop of Jerusalem was reckoned among the Pa-
triarchs by the Fathers assembled at the first Council of Nice in the
fourth century,21 though they preserved entire the ancient privileges
of the Metropolitan of Csesarea, to whose jurisdiction the Bishop of
Jerusalem had before then been subject. We have an unbroken
line of Patriarchs of Jerusalem down to the seventh century, when
Jerusalem was taken by the Saracens: but in the eleventh century
when it was recovered by the Latins, Latin Patriarchs were esta-
blished there, and they continued down to the sixteenth cen-
tury.22 The Greeks have still a Patriarch of Jerusalem who resides
at Jerusalem. But although he claims to hold sway over the
whole of Palestine, Syria and Arabia, nevertheless the Armenians,
the Syrians, the Nestorians, the Abyssinians, the Georgians and the
18 Bolland. Hist. Patriarch. Alex. of James," expressly affirms it; as also
T. V. Tumi, do Epiphanius and Niceph. Callistus.
19 Chitreus in Orient. Descript. In Apost. Const, viii. 35, occurs the
20 Euseb. Hist. Eccl. 1. vii. c. 19. earliest allusion to this received opinion,
[Apost. Const, viii. 35 ; Chrys. Horn. "I, James, the brother of Christ ac-
38, in Ep. ad 1 Cor. Eusebius says, cording to the flesh, but His servant as
"James being the first that received the Only-begotten Son of God, and
the dignity of the episcopate at Jerusa- one ordained Bishop of Jerusalem by
lem from our Saviour Himself;" it the Lord Himself, and the Apostles, do
was' an old tradition that S. Tames, say," &c]
called in Scripture "the Lords bro- 21 Can. 7.
ther," was ordained by Him Bishop of 22 Michael Le Quien in Oriente
Jerusalem. S. Chrysostom, Homil. 38, Christ. T. II. 1. hi.
upon the words, "Then He was seen
OF PATRIARCHS. 125
Copts have emancipated themselves from all obedience to his juris-
diction.23
§ 5. Of the Patriarch of Co7istantinople.
Down to the fourth century the Bishop of Byzantium had been
subject to the jurisdiction of the Metropolitan of Heraclea in Thrace.
But after that Constantine, the first Christian emperor, fixed the
seat of empire at Byzantium, the Bishop of that imperial city was
from that time constantly loaded with honours and distinctions;
and in the fourth century the Fathers of the GEcumenical Council
of Constantinople conferred on him the first position of honour in
the Church next after the Bishop of Rome.34 But in the fifth cen-
tury the Fathers of the Council of Chalcedon extended the limits
of his jurisdiction,25 and in addition to his former episcopate they
assigned him patriarchal authority over the provinces of Asia, of
Pontus, and of Thrace, so that Nilus Doxapatrius26 could reckon
sixty-five metropolitan cities, and seven hundred bishoprics within
his jurisdiction. After this in the sixth century he assumed the
name of Universal Patriarch.27 But in the seventh century the Em-
peror Heraclius conferred the crowning distinction on the Patriarchate
of" Constantinople, when he gave to it supreme jurisdiction in all
civil causes in which clergy, monks, and bishops were engaged.28
Wherefore the Patriarch of Constantinople assumed for himself the
title of GEcumenical or General, which other Patriarchs had taken only
as an honorary distinction down to the sixth century, when John the
Faster, Patriarch of Constantinople, relying on his title of GEcu-
menical, ventured to pronounce judgment on other oriental Patriarchs;
for this Pope Gregory I. properly disapproved of his title of GEcu-
menical, and passed censure upon him. But nevertheless the Pa-
triarchs of Constantinople continued to assume this title down to
the seventh century.29 But when in the beginning of the thirteenth
century the Latins took possession of Constantinople, the appoint-
ment to the Patriarchate of that See fell into the hands of the Vene-
tians by a treaty made between them and the French: this arrange-
ment lasted from the year 1204 to the year 1261, when Michael
Palaeologus expelled the Latins from Constantinople, and a^ain
restored the Greek Patriarchs to it: and they, though Constantinople
was taken by the Turks in the fifteenth century, continue in the same
Patriarchate30 down to our own day.
Since then, and to the present time, the Greek Patriarch resides
at Constantinople: his common appellation is " the Father," (Haab);
f Davity, Hist, etRelat.de l'Asie. conatus est." Gregory rebukes him for
-4 Can. 3, An. 381. [Because, as assuming it.]
it states, Constantinople is New Rome.] -* Heracl. Novell. Sergio inscript ap
;; A?. 1, Am 451. justelli Veter. Jur. Canon. Bibl. T." II
m -" Allat. de Consens. Orient, et Oc- -9 Cone. Roman, sub Martino I R
cid. Eccl. 1. i. c. 24. p. An. 649. ''
••7 S' Grfg-Mag-.EP-V- l8> 43; and so Le Quien in 0riente christiano,
11 37; L be universalem appellare T. II. 1. iii.
xiu.
126 POLITY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH.
the countries subject to his jurisdiction are Asia Minor, the islands
of the ^Egean Sea, Thrace, Greece, Wallachia, Circassia, and formerly
also Muscovy: this latter obtained a Patriarch of its own in the reign
of Duke Feodore; but his election is altogether simoniacal, as each
of the Bishops informs the Sultan of the number of votes he has se-
cured by bribery, and the one who has laid out most money is chosen.31
§ 6. Of the Western Patriarchs.
Besides the Roman Pontiff, who both by right and par excellence
is called Patriarch of the West, others also in the West were dignified
with the title of Patriarch in the middle ages, though the title was
one which conferred an honorary distinction rather than any real
power. The occasion of this arose in Italy, for the kings of the
Goths and the Lombards, in the letters which they wrote to the
Metropolitans, used to address them as Patriarchs.33 But at first
the Bishop of Aquileia was the only Bishop in the Western Church
who may be said to have enjoyed the rights and privileges of a
Patriarch, and he was raised to the dignity of a Patriarch when, on
the fall of Sirmium, Aquileia became the capital of Western Illyricum,
for which reason the Bishop of Aquileia assumed to himself the title
of Patriarch.33 But when in the sixth century the Bishop of Aquileia
took part in promoting the schism of " the Three Chapters," another
Patriarch was created, the Bishop of Grado, who continued in com-
munion with Rome ;3'4 on him Pope Eugenius IV. in the twelfth
century bestowed certain privileges and jurisdiction in the Church
of Constantinople and other Eastern Churches, and at length in the
fifteenth century the Patriarchate of Grado was united to the
Bishopric of Venice.35 But after the Bishop of Aquileia had abjured
the schism, in the course of the eighth century Patriarchal authority
over all the empire of the Lombards was restored to him by Pope
Gregory II.,36 and after the overthrow of Aquileia he continued to
reside at Udine. At the present day, however, this Patriarchate no
longer exists, for it was entirely extinguished by Benedict XIV., and
two Archbishoprics were substituted, one of which is at Udine in
Venetia, and the other at Goritz in Austria.
In Germany the Bishop of Bourges in the ninth century was given
the title and jurisdiction of a Patriarch by the Roman Pontiff, Ni-
colas I., since the city of Bourges had been the metropolis of the
whole of Aquitaine in the reign of Charlemagne.37
But not to prolong this subject, I may briefly say that in the
Churches of France Metropolitans bore the honorary title of Patriarch,
31 Renaudot, La Perp. de la Foy, T. 33 Ex Paulo Diac. Aquil. de Gest.
jjj Longobard. 1. ii. c. 8.
;<2 Epist. Athalarici ad Joan. Tap. 34 Id. ib. 1. iv. c. 20.
apucl Cassiodorum, lib. ix. Episto- 3* Ughell. Ilal. Sacr. T. V.
larum. [This should be, "wrote ^ Cassiod. Sen. Epist. 18.
to the Bishops:" Itali regni Episco- 37 Epist. Nicol. I. Concilior. Gall,
pos.] T- IIL
OF EXARCHS AND PRIMATES. 127
in the middle ages ;38 as also for some time did the Bishop of Friuli
in Italy ;39 but these were mere titles, no Patriarchal jurisdiction was
attached to them.40
CHAPTER V.
OF EXARCHS AND PRIMATES.
§ i. Of Eastern Exarchs.
Certain Bishops who were inferior in rank to Patriarchs, and yet
took rank above Metropolitans (vweprlfjuoi), were called by the
Greeks Exarchs, or Presidents (prcesules), and by the Latins Primates.
Of these there were three in the Eastern Church, the Bishops of
Ephesus, Heraclea, and Caesarea: the Church conferring the honour-
able title of Exarchs on these three Bishops because of the dis-
tinguished position held by those three cities, as those three provinces
were each the seat of an Imperial Praefect. Thus it was that to the
Exarch of Ephesus the diocese of Asia was subject; the diocese of
Thrace rendered obedience to the Exarch of Heraclea, and that of
Pontus to the Exarch of Caesarea. The jurisdiction of the Exarchs
extended over all the Metropolitans of the diocese, whom they used
to ordain.1 To them also an appeal lay from the judgment of the
Metropolitans, and by their sentence were settled any disputes which
arose between Bishops and Metropolitans. Therefore they occupied
the highest seats in Councils after Patriarchs; though they did not
very long enjoy this privilege, as in the fifth century it had already
passed to the Patriarch of Constantinople by decree of the Council of
Chalcedon,2 and the name of Exarchs which they retained was only
an honorary distinction.
The honour and the jurisdiction of Exarch were conferred by the
Roman Pontiff Damasus on the Bishop of Thessalonica. For as
Thessalonica was the capital of Eastern Illyricum, according to the
38 Cone. Matisc. II. An. 585, and times. The title of Patriarch is used
Greg. Turon. Hist. 1. v. c. 21. [In also by the Archbishops of Lisbon.]
both these references the title of Pa- '^ Walafr. Strabo de Reb. Eccl. c.
triarch is given to the Archbishop of 25.
Lyons: at the Council of Macon, Pris- 40 Epist. Leon. IX. ap. Rainald. An.
cus, Archbishop of Lyons, who pre- 1246, n. 40.
sided, is styled Patriarch : and Gregory l Epist. Siricii et Damasi ap. Hol-
gives the same title to Nicetius, the sten. Collect. Rom. &c.
predecessor of Priscus in that See : Sul- 2 Cone. Chalcedon. An. 451, c. 17
picius, Archbishop of Bourges, is also ["If anyone be wronged by his'Metro-
called Patriarch in Epist. Desiderii Ca- politan, let his cause be tried by the
durcensis, as quoted in Benedictine note Exarch of the diocese, or the throne of
ad loc. Greg., which says these were Constantinople, as is aforesaid" (i e
the only Metropolitans to whom this Can. 9.)]'
title was given in Gallic Synods of those
128 POLITY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH.
division of the empire made by Constantine, and as the commander
of the imperial body-guards had a residence there, the Bishop of that
city was naturally invested with the dignity of an Exarch; and
hence as in former times Eastern Illyricum was also subject to the
Western Empire, the Exarch of Thessalonica rendered obedience to
the Roman Pontiff as to his own Patriarch.3 But under Justinian
his jurisdiction began by degrees to be restricted within narrower
limits, and at length when a fresh division of the empire was made
in the reign of Leo the Isaurian, it was confined within the limits of
Macedonia. But when in the eleventh century the Latins had taken
Constantinople and other cities of the East, his ancient jurisdiction
was again restored to the Bishop of Thessalonica, but on the fall of
the Eastern Empire of the Latins these rights a second time lapsed,
as did the Exarchate also.4
In like manner the Metropolitan Bishop of Cyprus had been
invested with the dignity of the Exarchate, being exempt from all
obedience to the Patriarch of Antioch, and his independence, not-
withstanding the opposition of that Patriarch, was confirmed by the
Council of Ephesus, a.t>. 43 l5 Hence to the Exarch of Cyprus
and to the Archbishop of Bulgaria, who were exempted from the juris-
diction of the Patriarch of Constantinople, the Greeks gave the
appellation of avroKe^aXoi, or " independent."6
§ 2. Of Latin or Western Primates.
The name of these dignitaries is first found mentioned in Africa.
For as Carthage was anciently the Metropolis as it were of that whole
province,7 the exalted dignity of the Primacy belonged only to the
Bishop of that city ;8 but when Africa was divided by Constantine
into six provinces, the Bishop of Carthage only enjoyed Metropolitan
rank equally with the Bishops of the chief cities in Africa. In this
respect however he took precedence of them, in that while in other
provinces of Africa he only had a right to the name and jurisdiction
of Primate (irrespective of his metropolis), who had been ordained
before his colleagues, the Primacy belonged inalienably to the See
of Carthage.9 . c .
The name of Primates was also given to those Bishops in bpam
and France, who filled the office of Legate to the Roman Pon-
3 Innocent. I. Ep. 9; Bonifac. I. garia on May 7, 1879, (Times, May 10,
Ep. ad Rufin. Episc. Thessal.; Leo I. 1879.)] Covnelium de
Ep. ad Synod. Chalced. 7 Cypr. Ep 45, ad Coinehum de
P< Innoc7. III. Epist. 18, Reg*. ^^^^k An. 348, and
XVs Act t c 8 Cypr. Epist 54 (?) [Prim* . Sedis
6 Balsam, de* Privil. Patriarch, ap. Episcopus was his exact title in the
Meurs. in Glossar in h. voce: [The Council. ^ ^.^
^^J^S^B^C^ Wdm, n 3, in Append, de Concordia
of Philippopolis by the Exarch of Bui- Sacerd. et Imper.
OF METROPOLITANS OR ARCHBISHOPS. 129
tiff.10 Hence for this reason the Bishops of Seville and Tarragona
in Spain, and the Bishops of Aries and Vienne in France, assumed the
name of Primate.11
The Roman Pontiff Zacharias VIII. bestowed the name of Pri-
mate on the Bishop of Mayence12 in Germany: and in England
the Bishop of London and the Bishop of Canterbury were Pri-
mates.13
In the twelfth century Alexander III. invested the Bishop of Pisa
in Italy with the dignity of Primacy.
CHAPTER VI.
OF METROPOLITANS OR ARCHBISHOPS.
From the first ages of the Church those were called Metropolitans
or Archbishops who were heads of the Church in those important
cities of which we spoke in the first chapter. These dignitaries,
indeed, by reason of the antiquity and civil importance of the cities
which they governed, or because of the Apostolic origin of the
Church in those cities, exercised a certain jurisdiction over the
Bishops of the Provinces, and were held in honour by their brethren
the Bishops of the same Province, as men who were first in the
Church, and as it were heads of it.1
§ 1. Of the jurisdiction of Metropolitans.
Metropolitans had the right of judging in causes of the Bishops of
their province f of convoking Provincial Councils, and presiding at
them ;3 of giving letters of communion to clerics and written testimo-
10 Isid. Hisp. Chron. 1. ii. (?) Apost. Canon says, "The Bishops of
11 Simplic. Rom. Pont. Ep. 1 ; Hor- every nation ought to recognise their
misdse Ep. 24; Cone. Suessionens. Primate (rbu iv abro7s -Kp&rov), and to
[Greg. Mag. Ep. v. 54, confirms the title esteem him as their head (Ke</>aA.V), and
in perpetuity to the Bishop of Aries.] not to do anything important without
12 Marian. Hist. 1. iii. his consent." The Canons of the Coun-
13 Beda, Hist. Angl. 1. i. c. 29. [It cils of Laodicea, Nice, and Antioch,
seems to have been Gregory's plan to quoted in the text, speak especially of
give metropolitan rank to the Bishops the invalidity of the ordination of any
of London and York, and to give S. Bishop without the consent of his Me-
Augustine at Canterbury primacy over tropolitan, whose duty it is to summon
both; the Bishop of London and the all the Bishops of the province for his
Archbishop of York to have precedence ordination, or to take their votes; and
of each other according to seniority of the latter Council forbids a Bishop to
ordination.] take any important step without his
1 Canon. Apost. 35 ; Const. Apost. Metropolitan.]
i. c. 4(?) ; Synod. Laodic. An. 361, c. 2 Basil. Ep. 77.
12; Nicsen. I. c. 4 and 6. [The 35th 3 Cone. Antioch. c. 9, 19.
K
13° POLITY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH.
nials to Bishops and clerics who wished to have audience with the em-
peror,4 or the Roman Pontiff ;5 of delivering a final sentence in cases
of appeal ;6 of confirming the election of Bishops of the province f
and of holding visitations in all the Churches throughout the pro-
vince.8 In fact no matters of business, if they were of the least import-
ance could be transacted in any part of the province at all, without
the advice of the Metropolitan.9 But in the West after the eighth
century an appeal lay from them either to a Provincial Council,10
or to the king ;n for Bishops in a Provincial Council are able to
pass sentence of condemnation on a Metropolitan: this at least has
most clearly been the case since the tenth century.12 Lastly, by the
law of the Decretals, a Metropolitan has the right of subjecting a
Bishop elect to examination, and of confirming his election to the
Episcopate.13 These most ancient privileges of theirs the Council
of Trent has in recent times confirmed,14 and has moreover given
them jurisdiction over monasteries not subject to any diocese,15 and
the right of correcting abuses which have crept into other monasteries
in the province,16 and also of sending vicars into churches which
have lost their pastor, in the interval between his death and the next
meeting of the chapter.17
§ 2. Of the distinctive ornament of Metropolitans, or of the Pall.
The pall is the distinctive ornament of Metropolitans : by the
Greeks it is called the sacred stole,18 or the omophorionP Nazianzen
asserts20 that it was an ornament of the heathen emperors in their
character of Pontifex Maximus: and the same writer says that it
4 Cone. Antioch. c. 11, and Sardic. Constantinople, &c., obtained their ex-
c. 9, io. ["A deacon going to the tensive power.]
emperor as a Bishop's emissary must 9 Cone. Antioch. c. 9, Leo I. R. P.
carry letters of recommendation from Ep. ad Episc. Thessal.
that Bishop's Metropolitan." (Cone. 10 Cone. Mogunt. c. 22.
Sard.)] n Cone. Francoford. c. 6. [The
5 Zosimi Rom. P. Epist. 5 ad Episc. Council of Frankfort re-enacts the order
Gall. of appeal from Bishop to Metropolitan,
6 Cone. Sardic. c. 17, (al. 14.) i.e. to the provincial synod; and in ad-
[Leaves appeal to the Bishops of the dition orders the civil magistrate {comes)
Province: "Si episcopus quis forte to act as assessor, and to refer to the
iracundus cito et aspere commoveatur emperor all cases too hard for the Me-
adversus presbyterum sive diaconum trorjolitan.]
suum, et exterminare eum de ecclesia v" Cone. Basil. Sess. 15.
voluerit, providendum est, ut episcopos 13 C. "Si Archidiac" De Temp.
finitimos interpellet, et causa ejus au- Ordin.
diatur ac diligentius tractetur."] 14 Sess. 23, c. 1, 18; Sess. 25, c.
7 V. C. de Elect. Episc. ult.
8 Syn. Taurin. An. 400, c. 2; Cone. 15 Sess. 25, c. 8.
Antioch. c. 9. [Council of Turin says 16 Sess. 25, c. 8.
that he who could prove his city to be 17 Sess. 24, c. 16.
the metropolis as to civil matters should 18 Theodoret. Hist. Eccl. 1. ii. c. 27.
be the lawful Metropolitan. This de- 19 Ap. Phot. Cod. 256, p. 472, ed.
cision (remarks Landon) illustrates the Bekkeri.
mode in which the great Sees of Rome, 20 Orat. 47, de Theodoro Martyr.
OF METROPOLITANS OR ARCHBISHOPS. 131
was first presented by Constantine the Great to the Bishop of Jeru-
salem. But setting aside this opinion of Nazianzen, the origin of
the pall is, I think, more ancient than that, if by this name is
meant that woollen vestment worn by Bishops, with which their
shoulders were covered.21 For we have the testimony of Liberatus
that that vestment, which was properly called an omophorion, was
worn by S. Mark the Evangelist, who was the first Bishop of the
Church of Alexandria: and the same writer tells us that this vest-
ment was preserved at Alexandria, and was worn by newly conse-
crated Bishops.23 Hence very ancient pictures show a pall of that
sort of shape, like a cope fastened together both before and be-
hind, which hung down from the shoulders to the ankles, as is de-
scribed for us by John the Deacon from old mosaics and pictures,
unadorned with any needlework, and falling down in folds over the
shoulders.23 Soon it shared the common fate of ancient vestments,
and began to be miserably contracted, and at length the outer edges
of that ancient pall were all that remained, and they retained the
name of the entire vestment as it used to be. And it is worth
noticing that after this from the tenth century the pall consisted
entirely of these strips—for the Emperor Otho I., when wishing to
confer an honorary distinction on Herbert, Bishop of Cologne, sent
him a present of "one ell of pall" as his biographer tells us.24 Per-
haps from the very circumstance that emperors and patriarchs began
the custom of sending Bishops a present of a pall as an honorary
distinction, the vestment was contracted into those two strips, and
these were sent them as it were pieces cut off the pall. As early as
the eighth century25 they began to embroider patterns of a Greek
cross on the pall, wherefore henceforth the pall itself began to be
called TroXva-ravpiov (robe of many crosses) from the many crosses of
purple colour that were interworked on the strips of the pall.26
Thus in ancient times it was generally worn by all Bishops;27 they
took it into use as their ordinary vestment. But it was a mark of
21 Isid. Pelusiot. 1. i. Ep. 136. [Writ- behind. The appearance, therefore,
mg early m the sixth century, Isidore of presented, would be that of the letter
Pelusium speaks of the woollen omo- Y." (Smith's Diet. Antiq. p. 1546.)
phorion worn by bishops, the material The description by John the Deacon is,
being meant to suggest the notion of "Pallio mediocri, a dextero videlicet
the lost sheep borne on the shoulders humero sub pectore super stomachum
of the Good Shepherd: therefore it is, circulatim deducto: deinde sursum per
he adds, that when in the service the sinistrum humeruni post tergum depo-
book of the Gospels is opened, the sito, cujus pars altera super eundem
bishop lays aside his omophorion, as in humerum veniens propria rectitudine,
the presence of the Chief Shepherd non per medium corporis, sed ex latere
Himself. Gregory the Great, in his pendet." (lb.)]
Epistles, speaks of the pallium being -4 Ap. Sur. c. 7, die 16 Martii.
worn only at celebrations, not in pro- 2S Ex Germ. Patriarch. Constanti-
cessions.] nopolit. in Theor. Rer. Eccles. c. 10
;; Breviar. c. 20. -6 Ap. Balsam. Jur. Orient. T. I
-3 In vita S. Greg. Magn. 1. iv. c. and Rab. Maur. 1. de Ord. Antiph.
84. [" The pallium consists of a nar- 2' Isidor. de Off. Eccl. 1. i. c 4 (?) •
row band, which surrounds the neck German. Patr. ib. [Isidor. EtymoL
like a ring, and hangs down before and xix. 24, 1.]
K 2
132 POLITY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH.
high honour to receive it from an emperor or a patriarch, who never
presented it to any but to Bishops who presided over cities of the
very highest rank; wherefore at length and by degrees it became the
distinctive ornament of Metropolitans.
Hence in the ninth century Oriental Patriarchs used to confer the
pall on Metropolitans only fs and when the consent of the emperor
had been obtained this was then done in the East,29 and (in accordance
with what was even then an old custom), in the West also,30 with the
intervention of the Roman Pontiff,31 though it was not till the thir-
teenth century that a formal decree was made that Oriental Patriarchs
must receive the pall from the Pope.33 But in the Western Church,
as early as the eleventh century, it had become a fixed custom for
Metropolitans to go to Rome to receive the pall :33 so much so that in
that century the custom was spoken of by Peter Damiani as one
handed down by ancient tradition.34 Wherefore in that same eleventh
century, according to common use and one everywhere received,
Metropolitan Bishops were required to abstain even from the exercis-
ing of their proper jurisdiction, till they received the pall from the
Roman Pontiff.35
§ 3- Of the processional Cross, another ornament of Archbishops.
As in former times Bishops used to go in procession through the
streets of a city on occasions of saying Litanies, and as in these
Litanies a cross used to be carried, the standard as it were of the
Christian religion,36 hence perhaps the custom arose of carrying a
cross before Bishops.37 But though earlier than the twelfth century
a cross was carried before the principal Bishops, and especially
before the Roman Pontiff,38 still it was not yet the distinctive orna-
ment of Metropolitans, and in the eleventh century it was used by
only a very few of them.39 In the twelfth century, in the fourth
Council of Lateran, the Roman Pontiff first allowed Patriarchs this
28 Cone. (Ecumenic. VIII. c. 7. 35 Nicol. R. P. Ep. ad qucesita Bulg.
29 Liberat. Brev. c. 21 ; Greg. Magn. An. 866.
1. i. Ep. 28. [Gregory writes to one 36 Sozom. Hist. Eccles. 1. viii. c. 8;
of the Bishops of Dalmatia with refe- Justinian, Nov. 123. [" S. Chrysostom
rence to the Patriarch of Antioch, Anas- organised processions in Constantinople
tasius, receiving the pall.] in which silver crosses and lighted ta-
30 Vigil. Rom. Pont. Ep. 2, ad pers were borne, and psalms sung."]
Auxent.; Pelag. I. Ep. 6, and 7, ad 37 Beda, Hist. Angl. 1. i. c. 25;
Episc Arelatens.; Greg. Magn. 1. v. Anast. Bibl. in Hadr. I.; and Leo IV.
Ep. 53, and 1. ix. Ep. 11. [This last [The Roman missionaries in England
letter proves that the consent of the advanced in procession to their inter-
crown was necessary.] view with the king carrying "crucem
31 Vigil. [Ep. 2]; and Greg. laud. pro vexillo argenteam, et imaginem Do-
Epist.; and Bonifac. V. Ep. 105. mini Salvatoris in tabula depictam,
32 In Cone. Later. IV. An. 1215. litaniasque canentes."]
33 Vit. S. Elphegi Archiep. Cantuar. 38 Baron. An. 1012, n. 6; An. 1085,
ap. Sur/19 April. n. 5; and Petr. Damian. 1. i. Ep. 95.
34 L. i. Ep. 47, ad Agnet. Impe- 39 Petri Adami Hist. ap. Baron. An.
ratr. '' I05o> n. 4-
OF LEGATES OF THE APOSTOLIC SEE. 133
privilege of carrying this cross before them in those places only where
neither Legates of the Apostolic See40 nor Cardinals were present.41
At length Gregory IX. in the thirteenth century conferred the same
privilege on all Archbishops, which Clement V. empowered them by
a decree to use even when making a journey through places exempt
from their jurisdiction.43
Some of the Greek Metropolitans use this privilege, and lately the
custom has become an established one amongst them.43 But Patri-
archs in the East used to have another ornament, such as the \afi7rd-
Sovxov, or candelabrum^ which was carried lighted before them, with
which they were presented by the emperor, to whom, among the
Romans, the right of having one borne before him used exclusively
to belong.45
CHAPTER VII.
OF LEGATES OF THE APOSTOLIC SEE.
Since the Roman Pontiff, as we have said, in his jurisdiction as
Primate, takes acknowledged precedence of all other Bishops, suits
were brought to him from all parts from the very first ages of the
Church, as to the supreme judge of the Church. That he might
therefore be kept well informed about any cause brought before
him, he was in the habit of sending his Legates to the Churches; and
that the suits might not be protracted to an undue length, he dele-
gated to them the power, as his substitutes, of pronouncing a sen-
tence which should be regarded as final. Therefore for determining
causes of special importance both in matters of faith1 and in the
inspection or reformation of points of discipline,3 or for investigating
appeals of Bishops from a provincial synod,3 or for the purpose of
presiding at CEcumenical Councils,4 the Roman Pontiffs generally
sent commissioners who were called "Presbyters de suo latere""0
To them therefore the first place and highest honour were con-
40 C. Antiquar. Extrav. de pur. ordinations of Bishops, and to report to
canon. him.]
41 Greg. XL Constit. 3 Cone. Sardic. c. 7, An. 347. [The
42 In Clem. Decret. "Archiepis- Pope may either delegate the cause to
copo." the Bishops bordering on the diocese of
43 Feuret, Des Abus, 1. iii. c. 2. the accused Bishop, or he may send le-
44 Pachimer. 1. ii. c. 15. gates to the spot to take cognisance of
45 Balsam. Jur. Orient. 1. vii. the question.]
1 August. 157; Leon. I. R. P. Ep. 4 Acta Concilior. CEcumen. Orient.;
56; V. Petri de Marca Concord. &c. and Nicol. Rom. P. Ep. 29.
1- y. c. 15. 5 Cone. Sardic. ibid. c. 7. [An ac-
2 Leon. I. Rom. P. Ep. 12 (al. 87.) cused Bishop who appeals to Rome may
[Leo sends Bishop Potentius as his Le- request the Pope "ut de latere suo
gate to Africa to inquire into certain presbyterum mittat."]
alleged irregularities connected with the
134 POLITY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH.
ceded everywhere, and especially at the meetings of Councils,6
and in all places they had the cross carried before them.7 But
subsequently to the eleventh century, owing to the abandoned
character of the Bishops and the scandalously lax discipline of
the Church, these Papal embassies became more frequent, and the
Legates began in consequence to abuse by degrees that irresponsible
authority which was conferred upon them ;8 wherefore except when
they were sent at the express request of a king and with the consent
of the Roman Pontiff,9 their privileges were everywhere curtailed.
But there were other and different Legates of the Roman See,
whom the Greeks called Apocrisiarii, or Apocrisarii, Defenders as it
were, from the Greek word Apoc7'isisy as it seems,10 which means,
Suidas considers, the clearing from imputed crimes. These were,
as it were, the Churches' Advocates before the emperor, in whose
presence they represented the person of the Roman Pontiff.11 It
is certain that the Roman Pontiffs had, after the sixth century, their
own Apocrisarius at Constantinople, who lived in the emperor's
palace.12 This was the case down to the eighth century, when the
empire being transferred to the West, the Roman Pontiff ceased to
send Apocrisarii to Constantinople.13
Appendix I.
The age at which Holy Orders were conferred.
During the first three centuries of her history the Church observed
no fixed rule respecting the age of those who were to be admitted
to Holy Orders; but in the fourth century she passed canons on this
subject. And yet the statutes of the Roman Pontiff Siricius on this
point appear to be of more ancient origin than this: this Pontiff, as
we know, decreed that if any man wished to enter the ministry of
the Church, he ought, before arriving at the years of manhood
(pubertatis) to be admitted to the office of Reader; and that when
he had remained in that grade of the ministry up to his thirtieth
year, he might be ordained Deacon, and that when he had reached
his fiftieth year he might be ordained Presbyter.1 He therefore
6 Leon. I. R. P. Ep. 32 and 34; 10 In voce cLiroKplrat.
Prsefat. Cone. Bracharen. ["Cumde u Synod. CEcum. VI. Act. 18.
latere meo mitterem qui," &c. "Quos 12 Leon. I. R. P. Ep. 57, 58, and 56,
(episcopum, presbyterum et diaconum) [Al. in, 112 and 113.] [Leo sends
ex latere meo vice mea misi;" Ep. 10 Julian, Bishop of Cos, as Legate to the
speaks of the legate's place in a general Emperor Marcian, with letters to him
council.] ancl the Empress Pulcheria; "Vicem
7 Baron, ad An. 1050. ipsi meam delegavi;" he sent him to
8 S. Bernard. Ep. 290, and de Con- oppose the progress of the Eutychian
sid. ad Eug. R. P. 1. iv. ; Ivo Carnot. and Nestorian heresies.]
Ep. 53, and Baron. An. 1100, n. 15. 13 Baron. An. 743, n. 30.
a Greg. VII. R. P. 1. iv. Ep. 22 (?); ] Siric Epist. 1, c. 9. [See p. 49,
Alex. III. R. P. Ep. 20. note 2. Siricius directs that "whoever
ON THE AGE FOR TAKING HOLY ORDERS. 135
made it unlawful for any men to offer themselves as candidates for
Holy Orders who had not, at the time of their Baptism, been ad-
mitted to the offices of Readers or Exorcists.2 Hence when parents
had resolved to devote their sons to the service of the Church, they
would inform the Bishop, who was going to administer Baptism to
the child, of their intention, and he administered the first tonsure to
the little boy, cutting off a few locks of hair as the law required,
immediately after baptizing him.3 But when boys who had been
admitted to the minor orders had reached the years of manhood, the
Bishop obliged them either to marry, or to take vows of celibacy f
and this discipline prevailed even down to the sixth century; when,
although as a general rule they would be Readers5 from the first
years of their infancy, yet in their eighteenth year the Bishop would
make inquiries6 as to their continency, and in their twenty-fifth year
would admit them to the diaconate, and in their thirtieth year to the
presbytery.7 Almost the same discipline prevailed in this matter in
full force in the eighth century, if only we except in the East the
constitution of the Emperors Leo the Wise and Constantine, by which
none could be admitted to the minor orders of readers till after they
had learned to read, and none to those of singers till after they had
learned to sing,8 and the constitution of Leo, by which the age of
twenty was fixed as the earliest year on which a man might be ad-
mitted to the subdiaconate. Nor did the Church depart from these
rules of discipline after the tenth century; though she allowed
the Bishop the discretion of relaxing the rule about the prescribed
age, in case either of the superior holiness or wisdom of the ordina-
tion candidate,9 so that in a case of extreme necessity, priest's orders
might be conferred in a man's twenty-fifth year.10 But although all
these rules were carefully observed down to the sixteenth century,
yet then at length a new rule of discipline prevailed, according
has devoted himself to the service 'Cone. Agathen. c. 16, An. 506;
of the Church ought from his infancy, Arelat. IV. c. I, An. 524; Tolet. II.
before the age of puberty, to be bap- ibid, and IV. c. 20, An. 633; Synod,
tized and associated with the ministry Trull, c. 14, 15, An. 691. [Age of
of readers." (Migne, P. L. Vol. XIII. thirty for a presbyter was first laid down
1142.)] at Cone. Neocaes. An. 314, c. n,
2 Id. ib. based on a reference to our Lord's
3 Vit. S. Euthym. Abb. ap. Sur. die age. The Council of Agde in the West
20 Jan. fixes twenty-five as the age for dea-
4 Zosimi Rom. Pont. Ep. 1, ad cons. The fourteenth and fifteenth ca-
Ocean. c. 2 and 3. [Zosimus directs nons of the Trullan Council in the East
that "if anyone has given his name enact that men be not ordained priests
from infancy to the ministry of the before they are thirty years of age, or
Church, let him remain among the deacons before twenty-five; that subdea-
readers until the age of twenty." cons are to be ordaine'd when they are
(Migne, P. L. Vol. XX. 672.)] thirty, and deaconesses when they are
5 Cone. Tolet. II. c. 1, An. 531, forty years old.]
[mentions twenty as the age for sub- 8 Phot, in Norn. T. I. c. 28.
deacons.] 9 Cone. Tolos. An. 1056.
6 Ibid. [The canon directs that such 10 Cone. Rothom. c. 6, An. 1074,
children should be educated in the [" summa necessitate setate xxv."]
bishop's house under his eye.]
*36 POLITY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH.
to which eighteen began to be the year fixed for the subdiaconate,
twenty for the diacohate, and twenty-five for the priesthood.11 And
although very many Churches in the same century had disliked this
relaxation of ancient canons,12 yet the Council of Trent, without fix-
ing any age for taking minor orders (which it left to the discretion
of the Bishop), for the sake of unity decreed that ordination candi-
dates might be admitted to the subdiaconate at the age of twenty-two,
might take deacon's orders in their twenty-third and priest's orders
in their twenty-fifth year.13
Lastly, we may remark that nowhere in the Church during the
first five centuries was any relaxation allowed from that rule which
fixed certain intervals of time, which must pass before men could
proceed from one grade of holy orders to another. For the Roman
Pontiff Gelasius I. was the first who began to relax the rule about
these necessary intervals of time; this he did because some Churches
were left without any, or with the most scanty supply of ministers,
through the devastating incursions of barbarians among them.14
Appendix II.
About the Dress of the Clergy.
It must be obvious to every one that for the first three centuries of
the Christian era the civil or ordinary dress of the clergy was not
in any respect different from that commonly worn by the laity, for
it would be for the highest interest of the clergy to conceal them-
selves from the observation of the heathen. It is a disputed point
whether the clergy have dressed differently from the laity since the
fourth century. The monuments of ecclesiastical history, however,
plainly show that the clergy wore the same dress as the laity, as a
general rule even down to the sixth century; but as laymen who de-
voted themselves to the study of abstract philosophy wore the long
tunic and the pallium, the clergy preferred that style of dress as more
honourable than that commonly worn,1 though the philosopher's pal-
11 Cone. Viennen. An. 1311, [makes nym. in Epitaph. Nepotiani. [Speak-
twenty-two the age for the subdiaco- ing of the presbyter Heraclas, Eusebius
nate.] says, "As he had before used a com-
12 Cone. Ravenn. III. c. 1, An. 1314; mon dress, he threw it aside, and as-
Colonien. c. 18, An. 1536. [Cone. Ra- suming the habit {pallium) of philoso-
venn. makes sixteen the limit for the phers, he retains it even until now :" (on
subdiaconate.] this Valesius remarks, "Hencewe may
13 Sess. 23, c. 12; and Sess, 24, c. conjecture the clergy had at that time
12. [By Council of Trent the ton- no peculiar habit, seeing that Heraclas,
sure must not be conferred before the a presbyter of Alexandria, and after-
age of seven, as in later mediaeval wards a bishop, always retained his
times.] philosophic habit;") so Jerome says of
14 Gelas. Epist. 9. his friend Nepotian that he wore the
1 Euseb. Hist. Eccl. 1. vi. c. 19; and philosophic pallium even after his ordi-
id. de Martyrib. Palaest. c. 5; Hiero- nation.]
ABOUT THE DRESS OF THE CLERGY. 137
Hum was bat made of rough wool.3 But in that age the dress of the
monks in a certain sense differed from that of the clergy: for monks
wore a coarse and hairy garment, which was also short and gathered
up with a girdle; and was worn over the bare shoulders,3 and hence
was called a ovaipa or aiavpa—a shaggy goat's-skin f but the clergy
wore a pallium which was rather longer, though to avoid aping the
arrogance of the philosophers, it was shorter than the one worn com-
monly by them and by the nobles, and bore a resemblance to that
cloak which slaves might wear; it was hence called5 fitppos or faplov
—a birrus, or cloak. As the clergy wore the ordinary dress of
laymen, so they also wore it of any ordinary colour which was not
incompatible with respectability. The Bishops however in the fourth
century wore a white pallium, especially the Bishops of very large
cities.6
But towards the end of the fourth century, and in the beginning
of the fifth, the clergy began by degrees to differ in their dress
from that ordinarily worn by the laity, and to dress in a more
costly fashion, as to the material and texture of their clothes, though
they retained at the same time their ancient shape.7 Wherefore the
fourth Council of Carthage in the forty-fifth canon enjoins the clergy
not to aim at fashion in their dress or in their shoes; and the Roman
Pontiff Ccelestinus I. admonishes the Gallican clergy, among whom
this extravagant taste in dress had become most habitual, that they
ought to be distinguished from lay people not in dress but in
learning.8
But subsequently to the sixth century the clergy usually wore a
dress peculiar to their order, and for that reason they were forbidden
to wear the short military cloak, and the secular dress and shoes.9
The barbarians, who at this period conquered the Western Empire,
2 Greg. Naz. Orat. 20 and 27. were distinguished by the splendour of
[Gregory declares his simple life and their attire. J
mean dress was one of the reasons for 7 Sulpic. Sever. Dial. ii. c. I. [Sul-
his expulsion from Constantinople : im- picius Severus tells us S. Martin wore
plying that something more distin- the rough dress of a monk. We may
guished was looked for. (Smith's Diet., infer from this and other testimonies
p. 581.)] that ecclesiastics of special austerity
3 Suid. in voc. aiavpa. wore from the first the monastic dress.
4 Cone. Gangren. An. 325, c. 12. (Life of S. Martin, c. 10; Dial. ii. c. 1.)
[In this canon those who wore the as- The difference between lay and clerical
cetic gown (irepifSSXaiov) are warned not dress may date from the rise of monas-
to despise the wearers of the ordinary ticism. In the very early Church all
byrrhus.] Christians would dress soberly—as it
5 Suid. in v. filfyos, and Meurs. in were clerically.]
Glossar. s. v. &7\piov. [There was the s Epist. 2, ad Episc. Viennen. et
rough cloak (birrus) worn by slaves; Narbonen. [Ccelestinus is rebukino- the
and the costly cloak, which Augustine bishops to whom he is writing for as-
says bishops might wear, their ordinary suming a habit ostentatiously ascetic,
out-of-door dress.] Cone. Carth. IV. can. 45, says, "Cle-
6 Pallad. in vita Chrys. and S. Eu- ricus professionem suam et in habitu
thym. (Life by Cyril) in Surius, Jan. et in incessu probet: et ideo nee vesti-
20. [These references show that Chry- bus nee calceamentis decorem qucerat."]
sostom and Patriarchs in the Church 9 Cone. Matisconen. c. 5, An. 585.
138 POLITY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH.
gave occasion to the enforcement of this strict discipline; for while
they wore the short toga, called for that reason a sagum, and a pal-
lium of more contracted make, which was vulgarly called a coitus, or
short coat, the clergy retained the more ancient style of dress, [not
adopting that of the barbarians,] and this was how the clerical dress
began to be different from the ordinary costume of the laity. From
this time the wearing of the sagum (the military cloak worn by lay-
men) was forbidden to the clergy,10 and ecclesiastical discipline did
not allow them to adopt the attire of the barbarians, but required
them to wear the gown-like robe {vestis-togata)11 which in those times
was usually called casula or chasuble,12 [a long tunic enveloping the
person.] In the same age, although no particular colour was pre-
scribed for the clerical dress, yet at the same time they were forbidden
to wear anything of a purple colour,13 as that was the colour almost
universally adopted by the barbarians. The Church thus showed
the greatest anxiety that the clergy should not adopt by preference
the short dresses of the barbarians, except for convenience when on
a journey.14 In the Eastern Church also in the seventh century the
dress of the clergy differed from that of the laity,15 but in colour
only: and as in the eighth century they had begun to wear different
coloured garments, the Greek Church therefore set itself against this
abuse,16 and at length after the tenth century the colour of black
was universally adopted by the clergy of the Eastern Church.17
In the Western Church, by the eleventh century, the clergy by
degrees departed from the ancient form of dress, and first the pallia
(which anciently had not been fastened together either in the back
or in the front, as they encircled the whole body from the shoulders
to the ankles) began to be cut away in the front; and long sleeves,
which were never before worn, were then added to these copes. Hence
10 Cone. Suession. c. 3, An. 744. first of these canons forbids the clergy
11 Greg. Magn. vit. ajohan. Diac. 1. to wear purple.]
ii. c. 13; Greg. Magn. 1. iv. Ep. 22; 14 Cone. Rom. c. 3, An. 745. [This
1. vii. Ep. 2 and 3 (?). [John the Dea- canon directs bishops, priests, and dea-
con directs special attention to the fact cons, not to wear a secular dress, but
that the great Pontiff tolerated no one only the sacerdotal tunic, and to wear
about him who wore the barbarian a cloak {operimentum) when they walked
dress; every one in his household wore out in town or country—unless on a
the garb of old Rome [trdbeata Latini- long journey.]
tas), and in Ep. iv. 22, Gregory says 15 Cone. Trullan. c. 27, An. 691.
he cannot tolerate those clergy who do [This canon enacts that no clergyman
not wear a clerical behaviour as well as should wear an unprofessional (avoUeiov)
a clerical dress, (non gerunt in mori- dress whether in the city or on a jour-
bus quod ostendunt in habitu): "He ney, but should use the robes (crroAals)
constantly assumes the existence of a prescribed for those enrolled among the
distinctive clerical habit," (Smith'sDiet. clergy, under pain of excommunication
Antiq. p. 582.) The vestments of the for a week.]
priest of which he speaks in Ep. i. 25, 16 Cone. Nicasn. II. c. 15, An. 787.
mean probably the Eucharistic vest- [Condemns bishops and clerics who dis-
ments.] tinguish themselves by the richness and
12 Cone. Suess. ib. brilliant colours of their dress.]
13 Cone. Narbon. c. I, An. 589; 17 Balsam, in c. 14, Syn. GEcum.
Cone. Liptinen. c. 7, An. 743. [The VII.
ABOUT THE DRESS OF THE CLERGY. 139
councils forbade the clergy to wear cut-away clothes, [garments which
had been clipped,]18 and were not of one colour,19 and copes with
long sleeves.20 But after the twelfth century the clergy wore gar-
ments, as well as shoes, of a red colour, and copes which were made
with long sleeves,21 and open at the side,22 and sometimes were green
in colour;23 moreover their copes were ornamented with valuable
furs, and were trimmed all round with cut fringe,24 and had also
buttons sewn upon them :25 in the thirteenth century they began
also to wear a small hat (galerieulum).26 This was a kind of cap, like
the one worn by the barbarians, that is to say, of a round shape, and
made so very narrow that it only just covered the head. But the
Church strongly objected to these new fashions,27 and recommended
the clergy to wear the long tunic which reached down to the ankles
(talarem vesteni); yet she allowed them to wear, though in the
country only, shorter cloaks without sleeves (tabarres)^ and a cap,
that is to say an oblong almuce, coming down as far as the ears.29
The almuce was a species of hood, something like that which the
ancients wore sometimes in the place of a cap, and such as that
which is worn for a cap by monks. The clergy therefore were not
allowed either to wear30 a hat the top of which ended in a point or
peak: chabel a bee was its French name.
But towards the beginning of the fifteenth century the liberty
allowed to the clergy was greatly increased, and they tried to imitate as
closely as possible the style of dress adopted by the laity. After this
they were allowed to wear over-coats or doublets (supertwiicce) which
were open in front ;31 and to dignitaries of the Church leave was
given to wear different coloured furs in their furred robes ;32 and
while the almuce was worn by the clergy when celebrating the
18 Cone. Melphitan. c. 13, An. 1086; for their shortness, but reaching to be-
Conc. Lateran. II. c. 4. low the middle of the leg; their ears
19 S. Bern, de Consid. ad Eugen. visible, and not covered with hair ; and
1. hi. that they wear close capes, except when
20 Cone. Parisien. Art. 13, 14. [So journeying."]
Cone. Agath. c. 20, had ordered, " Ves- 27 See Councils quoted,
timenta vel calceamenta nisi qua? reli- 2S Cone. Ravenn. c. 10, An. 1314.
gionem deceant, uti aut habere non [This canon enacts "that the clergy
liceat."] shall be soberly dressed, that they shall
21 Cone. Albien. c. 48, An. 1254. not cany amis, nor dress in coloured
[This Council also orders the French clothes; that they shall wear a close
clergy to have their hair cut short all cassock, observe the tonsure, and keep
round, so as to leave their ears altoge- their hair cut short."]
ther uncovered.] 29 Ibid.
22 Cone. Colonien. c. 4, An. 1260. 30 Cone. Vauren. c. 47, An. 1368.
23 Cone. Calonen. c. 1 and 3, An. 31 Cone. Londinen. c. 2, An. 1343;
1280. and Sarisburien. c. 6, An. 1420. [This
21 S. Bern. ib. Council of London complains that the
25 Cone. Buden. c. 2, An. 1279. English clergy and beneficed men wore
26 Cone. Londin. c. 5, An. 1268, their hair down their backs, and an upper
and Lambethen. c. 12, An. 1287. jump short and wide with long hanging
[Council of London says, "We ordain sleeves not covering the elbows.]
and strictly charge that no clergyman 32 Cone. Dertusen. c. 1, An. 1429.
wear garments ridiculous or remarkable
x40 POLITY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH.
Liturgy, out of doors in the streets of the towns they wore a cap33
(as we have described). Therefore, that there might be some dif-
ference between the dress of the clergy and the laity, the Church
decreed that the former should dress in black, which colour first
came into general use in France34 in the fifteenth century, and in Italy
m the sixteenth.35 From these facts it is evident that the dress of
a black colour, such as the Latins wear,36 came into use later in the
West than in the East. But the cap, which they first began to wear,
was called Mrretum^ and was of a square shape, like the cap which
is called in Italian a berretta, which the clergy wear at the present
day when celebrating the Liturgy. Since the sixteenth century
therefore the dress of the clergy has not varied in shape and in
colour. The collars which we wear, seem also to have come first
into use in the same century: these at first were the lappets of the
overcoat which turned over, and went round the neck; and the
Church ordered that these coat-collars should not be made orna-
mental by being gauffered (crisputa).^ Thus much about the every-
day dress of the clergy: in the next book we shall speak of their
sacred vestments.
33 Const. Eustachii du Bellay, Artie. 36 Cone. Tarracon. 1. iii. Tit. I. An.
19, ap. Martene in Thesaur. Monum. 1338.
Vet. T. VII. 37 Cone. Turonen. c. 14, An. 1583.
M Id. ibid. 38 Cone. Burdegal. c. 21, An. 1583;
35 Cone. Mediolan. I. c. 17, An. and Turon. ibid.
1565.
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OF THE SACRED PLACES OF CHRISTIANS.
The Christian Republic, which, as we said in the preceding Book, is
made up in its organization of people and of magistrates, rejoices in
the real presence of its Founder Jesus Christ. For He not only
founded His Church by a new covenant-treaty on the sacrifice of
Himself, but He chose to dwell always in it, that that Church which
was built on the bloody Sacrifice of her Founder, should stand by the
perpetual sacrifice of Him. For this reason it is that from the begin-
ning the Christian Republic has had sacred places for the offering up
of this bloodless Sacrifice, by which the Almighty Lord God is
worshipped. In this second Book, then, we shall naturally speak
first of these sacred buildings, and then, secondly, of the Liturgical
Service offered up in them.
SECTION I.
OF HOLY PLACES.
CHAPTER L
OF THE HOLY PLACES OF CHRISTIANS FROM THE FIRST TO THE
THIRD CENTURY.
Although for the first three centuries of the Church, whenever per-
secutions of heathen emperors broke forth against the Christians, any
place, "the open field, the desert, the ship, the inn, the prison,"
was a kind of temple for holding religious1 assemblies, Christians
had nevertheless even then special places consecrated for the worship
of God. We have plain proofs of this fact in the edicts of Roman
emperors, in which they ordered the temples of the Christians to be
levelled to the ground, as we constantly read in Eusebius Pamphili,3
Arnobius,3 and Tertullian.4 But we know that Christians sometimes
1 Dionys. Episc. Alexand. Epist.apud 4 Tert. Apolog. c. 10 (?) [Tertullian,
Euseb. Hist. Eccl. 1. vii. c. 22. however, constantly refers to Christian
2 Hist. Eccles. 1. viii. c. 2. [Edicts churches, as in de Cor. Mil. c. 3,
were sent all over the world command- where he speaks of the catechumens
ing the churches to be levelled with the assembling in church. See also notes
ground, and the Bibles to be burned.] infra.]
3
L. iv.
142 POLITY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH.
had their holy places in the upper part of their houses, from the tes-
timony of the Acts of the Apostles,5 which tell us that Divine Service
was performed in the upper room (cosnaculum), which was a name given •
by the Latins to the uppermost part of their houses.6 And this arrange-
ment was made by them for wise and prudent reasons, for they
thought that by this means they would the better keep their religious
services from being seen and crowded in upon by the heathen. The
Acts of the Martyrs7 tell us that the same thing was done at Rome,
and that it was also done in the East we learn plainly from Lucian,8
who, ridiculing in his manner the services of Christians, says, "that
he had mounted by ladders into a house which was distinguished by
its gilded roof, in which the Christians had assembled together to
hold religious services." Hence upper rooms, which were in the
higher story of a house, and therefore called by the Greeks ra bwepwa^
were in the beginning of the Christian era, both in the West and also
in the East, consecrated for holding Divine Service in them.
That Christians also in that age had public places for holding
Divine Service in, is very plainly apparent from an edict of the
Emperor Alexander Severus: for when the guild of tavern-keepers
or victuallers, in the reign of Alexander, made complaints to him
about some place belonging to that guild (which was commonly
called " The Hired Tavern") being occupied by Christians, Alex-
ander adjudged this place to the Christians, that God might be
worshipped there, conferring thus upon the Christians the highest
possible obligation.10 Nor need we wonder that the Christians had
their temples under the very eyes of the heathen, for they began to
build them as soon as persecution ceased. This we know from the
testimony of Eusebius of Csesarea11 and Optatus of Milevi, the
latter of whom12 tells us that at the beginning of the Diocletianic per-
secution the Christians had as many as forty places of religious
worship in the city of Rome alone. As their liberty increased, so
also had the number of Christian temples which they built, and after
the edict of the Emperor Gallienus,13 by which their sacred buildings
"through all the world" were restored to the Christians, and it was
ordered that none should molest them any more, they had raised
these buildings openly. This liberty the Christians enjoyed for the
5 Acts i. 13 and ii. 46. [This ccena- 10 Lamprid. in vita Alex. Sever, inter
culum was dedicated to Christian wor- Script. Hist. Aug. c. 48.
ship long before Constantine's time, n Histor. Eccles. 1. x. c. 2, [" There
according to Bede, T. IX. de Loc. Sane. was inexpressible joy as we saw temples
and Cyril. Hier. Cat. xvi. 4.] again rising from the soil to a lofty
6 Varro de Ling. Lat. iv. 33, and height, and receiving a splendour far
Pompon. Festus, sub h. v. p. 61, ed. exceeding those that had been formerly
Dacier. destroyed."]
7 Acta S. Pontii Mart. ap. Baluz. 12 De Schismate Donat. 1. ii. c. 49,
Miscell. T. II.; Acta S. Pudentianse, &c. [" Quadraginta Basilicas."]
8 In Philopatr. 23, T. III. p. 611. 13 Euseb. Hist. Eccl. 1. vii. c. 13.
Reitz. (in Corpore Scr. Byzantin. T. [He says their "cemeteries," i.e., ceme-
XI. p. 338, ed. Bonnen.) tery chapels, were restored to the Chris-
9 Homer. Odyss. i. 328, Lucian. tians by Gallienus.]
Toxar. 61, cf. Meurs. in Glossar. in h. voc.
OF THE HOLY PLACES OF CHRISTIANS. 143
space of forty-three years, that is, from a.d. 260, in which year Gal-
lienus was saluted Emperor, up to a.d. 303, in which Diocletian
raised the noted fierce persecution against them. Before the time
of Diocletian, then, the Christians had openly built churches, which
also, Lactantius tells us,14 contributed by their lofty height to the
embellishment of the most beautiful cities. Moreover, from the
edict of Licinius and Constantine, it is quite plain15 that these places
of worship were not only in private houses, as they had at first been,
but that they were buildings used for religious worship only, and
legally belonging to the body of Christians. But when persecution
was raging fiercely against them, Christians refrained from entering
those sacred buildings, which were so well known to the heathens,16
and they used to look out for spots where in some hiding-places, (and
these were most frequently the entrances to the cemeteries,) they
might hold their religious services without being disturbed.17 Hence
in our own day also in the entrances to the cemeteries, certain places
are to be seen, the walls of which are without any sepulchral recesses
for bodies, though they are adorned with pictures and altars: these
are the secret churches which the Christians used so long as any of
the persecutions against them under the emperors lasted.
These sacred buildings were from the very first called by our an-
cestors (Ecclesice)1* churches. Ecclesia was the name given by the
Greeks to that popular assembly in which decrees were passed,19 and
ecclesia was the name given in the Acts of the Apostles to such an
assembly :20 hence the place in which the faithful were in the habit
of assembling together for sacred worship was called by the same
name of ecclesia. But everywhere for the first three centuries the
Fathers seem to have avoided the use of the word temple as applied
to such a place, because that was the name specially given to sacred
places among the heathen. The house of God (Domus Dei) was
another name by which holy places were called,21 from which comes
the name of the " House of the Lord" (Domim'cum), which began to
be a very usual name for churches in the fourth century.
14 Lib. de Mortib. Persecut. c. 13. sessum nostri cleri," i.e., of the clergy
15 Euseb. Hist. Eccles. 1. x. c. 5. sitting round the altar placed in the
16 Euseb. in vit. Constant. M. 1. iv. 26. centre of the apse. It is in Africa that
*' Dissert, iv. de Catac. Neapolit. in the remains of the earliest churches in
the Appendix to this work; Cypr. Ep. existence have been found. (See Smith's
80, Oxon. (81) ad Success.; Acta S. Diet. Antiq. p. 366.)]
Steph. Papas; Acta S. Bonifac. a Luca 19 Suida? Lex. in h. v.
Holsten. ed. [S. Cyprian says (Ep. 80) -° Acts xix. 32, 39, 41.
that Pope Xystus was martyred in one 21 Terlull. de Idololatr. c. 7. [Tertul-
of the memorial chapels constructed lian bewails a Christian comino- from
in cemeteries.] his idols into a church, and from his
1S Tertull. 1. de Pudic. c. 4, and de enemy's shop into the Lord's House.
Vel. Virg. c. 13; Cypr. Ep. 55, ad So S. Cyprian speaks of coming into
Cornel. (Ox. 59.) [Tertullian speaks the Lord's House, (in de Opere et
of open sinners being excluded from Eleemos.) In one place Tertullian calls
"omni ecclesia? tecto," every building a church "the House of our Dove,"
connected with a church. S.Cyprian i.e., the Holy Spirit (contra Valentin,
speaks of "sacrum et venerandum con- c. 3.)]
*44 POLITY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH.
CHAPTER II.
OF THE TEMPLES OF CHRISTIANS AFTER THE FOURTH CENTURY.
In a.d. 312, when, after the defeat of Maxentius, the Emperor
Constantine and his colleague Licinius, by mutual consent, had
published a decree granting the most full and absolute liberty to
the Christians,1 they were enabled both to recover their sacred build-
ings from the heathen, and to build new ones also. Licinius, in-
deed, after war broke out between the two emperors, ordered some
of these to be pulled down again and to be razed to the ground;
but after the defeat of Licinius, in a.d. 324, and after he had been
put to death at Thessalonica, and after Flavius Valerius Constantine
had been made the sole Emperor of the Roman Empire, the
Christians, protected by his edicts, enjoyed undisturbed peace, and
under the imperial patronage of their religion they built churches of
very great magnificence.
§ 1. Of the Names of Sacred Buildings after the Fourth Century.
As the Christians were most scrupulous in searching for the bodies
of those who had suffered death for their confession of the faith, and
for their witness and testimony to it, and who were therefore called
martyrs or witnesses, after the fourth century they very commonly
erected consecrated buildings over their bodies, or at any rate in those
places in which the martyrs bad been slain, and these churches were
called by the Latins3 "Martyrs' memorials," (martyrum memorial)
and by the Greeks Martyria? (jxapivpia :) and this last appellation
was also afterwards adopted by the Latins, for they too called their
churches by the Greek name of Martyries,4' or translating this word
from Greek into Latin, they called them "Confessiones"5 the place
where a martyr had witnessed a good confession. Hence the clergy
who served in these churches were called in the East kXtjpikol fiapivplwv,
{clerici martyriorum,) clergy of the martyries, and in the West, mar-
tyrarii? It must, however, be borne in mind that martyries [or
confessions] was a name given also at times to certain small oratories
or chapels, which in the country were built over the tombs of mar-
tyrs, or were dedicated to their memory f and which were called by
1 Euseb. Hist. Eccl. 1. ix. c. 9. 5 Cone. Chalced. c. 8, and Cod.
2 August, de Civ. Dei, 1. xxii. c. 10, Theodos. 1. vii. de Sepulcr. violat.
["miraculis quae per memorias nostro- 6 Greg. Turon. de Mir. S. Jul. 1. ii.
rum martyrum fnmt."] c 46, ["Post obitum Proserii marty-
3 Chrysost. Horn. 11 in c. 5 Epist. rarii;"] Cone. Aurel. II. c. 13, An. 533,
I ad Thessal.; Pallad. Hist. Lausiac. c. [" Abbates, martyrani reclusi vel pres-
IO-3 byteri, apostolia (letters dimissory) dare
4 Id. ib. [Eusebius even calls the non prsesumant."]
church built at Golgotha "Martyrium 7 Cone. Chalced. Act. I and 5;
Salvatoris," the Saviour's Martyry.] Chrysost. Horn. 18 in Act. Apost.
OF THE HOLY PLACES OF CHRISTIANS.
145
the Latins Cellulce.% For from the fourth century it became very
common for Christians to build9 sacred oratories in the country both
in the East and also in the West,10 in which either a deacon11 or one
of the clergy used to serve.13 After the fifth century these country
churches were multiplied in number,13 and at last, when they were at
too great a distance from any town, they were made parish churches.14
They also called a sacred building "the Lord's house/' (mpta/cov,)
or church,15 that is, sacred, dedicated to the Lord, or as the Latins
called it, Dominicum, (Lord's House.16) Nao2, temples, was also
another name which, after the fourth century, both the Greeks17 and
the Latins18 gave to their sacred buildings. Lastly, they were called
Basilicas,19* the name by which public buildings and the hall of a king
or the palace of an emperor used in ancient times to be called f°
this name of Basilica the Latin Fathers also sometimes used21 when
speaking of the worship to be offered to God the Almighty King in
His Holy House.
These, then, are the principal names by which, after the fourth
century, Christians spoke of the buildings which were consecrated to
the worship of God.
8 Greg. Turon. ib. 1. ii. c. 5, ["Cel-
lula quam supra sepulchrum Martyris
matrona consti-nxa-at." Cellulce, ori-
ginally cemetery chapels, i.e., small
memorial chapels built over the graves
of martyrs, where memorial services for
the dead were held. If built above
ground they were called Cellules or
Cello:. Those built under ground were
called Cubicula.]
9 Cone. Chalced. and Chrysost. ibid.
10 Cone. Carth. IV. c. I4(?); Toletan.
I. An. 400, c. 3, ["Ecclesia, aut cas-
tellum aut vicus aut villa."]
11 Greg. Turon. de Glor. Mart. 1. i.
c. 66, [" Sacrosanctum oratorium do-
mus Iciacensis."]
12 Id. de Glor. Confess, c. 20. [He
describes the dedication of an oratory
at Tours, a very beautiful cell, hereto-
fore used as a store-house.]
13 Cone. Agathen. An. 506, c. 21,
[" Si quis extra parochias in quibus
legitimus est ordinariusque conventus,
oratorium in agro habere voluerit, &c.;"]
and Cone. Aurelianen. I. An. 511, c. 25,
[" Nulli civium paschse, natalis Domini
vel quinquagesimse solemnitatem in
villa liceat celebrare, nisi quern inrirmi-
tas probabitur tenuisse." Cone. Ancyr.
c. 15, and Cone. Agath. allow celebra-
tions in Oratories, except on Easter,
Christmas, Pentecost, Epiphany, and
Ascension Day.]
14 Cone. Aurel. IV. c. 26, An. 541,
[" Parochias in potentum domibus con-
stitutae."]
10 Cone. Laodic. c. 28, [" 01* 5e? eV
tols Kvpianois $) eV rats iKK\7]aiat.s ras
aydiras TroietV."] Euseb. Hist. Eccles. 1.
ix. c. 10.
16 August. Serm. 15 de Verb. Apost.
[al. Serm. 159.] ["Qui vocatur domini-
cus, ipse videtur proprie ad Dominum
pertinere;"] Salvian. de Provident. 1.
vi. c. 17.
17 Euseb. Hist. Eccl. 1. x. c. 2, 4.
18 Ambros. Ep. 33 ad Marcell.; Hie-
ronym. in c. 7 Hier.; August, de Civ.
Dei, 1. viii. c. 27.
19 Synod. Sardic. c. 2o(?) [Ambros.
ib.; Aug. de Div. Serm. 12 and 122,
Greg. Turon. Mir. S. Mart. i. 25, ii.
6, &c. The word Basilica is, properly
speaking, an adjective, meaning "royal"
or "belonging to a king," the word
aula or porticus being understood. It
was the royal porch or hall, where the
frpxcov fiacriAevs at Athens administered
justice.]
20 Suidas in hac voce. Concerning
the form of the basilicas vid. Vitruv. 1.
v. c. 1.
21 August, de Eccl. Dogmat. c. 73;
and de Civ. Dei, 1. i. c. 4, ["Christi
basilicas;"] Hieron. Ep. 3, Epitaph.
Nepot.; Paulin. Epist. 11 and 12. [Ep.
53 ad Riparium.]
I46 'POLITY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH.
§ 2. Of the Consecration of a Church.
In accordance with a custom which was of the remotest antiquity,
and which was universally adopted,22 the Bishops of the Christian
Church have been accustomed, more especially since the fourth cen-
tury,23 to consecrate with a special service and ritual those buildings
which had been reared for the worship of God. For as the heathen
temples of the Pagans were consecrated by a priest,24 and were
therefore called Fana^ because, as Varro says, in consecrating them
the priests spoke (fati stmt) words of consecration, ["fana, qiwdfando
consecrantur"—Fest. p. 93,] so Christians, when carrying on the
worship of the one, true, great, and good God, naturally thought
that temples should be dedicated to Him with a certain solemn ritual.
Besides those testimonies from the Fathers to which we have referred,
there is extant a remarkable monument on a stone of the fourth cen-
tury recording such a dedication: this stone was first brought to
light by Fulvius Ursinus,26 and it seems very appropriate to our pre-
sent subject to introduce it in this place to the notice of our
readers :—
T. I. X. N. EGO CTAMASI
VS. VRB ROME EPS AN
C aOMV. CONSECRAVI
. . . . N. R. Q. S. M. S. PA. S. PE.
i.e., "Titulus in Christi nomine. Ego Damasius urbis Romse Epis-
copus hanc Domum consecravi S. Paul., S. Petr." (" Tit-
ulus in the name of Christ. I, Damasius, Bishop of the city of
Rome, have consecrated this house to S. Paul and S. Peter.") This
is the interpretation of Bianchini, who has not attempted to explain
the meaning of those other letters in the inscription which are
marked by full stops.
But on the reverse side of this stone another inscription is
legible:—
(Hie re)QVIESCIT CAPVT
SCI CRESCENTINI M
ET RELIQVIE S. SVPANT.
(Here rests the head of S. Crescentinus, the Martyr, and the relics
of S. Supantius.)
From these inscriptions we draw two inferences, first, that from as
22 S. Ambros. Epist. 22, ad Mar- 24 Liv. ix. 46, de sede Concordiae.
cellin., ["A most ancient and universal 25 Tacit. Annal. iv. c. 57.
custom."] [Greg. Naz. Orat. 43, "An 26 Ap. Bianchin. in Praef. ad vit.
old law to do honour to churches by the Rom. Pontif. Anast. Bibl. [Bianchini
feasts of their dedication."] on Lib. Pontif. (s. 35, i. p. 74, ed.
23 Euseb. de Vit. Const. 1. iv. c. 43; Migne.) The Vulgate rendering of Gen.
Theodoret. 1. i. c. 30. Paulin. Epist. xxviii. 18 by Titulum has given rise
4 ad Amand. and 13 ad Sever.; Am- to the use of this term for a Church
bros. ibid, and Ep. 85. in early writers, according to Cornelius a
OF THE GROUND-PLAN OF ANCIENT CHURCHES. 147
early a period as the beginning of the fourth century the dedication
of a church was called its consecration, that it was performed by the
Pontiff, and attested by a marble monument; and in the second
place we infer, that in the consecration of tituli or churches, the
relics of martyrs were usually deposited there, a custom which by
an unbroken tradition the Church keeps up even to our own times.
But ever since the fourth century it became the custom for Bishops
when they consecrated a church, to invite the neighbouring Prelates
to be present,27 that they might perform the ceremony of its dedica-
tion with a greater solemnity of ritual, and yet it is not known what
the Dedication Service in ancient times was, though wTe have a very
ancient record of that ritual which we now use, in the Roman
Ordinal, which seems to have been written after the ninth century,
the writers of that century28 being the earliest who mention these
Dedication Services. The ritual of the Consecration of a Church,
which we have in the Roman Pontifical, is therefore not older
than the ninth century, though some parts at least of it savour of
a higher antiquity, as the anointing [of the altar] with sacred oil,
mentioned by Balsamon,29 and the crosses affixed to the wall of the
church, with candelabra suspended before them, of which Codinus
speaks.30 Lastly, the Consecration Service is from ancient times
followed by the Offering of the Sacrifice, that is, the Mass of the
Bishop, as we know from the testimony of S. Paulinus in the fourth
century.31 The consecration of temples was by the later Greeks
called e^KiuvLov—encanium, and by this name the annual festival
day of the consecration is called : for from the most ancient times the
anniversary of the day of its consecration has been observed in
every church with great solemnity.32
CHAPTER III.
OF THE GROUND-PLAN OF ANCIENT CHURCHES.*
Since the beginning of the fourth century Christians, both in East
and West, have built their sacred temples on a certain definite and
Lapide: and Bingham thinks the name 30 De Orig. Constant, ap. Meurs. in
tituli was given to churches because voce ^Ey Kaivia. [By the laws of Tus-
they gave a title of cure or denomina- tinian, &c, no church could be built
tion to the presbyters to whom they were till the Bishop had, with solemn prayer,
committed. (Book viii. ch. i. § 10.)] fixed a cross (rbu ilpuov aravphv,— the
27 Ambros. Epist. 5. [Ninety-seven precious cross), on the spot where it
Bishops were present at the consecra- was to be built. (Bingham, viii. 1.)]
tion of Constantine's Dominicum Au- 31 Nat. x. S. Felic.
reum at Antioch, a.d. 341, (Soc. ii. 8, 32 Euseb. Hist. Eccl. x. 3, [" Con-
Soz. iii. 5.)] secrations and dedication festivals of the
28 Raban. Maur. de Institut. Cler. 1. newly-erected houses of prayer were
ii. c. 45; and scec. XIII. Durand. Rat. held throughout the cities."] Callistus
1. i. c. 6 and 7. in Indice Sozomen.
29 In Resp. 13 and 38, ad Marc, * See plan of Church in frontispiece
Patriarch. Alex. of this work.
L 2
14^ POLITY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH.
consistent plan. The construction of their temples has, however,
differed as widely as possible from that adopted by the heathen in
theirs, partly that the different divisions of a church might be adapted
to the celebration of a liturgical service, partly that the men might
stand in a different place from the women; for Pagan temples were
either round in shape, or oblong, in the fashion of a court, while
Christian temples were, on the contrary, generally in the shape of a
parallelogram,* and had three distinct wings or naves, as they were
commonly called, a centre nave and two side aisles : the more magni-
ficent churches in the West had sometimes as many as five naves,
[cf. Vitruv. de Architect, v. 1,] as e.g., the primatial church at
Pisa. But that every one may more clearly understand the structure
of ancient churches, let us describe the separate parts into which
they were divided.
Christian churches were divided into three parts. There was first
the fSrjfxa or leparelov, in Latin, suggestion, (elevated platform,) or
ecclesice apsis, (apse of the church,) or presbyterium, (place for the
presbytery;) secondly, there was the vao<s, or groundfloor of the
temple, called by the Latins the nave of the church \ and thirdly,
the 7Tp6vao<$, vestibule, or ante-temple.
Before entering a church, then, the visitor was first confronted by
the ante-temple (wpovao?) or portico or (irpoQvpov) "porch before the
gate," as it was sometimes called. This portico was generally sup-
ported on two pillars on the outside, and on the inside by the wall of
the church gate itself. From one pillar to the other an iron rod was
extended, on which were some iron rings, from which, on days of
special solemnity, curtains were suspended outside, and between the
two pillars was the entrance opening into the impluvium, the arch
or dome of the portico, where were generally sacred pictures, and
where penitents of the first class used to stand, who were called
strati, and by the Greeks aKpow^voi, hearers,1 because in that place
they used to hear the psalmody and the sermon. In large churches
there were often as many as three porticos, one looking westward,
which was the central one, and two side ones, one looking north and
the other south.3 But the central portico, which looked west, was
called the 7tarthex, in Latin ferula, because it was longer than the
others; and by this the church was entered.3 We may here remark
that churches were anciently so built that the entrance to them
looked towards the west, and hence we can easily understand in
what sense the Fathers say that Christians looked towards the East
when they prayed in church f for after entering the doors of the
# [It is required by the Apostolical 2 Vid. Paulum Silentiar. de Templo
Constitutions, ii. 5, 57, that churches Theodos. part 2, vers. 6.
should be built oblong and eastwards.] 3 Procop. de ^Edific. v. 6. [Narthex
1 Concil. Nicren. c. 14; ad hunc can. means originally the plant called giant-
Balsam, p. 293. [Catechumens who fennel, which was used as a. cane; then
have lapsed shall be hearers only, for it means acane. (Smith's Diet. p. 1378.)]
three years; and after that shall pray 4 Basil, de Spir. Sanct. 27 ; Athanas.
with the catechumens.] de Plurib. Qusestionib. qucest. 37; Au-
OF THE GROUND-PLAN OF ANCIENT CHURCHES. 149
church, which were on the west side, they stood facing the East, that
quarter of the world towards which the further end of the church
or the apse used to look.
In the centre of the area leading from the porch to the church,
and frequently on the' south side of it, was a laver, or fountain of
water, (labrum or malluvium,) in which the faithful used to wash
their hands and face before entering the church.5 The Greeks
called this a fountain (0m\^),6 or ewer and basin, (xepvifiotjeGTov,)7
the Latins a bowl (cantharus)* or water-fountain,9 (iiymphcziim.)
From the ante-temple you passed, through three doors, into the
vab^, the temple, or interior area of the church. The open space in
front of the church through which you approached the central door of
the church was called the court (av\r)),l° and in the middle ages gar-
sonostatios}1 {^apaovooTcnio?,) "servants' waiting court," from the Grae-
co-barbarian word garson, a servant. In the middle ages the Latins
called it Paradise}^ By the centre gate the clergy usually entered,
the side gates only being open for Christian laity, the right hand one
for men, the left hand for women. The vaos, i.e., the temple, or in-
terior groundfloor of the church, was divided into three separate
naves, the central, the south, and the north naves. In the central
nave, however, by which there was a direct approach to the Bema,
(the extreme end of the church where the altar was,) no one was
allowed to stand, [not to block up the view of the altar :] hence
strangers who visited sacred buildings, when they stood at the door
of the centre nave, were said to approach the thresholds of the saints,
for the extreme end of this nave was called the "solea," or limi-
nare?3. The men used to stand together in the south nave, the
women in the north.14 In the Western Church the men's nave is
gustin. de Divers. Serin. 49. [De Semi. n Cedren. Histor. 1. iv. c. 9.
in Monte, lib. ii. c. 5.] [The Apostolical 12 Leon. Hostien. 1. iii. c. 27; and
Constitutions direct, "Let all the con- Paul. Warnefr. Hist. Longob. 1. v. c.
gregation rise up with one consent, and 31.
looking towards the East, after the ca- 13 Menard. Not. in Sacramentar. S.
techumens and penitents are gone out, Greg.; and Goar. in Euch. de Tempi.
pray to God eastward, who ascended up [So/az was the part of the raised level
to the Heaven of Heavens to the East." of the bema, which projected beyond
(Lib. ii. 57.)] the screen into the choir. It is remarked
5 Euseb. Hist. Eccl. 1. x. c. 4, in Smith's Diet, that it corresponded to
[fountains before the temple at Tyre, by the chancel-rail step in our churches,
their plentiful flow of water, afforded being the place where the communicants
the means of cleansing to those enter- knelt when communicating: "Ex quo
ing, &c] Christus pro Christiana communicne
6 Paulus Silent, in Descript. Tempi. distribuitur."]
ib. part. 2, vers. 177. u S. Maximi de Ecclesiast. Mysta-
7 Eucholog. Gnecor. p. 81. gogia, c. 3; Cyrill. Hierosolym. "Pro-
8 Paulin. Ep. 12 and 32, § 15 and catech. i. n. 8. Const. Apost. ii. 57.
Ep. 13, § 13, ["with its ministering [Either this north nave contained sepa-
stream it washes the hands of those who rate places for the female worshippers, or
enter."] else for the women there were galleries
9 Anastas. Bibl. in Hilario Pontifice, (uirepcea) running round the buildings
["Fecit nymphseum ante oratorium S. above the north and south aisles. It
Crucis."] was sometimes called the g)>n&conitis
10 Procop. ibid. 1. i. c. 7, 8. and sometimes the catechunienium^ be-
15° POLITY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH.
longer than the women's, in very ancient churches which are extant,
as in the church of S. Sabina at Rome, in the cathedral of Narni, in
the church of S. Sixtus at Pisa, and others. But these naves were
divided into enclosed spaces, which were separated off; the space
nearest the door was appropriated to catechumens and penitents:
next to that was one in which the faithful were separated from the
rest of the congregation: thirdly, in each nave there was an enclosed
space reaching as far as the solea, and almost close to the side of
the altar; in that on the one side the consecrated virgins stood,15
and in that on the other the monks. Every congregation was broken
up into these separate divisions by means of these enclosed spaces.
The women's nave was called by the Greeks fxcnpovUiov, matronmim,
the other was called avhpwv, the men's nave.
After this, then, and adjoining on to the temple or nave, came
that extreme end of the church which was called the Bema or Sanc-
tuary, though the sanctuary and the nave were separated by the
solea. This bema was fenced off by certain rails, in the centre of
which was a sort of door, through which was the entrance into the
solea. In front of these sanctuary doors was the Ambon, or pulpit,
which was placed in the centre, and had steps on either side, called
in the West16 steps of ascent and descent. At Rome there was in
front of the bema a certain peculiar space, called in the middle ages
the Senatorium}'1 in which nobles of senatorial family used to stand.
At Rome this part of the church reserved for the aristocracy was in
the centre, opposite the sanctuary door, for in churches in that city
there were generally two ambos, one on the south side, in which the
gospel was read, the other on the north side for the reading of the
epistles and writings of the prophets at the celebration of the liturgy
and during Divine Service (psalmodid). Close to the ambo, after
the ninth century, there was a small ornamental column for support-
ing the Easter candle, which was fixed on to it. Next to this is
situated the solea of the clergy, which forms a part both of the bema
and of the choir, in which the subdeacons and minor clergy used to
stand for the singing of the Psalms. On one side or the other was
the secretarium, called afterwards by the Latins the sacristy. In
Eastern churches there were sometimes two rooms of this description,
on different sides of the solea, the one called the diaconicum, the
other the sceuophylacium, i.e., (i) the sacristy of the deacons, and
(2) the sacristy of the altar vessels.18
Next to the solea came the bema, or sanctuary, which is at the
cause the women assembled there for in- Patr. T. IX. [Martene de Ecc. Rit.
struction. (See Guericke's Antiquities, T. iv. x. 4, T. I. p. 155 fol.]
and Smith's Diet. art. Galleries.)] 18 Codin. de Offic. Magn. Aul. c. 15,
15 Orig. Tract. 26 in Matth. and n. 4, [c. 1, ed. Bonn.] ["Though
Ambr. ad Virg. Laps. c. 6. the churches of the earlier period have
16 Anast. Bibl. in Silvestro Pontif. disappeared, Spain has preserved in a
§ 43) [''Fecit basilicam, in qua fecit remarkable manner some of their ar-
gradum ascensionis et descensionis." rangements. Thus with them the choir
So also S. Cypr. Ep. 33, 34.] (™ro) instead of beginning to the east
17 In Ord. Romano edit, in Bibl. of the transepts, is like the 'chorus
OF THE GROUND-PLAN OF ANCIENT CHURCHES. 151
extreme end of the church; in it the mystic Sacrifice is offered.19 It
was shut in by a screen of trellis-work, to prevent the people and the
multitude from approaching the altar.20 In the midst of the screen,
that is, opposite the middle space of the temple, was the chancel
gate (gate of the screen), and in the larger churches there were
sometimes in the screen three holy doors or gates, the middle one
leading into the middle of the sacred building, a second opening
into the south nave, and a third into the north nave.21 The bema,
or sanctuary, or presbyterium, was of semi-circular shape, and hence
it is called concha, a shell,22 by the Greeks, and apse by the Latins.23
Round the apse were placed seats for the priests to sit on,24 and at
the very end of the apse, behind the altar, was the bishop's throne,
(cathedra,) higher than the other seats, and raised on steps,25 for which
reason it is called among the Latins apsida gradata, "an apse
made with steps/'26 while the apse itself was called among the
Greek the synthroniis, "the joint bench of bishops and presby-
ters." Thus the bishop, when sitting on his throne, was higher
than the altar itself, and he sat facing the people, so as easily to be
seen and heard by all.
On the chord of the apse, or in the centre of the semicircle
formed by it, was the altar, covered over by the ciboriwn or canopy.
The ciborium, (Ital. baldachino,) consisted of four columns, which
supported a sort of small apse, so that it was as an arched canopy
overshadowing the altar.
Such was the construction of ancient churches, a construction
retained as long as the ancient discipline continued in its original
vigour.
cantorum' of the early basilicas, ex- 24 Athanas. Histor. Arian. ad Mona-
tended into the nave, and the central chos, c. 56, ed. Bened. T. I. P. I. p.
lantern tower is called the ' cimborio,' 978, [al. 847,] August. Ep. 203.
in memory doubtless of a time when it 25 V. Scilitzen. in Stratiotico ap. Du
served as the 'ciborium' of the high Cange in Descr. Tempi. Theodos.;
altar, now placed in the elongated choir, Cone. Carth. IV. c. 35; Aug. Ep. 203.
or as it is called by the Spaniards, [" Episcopus inconsessu Presbyterorum
'capillamayor.'" Smith's Diet. p. 384.] sublimior sedeat," (Cone. Carth.) From
19 Theoph. Ceram. Horn. 55, inter cathedra, the bishop's throne or seat,
Script. Const. Christ. T. III. come our English words "cathedral,"
20 Euseb. Hist. Eccl. 1. x. c. 4, ["en- and "see" (or seat), meaning a church
closed with frame lattice-work."] where the bishop's chair or seat is
21 Paulin. Nat. x. Pachym. 1. iv. c.25. fixed.]
22 German. Patriarch, in Theoria Rer. 26 Aug. Ep. ib. ["When bishops
Ecclesiast. in Bibl. PP. Colon. T. VIII. stand before the judgment seat of
p. 53. [Evagr. H. E. iv. 31.] Christ, they will have no lofty seats
23 Leo Ostiens. Chronic. 1. iii. c. 28. or covered chairs," (apsidse gradatse, ca-
[Apsis is properly the rounding of a thedrae velatas.)]
wheel.]
J52 POLITY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH.
CHAPTER IV.
OF THE DIFFERENT PARTS OF A CHURCH.
As we have described the architectural structure of a church as a
whole, it will not be out of place to speak separately of the principal
parts of it. Let us, then, again begin with the porch or portico.
On it were depicted historical scenes from the Old and New Testa-
ment, chiefly those which would be most suitable to the condition of
penitents who occupied that part of the church. On the iron bar
(called by the Greeks epistylium, the architrave, or lintel which lies
atop of the pillars) was suspended, as we have said, a veil, stretching
from one pillar of the portico to the other, according to the ancient
custom of Orientals, and as is expressly mentioned by Epiphanius
in the fourth century.1 In the same porch also was a laver (labrum)
of water or hand-basin (malluvium): that such a laver was also
placed in front of the Pagan temples, we know from the testimony
of the oldest Greek historians;2 they called it x£pvlP0V, a hand-
basin for holy water, and hence Greek writers in the middle ages
called the malluvium of a church xePVLP^eo'TOV (a ewer and basin).
This laver, then, stood before the doors of churches as long as it was
the custom for every church to have its own portico. Hence soon
after the ninth century, when churches began to be built without
porticoes, the laver was transferred to a place within the nave of the
church near the door. The water in the laver was used for the
washing of their hands and faces by the faithful, as in the church of
S. Sophia at Constantinople ;3 and Anastasius the Librarian leads us
to suppose that this was the custom at Rome also.4
The doors of churches were double-leaved; they were made of
wood, or in the finer churches plated with brass, as may be seen in
very old churches, which survive to the present day. On these
brazen doors there were depicted, in figures engraved in bas-relief,
scenes from the life of Christ, or the lives of His disciples, or of the
saints, to whose memory the church was dedicated. The more
ancient of these sculptured doors which still survive, appear by their
style to be the work of the eleventh or twelfth century, but no very
old writers have given us any actual account of church doors of this
description. Nor while churches were built with porches would
these skilfully contrived doors be of any service. We may, there-
fore, reasonably conjecture that when the building of such porches
was discontinued, and when these doors were the first objects on
which the eyes of the worshippers would rest as they entered the
1 Epist. ad Ioann. Hierosolym. 3 Ex Pachym. 1. iv. c. 3.
2 Cfr. Aristoph. Pac. 966; Soph. 4 In Hilario Pontif., [" Fecit in me-
CEd. Tyr. 240; A then. Deipnos, ix. dio lacum porphyreticum in
18, p. 409, ubi vid. Casaubon. and ad medio aquam fundentem."]
Theophrast. Charact. xvi. 1.
OF THE DIFFERENT PARTS OF A CHURCH. 153
church, that then they began to be ornamented with these figures in
bas-relief carved on them.
The central area of the interior of the church extended from the
centre door up to the ambo, which stood at the door of the sanctuary
(prjpa). And as this area included each of the side naves, it was
called by the Greeks the temple proper (vaa)^ while the Latins gave
it the name of the nave (navis) or threshold (limen), "thresholds"
being also the name which they gave both to the entrance into the
church, which lay through the central gate, and also to the extreme
end of the central nave, which was terminated by the presbyterium
or bema. Hence arose the expressions of "approaching to the
thresholds of the martyrs," and of "kissing their thresholds."6 For
since it was not lawful for any layman* to enter the presbyterium or
to approach the altar, where the remains of martyrs were buried,
strangers, when they had reached the further end of the nave of a
church, used to kiss that spot which bore the name of the [martyrs']
threshold.
That side nave, which lay on the south side of the church, was
kept for men, that on the north for women. Bat why in very ancient
churches which survive to us the men's nave is somewhat longer than
that of the women it is not easy to explain, except the reason be that
the sacristy (secretariuni) being generally on the women's side of the
church, on the left of the apse, their nave was the shorter. The
separation of the women from the men was a custom which prevailed
all through the Church as late as down to the eleventh century ;7 in
that century, however, the custom began to be given up, in which
matter Balsamon, a Greek writer, blames the Latins for having
departed from the ancient discipline.8 The custom was therefore
kept up to a much more recent date in the Eastern Church, and
among the Greeks traces of the custom of dividing the sexes remain
to this day. The Latins after this continued to build three naves
in their churches for the sake of ornament only, and at last, after
the twelfth century, they began to build churches with only one
nave.
In front of the steps which led up to the interior of the solea or
5 S. Maximi de Eccles. Mystagogia, the clergy to communicate there. Pro-
c. 3 in Bibl. PP. Colon. T. VII. bably the distinction became general
6 Prudent. Hymn. ii. and xi., about the sixth century.]
"Apostolorum et martyrum 7 Ex Auctore Micrologi I. de Eccles.
Exosculantur limina." Observ. c. 9. [Apud Durand.de Rit.
1 * Oscula perspicuo figunt impressa me- Eccl. i. 18. So Const. Apost. ii. 57;
tallo." Euseb. Hist. Ecc. ii. 17; Chrys. Horn.
Greg. Turon. de Mir. S. Mart. 1. iv. c. 74 in Matt.; August, de Civ. Dei, ii.
14. [He speaks of a sick man who de- 78.]
sired that "Basilicce sancti Martini s In c. 44 Syn. Laodic. ; and in c. 49
limina oscularetur."] Syn. GEcum. VI. [i.e.. Cone. Con-
* [The fourth canon of the second sy- stantinop. An. 6S0.] [This canon of the
nod of Tours, A.D. 567, allows the laity Council of Laodicea forbids women to
to enter the sanctuary for private prayer enter into the sanctuary; or, as Bingham
or for communicating. But a.d. 563 the renders it, "within the altar-part," (4v
Spanish Council of Braga allows only t<£ dvaiaar^pitf.)']
154 POLITY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH.
apse was a raised^desk or pulpit (suggestum). This was called by the
Greeks an ambon, from afxpaLvw, or avafialvw, I ascend,9 since
it was supported by two nights of steps, the one reaching westward
and the other eastward into the nave, and it was surrounded by a
marble ledge, on that side on which it looked towards the central
door of the church, as well as on that side on which it looked
towards the bema, or presbyterium and altar. These marble ledges
were made higher by being ornamented with work in bas-relief, that
they might support a book. The Latins generally called this reading-
desk or pulpit by the same Greek name of ambo; but in ancient
times they called it an umbo,10 in the middle ages amnio}1 oste?i-
sorium, auditorium}?1 doxaleP At length after the ninth century
it began to be called a pyrgusu or tower, from which it is clear
that in that age the pulpit was made like ours, for it was called a
pyrgus, because it was round like a tower. Since the ninth century,
then, the pulpit has been made of a round shape. But those thrones
(cathedra), which we use for giving sacred addresses from, were only
introduced into the West after the thirteenth century; for the ancients
used the ambo not for the purpose of preaching of sermons, but for
the reading of the gospel or other scriptures from both the Old and
New Testament, and the Acts of the Martyrs, at the celebration of
the liturgy. The bishop used to deliver his addresses to the people
from his own episcopal throne.
The bema or presbyterium, the place for the clergy, (as it is called
in a Roman Council held in the ninth century by Pope Eugenius II.,)
was enclosed by chancel-rails, which were called by the Greeks holy
rails (rci^icXtSes;).15 In poorer churches these were made of wood,16
in the more stately churches they were made of molten brass,17 or
even of silver;18 though in the West, in the ninth century, some
chancel rails were so low that any one could lean on them with his
elbow. Through these chancel rails there was an entrance into the
apse generally by one gate, sometimes by two, or even three, one of
which corresponded with the centre nave, the other side gates with
9 Vid. Du Cang. Constantinop. writers for the "choir" (chorus), an en-
Christ. 1. iii. sect. 74, and Glossar. closed space in front of the altar re-
Med. et Inf. Grsecit. T. I. p. 58. served for the singers and inferior
[S. Cyprian calls it "Pulpitum et clergy. (Du Cange s. h. v.)]
tribunal ecclesise," Ep. 33, 34. He 1G Germani Patriarch. Theoria Rer.
says it was used for a reading-desk for Ecclesiast. [Hist. Ecc. p. 148.] [Euse-
reading "prsecepta et Evangelium Do- bius (Hist. Eccl. x. 4, s. 44) speaks
mini."] of the sanctuary of the great church at
10 Du Cang. 1. c. Tyre as enclosed with "wooden grat-
11 Chron. Cassin. 1. iii. c. 20. ings" of marvellous work.]
12 V. Latin, version. Vit. S. Theclse 17 Leo Ostiens. Chron. Cassin. 1. iii.
1. ii. ap. Sur. die 19 Feb. c. 33.
13 Histor. Episcop. Metens. 1. ii. iy Anast. Biblioth. in Sylvest. § 43,
14 In Lapide Eccl. Cathed. S. Salva- ["cancellos ex argento purissimo orna-
tor. Ravennat. ap. Just. Fontan. de vit;"] Paul. Silent. Descr. Templi S.
Coron. Longob. Sophiae, part 2, vers. 265, ["entirely
15 Niceph. Callist. Iiist. Eccl. 1. iii. of silver, very richly ornamented."]
c. 9. [Presbyterium is used by some
OF THE DIFFERENT PARTS OF A CHURCH. 155
the naves of the men and women respectively. Across these chancel
gates the ancients used to draw curtains, and they called them
a/MpiOvpas,™ from which name we infer that these gates could be
opened from before or behind. In mediaeval times the Greeks called
them prjfjLo6vpa<sW whence the Latins, also in that age, called them
bemothera.21 But the curtains of the holy doors (called by the
Greeks TreptireTaafiaia and irapaireTacfxa-ra), when the liturgy was
celebrated, remained drawn, from the mass of the catechumens*
until the distribution of the Eucharist. It was the office of the
minor clergy to stand at these gates and lift the curtain before the
deacons and priests22 when they came in or out of them: wherefore
that part of the bema which was next to the rails and chancel gates
was called the readers' bema, (/%*« twj/ ava^vwaTivv.)23
To the north side of the apse generally was the sacristy, which
was called decanicutn or diaconicum, biaicovitchv, the deacon's room.
This room was used for various purposes. At the further end of it
were kept the sacred altar vessels, vestments, &c, whence it was
called <jKevo(pvXaKcov f4 wherefore the minor clergy, as being uncon-
secrated, were not allowed to enter the inner part of the sacristy25
[or to touch the sacred vessels]. The other part of the sacristy
was called the decanium, since there the bishop took cognisance of
clerical causes, and passed sentence of judgment against heretics :26
at Rome councils were also held in it.27 In the same place the bishop
used to rest himself after the liturgy; for this reason it was called
metatorium.t* A third division of the sacristy was called the vestry
19 Chrys. Horn. 3 in Epist. ad Ephe- 23 Sozom. Hist. Eccles. ix. c. 2.
sios, § 5. [The text has been literally [The ambo must here be meant; Sozo-
translated, but in the passage referred men says a body was found buried "by
to S. Chrysostom calls the curtains■, and the ambo, that is, the readers' bema;"
not the doors, of the sanctuary afxcplBvpa. but the same expression is applied by
He says, "When the sacrifice is borne Symeon of Thessalonica to this part of
forth, and Christ the Lord's sheep is the church as mentioned by Pelliccia.
sacrificed, .... when thou seest the (See Smith's Diet. art. Bema.)]
curtains lifted up (or drawn back, t& 24 V. Act. SS. Patr. Sabait. ; and
a/x(j>i6vpa aveXKOfxeva), then think that Pallad. in Vit. Chrys. c. 92. [Cy-
the sky above us is opening, and that ril. Scyth. in Vit. S. Sab. apud Du
angels are descending."] Cange.]
1,0 Codin. de Offic. Magn. Aul. ib. 25 Cone. Agath. c. 66, [" insacrati
21 Guilliel. Biblioth. in Steph. VI. ministri;" and Cone. Laod. c. 21.]
* [The Ante-Communion Service,— 26 Gesta Acacii ap. Du Cang. Con-
psalmody, lessons, and sermons, which stant. Christ. 1. iii. c. 84. [Decernium
catechumens might attend.] is thought to be derived from the de-
22 Cone. Narbon. c. 13, An. 589; cam, the subordinate officials, or lictors,
turn Pollux, x. 10, 32. Winckelm. or jailers of the Church; criminous
Storia delle Arti, T. III. p. 69 ed. Fea. clerks were confined in it.]
[" Subdiaconus, ostiarius, vel reliqui, 27 V. Anast. Bibl. in Agath. ; and in
senioribus vela ad ostia sublevent: qui Damaso. [" Sequente die in eodem
contempserint facere .... stipendio secretario residente synodo," (i.e. the
privandi." It is to the curtains before Trullan Council.) Du Cange in v. Se-
the outer doors of the church, not to cretarium.~\
those which closed the doorway of the 2S Id. in Greg. IV. § 464. [A Grce-
sanctuary, that this canon of the Coun- cised form of "the low-Latin mctatum,
cil of Narbonne probably refers.] frequent in Gregory of Tours, and Gre-
*56 POLITY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH.
(vestiarius)** since in it the officiating clergy put on the sacred vest-
ments. To the same place there was also given the name of salu-
tatorium, or "greeting-house -" since there the bishop and presbyters
before proceeding to the solemn services of the mass/30 received the
salutations of the faithful :31 wherefore in the ninth century we read
that it was forbidden that presbyters should receive the salutations
of penitents.32
The extreme end of the church, which was in the shape of a half-
cylinder, had in its centre the altar and the ciborium or altar canopy,
of which we shall speak in a subsequent chapter. There also were
the seats for the priests: these seats were on a level with the floor
of the rest of the presbyterium, for the bishop's throne only was
raised by some steps above this level. Both the priests' seats and
the bishop's throne were generally made of wood, though sometimes
they were of stone. Over the bishop's throne the ancients used to
let in a lattice window,33 the glass panes of which were fastened
together with lead; of this Bede makes mention in the eighth
century.34
We make one last remark, that we may not seem to pass over any of
those church arrangements with which we are familiar at the present
day. We now see orchestras built in the apses of our churches for the
reception and ornamentation of those wind instruments which we call
organs. A certain Gregory, in the time of Louis the Pious, in the
ninth century, is said to be the first to have introduced the use of
organs into France ;35 but down to the twelfth century the churches
gory the Great, &c. &c. in the sense of 35 Aymon. de Gest. Francor. 1. iv.
a "dwelling." Du Cange.] c. 113. [Vossius de Poematum Can-
29 Avit. Vienn. in Prooem. 1. iii. tu. It was set up by Louis in the
30 S. Greg. Magn. 1. v. Ep. 56. cathedral of Aix-la-Chapelle, a.d. 826.
[" Procedens a salutatorio ad sacra mis- It is said (see Smith's Diet.) to have
sarum," &c. See note ad loc] been an hydraulic one. Guericke says
31 Sulp. Sever, de Vit, S. Mart. 1. that this Gregory (or Georgius) was an
iii. Dial. ii. c. I. [S. Martin sat in one Archbishop of Venice, and that this in-
secretarium, and the presbyters in ano- strument was invented by him at Bene-
ther, receiving the people's salutes, and ventum, and was the first organ with a
hearing their causes.] bellows. Nearly about the same time
32 In Cone. Ticinen. c. 12, sub with the general improvement in church-
Leone IV. singing (the eighth century) the use of
33 Isid. Hisp. Orig. 1. xv. c. 8, organs was adopted in the French
[" Absida Latine interpretatur lucida, Church from the East, the first instru-
eo quod Iwnine accepto per arcum re- ment of the kind in France being a
splendeat ;"] Anast. in Leone III., present to Pepin from the Greek Em-
[Leo adorned the windows of the apse peror Constantine Copronymus. Char-
of the basilica of the Lateran with glass lemagne caused other organs to be
of several colours, "ex vitro diversis brought from Greece; and in the French
coloribus."] Church the organ was so greatly im-
34 Beda, 1. L c. 5, ["From Gaul ar- proved that it soon began to displace
lists in glass were first introduced into the various instruments (guitars, flutes,
Britain (a.d. 676) by Benedict Biscop and kettledrums), which had previously
for the church windows at Weremouth accompanied the singing; and in a.d.
in Durham," "ad cancellandas eccle- 872 we find the Pope, John VIII., mak-
sise porticumque et ccenaculorum ejus ing request for an Organ and Organist
fenestras."] S. Bened. Episc. [vita S. to be sent him from France. (Guericke's
Bened. § 5.] Antiq. p. 205.) Yet in the Eastern
OF THE ALTAR. 157
in which these instruments were heard were very few in number ;36 it
was the monks who first began to prefer the use of organs, and to
whom, more than to any others, we owe their introduction among us.
But enough has now been said about the separate and principal
parts of a church: clearer light will be thrown on the subject by
some remarks which we shall make in subsequent chapters.
CHAPTER V.
OF THE ALTAR.
The most important part of a Christian Temple is the altar, as
upon it the priest celebrates the Sacrifice of Christ our Lord.
It was called by the more ancient Fathers of the Church "the
Holy Table,"1 and by the Latins "the Table."2 Since, therefore,
the Christians used to build altars over the bodies of martyrs, they
gave to these altars the names of the martyr. Thus Augustine
speaks of an altar as "the Table of Cyprian," because the Christians
had built it over his body, in that spot on which Cyprian had re-
ceived the crown of martyrdom.3 Lastly, the altar was called, "The
Abode (sedes) of the Body and Blood of Christ."4 And thus from
the beginning of the Church Christians had altars in their temples, as
is evidenced by churches which still survive, as those in the entrances
to the cemeteries both at Rome and at Naples, and as we knowr by
Church the organ has never been or tremendous table [ivpair^a /jlvo-tikt],
adopted, instrumental music being dis- or (ppiKr-n); sometimes the spiritual,
liked there since the days of Chrysos- divine, royal, immortal, or heavenly
torn: and, according to Guericke, it was table.]
not till the fourteenth or fifteenth cen- 3 Aug. Serm. 310; Vide Theophan.
tury that organs became as universally Caeram. Orat. and Nicet Acominat.
common as they now are in the Western in Murzuphl. c. 3, inter Script. Hist.
Church. The Council of Cologne (a.d. Byzant. T. V.
1536, can. 15) well directs that the '4 Optat. Milevit. de Schismate Do-
organ be so played "ut non lasciviam nat. 1. vi. c. 1 ; Simeon Thess. 1. de
magis quam devotionem excitet."] Templo et Missa. [It is called Ovataa-
36 V. Navarr. lib. de Orat. et Horis rfipiov in Heb. xiii. 10 (see McCaul on
can. 16. [They came in, he says, since the Hebrews); and by S. Ignatius,
the time of Thomas Aquinas, a.d. 1250. Origen, Irenseus, and Eusebius, (see
But the monastic churches in England Bingfiam, viii. 6, §§ 11, 12.) Eusebius
were provided with them, even in Saxon once calls it the Holy of Holies; "he
times, according to Spelman.] set the holy of holies, the altar, (dvcriaa-
1 Greg. Nyssen. Orat. in Baptism. r^piov) in the midst," (Bk. x. c. 4.)
Christi; Athanas. Epist. ad Monach. I. It will be remembered that dwiao-rripiov
p. 37S, c. 56, ed. Bened. ["Table of was the name of the altar of sacrifice
the Lord," in 1 Cor. x. 21, and in S. and of incense in the tabernacle (in
August, passim.] LXX.) and that each of these altars
2 Nicol. I. Rom. Pont. Epist. 2. [S. was made of wood, though overlaid
Chrysostom usually calls it the mystical with metal.]
158 POLITY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH.
that passage in Eusebius which speaks of the persecution under the
Emperor Gallienus.5
At first the altars were made of wood;6 we find altars of this ma-
terial everywhere in use down to the sixth century, at which time in
the Western Church a canon was passed7 that they should be built
of stone. But as before the sixth century the altars in the more
splendid churches were everywhere either "of pure silver/'8 or
"adorned with gold and precious stones ;';9 so after the sixth cen-
tury, down to the thirteenth they continued as before, (at least in
some places,) to be made of wood.10 In the East altars have been
made of stone since the fourth century ;n [but though stone altars
are the more usual there, wooden ones are also common.]
The altar was in shape like an ark, or chest, and it was therefore
sometimes called "area."12 It consisted of three slabs, one on the
top and one on each of the sides; the rest of it being hollow.13
Hence under the cavity of the altar the bones of martyrs14 or con-
fessors15 used to repose. The cavity of the altar was at least of a
size sufficient to hold the body of one man,16 and was formerly open
on two of its four sides.17 There were altars of this kind in some
places down to the seventeenth century.18 But after that altars were
raised by several steps above the level of the sanctuary, the hollow
space within was of larger dimensions, and grew into being a sort
of small miniature-building, and was commonly called the "sub-
corpus," and was in former times called "confession" because the
priest, as often as he recited the confession in the liturgy, leaned over
5 V. Aringh. Roma Subterr.; Euseb. ap. Martene de Ant. Eccles. Discipl.
Histor. Eccles. 1. vii. c. 15, ["The T. I. c. 3.
bishop conducted him to the church, n Nyssen. Orat. in Bapt. Christi;
and having placed him within by the Chrysost. Horn. 20 in 1 ad Corinth,
altar," &c] [They are made sometimes of wood and
6 Optat. ibid.; August, contra Cresc. sometimes of metal.]
1. iii. c. 43 ; Joann. Diac. in lib. de 12 Greg. Turonen. Hist. Franc. 1. x.
Eccles. Lateranen. ; Athanas. ad Mo- c. 15, ["Ante arcam sanctse crucis . . .
nach. 1. c. [August. Ep. 50 ad Boni- ante beatre crucis arcam." Area—ark
fac] °r pyx—is also frequently used to sig-
7 Cone. Epaonen. c. 26, An. 517, nify a box or casket in which the Holy
["Altaria nisi lapidea chrismatis unc- Eucharist was reserved. (Cyp. de Lap.
tione non sacrentur." By Capit. Car. c. 26.)]
Mag. c. 14, An. 769, (Migne, Patrolog. 13 Rufin. 1. x. c. 12; Sozom. 1. viii.
XCVII. 124,) this provincial decree was c. 7, [he speaks of a suppliant, lying
made a general one. (See Smith's Diet. under an altar, "virb it\v Upav tpaire^av
p. 62.)] K€lfJL€l/ov.,,] Aug. c. Crescon. 1. iii. c. 43;
8 Anastat. Bibl. in Sylvestro, and in Mabill. Act. SS. Ordin. S. Bened.
Xisto III., ["Altaria septem ex ar- ssec. IV. p; 1, n. 26.
gento;" "ipsum sanctum altare au- H Acta S. Vincent. Mart. n. 12, ap.
reum."] Ruinart.; August. 1. xxii. de Civ. Dei,
9 Sozom. Hist. Eccl. 1. ix. c. 1, c. 7, 8, 10; Greg. Turon. de Geor.
[" e/c xpva°v x-ol hiOtov rifiiwv Upav <W- Mart. i. 91, et passim.
0ero Tp&rcfav." Thus Sozomen speaks 15 Paulin. Ep. 23, ad Sever.; Beg-
of an altar presented to a church by Pul- gon. 1. ii. de Mirac. S. Maiali.
cheria.] Ughel. Ital. Sacr. T. IV. de 16 Mabill. ibid.
Archiv. Mediol.; and Paul. Silent, de 17 Id. saec. III. p. 2, n. 9.
Templo S. Sophise in Script. Byzant. 18 Rubric. Breviar. Carthusianoe Dice-
10 Ex Epist. Harduini de Malliaco ces. An. 1634.
OF THE ALTAR. 159
this little building; hence the altar itself is sometimes called con-
fession But that the altar might stand more firmly, as it was hollow,
the ancients used to support it on pillars.20 Generally there were
two such pillars, which supported the altar in front ;21 sometimes
there was but one, called by the Greeks tcaXafjios, calamus,22 and by
the Latins columella2,6 [the altar being table-form, like the letter T.]
Hence also there have been altars hollow and open beneath, even
down to most recent times. After the twelfth century altars began
to be constructed without this hollow space within, and by degrees
they took their present shape.
Anciently altars had no step to them, but stood on the level24 of
the raised floor of the bema or sanctuary, as we can see in those
which are found at this day in the catacombs of Rome. But since
the fourth century altars were elevated at least by one step above
the level of the sanctuary, as is proved by that altar which is pre-
served in the approach to the Neapolitan catacombs in the church
which was built by S. Severus, Bishop of Naples. Thus in even the
more magnificent churches in the sixth century there was only one
altar-step.25 But in the West about the tenth century we begin to
find two steps attached to the altars, an upper and a lower one.26
But for a long time, especially in the churches of France, the custom
of building the altars with only one step survived as lately as down
to the seventeenth century.27 But at last among the Latins after the
fifteenth century altars were everywhere built with three steps.28
The step however in former times used to go round the whole altar,
for the altar, as we said, stood in the very centre of the presbyterium
or apse, and at the celebration of the liturgy the priest did not cele-
brate with his face turned away from the people, as he does with us,
but turning it towards them: hence he did not turn round even
when he said, "The Lord be with you," or when he gave the bless-
ing, but, after kissing the altar he pronounced the benediction on
the people towards whom he was already turned as he stood facing
them. This can be seen at the present day at Rome in the altars
of S. John Lateran, of S. Mary the Greater, and of S. Mary across
the Tiber. This was the ritual which was observed at celebrations
of the liturgy even down to the thirteenth century,29 after which
19 Passim ap. Anast. Biblioth. [The *2 Simeon Thess. lib. de Templo
meaning of this is not plain. Confessio et Missa.
= grave of a martyr, or other saint who 23 Aymon. Hist. Francor. 1. ii. c. 32.
"witnessed a good confession;" Map- 24 Vid. Aringh. Roma Subterr.
rvpiov is similarly used in Greek; and 25 Ex Codin. de Templo S. Sophias
this settles the derivation of the word ap. Goar. in Not. ad Euchol.
as applied to the altar because be- 26 In Ord. Romano Tit. "Ordo Pro-
neath it a martyr was commonly bu- cession." [Sidon. Apoll. Carm. xvi.
ried. Pelliccia so explains it, p. 144, 124.]
above.] 27 Ordinarium Carthusian, c. 24, n
-° Paul. Silent, de Templo S. Sophias 12; and Cistercien. sasc. XVI. c 5^
v. 335> ["Supported on golden co- 2S Gavant. ad Rubr. Miss. Rom
lumns."] part 5, c. 4.
21 Vigil. Rom. Pont. Epist. Encycl. 29 Durand. Ration. Div. Offic 1 v
et Ep. 1 ad Cleric. Ital. c. 2. [« Unde in ecclesiis ostium ab
l6o POLITY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH.
period, as the custom had begun of placing altars close to the wall
of the apse, it was everywhere necessary for the priest, at a celebra-
tion, to stand with his back to the people, turning towards them at
certain parts of the office. At the same period the Latins added to
the altar certain very high steps (in Italian gradini) at the back of
the table, on which they placed palms and candelabra.
Near the base of the altar there was anciently the piscina,30 [to
the right (south) of the altar]; the Greeks called it OdXaaaa or x&vov,
and in the middle ages x°VLOV) xov^LOV-> infundibulum, a basin.31
For in it there was water, in which the priest used to wash his hands
before beginning the service of the liturgy.32 The piscinae among
the Greeks were larger than those in the West, and they used them
as depositories also for the ashes of sacred utensils and sacred pic-
tures, which were worn out with age and burned. But in the West,
by the ninth century, the piscinae had already been removed from
the altar, and transferred to the sacristy, where near the piscina hung
a linen napkin, as is now the custom with us.33 Yet, in some
churches at least, Durandus tells us that the piscina near the altar
survived to the thirteenth century.34 But by the sixteenth century
the use of the piscina had been altogether given up, and instead a
vessel had come into use which was hung up in the sacristy, from
which water flowed forth for washing the hands; and by it the linen
napkin used to hang.35
Stretching over the altar was the Kvfiwpiov (ciborium the Latins
called it) which, as we said before, was an umbrella-like shade over-
shadowing the altar. It consisted of a sort of small apse, which was
supported on four columns, though very generally there were only
Occidentehabentibus, missam celebrans, he stood behind it, and vice versa. But
in salutatione ad populum se vertit . . . this "Basilican position" of the cele-
et deinde oraturus se ad Orientem con- brant was a purely local one; there is
vertit; in ecclesiis vero ostia ab Oriente no trace or tradition of it in any single
habentibus, ut Romse, nulla est in salu- Oriental communion. In the catacombs
tatione necessaria conversio, sacerdos in the position of the altars would have
illis celebrans semper ad populum stat made it impossible.]
conversus." So Socrates (v. 22) says that 30 Missale Gothico-Gallic. ap. Mabill.
at Antioch in Syria the tcsual position Liturg. Gall. 1. iii. tit. 12.
of the church is inverted, the altar being 31 Ap. Goar. in Euchol. de Altar,
at the west, not the east end {oh ivpbs Consecr.
avaroAas rb 6vaia(rr^piov d.A\a irpbs 32 Ordin. Rom. Tit. "Ordo ad Be-
hvcriv opa.) The same is mentioned by ned. Eccl." [Cyril. Hieros. Catech.
NicephoYus (in Durandus de Rit. i. § Mystag. v. 2. Apost. Const, viii. 11.
10), "Altaria non ad Orientem sed ad Some have thought that the reason why
Occidentem versus posita in urbe An- the hands of the bishop and his assist-
tiochia:" adding, " In Ecclesiis Romanis ants must be washed before the cele-
altare majus semper Orientem spectat. bration, was that they had just laid them
Quibus apparet ubiquefieri altaria Orien- on the heads of the catechumens and
tern versus collocata fuisse." Martene penitents.]
I. iii. vi. 11, says that some altars were 33 Leon. IV. Oration. Synodic. Con-
indifferently placed in Rome, &c. Some cilior. T. VIII.; and Ratherii Epist.
think the position of the altar decided Synodic, in D'Acherii Spicil. T. II.
the position of the celebrant; he must 34 Ration. 1. i. c. 1, n. 39.
always look to the East, hence if the 35 Pontine. Roman. Clement. VIII.
altar was at the west end of the church
OF THE ALTAR. l6l
two, which were on that side on which the altar was open to the
view of the people. In some churches there were suspended on
these pillars altar-curtains or veils,36 7re/H7reTa<7yu,a7a, with which the
altar was concealed at celebrations till the time for communicating
the people.37 Hence that prayer, which the priest, after dismissing
the catechumens, recited when he was beginning the service of the
liturgy, and at the conclusion of which he approached the altar, slightly
lifting the curtain, is called in old liturgies the "Prayer of the Veil."
William the Librarian tells us that this use of the altar-curtains con-
tinued up to the end of the ninth century.38 But by degrees the
use of them was discontinued, and at length there were only used
for the adorning of the altar those two curtains which hang down on
each side of it—as was the custom in our Church as early as the
thirteenth century.39
In ancient times altars were consecrated with benediction only,
without any anointing; for an altar became consecrated the mo-
ment it had received the Body of Christ upon it.40 But after
the sixth century the altar was consecrated with the anointing of
chrism; as we learn from a canon of the Synod of Epaon,41 from
which we may reasonably conjecture that that rite had already
become customary in the fifth century.
Lastly, we may close this chapter by remarking that anciently
there was only one altar in each church, since the liturgy was only
celebrated by the bishop once in the day on holidays ;43 a custom
which we still see kept up among the Greeks in their churches: but
the Latins ever since the sixth century multiplied their altars in their
churches j43 so much so that in the ninth century decrees were
issued "that there should be no superfluous altars" in churches.44
The reason why the number of altars increased in the larger churches
was that the custom of having a daily low mass [a mass said without
any music] became very general, as we shall describe hereafter.
36 Chrysost. Horn. 3 in c. I Epist. ad a place unknown; probably Pamiers in
Ephes. France is the place indicated.]
37 Paul. Diacon. ap. Goar. in Euchol. 42 V. Notas Isaaci Hamber. in Pon-
ad Tit. "Liturg. Miss." tif. Grsecor. [S. Ignatius says, "In
38 In Stephano VI. every church one altar, and one Bishop."
39 Ceesari Cisterc. Epist. Spicileg. (Ep. ad Philadelph. n. 4.) Eusebius
T. II. [These curtains were of the mentions only one in the great church
richest stuffs, and interwoven with gold. at Tyre, (x. 4.) There are often several
"It does not appear when the use of altars under the same roof in Russian
these veils at the celebration was dis- churches now, but each in a separate
continued in the Western Church; in chapel, conventionally regarded as a
the Eastern the iconostasis with doors church in itself.]
serves the like purpose."] 43 Greg. Magn. 1. vi. Ep. 49, ad
40 Chrysost. Horn. 20 in Ep. 2 ad Pallad. Santonens. Episc. [Gregory
Corinth. speaks of his correspondent, Bishop
41 C 26, An. 517. [Quoted above. Palladius, as having thirteen altars in his
Cone. Agath. can. 14, An. 506, had church; nor does he express any dis-
directed that "altars should be conse- approval.]
crated not only with chrism, but with 44 Capitul. Caroli Magn. 1. i. n. 6, ad
the sacerdotal benediction." Epaon is An. 805. [Migne's Patrol. XCVII. 283.]
M
162 POLITY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH.
CHAPTER VI.
OF THE DECORATION OF THE ALTAR.
With us the principal ornament of the altar is the crucifix (crucifixi
imago). But anciently there was neither cross nor crucifix upon the
altar itself; for the cross used either to be on the summit of the
ciborium,1 or it used to be suspended from the ciborium over the
altar,3 and so it was called ai/dxeifia. After the eleventh century
the cross for the first time began to be placed [permanently] upon
the altar itself; Durandus in the thirteenth century is the first writer
who makes distinct mention of this being done f the liturgies which
are older than the eleventh century are significantly silent about it,
as the crucifix was not upon the altar, but by the side of it, down
to the end of the eighth century.4 After this by degrees it at length
obtained that position on the altar itself which it now holds. On
the subject of the cross we shall speak more at length in the Fourth
Book, sect, n, ch. 7, of our Second Part.
In addition to the cross or the crucifix there was placed in the
centre of the altar that vessel in which the Eucharistic bread is re-
served; though we may here remark that it was not till after the
twelfth century that these receptacles for the reservation of the
Eucharist were permanent appendages of the altar, and that they
were of the same material as it was.5 Some persons in the middle
ages irreverently put the relics of Saints in the same vessel with the
Eucharist itself, but this was forbidden by councils in the sixteenth
century.6
1 Cone. Turon. II. c. 3, An. 567; the seventh century these were displaced
Paul. Silentiar. de Tempi. S. Sophise, by crucifixes, according to Miinter."]
v. 313, [al. ii. 320.] [This Council of 3 Ration. 1. i. c. 3.
Tours says, '' Corpus Domini in altari 4 Anastas. Biblioth. in Leone III.
non inimaginario ordine, sedsubcrucis ["Fecit crucifixum ex argento puris-
titulo componatur," i.e. "The Lord's simo, qui stat juxta altare majus:"
Body must not be placed on the altar "fecit crucem anaglypham interrasilem
in any imaginary order, but must be ex auro purissimo, pendentem in per-
arranged in the form of across." So gula ante altare:" "fecit crucem ma-
Neale explains it. For such is in fact jorem ex argento purissimo quae stat
the rubric of the Mozarabic Liturgy, juxta altare majus."]
which belongs to the same family as the 5 Durand. ib. 1. i. c. 2, n. 5. [The
old Gallican uses.] first mention of a pyx with the reserved
2 Sozom. Hist. Eccl. 1. ii. c. 3. [So- Sacrament on the altar is by Leo IV.
zomen speaks of "ri crravpov avfx^oXov 855, as quoted below. From at least
tSjv avaKeifxtvav tw dvo-iao-T-nplc});" the the sixth century gold and silver doves
Benedictine note says, "Cruces argen- were suspended over the fonts and al-
teas intelligo, quse in altari statui sole- tars; and in one of these latter the re-
bant."] Greg. Turon. de Glor. Mart. ii. served sacrament was kept. In the
20. [Guericke says, "crosses were seen very earliest ages it was in the keeping
in different parts of the churches, and of the priest, or kept in private houses,
especially on the altar, by the begin- (See Bingham, and Smith's Diet. p.
ning of the fourth century, (Sozom. H. 1786.)]
E. ii. 3; Nilus, Ep. iv. 61;) and after 6 Cone. Aquileiens. An. 1596; and
OF THE DECORATION OF THE ALTAR. 163
Nosegays of artificial flowers form another ornamental decoration
of our altars. In tracing back this custom we find that from very
early ages the Christians placed natural flowers on the altar,7 and
that for the decoration of the altar they made wreaths of flowers
skilfully intertwined together.8 Hence, perhaps, when the fervour
of early piety began to cool, and so the altars were left without
flowers, artificial flowers were used, to supply the place of natural
ones. But until the sixteenth century, those nosegays of flowers
such as we now put on the altars, do not appear to have come into
use, since the earliest mention of them is found in the Bishops' Cere-
moniale of Clement VIII.
It was only late in the history of the Church that candlesticks
{candelabra) were seen upon the altar, placed there, as an additional
ornament, among the nosegays of altar flowers; for in the ninth
century in the Western Church there were no wax candles on the
altar: this we infer from the fact that all the writers of that age with-
out exception who speak9 on the subject of altar decoration, say
scarcely anything on the subject of candles; nor before the six-
teenth century is there any mention made of candlesticks being on
the altar during celebrations of the liturgy; Clement VIII., in
the book above mentioned, being the first who speaks of them. We
must not of course suppose that the use of candlesticks themselves
is a modern custom: for certainly the clergy, in the ninth century,
used them at celebrations of the liturgy,10 but they did not place
them upon the altar, but either in a cereostata (a sort of small table
on which candlesticks were placed,) or on Xhzgradine, the raised ledge
which was behind the altar.11
But ever since the fourth century the Church has used lighted
wax candles during the celebration of the liturgy, and before the tombs
of martyrs,13 which, as we have said, took the place of an altar; and
Aquen. An. 1585. ["Christus super Serai. 215, de divers. [Jerome (cont.
altare, martyres (relics) sub altari." Vigilant, c. 3) says, "Through all the
(Ambrose ad Marcell. Ep. 85.)] churches of the East, when the Gos-
7 August, de Civ. Dei, 1. xxii. c. 8. pel is to be read lights are kindled,
[He mentions a man taking from the though the sun is already shining (very
altar the first flower that came to hand early celebrations,) not to dispef dark-
and putting it under the head of his ness, but a token of joy, and as a figure
dying father-in-law, as he was asleep, of that word of which we read irTthe
his conversion being the result. A blind Psalter," (Ps. cxix. 105.) Isidore of Se-
woman brought flowers to the tomb of ville, 636, says the same is the custom
S. Stephen when the relics were trans- in the West. "Wax candles are carried
lated.] when the Gospel is to be read or the
8 Fortunat. Carmin. 1. viii. carm. 9. sacrifice is to be offered." (De Ecc. Off.
[Greg. Tur. de Glor. Mart. cc. 50, 91; ii. 14.) So the third Apostolic Canon,'
de Glor. Conf. 31.] "Offer oil for the Jwly lamp, and in-
9 Rather. Epist. Synod, ib. ; Leo IV. cense at the time of the Divine Obla-
Homil. de Cura Pastor. § 8. tion." Tertullian says (de Cor. iii.)
10 Lib. 3 de Eccl. Offic c. 5, per- "The sacrament of the Eucharist we
peram Amalario Fortun. adscript. receive before daybreak," implying the
11 Ex Ordine Rom. ap. Mabill. ibid. use of candles. In fact, the custom of
12 Hieron.Ep. 53, ad Ripar., ["Ac- burning candles at celebrations is very
censi ante eoruin tumulos cerei."] Aug. ancient both in the East and West. The
M 2
164 POLITY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH.
these, as Paulinus in the same century testifies, were of coloured wax.13
But the use of lamps, or chandeliers, was more common in the
church in those days: the same writer, Paulinus, speaks of lamps
suspended from the ceiling giving forth tremulous flames of light,14
as also does Aurelius Prudentius.15 These lamps were called by
various names, according to their different shapes and uses. Hence
they were called canthari, delphini, lychni, lychnici, names of the
vessels in which the oil burned ;16 and corona was the name given to
the crown-like circular rings from which many lamps were suspended,17
swinging by loose cords,18 so that from one corona of that construc-
tion, as many as thirty-six lamps might sometimes hang.19 Anciently
glass lamps were used,20 but after a time they were made of gold
and silver.21 The Greeks at the present day do not ever allow
lighted candles to be placed upon the altar, and in the fifteenth
century they used to have22 a corona of lights suspended in front of
the holy table; but now outside the altar screen (iconostasis) they
have a lamp with twelve burners.23 Those lamps which are per-
petually burning beside, i.e. on each side of, the altar among the
Latins are mentioned in the Cistercian Constitutions in the thirteenth
century.2-4
Between the candelabra, or in the second row of the altar, as they
say, are usually placed the relics of saints in receptacles (thecis) made
to hold them. This custom first became general in the ninth cen-
tury, both at Rome,25 and also in Germany.26 So a little while after
tablets on which are inscribed the Gloria, the Creed, and the Words
of Consecration, were placed on the altar, for they are first mentioned
by the Council of Avignon in the sixteenth century.27 And between
catacomb worship is peculiar to the were twelve towers, and thirty-six lamps
West, and therefore will not account hung from it.]
for the Eastern usage in the matter 20 Prudent, lib. Cathemer. Hymn,
of lights.] 21 V. Anastas. in Pontif. Vitis pas-
13 Paulin. Natal, iii. S. Felicis. sim; and Paul. Silent, ib.
[" Clara coronantur densis altaria lych- 22 Simeon. Thessal. 1. de Sacram. ^
nis, Lumina . . . nocte dieque micant," 23 Goar. in Euchol. de Eccl. Altari.
&c. (Al. xiv. w. 99, &c.)] 24 C. 22 and 53. [Guericke says
14 Ib. and Nat. vii. (p. H7) the Lutheran Church, and the
15 Liber Cathemerinon, hymn. v. United Church of Prussia still retain the
16 Anastas. Bibl. in Sylvestro [xxxiv. beautifully significant symbol of burn-
§§ 36, 38, 43; Greg. M. Ep. i. 68. ing tapers on the altar at celebra-
"Corona est candelabrum in modum tions.]
corona ac circuli variis lucernis instruc- 25 Leo IV. Iiomil. de Pastor. Solicit,
turn. Delphini sunt ejusmodi candela- § 8, [in Migne's Patrol. CXV. 677. Leo
brorum non omamenta modo, sed et fid- limits the objects which might legally
era" (Note to Greg. Ep. 68; Migne, be placed on the altar to the shrine
Vol. LXXVII.)] containing relics, or perchance the co-
tf V. Histor. Episcop. Virdunen. 1. dex of the Gospels, and the pyx or ta-
i. c. 7; Anast. in Xisto III. bernacle in which the Lord's Body
™ Paulin. Nat. ix. [Poem, xxxvii. was reserved for the viaticum of the
Nat ix. 1. 189, "laxis nutantes funi- sick. This was in a.d. 855.]
bus »n 2G Vita S. Gaubergii ap. Mabill. An-
™ Leo Ostiens. Chron. 1. iii. c. 31. nal. Ord. S. Ben. s£ec. III. part 2.
[The corona weighed 100 lbs., and was 27 An. 1594, tit. 24.
twenty spans in circumference: on it
OF THE DECORATION OF THE ALTAR. 165
these tablets, in the same century, though not universally in all
churches, there was placed a tablet with the Gospel of S. John [i. i—
14] inscribed on it, for the missal of S. Pius V. had not yet obtained
universal circulation; and before the corrected Missal had been put
forth by him, this portion of the Gospel of S. John used not to be
recited at the end of the mass,28 as it is now.
Lastly, a copy of the Gospels used always to lie on the altar itself,
as we shall speak of in Chap. IX. : this the Greeks used to place on
the aviifxevaioV) the corporal, as we call it.29
The slab (mensd) of the altar is covered over with an altar-cloth
(niantile), which is vernacularly called a mappa. Anciently in the
Western Church it was made of linen, and its first use is attributed
by Anastasius the Librarian in the ninth century to S. Sylvester,
Bishop of Rome,30 a.d. 330; though Polydore Virgil is probably
more correct in attributing the introduction of it to Boniface III.,31
who was Bishop of that Church in the beginning of the seventh
century. But these writers are speaking of the altar-cloth with which
the altar is always covered, and which is called "mappa," but not of
that linen on which the sacred mysteries are celebrated, and which we
call a corporal, [i.e. the cloth in which our Lord's Body is wrapped]:
this corporal is mentioned by Isidore of Pelusium32 in the fifth cen-
tury; and he calls it an el'Xrj-ov, from elXeiv, to wrap up: from which
it is plain that the corporal was not like an altar-cloth; but that it
was spread upon the altar during the celebration of the liturgy, at
the conclusion of which it was folded up. And yet in former times
it completely covered the altar; for the priest, after spreading it on
the table, so hung it on each side of the altar that it could be
wrapped round the breads {panes), which were to be consecrated,
and could cover them entirely.33 This sized corporal began to
be contracted in dimensions, when private masses began to be
celebrated in church, at which any individual communicant could
receive the Eucharist separately, and the faithful did not, as formerly,
all communicate at once at the same celebration; hence everywhere,
down to the thirteenth century, the corporal used to cover the whole
altar.34 There were then anciently, it seems, two altar-cloths, one
with which it was always kept covered, the other used only at celebra-
tions of the liturgy; for it was not till after the sixteenth century that
altars were kept perpetually covered with two coverings of linen ;33
2S V. Bona, Rer. Liturg. 1. ii. c. 20, 32 L. i. Ep. 123. [Both Pope Syl-
n. 5. vester and Isidore of Pelusium lay down
29 Sim. Thessal. ib. the same rule, that the sacrifice of the
30 In Sylvestro, ["Hie (Sylvester) altar should be consecrated, not on silk
constituit ut sacrificium altaris non in or on any kind of dyed cloth, but only
serico neque in panno tincto celebra- on pure white linen, as the Lord's
retur, nisi tantum in linteo ex terreno Body was buried in linen.]
lino procreato, sicut Corpus Domini.. . 33 Ex Ordine Rom. in tit. "Ordo
in sindone lintea munda sepultum est, Process, ad Eccl.'1 ap. Mabill.
sic missa celebraretur."] Raban. Maiir. 34 Durand. ib. 1. viii. c. 9, n. 2.
de Inst. Cler. 1. i. c. 33. 35 Synod. Tolos. An. 1590; and An -
31 De Inv. Rer. 1. v. c. 6. degaven. An. 1507.
166 POLITY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH.
a custom which some therefore have said came into use after the
issue of the rubrics of S. Pius V.36
[" The allusions of early Greek writers to the customs of the
Eastern Church correspond to these notices of the Western."] The
Greeks indeed in the fifteenth century were already in the habit
of using many altar-cloths. For first they used to have over the
four corners of the table what they called, "the evangelists," i.e.,
four pieces of woven cloth on which the names of the four evangelists
were depicted. Above these secondly there was a cloth of linen,
called iccndaapicu (i.e. "next the skin"); so named because it fitted
close to the altar, which is a type of the Body of Christ. Above
this inner altar-cloth {tcaTaaapKa) there was then, thirdly, another,
called the altar-covering (jpaire^o^opov). Last of all, when about
to celebrate, they used to spread over these the corporal which was
called the etk^Tov.^
We must conclude with a mention of the altar-pall (in Italian,
paliotto). The altar used anciently to be without this; for the hollow
part of it could be seen by any one on each side, as we know by
ancient monuments of ecclesiastical history.38 [In the sixth century
Gregory of Tours (H. F. vii. 22) speaks of an altar covered with a
silk pall]; but altar-palls first came commonly into use in the pon-
tificate of Leo III., who in the eighth century introduced the custom
of covering the altars with them.39 They were even then made of
a piece of silk, on which scenes from sacred history were painted, or
embroidered40 with the needle in different colours.
Anciently the Greeks used to have in the presbyterium two small
tables, one on each side of the altar, one of which was called the
diaconicon and the other the firothesis. On the first the sacred
vestments, the altar vessels, and the sacred books were placed in
readiness for the celebration of the liturgy, when one was about to
take place; on the other the bread and wine were set.41 It was
36 V. Suares in 3 P. Summ. Divi Leone IV. [What is called in the Ro-
Thomse, Disp. 81, sect. 6 ; and P. Scor- man Missal the pallium is in England
sian. de Sacr. Sacrif. Mis. 1. ii. c. 14. called the frontal or tabula, and some-
37 Ex Simeone Thessal. 1. de Tern- times the antependium. In our Coro-
plo et Missa, An. 1420. [The seventy- nation Service it is called the pall. At
third Apostolical Canon seems to con- the coronation of the present Queen she,
tain the earliest allusion to these altar- according to an ancient practice, made
cloths: it says, "Let no one appro- her first oblation at the steps of the
priate for his own private use any ves- altar, which was a pall or altar-cloth
sel of silver or of gold or of linen > which of gold. Walcott (s. v. pall) mentions
has been sanctified." This most pro- that Constantine the Great gave a
bably refers to altar-linen, and to linen pall of cloth of gold for the basilica of
Eucharistic vestments. So S. Chrysos- S. Peter at Rome. (See Major Heales's
torn speaks of the altar-coverings of silk Archeology of the Christian Altar. )~\ :i
ornamented with gold (Horn. 50 or 51 40 Id. in Leone III. ; Greg. IV. ; et
in S. Matt. xiv. 23, 24.)] Serg. II.
38 Socr. Hist. Eccl. 1. vi. c. 5, ["Ev- 4l Du Cange, Constantinop. Christ.
rpoiriov virb rh 8v(ria(TT4}piov iceifiwov"] 1. ii. ; Schelstrat. Diss. 4 in c. 4 Cone.
See also what was said in preceding Antioch. [Sometimes in poor churches
chapter. there would be tables, though no vestry-
™ Anast. Bibl. in Leone III. et rooms.]
ABOUT THE SACRED VESSELS. 167
perhaps from the Greeks that the Latins adopted their present custom
of using the two credence-tables at a solemn celebration of the
liturgy.
CHAPTER VII.
ABOUT THE SACRED VESSELS.
We call those vessels which we use at a celebration of the liturgy
the sacred or holy vessels. To this class belong the chalice, the
paten (or patin), pyx, altar flagons (amulce), the thurible or censer
(thymiamaterium); and among these were in ancient times included
the strainer and chalice tube (colum and fistula.)
We will now treat separately of each of these.
§ 1. Of the Chalice, ChaZice-tube, and Strainer.
Among the sacred vessels we must reckon as first in order the
chalice, that vessel in which wine, by consecration, becomes the
Blood of Christ. Therefore as the (Eucharistic) Sacrifice is co-eval
with the Christian Church itself, no one doubts that the Church has
used chalices from the very beginning. A Pontifical, which is as-
cribed to the Roman Pontiff Damasus1 as its author, tells us that at
first, and previous to the times of Zephyrinus, chalices were made of
wood, and that he was the first to introduce the use of glass chalices
into the church. But whoever is the author of that book,—and he
must be a more modern writer than Damasus,—there is nothing in-
consistent with the genius of the first and second century, or with
the customs of Orientals and Latins alike, in the fact that the
chalices of the early Church were made of glass. For the ancients,
even from the most remote times, used drinking cups of glass, after
the art of making glass was accidentally discovered in Phoenicia.3
Vessels of glass afterwards came into use at Rome, being introduced
from Egypt3 into that city.4 At that time also the art of making
glass was introduced into Rome5 and also into Gaul and Spain.6
Hence in the age of Pliny glass cups were sold at a very cheap price
1 C. 16. [The use of wood for cha- 3 Athenceus, Deipnos. ii. p. 7S4 ed.
lices was prohibited by several provin- Casaubon. [Pliny's story is too vague to
cial councils in the eighth and ninth draw any conclusions from it; but mul-
centuries, (Cone. Tribur. c. 18;) of titudes of glass drinking-vessels have
horn by that of Chelsea, (Cone. Calcut. been discovered in Egyptian sepulchres.]
c. 10;) and that of wood, lead, or glass, 4 Martial, i. 42, 5.
by Pope Leo IV. (847—855), in his 5 Strab. 1. xvi.
homily, De Cura Pastorali.] 6 Plin. xxxvi. 26, 66, 67.
2 Plin. Hist. Nat. xxxvi. 26, 65.
i68
POLITY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH.
both at Rome and elsewhere, those at least which were in ordinary
use.7 Therefore, since articles of glass were neither very scarce nor
very expensive, I cannot readily believe that the first Christians pre-
ferred to use wooden chalices, since they could procure for them-
selves glass chalices with less trouble than wooden ones, which were
already become obsolete, more especially also as they themselves
were in the habit of using glass vessels at their own private tables.8
Therefore Tertullian makes mention of glass chalices, which he
describes as being ornamented with pictures ;9 of this kind were the
glass cups in the time of Pliny,10 and those fragments of glass which
Reinesius and Bonarrotius tell us were found at Rome in the cata-
combs, thrown into the ancient coffins (loculi) of the Christians.
Hence although since the fourth century the Church has every-
where used chalices of silver and of gold, the use of glass chalices
still survived among monks,11 and in humbler churches ;12 nor did
bishops scruple when occasion required, to sell chalices of gold for
the relief of the poor, and to use glass ones instead.13
In the ancient Church, however, there were two kinds of chalices,
some which were called "minor," others which were called "minis-
terial. "u For since in those days the laity used to communicate in
both kinds, that chalice which the bishop used at the celebration of
the liturgy was not by itself large enough to hold as much wine as
was wanted for all the faithful who were present. This, therefore,
was called the "minor" chalice; but that one in which the wine
[brought by the communicants] was carried to the altar, and that one
into which the consecrated wine was poured, and in which it was
administered by the deacons to the faithful, were each called the
"ministerial" chalice: and that chalices of this latter kind could
hold a very large quantity of wine we know from their weight, for
they ordinarily weighed three or four or sometimes five pounds,15 [and
in the Liber Pontificalis some are mentioned weighing even from
thirty to fifty pounds.] The number of these ministerial chalices
which were placed on the altar depending on the number of commu-
nicants, sometimes as many as seven of them would be placed on
the altar in the more crowded churches; but the use of ministerial
chalices seems to have become obsolete when the laity ceased to
Id. ibid. been shattered to pieces being repaired
8 Clem. Alexand. Psedag. 1. ii. c. 3. by the prayers of the Bishop of Arezzo.]
9 Lib. de Pudicitia, c. 7, 10, ["Si 13 V. Hilarii Arel. Episc. Vit. ap.
forte patrocinabitur pastor, quern in Bolland. 5 die Maii, n. 11. [Many
calice depingis," &c] instances are mentioned by Bingham,
10 Plin. 1. c. v. 6 § 6.]
11 Hieronym. Ep. 4, ad Rustic. Mo- 14 Passim Anast. Bibl. in vit. Pontif.,
nach. [He speaks of a Bishop of Tou- and Pontificale Damasi in Sylvestro.
louse, "Corpus Domini canistro vimi- 15 Anastas. and Damas. ib. [Gregory
neo, sanguinem portat in vitro,"—bear- of Tours, (H. F. iii. 10,) tells us that
ing the Lord's Blood in a vessel of Childebert, a.d. 531, took among the
glass.] spoils of Amalaric sixty chalices and
12 V. Testam. S. Remigii edit, a fifteen patens, all of pure gold, and
Cassandro. [Gregory the Great (Dial. ornamented with gems. And Optatus
1. i. c. 7) speaks of a chalice which had speaks of gold and silver chalices, &c,
ABOUT THE SACRED VESSELS. 169
communicate in both kinds, of which we shall have to speak; and
so also the chalice used at the liturgy became by degrees smaller than
in ancient times it used to be.
When the deacon poured the wine into the ministerial chalice, he
always used a strainer (colum). The strainer was in shape like a
small dish or tray, the very minute holes of it forming a very beau-
tiful net-work,16 through which the wine was poured into the chalice,
that no particle of dirt might fall into the wine which was going to
be consecrated. The strainer was used by the Latin Church only
from the sixth17 till perhaps the twelfth century. In old monasteries
the use of the strainer continued till a very recent date,18 even as late
as the last century.
Lastly, though in ancient times the custom in the churches was
very general of giving the Blood of Christ to the faithful by putting
the chalice to their lips, yet [in the Western Church] it was univer-
sally the custom for both laity, presbyters, and clergy to suck the
Blood from the cup through a reed, which reed is mentioned as
being among the treasures of the Church at Mayence by the author
of "Ancient Treasures of the Church at Mayence" in the tenth
century. At Rome the Roman Pontiff keeps up this ancient custom,
for when he is celebrating he sucks the Blood from the chalice
through a reed or golden tube {fistula), as do the deacon and sub-
deacon who assist at the liturgy with him.19 [" The fistula does not
appear to have been adopted in the Eastern Church, which makes
use of a spoon for communicating."]
§ 2. Of the Pate?z and Pyx.
Patena or Patina among the Latins, and \6ira^ (a flat dish) among
the Greeks, is the name given to that vessel in which bread is of-
fered on the altar at a celebration of the liturgy, "patena" being
derived from patens, "lying open," and meaning a flat and "open"
dish.20
The same arguments which I brought forward in the preceding
paragraph convince me that in the early Church the paten was made
of glass, though in the Pontifical of Damasus,21 just referred to, the
invention of glass patens is also attributed to the Roman Pontiff
Zephyrinus. Since the fourth century the richer churches have had
silver ^ and gold patens, and this has been the custom in all churches
especially since the seventh century. There were two sorts of patens,
in the African churches in the fourth quod dispansis patentibusque oris sit
century. (Bingham, viii. 6 § 21.)] lands."]
16 Bona, Rer. Liturg. 1. i. c. 25. 21 C. 16. [Gregory of Tours (de Mir.
17 Hist. Episcop. Autissiodor. ap. S. Mart. iv. 10) mentions a paten of a
Labbe, Biblioth. Novas. T. I. sapphire colour, no doubt made of glass;
JS Martene, ibid. 1. i. c. 4, Art. 6. and (de Glor. Mart. i. 85) a silver paten
19 V. Chokier. in Fas. Histor. Cen- so large that it was on one occasion
tur. ii. c. 16. sacrilegiously profaned by being used to
20 Isidor. Orig. 1. xx. c. 4, ["Patina wash the feet in.]
170 POLITY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH.
the small ones and the "ministerial." Those which the celebrating
priest used in the liturgy were called "small" ones, but the "minis-
terial" ones were those patens in which the bread brought as an
oblation by the faithful was offered on the altar, since in them the
subdeacons also carried the pieces of consecrated bread to be dis-
tributed to the people, which were therefore called ministerial, from
their administering in them. It would seem, therefore, that in
ancient times there was no use in the liturgy for the small patens, as
the bread was not placed in the paten on the altar, as we have said,
but on the corporal, all the faithful communicating at the same time
at the liturgy celebrated by the bishop, and the bread in those days
not being reduced to that shape which it is made into among our-
selves now. But subsequently to the ninth century, in which the
solemn assembling for the episcopal celebration of the liturgy ceased,
when the faithful began to communicate almost singly at private
masses, and there would no longer be oblations made by them of
the bread for consecration as in former times, those smaller patens
were made large enough to hold the smaller "host," and on them it
began to be the custom to place the bread during the liturgy itself,
and the "ministerial" patens, which had been used at the services,
entirely disappeared.
That vessel in which the reserved Eucharist is placed when the
liturgy is concluded is called pyxis, wuf«, or pyxomelum, a box.
We must bear well in mind that this differs widely from the ciborium,
which is the name now given to that small box-shaped receptacle in
which the pyx is kept. Anciently from very remote times a wooden
pyx was used in the church, but at what period it began to be made
of the more precious metal, we will relate in the first Dissertation of
our third volume, in which we shall speak more at length on the pyx
and the ciborium.
§ 3. Of the Flagons for Altar Wine and Censers.
Amula (flagon) was the name of that vessel in which wine was
offered on the altar at the liturgy.23 This vessel is also called Hama,
which was the name formerly of water vessels of a rounder shape,
and which had a globular protuberance.23 A vessel of this kind was
required at the ancient celebrations of the liturgy, as all the faithful
who were present at them brought oblations of wine for consecration,
for this was kept in flagons of the kind we have described by the
minor clergy, that from them it might be poured into the chalice.
These flagons, therefore, were of very large size and weight, and in
the wealthier churches they were made of silver.24 But after it
ceased to be the custom for the people to bring oblations of wine,
the use of the flagon (Jiamula) ceased to be necessary, and instead of
22 Ordo Rom. Biblioth. Patr. tions some "amulse onychniae," mean-
23 V. Turneb. Adversar. 1. xix. c. 23. ing probably vessels of onyx, or glass
24 Lib. Pontif. Damasi in "Marco." imitating onyx.]
[Gregory the Great (Ep. i. 44) men-
OF THE SACRED VESTMENTS. 171
it there came into use those small jar-shaped cruets (ampulla),
which we now use, of which mention is made in the Roman Pon-
tifical of Leo X. in the sixteenth century.
A thurible is the name of that vessel in which incense is burned
at a celebration of the liturgy, generally called Thymiamaterium,
though this second name was formerly given to a certain stand-
ing vessel, in which incense and other sweet-smelling compositions
were burned in church.25 For from the earliest times incense has
been offered in the liturgy, and has been used by the Church in
her sacred mysteries,26 as we shall explain in a subsequent chapter ;27
it was, therefore, in accordance with ancient custom that the Church
has used vessels for the burning of incense. The censers were such
as could be carried by the priest in his hand, as he went round
the circuit of the altar, according to the ancient directions in the
liturgy; hence that expression of "censing the altar," which we find
in the ancient Fathers28 {adolere altaria).
What was the exact shape of these censers in former times is not
known. But in the twelfth century they consisted of three small
chains with the vessel for incense below and with the lid above, as
may be seen in old mosaic work of that century in Ciampini.29 This
was the universally recognised shape of the thurible in the Western
Church in the thirteenth century ;30 and the thuribles of the Greek
Church do not differ much from those in use among ourselves.
CHAPTER VIII.
OF THE SACRED VESTMENTS.
There are no historical records to prove that during the first three
centuries* the ordained clergy, at a celebration of the liturgy, wore a
25 Synod. CEcum. VII. Act. 4. 29 De Sacris ^Edif. c. 24, [al. Tom.
26 Canon. Apostol. can. 3 (quoted III. tab. xxiii.]
above), [orders to "offer at the altar oil 30 V. Innoc. III. de Myst. Miss. 1. ii.
for the holy lamp, and incense at the c. 16; and Durand. Ration. 1. iv. c.
time of the divine oblation." There is 10. [According to Dr. Littledale the
also a reference in the Apostolical Con- use of incense has always been universal
stitutions (ii. 26) to incense as to some- in the East, there is no trace at all of
thing in well known use in those primi- the first rise of its adoption there; but
tive times, " Let the widows and orphans in the West there are traces of its origi-
be accounted by you in the manner of nal use, subsequent abandonment, and
the altar, and the virgins be honoured final restoration: while the African
like the censer and the incense."] Church never appears to have adopted
27 Sect. ii. c. 7. the use of it at all. The language of
28 S. Ambrose, Comment, in Luc. c. the ancient liturgies proves beyond all
i. 11, ["Would that when we are cens- doubt the antiquity and wide-spread
ing the altars and offering the Sacrifice, use of it. (See his pamphlet on In-
the angel would stand by us and even cense.)]
permit himself to be seen."] * [Bingham leaves the question un-
I72 POLITY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH.
dress different from that usually worn by them in civil life. Nor in-
deed does it seem at all probable that in such troublous times there
would be any difference exhibited between their civil and their
ministerial dress, since in those days the Church avoided even the
very slightest marks or signs whereby her members might be recog-
nised by the Pagans. There are some writers at least who con-
fidently assert that in those times the civil and ministerial dress of
the clergy was the same, but that it was the custom for bishops
before celebrating the Holy Communion to put off their every-day
clothes and put on more cleanly ones; and we feel disposed to agree
with this assertion, as their sacred vestments, which are mentioned
by ecclesiastical writers even after the fourth century, were the same
in shape as their ordinary ones, though as regards colour there was a
decided difference between them, as we are intending to describe.
A tunic reaching down to the ankles, then, was, as we have before
said, the dress which, as private citizens, the ordained clergy used
to wear; that dress was afterwards called by various names, as
casula and pcenula, and among the Greeks TroSrjpr)?, (•'' a garment
down to the foot ;'*) by which names, indeed, the long garments of
the laity also, reaching, as they did, down to the feet, were desig-
nated both at Rome and elsewhere down to the sixth century.1
Pamela was also the name sometimes given to a particular robe which
women wore,2 which was called by the same name as that worn by
men, and differed from it in its style of ornament only ;3 and from this
pcmula it probably was that the planeta was derived, the shape of the
more ancient planeta being very like that of the pamula; not until
the sixth century, therefore, did that vestment, which was formerly
called a panula, begin to be called a pla?ieta, the first occasion on
which it was so called being the fourth Council of Toledo.4
decided as to whether it can be proved 4 An. 633, c. 28. ["Episcopus,
that the vestments were used during the presbyter aut diaconus, si a gradu
first three centuries, but from the be- suo in juste dejectus in secunda sy-
ginning of the fourth century he says nodo innocens reperiatur, non potest
"we are sure a distinction was made in esse quod fuerat nisi gradus amissos
the habits and vestments of Divine Ser- recipiat, ut si episcopus fuerit, recipiat
vice. For Constantine himself is said coram altario de manu episcoporum
to have given a rich vestment embroi- orarium, annulum et baculum; si pres-
dered with gold to Macarius, Bishop of byter, orarium et planetam; si diaco-
Jerusalem, to be worn by him when he nus, orarium et albam; si subdiaconus,
celebrated the service of Baptism." patenam et calicem; sic et reliqui gra-
(Theod. lib. ii.c.27,) "tV iepav aro\r)u, dus ea in reparationem sui recipiant,
'iva TavT'fiv irepipa\A6fA€vos, rrjv rod deiov qu£e cum ordinarentur perceperant;" an
paTTTlo-fiaTos Aeirovpyiav eVtreAf/," &c. unjustly degraded bishop, presbyter,
The word "stole" is, of course, used deacon, &c, can only be restored to
in its ancient, not in its modern sense.] their forfeited degrees by being re-in-
1 Joann. Diacon. in Vita S. Greg. 1. vested with the same insignia with
iv. c. 38, cum annotat. Bollandistar. which they had been invested at their
ibid, ordination, i.e., a bishop must receive
2 Cicero ap. Quintil. Instit. viii. 3, 54, again a stole, staff, and ring: a Pres-
cf. Pandect. 34, 2, 24, extr. byter, a stole, and chasuble : a deacon,
3 V. Trebell. in Quiet, in Trigint. a stole and alb, &c]
Tyrann. c. 14, (Scrip. Hist. Aug. T. II.)
OF THE SACRED VESTMENTS. 173
The Alb (or white robe) is also the name which was given to a
garment worn by civilians, common alike to Roman, Spanish and
other nations, and usually ornamented with border stripes or fringes
of purple or some other colour; whence, as those borders or stripes
were sometimes wont to be multiplied in number, the vestments
were called single-striped, double-striped, or triple-striped albs,
(monolores, dilores, trilores,) according as they had one or two or three
stripes of purple.5
The " Orarium" was also an article in common use among the
Romans, a handkerchief used by them for wiping the heat off the
face. Wherefore the emperors used to give "07'a?ia" to the people
to wave at the games6 in token of applause.
Thus, then, these vestments were formerly articles of dress
common to all men alike, but they became the peculiar dress of the
clergy after they had become obsolete among the laity. Hence it is
quite plain that even after the fourth century, at which period Bishops
wore those vestments at celebrations of the Mysteries, there was no
difference, as far as their shape was concerned, between their civil
and ministerial dress when officiating; and when the Fathers speak
of the unlawfulness of putting on the sacred vestments for every-day
wear,7 and of religion having one dress for ministerial use and
another for common use8 and every-day life, it is not about the shape
of the vestments that they seem to have spoken. The clergy indeed
who were most scrupulous in observing all religious decorum, when
they were about to celebrate the sacred mysteries used to put on
certain special vestments, which though not differing in shape from
their ordinary civil costume, were consecrated by sacred usage, and
by their very celebration in them of those holy mysteries which they
would not dare to celebrate dressed in the every-day clothes of common
life; but if there was anything in which their ministerial certainly
differed from their ordinary dress, it would seem to have been in
colour only, for old ecclesiastical writers expressly mention that
white has been the, colour of the sacred vestments since the fourth
century.9 And this is a proof that for a long period the vest-
ments which were in use in the Church were white in colour. In
fact, till as late as the ninth century no colour except white is found
5 Vopisc. in Aureliano, c. 48, (Script. clergy, in Book xiii., viii. § 1: Hie-
Hist August. T. II.) ron. Lib. i. contra Pelag.; Hieron.
6 Id- ib- Ep. ad Presidium Diaconum; Chrysos.
7 V. Epist. Stephani III. R. P. ap. Horn. 82 [al. S3] in S. Matt. In the
Baron, ad An. 260, n. 6, [" Sacris ves- celebration described in the Liturgy of
tibus in usu quotidiano non uten- the Apostolical Constitutions, the cele-
dum."] brant is directed (after silent prayer) to
8 Hieron. in c. 44 Ezechiel. ["Re- put on the "shining garment," before
ligio divinum alterum habitum habet in proceeding to consecrate, {Aafnvpav ia-
ministerio, alterum in usu vitaque com- 0?>a,) the earliest allusion to a eucha-
muni."] ristic vestment. In some passages
9 Nazianzen. ap. Isidor. Pelusiot. 1. quoted by Bingham the same word
i. Ep. 136. [Bingham quotes the fol- "shining" is used as descriptive of the
lowing references to white being the vestments. (See Const. Apost. viii.
colour of the ministerial dress of the 12.)]
174 POLITY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH.
in the sacred vestments, as is plain from the testimony of those lives
of the Roman Pontiffs which were written by Anastasius; for in
them mention is continually made of the "altar-cloth" or "vesture
of gold," (paranienti, vel vestis aureaz,) which is referred to under
various names, as de blatti, blattim, de olovero, by which he means
an altar-cloth of white silk, ornamented with gold and purple colour;
or when he speaks of the vestments de stauraci or de fundato, he
means those inwrought with gold leaf in their texture, and which, if
they were of very pure gold, were called vestments de spanisco.
Lastly, there were "chrysoalbce" (golden albs), i.e., white in
colour, ornamented with stripes of gold, or albce rosatce, i.e., white
albs with stripes of rose colour worked on them. He also, though
more rarely, makes mention of sacred Tyrian vestments, or vest-
, ments de rubro, (of red,) so called perhaps because of the historical
scenes which were worked with the needle on the white silk vest-
ment, and which were represented in the usual purple colour.10
Subsequently, however, to the ninth century other colours were
gradually introduced; but it has been only since the eleventh cen-
tury that the Church adopted in her sacred vestments those five
colours which are in use amongst us at the present day, for the first
who alludes to them is the author of the Book of Divine Offices,11
incorrectly attributed to Alcuin, but which, according to the more
correct opinion of Mabillon,13 was written in the eleventh century;
next after this writer they are mentioned in the thirteenth century by
Durandus,13 Bishop of Mende, and by the Roman Pontiff Innocent
III.14 But the Greeks about that time began to use the same
colours, and they only differed from the Latin use in that they wore
vestments of a purple colour only on fast days and at commemora-
tions of the dead.15
We will now treat briefly of each of the vestments singly.
§ i. Of the Amice, Alb, and Girdle.
When a priest is about to celebrate the Holy Mysteries, he first of
all puts on the Amice, which is reckoned among the sacred vestments
since the ninth century by the author of that book on the Divine
and Ecclesiastical Offices, which is incorrectly attributed to Amala-
rius Fortunatus.16 He says the amice is a vestment which is made
10 Anastas. in Leone III.; Greg. IV. 13 Rational. 1. iii. c. 18, n. I, 9 and
Serg. II. et Leone IV. 10.
11 Cap. de singul. Vestib. [Thus 14 L. i. de Myster. Missse, c. 65.
"there is a distinction between alba 15 Jur. Orient. T. I. Const, xxix.
parata, (from paraturce, ornamental Cabasil. [" In solis jejunii diebusatque
patches), 'an alb with apparels,' and in mortuorum memoriis utebantur."]
alba pura, or 'white alb plain,' men- 1G De Eccl. Offic. ii. 17, ["primum
tioned in first Prayer Book of Edward vestimentum nostrum quo collum un-
VI." (Smith's Diet. art. Alb.)~\ dique cingimus;" the first in order of
12 Annal. Ord. S. Bened. sasc. IV. the vestments of the Church.]
part 1.
OF THE SACRED VESTMENTS. 175
to go all round the neck, from which it is clear that originally priests
were not in the habit of covering the head with it, but only of wrap-
ping it (amicuisse) round the neck. This is more plainly indicated
by the name which is given it in the Roman Ordinal,17 where it is
called a neckerchief (anagolaus, or anagolagus, as going "round the
gullet" or throat). In former times, too, the priest put it on over the
alb,18 which, Martene tells us, was the usual custom down to the
beginning of the preceding century both in the Church of Milan and
in the Church of Lyons. [" It appears to have been temporarily
placed by the priest on his head when robing for a celebration till the
other vestments were arranged, after which it was turned down so
that the parura, (the ornamental part or collar,) might appear in the
proper place. To this position on the head is to be referred its later
symbolism as a helmet of salvation."]
The Alb, in Italian the caniice, formerly, as we said, a garment in
common use, and anciently called poderis^ (tto^/^?,) was a long
tunic reaching quite down to the feet,19 and was also called by the
Latins pedortes^ and by the more modern Greeks, Trobop-iov.-1
It is denned as "the sacerdotal linen tunic fitting close to the body,
and descending down to the feet ;22 it was everywhere made of
linen,23 and among Greek liturgiologists it is called a sticharion.^
But we must bear in mind that by the fourth century the alb was
everywhere beginning to be left off as a citizen's ordinary article of
dress, for which reason we find a decree passed in that century by
17 Ap. Mabill. Mus. Ital. T. II. Dr. Littledale (as quoted above) thinks
Ordo Vet. [Dr. Littledale argues that that probably the alb was adopted ori-
the vestments cannot (as some think) ginally because our Lord had been
represent the ordinary dress of a Roman seen in this vision in such a garment.]
gentleman of the Christian sera, "as they ^ Isid. Etymolog. 1. xix. c. 21,
are entirely dissimilar in shape to that ["Poderis est sacerdotalis linea, corpori
costume :" that they are not Roman but astricta usque ad pedes descendens,
Asiatic in shape and origin: probably unde et nuncupatur. Hsec vulgo cami-
an adaptation of the Syrian dress worn sia vocatur," Heb. CheiJwneth, ruro,
by our Lord and His Apostles. On note ad loc.)]
the Amice he remarks, " It is exactly 23 Hieronym. Epist. ad Fabiol. ["full
like the linen bonnet of Syria, as those and flowing like the camiske (linen
who have seen a Dominican celebrant shirts) worn by soldiers when on ser-
with the amice drawn like a cowl over vice."]
his head will at once perceive." (See 24 In Liturg. Chrysost.; and ap. Ger-
his art. in Contemp. Review, March, man. Patriarch, in Hist. Eccles. p. 149,
l8?s5i] 1 t, „ ., , ed. Paris. An. 1560, [Patrol. Gr.XCVIIL
18 Ordo Rom. V. ib. § 1 and 2. p. 394,] and ap. Meurs. in Glossario.
[ The vestment is variously named Am- [Germanus (Patriarch of Constanti-
ictus, Humerale, Superhumerale or nople, a.d. 715), here says the Priest
Ephod, Anaboladium, Anabolagium, when robing puts on (1) the sticharion
Anagolaium. (Smith's Diet. p. 76.)] [or alb] in colour white, with stripes on
Vid. Achill. Tat. ii. 6, and viii. it forming a cross; (2) the peritrache-
13, cfr. Suid. in Lex. sub h. v. ["Tu- lion (or stole); (3) the richly-ornamented
nica ^talaris ad pedes usque pertin- girdle; (4) the phseiiolion (or chasu-
genf-"] ble), in colour TrvpoeiSfc. The word
* Ap. antiq. Juvenal, interpr. Sat. i. sticharion is possibly derived from ar\P
"l Ap. Alchmet. Introd. in Astrolog. or ariXos, a band or row, from the un-
c. 217. [As described in Rev. i. 13; dulating bands upon it.]
176 POLITY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH.
the Church of Carthage, that no priest shall offer the sacrifice and
no deacon assist at the liturgy without wearing the alb.25 But at
length in the sixth century the alb seems to have been no longer
worn anywhere by the laity, and to have become an exclusively
clerical dress.26 Yet still in some parts of Germany the laity wore
it even down to the ninth century.27 In the whole of the Catholic
Church, then, after the sixth century, it was the special dress of
priests and deacons at a celebration of the Sacred Mysteries,28 and
in the Churches of France it was worn also by subdeacons and
readers29 even as late as the tenth century; after which date the
minor clergy wore a species of alb different from that worn by
priests and deacons, being shorter, and not reaching so low as the
ankles. In the thirteenth century this vestment was called a "sur-
plice" and a "cotta,"30 but down to the sixteenth century these
surplices were longer and fuller than those which the clergy wear at
the present day.31 At length we find the priest's alb called a "flow-
ing" alb by the Greeks of the middle ages,32 a name derived
perhaps from those plaited folds with which, when fastened to the
body, it is ornamented all round, from which we see that in the
middle ages the alb had begun to be expanded into those folds
which are seen in it as it is made among ourselves. Of the borders
or stripes of the alb we have spoken in the beginning of this chapter;
their use was very ancient, so much so that the name 7roorjp7]9 was
sometimes given to those stripes which were sewn into the alb.33
At length after the sixteenth century instead of stripes a network
interwoven with thread or with gold was worn on it, as may be seen
in pictures of that age; under these were stripes of purple colour
also worked in, as we see in albs worn by some Dominicans in our
own day.
The alb is fastened up with the " girdle," (cingulum,) that it may not
fall too loosely about the feet.34 The name of the "girdle" is found
among writers of the ninth century, and it is also sometimes called
zona,u by the Greeks ^V7)-> a zone- ^ was an article of dress most
commonly worn by all ancient nations who wore a long garment
25 Cone. Carth. IV. c. 41, ["Diaco- diaconus certe vel lector, antequam
nus tempore oblationis tantum, vel lee- missa consummetur, alba se prsesumat
tionis, alba utatur," "a deacon shall exuere," &c]
not wear an alb except when serving in 30 A Nicol. III. R. P. ap. Raynald.
the liturgy or reading the lection ;" per- ad An. 1278, n. 79.
haps a priest might at other times.] 31 Cone. Basilien. sess. 21, c. 3, An.
26 Greg. Turon. de Glor. Confess, c. 1435 ; and Senonen. An. 1528, [called
20, [" sacerdotum ac levitarum in albis also Council of Paris.]
vestibus chorus."] 32 Ap. Constant. Cabasil. qusest. iv.
V V. Statuta Regin. Abbat. edit, a ad Demetr. Chomat.
Baluz. c. 20. 33 Suid. in Lex. sub h. v.
28 Gregor! Turon. ib.; Cone. Tolet. M Vulgat. Alcuin. de Divin. Offic. c.
IV. c. 28, An. 631, [quoted above.] sequenti de vestim.
29 Cone. Narbon. c. 12, An. 585, S5 Ex antiquo Sacramentar. Turonen.
["Dum missa celebratur nullus pres- ssec. IX. ms. ap. Chardon. [Germa-
byter aut diaconus absque alia infirmi- nus, Patriarch of Constantinople, refers
tate, dum missa perficiatur, egredi de to the richly ornamented girdle of the
altario audeat, nee diaconus aut sub- priests in his description of the priestly
OF THE SACRED VESTMENTS. 177
reaching down to the feet.36 The one worn in church was formerly
ampler and larger than we use, as we see in old mosaic works in
Aringhi and Ciampini, and as can be proved by the will of Bishop
Riculfus,37 in which the girdle is called a "zone ornamented with
gold." ^ Girdles were used by the ancients for purses to carry
money in,38 and were therefore larger than ours, and were for this
reason also called by the Greeks KaraOeaiai^ i.e., repositories. Since
the sixteenth century the girdle has been in form like a slender cord
or rope, as is clear from the pictures of that period.
§ 2. Of the Stole and Maniple.
The name by which the stole is called among the Greeks is wpapiov,
ovarium, the word stole in Greek being a common designation40 for
any under garment whatever. Some have thought that the distinc-
tive ornamental dress of deacons and priests was called by this
name, because the stole had originally been a complete garment in
itself, though the borders at the edge of it had at last been all that
was retained in use: ["that this border was the only surviving
element of the old stole, and thus inherited its name :"] but this
opinion is plainly a mistake. For what the stole originally was we
know from its Greek name ovarium (<hpapiov)y the name, as we
have said in this chapter, which was given by the Romans to that
small linen cloth with which they used to wipe the moisture from
their faces, and which they used as an ordinary pocket-handkerchief.
From this use of it it was called an ovarium by the Greeks, that
word signifying a napkin for the "face" (ps\ a handkerchief with
which the face was wiped, (iicfia^eiov rod TrpoawTrov.*1) This small
vestments; and he also alludes to the Graece vocatur, quod supermittatur."
napkin attached to the girdle of the In the language of the early Church
deacons, (rb dyxeiptov rb eVi rrjs tyvqs.) stole means either the sacerdotal vest-
This was a.d. 715, and is perhaps the meat pa?- excellence, i.e. the chasuble, or
earliest reference to it.] the set of vestments, as 77 iepapx^Kr) (tto\^,
36 V. Sabellic. ad Horat. Epp. 1. ii. (as in Hardouin's Concilia, v. 1029,
40; and Salamas. ad Tertull. de Pall. p. quoted in Smith's Diet. p. 1934.) In
381. the Eastern Church the bishop's stole
37 Ap. Lupum Ferrar. Ep. 89, [Pa- is called omophorion, the priest's, epi-
trol. CXXXII. 468.] ["Hebequeaths, tracltelion, and only the deacon's, ora-
among other precious articles, 'Zonas rium.~\
quinque, una cum auro et gemmis pre- 41 Vid. Zobell. Etymol. Gnec. T. II.
tiosis, et alias quattuor cum auro.'"] v. x«p<fyic«eTpoi/. ["The priest stood
38 V. Sabellic. 1. c. in front, in the centre arch of the rood-
39 In Grcec. Menalog. mense Julio, screen, dressed in a cassock, and a stole
et Augusto ap. Meurs. over it, fastened by a broad girdle round
40 Ap. Suid. et Thorn. M. in h. v. the waist. Over this he wore a square
cfr. Perizon. ad ^Elian. Var. Hist. iv. piece of silk, of striped pattern, comino-
24. [In Latin "stola" was the charac- down to the heels, by way of a cope^
teristic dress of the Roman matron, as looking very much like a portion of
the *' toga" was of a citizen. Isidore some lady's dress. Before he proceeded
(de Etymol. xix. 25) says, "Stola, to consecrate the elements, he placed a
matronale operimentum quod cooperto square green silk handkerchief, with a
capite et scapula a dextro latere in small cross embroidered in the centre,
kevum humerum mittitur. Stola autem over his shoulders."—(Description of
N
178 POLITY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH.
piece of linen, or cloth, was formerly used by the Roman soldiers,
but was afterwards commonly by all citizens : it used in fact to form
a covering for the shoulders, was fastened in front over the breast
by a sort of clasp, and was called by the old word lacerna, a
short open cloak. This vestment is seen in ancient pictures of the
Apostles, both on the glass fragments in Buonarotti's work,42 and on
the mosaics of S. Laurence at Rome, in which the deacons S. Lau-
rence and S. Stephen wear this garment over their left shoulders.
Thus, then, this stole, or ovarium, was anciently an article of dress
in common every-day use, and afterwards, as was the case with the
other vestments, was retained by the ministers of the Church after
its use had become obsolete among the laity. We hence infer it
was formerly more full and loose, and perhaps ornamented with
fringes on its borders, [edged with a kind of flounce,] {circa fimbrias
lor is ornata,) as appears to be represented in the pictures just
referred to: but when, like other ancient vestments, it had begun
to be contracted, though the borders were retained almost as
they originally were, it took the present form of a necklace. We
may also remark that originally the ovarium hung down from the
shoulders and over the arms, being gathered up over them and
fastened across the chest with a clasp or belt; hence it is also called
in mediaeval times by the Greeks x€lP°llaiC10V9 (hand-kerchief,) and
by the Latins "manuale"® and therefore after it became more con-
tracted it used to be worn on the breast in the form of a cross, a
mode of wearing it which has been very usual44 since the ninth
century. This used to be a distinctive vestment of priests and
of deacons also, so much so that in the fourth century the minor
orders of clergy were expressly forbidden to wear it.45 But that
deacons wore their stoles only on the left shoulder we know from
pictures of mosaic work referred to above, and from canons of
ancient councils.46
village church service in Syria, from 44 V. Vulgat. Alcuin. de Div. Offic.
Tristram's Land of Israel, pp. 69—72.) ib. [Cone. Bracar. IV. c. 3, An. 675,
According to Dr. Littledale, the ovarium orders that at celebrations the priest
was the bright scarf or handkerchief of should wear his stole so that it should
the East, not used, as suggested by pass round his neck and over both
some, for emunctory purposes, but for shoulders, and form a cross on his
decoration, like the red ribbon of the breast, ("ut signum in suo pectore
Bath, round the neck. (Art. in Con- praeferat cruris.") This is to be done
temp. Rev.) Bingham calls it "a scarf under pain of excommunication.]
or tippet to be worn on the shoulders." 45 In Cone. Laodic. can. 22 and 23,
(xiii. 8, I.)] An* 36l'> ^"°" SeT. vTrnper-nv (sub-
42* Osserv. sopra gli Ant. Vetri. deacon) wpdpiov <popciv ouSe ras dvpas
See also Cic. Philipp. ii. 30, and Sue- iyKaTaKifnrdyny." "Ou 8e? avayvuxxras
ton Aug. 40. ^ tydXras wpdpiov <pop<uv ko\ ovtws d^a-
43 Ap Isidor. Etym. 1. 2. Du Cange ywdxrueiv *) ty&XKw." The tunicle was
sub h v ["Sudarium, Glossse Isid. the vestment of the subdeacons. (Du-
Manuale,6rarium." TheCouncilof To- randus, Rat. Div. Off. iii. 11, 3-)]
ledo (quoted below,) derives Orarium 46 Cone. Bracaren. I. An. 562, c. 9;
ab orando from praying: < < propter quod Narbon. An. 589 (?); Toletan. IV. c. 28,
rdiaconus] orat, id est, prsedicat." 40. [This Council of Braga says that
Bingham thus derives it "in an ecclesi- some deacons hide their stoles {prana)
astical sense."] imder their tunics so as not t0 be dls"
OF THE SACRED VESTMENTS. 179
One concluding fact must not be passed over, viz., that in some
parts of the Church a small bell was fastened both on to the stole
and also to the maniple, as we read in the wills of Riculfus47 and S.
Meinwerc.48
The maniple or mappula, (or sudarium and phanon as it was
called,) was a sort of cloth (velum) which the ancients used for wiping
their hands on: they used, therefore, to carry it over the arm,
especially in the sacred mysteries, that they might perform them
with the greater decency and reverence. I am of opinion that the
ministers of the Church formerly used these maniples also for receiv-
ing their saliva. I infer this from the name "phanon" given by the
Latins in mediaeval times to the maniple, for the word "phanios,"
(0ai/*os,) is explained by Suidas to mean "a place on which unclean
things are thrown." The maniple accordingly was never in ancient
times reckoned among the distinctive ornaments of the sacred vest-
ments, though after the sixth century it began to be the custom in
some churches to wear it as a mark of distinction over the left arm;
and by that time perhaps its use had been discarded by the laity.
Hence we see S. Gregory the Great allowed the deacons of the
Church of Ravenna to wear maniples at the sacred mysteries.49 At
length in the ninth century it was commonly used both by priests
and deacons,50 and after the eleventh century by subdeacons also.51
§ 3- Of the Chasuble, Dalmatic, Colobium, and Biretta.
The planeta, which, as we said, was anciently called a pcenula, and
in the middle ages casula, a chasuble,52 is called by the Greeks
tinguished from subdeacons, and orders ways been regarded as a peculiar "or-
that henceforth, '' superposito scapulae nament" of the Roman clergy.]
(sicut decet) utantur orario." The 50 Vulg. Alcuin. ib.; Vulgat. Amalar.
Council of Toledo forbids bishops and Fort. 1. hi. c. 6. [Riculfus, Bishop
priests, and much more deacons, to of Soissons, a.d. 889, orders that each
wear two stoles, and orders the deacon church should possess at least "duo
to wear the stole on his left shoulder, cinctoria et totidem mappulas niridas."
as by it he gives the signal of prayer (Statuta, c. 7, Patrol. CXXXVI. 559.)]
to the people, and that thus keeping 51 V. Alexandr. de Alex, in Expos,
the right shoulder free he may more Miss.
expeditiously hasten to and fro on his 52 Alcuin. ib. and Innoc. III. de
official duties. His stole must be plain Myst. Miss. 1. ii. c. 58, [al. i. 42,
(purum), not ornamented with any "Casula vel planeta." Isidore, (de
colours or with gold.] Etymol. xix. 24,) says, "the chasuble
47 Ap. Lupum Ferrar. Ep. 89. [Pa- (casula) is a garment furnished with a
trol. CXXXII. 468, "manipulos sex hood, and is a diminutive of casa a
cum auro, unuin cum tintinnabulis."] cottage, as, like a miniature cottage, it
48 Ap. Surium, c. no, die 5 Iunii. covers the whole person ;" adding,*" So
49 L. ii. Ep. 54 and 55, [iii. 56.] the Greeks hold that chasubles are
[Gregory, writing to the Bishop of Ra- called planetse because of their free and
venna, gives permission to his chief flowing borders. Hence the term pla-
deacons (primis diaconibus vestris) to tutary stars, i.e., roving stars, stars
wear the mappula when in attendance which roll here and there with a rov-
on the bishop: but he absolutely re- ing maze and motion of their own."
fuses (vehementissime prohibemus) to According to Dr. Littledale (Art. in Con-
allovv it to be worn by other persons or temp. jRcz>.), planeta is the proper name
at other times. The maniple had al- of the vestment commonly now called
N 2
IOO POLITY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH.
(patu6\.7]<i or 0ei/o'\^?J53 and in the middle ages 0e\o^9,54 by a transposi-
tion of letters, and <pe\6viov^ phelonion; (pevd\rj9 being also a generic
term56 for the Roman stola. The same vestment was afterwards
called planeta, which is likewise a Greek term, expressive perhaps
of the expansive width of the vestment, 7r\av7)7r)s meaning vagans or
errabundus, as Suidas renders it; indeed this vestment used to enve-
lope the whole body from the neck to the ankles, though it was cut
away in one place, as we learn from ancient pictures. Hence the
Greeks gave this same name to the well-known ample pallium of the
patriarch, and to this vestment of the presbyters.57 Wherefore a
presbyter, when he was about to celebrate the sacred mysteries, used
to throw back the border of the planeta on each side above the arms
to the shoulders, [so as to leave the arms free, which could easily
be done,] as this vestment had no long sleeves.
As late as the sixth century, however, this vestment was commonly
worn as an article of dress by laymen also, but at that period it was
discarded by them, and its use was restricted to presbyters only.
But while the planeta retained its ancient form, presbyters adopted
the use of the dalmatic, as it was a vestment which fitted more closely
to the person, and the planeta was put on over this dalmatic ;58 but
this has since then been retained as a vestment for bishops only,
who wear the dalmatic and the cope, (pluvialis,) which is a planeta
of the old shape. Hence it is quite evident that the vestment which
in the present day we call a planetay [or chasuble,] was formerly
of much fuller dimensions, and was not divided into two parts,
a chasuble, the casspck {casacula) being this "scarlet," S.John xix. 5, "purple,"
the casitla or dress-coat of earlier times. meaning, according to Bishop Words-
Planeta was probably the name of a worth, it was scarlet with purple stripes.)
costlier, and casula of a commoner vest- Germanus speaks then of deacons wear-
ment : the former was a eucharistic, the ing the "orarium," which is quite dis-
latter was also an out-door dress.] tinct from the cttoa?) of the priests, the
53 Ap. Suid. long flowing robe which, he says, a
54 Ap. Codin. ib. priest never left off. Ccesarius, Arch-
55 Germ. Patr. in Hist. Eccl. p. 149 bishop of Aries, a.d. 540, is described
and 150, [Patrol. Gr. XCVIII. p. 394,] as wearing a chasuble (casida) in his
and ap. Meurs. in voce (pe\6v7]s. [Ger- ordinary walks in the streets; and the
manus here says, 'H rrroA.^ rod leptcos Council of Ratisbon, a.d. 742, directs
virdpx^ Kara rbv Tvo§4)pT) 'Aaphv, tovt' that presbyters and deacons shall wear
Zcttlv t/xdrioi/, '6 io-TLu UpariKbv hdvfxa, a casula out of doors, and not the short
rb /J.?XP1 r^v ttoSoov, rb rifxiwrarov' eari open cloak {saguni) of the laity.J
8e TrvpoetS-fis:" and he adds that priests 56 V. Suid. in h. v.
when ungirded (airefacro/jLepovs) walk 57 V. Codin. ib.
about in chasubles (<paiv6\ais). In this 58 Ex Joann. Diac. in Vit. S. Greg,
passage the word "stole" means vest- Magni, 1. iv. c. 83 and 84. [Gregory
ment par excellence: and it is said the Great, an ecclesiastic, and his fa-
that the special vestment of the priest ther, Gordianus, of senatorial rank, are
was the chasuble or phselonion, phselo- each described as wearing a planeta and
nion and stole being here convertible dalmatic on one occasion, the former as
terms. It was, he also says, of purple wearing a "planeta super dalmaticam
or fiery red colour, (Trvpo€id7]s,) which castanea:" the latter, "Gordiani habi-
he accounts for by its symbolising the tus castanei coloris planeta est, sub pla-
blood-stained robe put in mockery upon neta dalmatica:" each wore a chestnut-
our Lord. (S. Matt, xxvii. 28, calls coloured planeta.]
OF THE SACRED VESTMENTS. l8l
as was the fashion even to the thirteenth century, from which
date it began to be gradually contracted, until at length in the six-
teenth century it was reduced to that shape which it has now at the
present day.
But deacons, on the other hand, in ancient times used to wear a
colobium, (koXo/Siov,) [a short tunic or tunicle.] This vestment was,
therefore, called by the Latins in the middle ages levitonarium, i.e.,
"the Levites5 vestment."59 The colobium was an old under-garment
of the Romans, worn originally by all free men,60 and latterly by
senators.61 It was a very contracted vestment, with short sleeves
scarcely reaching to the elbow, and the Greeks called these garments
igw/xiSe?,62 or "robes worn off one shoulder." This colobium, then,
was the vestment which deacons anciently wore, the dalmatic being
peculiar to a bishop or a presbyter from the earliest times,63 till
almost the beginning of the fifth century, at which time also deacons
at Rome wore the dalmatic, the Roman Pontiff Symmachus [a.d.
540], being the first who allowed the deacons of the Church of Aries
to wear it also.64 After this, probably from about the beginning of
the sixth century, other bishops allowed deacons to wear the dalmatic
instead of the colobium, since it was in that age especially that
priests who officiated at the liturgy began to wear the chasuble, as
their distinctive eucharistic vestment, over the dalmatic, and that the
chasuble was no longer worn by the laity. Walafrid Strabo seems in
a certain way to assert this.65 It is then, without the authority of
any historical records, with the single exception of the Pontifical
wrongly attributed to Damasus, that mediaeval writers tell us that
59 V. Gloss. Vet. ap. Suicer. in The- et cum se dalmatica expoliasset et dia-
saur. [Describing the dress worn by conibus tradidisset in linea stetit." In
monks of the Thebaid, Palladius says, this, the ordinary dress of an archbishop,
"Noctu gestent lebitones lineos, sue- we find first the under linen garment
cincti." (Migne, Patrol. LXXXIII. {linea), over this the dalmatic, and over
1157.) The monastic colobium in Pa- that the birrus or cloak.]
lestine had on it a purple cross; (lb. 64 VideVit. S. Csesar. Arelat. Episc.
LXXXVIII. 1631.) The word comes 1. i. c. 21, [c. 4, Patrol. LXVII. 1016. j
from KoXopbs [colobos] short or stunted, '[On his visit to Rome the Pope granted
ailfio~ a sll0lt £arment-J mm> as a special distinction, the privi-
V. Servium ad Virg. ^En. ix. lege of wearing the pallium, and his
616, and Salmas. ad Scrip. Hist. Aug. deacons that of wearing dalmatics after
P- 3^5. the Roman fashion.]
6* Codic. Theodos. lib. xix. tit. 10. 65 De Reb. Eccl. c. 24. [He savs
62 Aul. Gell. Noct. Attic, vii. 12. that Pope Silvester (i.e., as far back
[The Romans are said to have had no as a.d. 330,) appointed that deacons
other clothing originally but the toga: should henceforth wear (the long-
when the tunic or under-garment, the sleeved) dalmatics instead of the (short-
Greek Chiton, was first introduced, it sleeved) colobia in church, having their
was merely a short garment without left hand covered with a linen pallium,
sleeves, and was called Colobiwn.] He says that bishops and priests wore
63 Ex Passione S. Cypr. Pontii Dia- dalmatics before chasubles were intro-
con. in Act. Martyr, sincer. p. 205, in duced; but that when they began to
fine, and in Opp. S. Cyprian, ed. Be- use chasubles they allowed deacons to
nedict. p. cxlvi. [When led out to wear dalmatics; all bishops and some
martyrdom S. Cyprian divested himself priests then wearing dalmatics under
of it, "Se lacerna byrrho expoliavit. . . their chasubles.]
102 POLITY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH.
since the fourth century deacons have been allowed to wear the
dalmatic.66 The Latins, by whom the subdiaconate has been raised
to the rank of holy orders, have, since the thirteenth century, allowed
the subdeacons to wear the deacons' dalmatic at a celebration of
the liturgy, and this is all that need be said about this vestment:
but that we may not seem to pass over any particular, of how-
ever slight importance, we may make one further remark in con-
nection with it, viz., that about the thirteenth century it became usual
to sew into the dalmatic those two stripes {tineas) with which we
are familiar in it, which were in the front and in the back of it, and
which reached from the top to the bottom of it; Durandus, in that
century, is the first writer who mentions them, and he asserts that in
his time these stripes were always of the colour of scarlet {coccineas).^1
I must, in conclusion, add a few remarks on that capitium or
covering for the head, which is worn by the ministers of the Church,
and which is called in Italian a "berretta."
Before the thirteenth century the clergy were strictly forbidden to
wear any covering on their heads in church, and the Roman Pontiff
Innocent IV.68 first broke this rule by allowing the resident monks of
the Church of Canterbury, as a privilege, to wear the atmutium or
almuce, [a hood of fur worn under the cope.] But the almuce was
altogether unlike that covering for the head which we call biretum or
berretta; the latter was a kind of cap with which the head only was
covered, but the former hung down from the head right down to the
shoulders. Each was originally worn by laymen, but after a time
they retained the use of the capitium only; hence in the sixteenth
century the almuce was a peculiar dress of the clergy,69 though it was
outside the church that they used to wear it, but in the same sixteenth
century they began to wear certain four-cornered caps,70 which were
something like what we now call in Italian berrettas, and these they
always wore in that age through the whole Church when assisting at
a celebration of the sacred mysteries.
66 Alcuin. ib.; Raban. Maur. de Inst. bant, ut cum ex prsescripta formula
Cler. 1. i. c. 7, and others. divino officio nudo capite interesse tene-
67 Ration. 1. iii. c. 18. [S. Isidore rentur, unde plures gravissimis morbis
(Etym. xix. 22) confirms this: he says, erant impliciti, ipsorum valetudini in
the dalmatic derives its name from the posterum consuleretur; Quibus hoc di-
province where it was first manufac- plomate annuit Innocentius: Vestris
tured, and was a white tunic with scar- supplicationibus inclinati, vobis utendi
let (or purple) stripes, and that it was a pileis, vestro ordine congruentibus, cum
sacerdotal vestment. "Dalmatica ves- divinis interfueritis officiis, concedimus
tis primum in Dalmatia provincia Grse- liberam facultatem ; Ita tamen, quod in
ciffi texta est, tunica sacerdotalis can- lectione evangelica, et elevatione Cor-
dida cum clavis ex purpura." Perhaps poris Domini Jesu Christi, et in aliis
the stripes were only in front, as it debita reverentia observetur."]
were "one longitudinal stripe from 69 Cone. Remens. Tit. de Canon, c.
either side of the neck downwards."] 14, An. 1585.
68 Ap. Raynald. ad An. 1243, n. 41, 7° Cone. Bituric. Tit. 12, cap. 3, An.
["Flagitavere ab Apostolica sede Can- 1553. [Our 18th Canon (1603) says,
tuarienses monachi, qui ex D. Augus- "Nullus in ecclesia inter rem divinam
tini institutis religiosam vitam excole- caput suum operiet."]
OF THE SACRED BOOKS. 183
CHAPTER X.
OF THE SACRED BOOKS.
By the Sacred Books we mean those which contain the Canonical
Scriptures of the Old or New Testament, the reading of which forms
a part of the service of the Liturgy. To this class especially belong
the Gospels, and the Epistles and the Acts of the Apostles, and also
the writings of the Prophets taken out of the Old Testament. To
these we add the Canon of the Mass, which we justly reckon among
our sacred books.
§ 1. Of the Book of the Gospels.
Before speaking of the Book of the Gospels it is well that the
reader should be reminded that in ancient times the Gospels, the
Acts of the Apostles, the Epistles, and the Scriptures of the Prophets,
were not all collected together into one book as we have them now,
and as we have had them since perhaps the tenth century, as we
shall explain further on: but that all these, the Gospels, Epistles,
Acts, &c, were contained in separate volumes distinct by themselves.
It will therefore be worth our while to treat separately of each.
In the first ages of the Church each one of the Gospels was in-
scribed in its own book, in a sort of volume of its own, and these
separate Gospels were collected into one volume, and adapted for
Liturgical use, according to a cycle of days, by S. Jerome in the
fourth century.1 For anciently, i.e. during the first three centuries,
the deacon used generally to recite the Gospel in the Liturgy accord-
ing to the discretion of the Bishop, without any other definitely
arranged plan. Hence the Gospels read in Church were distributed
through a variety of different volumes, and the guardianship of
these volumes was entrusted to the Readers,2 both to keep them
from being seen by the heathen,3 who sometimes committed the
Books of the Gospels to the flames,4 and to keep them from fall-
ing into the hands of heretics.5 But the Gospels, which up to that
time were written in different volumes, were, after their arrangement
in order by S. Jerome, comprised together in one book: this was
called by the Latins6 the Book of the Gospels or Evangelistarium,
and by the Greeks Eva^eXiov.7
The Church treated the Book of the Gospels with the greatest
1 V. Honor. Aiigustodun. Gemma edicts were everywhere published to
Animas, 1. i. c. 88. tear down the churches to the founda-
2 See Book I. Sec. ii. Chap. i. § 2. tion, and to destroy the sacred Scrip-
3 V. Baron, in Pra?f. Martyr, et die tures by fire."]
2 Januar. 5 Optav. Milev. de Schis. Donat. i.
4 Euseb. Hist. Eccl. 1. viii. c. 2 and 2, and August, contr. Cresc. Gram. 1.
3. [" We saw our houses of worship hi. c. 7.
thrown down from their elevation, the 6 Du Cang. in h. v. ["CodexEvan-
sacred Scriptures of inspiration com- geliorum, sive Evangelistarium."]
mitted to the flames in the midst of the 7 Ap. Allat. de Lib. Graec.
markets," &c. . . . "The imperial
184 POLITY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH.
religious veneration. Hence copies of the Gospels were everywhere
ornamented by her with gold and precious stones.8 And that they
might not be exposed to the interpolations of heretics, they were
every day9 sealed up with a seal at the conclusion of the Liturgy.
We know too that this was formerly done at Rome with the volumes
of the Gospels from the evidence of the mosaic work in the Liberian
Church there, which was completed under the direction of Xystus III.
a.d. 433, m which there is held up a volume of a Gospel, (a rotulus,
or roll, as it was afterwards called,) sealed with seven seals: six of
these are evidently figured on it, but one of them indicates the actual
sealing up of the volume with a fresh seal: six seals were depicted on
the volumes, besides the one actual seal, with a reference to the
mystical number of those in the sealed book of the Apocalypse.10
So great was the reverence with which the ancients regarded this
Book of the Gospels, that they placed it, after the fourth century,
over the altars, or in some more conspicuous part of the church
itself, for the veneration of the public :n and this custom, notwith-
standing the opposition of the Iconoclasts, received the formal ap-
proval of the Fathers of the eighth GEcumenical Council assembled
at Constantinople.12 Hence in general councils themselves a copy
of the Gospels was publicly and with great ceremony set up upon a
throne where all could see it.13 This also used to be done, by com-
mand of Justinian, in the court in which public trials were held,14 as
is shown in that picture given us by Pancirollus in his History of the
Eastern and Western Emperors.
For this reason in ancient times Christians used to hang copies of
the Gospels round their necks ;15 and that ladies did this in the fifth
century we know from the testimony of S. Isidore of Pelusium ;16
hence originated the custom in mediaeval times, that if any one gave
a donation to any church, he should go round that church carrying
a Book of the Gospels on his shoulder.17
8 Cedren. ad an. 21 Constant.; ampini Vet. Mon. tab. xxxvii. (quoted
V. Anast. in Vitaliano, Leone III.; in Smith's Diet. pp. 66, 1009.)]
["Leo III. fecit Petro Apostolo fau- 12 Cone. Constant. IV. c. 7, An. 869.
tori suo, Evangelia aurea cum gemmis 13 Cone. Chalc.; Constant. III. and
. . . mirse magnitudinis in circuitu or- IV. ; Nicaen. II.; in Syn. Romanis,
nata," &c. ;] Theodor. Lector, in Coll. An. 642, 745 and 969; V. Cyrill.
Eccl. 1. 2; Rupert. Abb. 1. ii. c. 23. Alexand. Apolog. ad Theodos. Imper.
9 Fulbert. Carnot. Episc. Ep. ap. 14 L. "Rem non novam," C. de
Baron, ib. c. 2. Judic.
10 Ap. Ciamp. Vet. Mon. T. I. c. 16. 13 Chrys. Horn. 72 [al. 73] in Matth.,
11 Augustin. de Civit. Dei, 1. x. c. p. 669, Migne, ["Multae nunc mulieres
29; V. Musiv. S. Johan. Eccl. Raven- evangelia ex collo pendentia habent;"]
nse ap. Ciamp. ib. [S. Augustine only Llieron. in Matth. xxiii. 6, ["Supersti-
relates a saying of a certain heathen, a tiosse mulierculse," &c. The practice
disciple of Plato, that the opening words seems to have been limited to women.]
of S. John's Gospel ought to be in- 16 L. ii. Ep. 150. [" The Jews wore
scribed in letters of gold, and set up in their phylacteries, as the ladies now their
all the churches. But for other autho- little copies of the Gospels."]
rities on this subject see Neale's Eas- 17 V. Tabular. Eccl. Landav. in Mo-
tcrn Church, Introd. 188; and Webb's nastico Anglicano, T. III.
Continental Ecclesiology, 427; and Ci-
OF THE SACRED BOOKS. 185
§ 2. Of Lectionaries and the Book of the Canon.
The Acts and the Epistles of the Apostles, and the Prophetical
Scriptures were also, by command of the Roman Pontiff Damasus,
arranged by S. Jerome in Liturgical order : this we are told by Ho-
norius of Autun before referred to.18 These service books were, as
we said, kept in the secretarium, in that particular part of it which
was called the Library}^ As to the order in which these Books of
Holy Scripture were arranged so as to correspond with the arrange-
ment of the Liturgical Service, our information is derived from the
sacramentary of Gelasius in the fifth century, and the sacramentary
of Gregory in the sixth, about which we shall have to speak presently.
But the Greeks differed from the Latins in this matter: for they pre-
ferred writing these Holy Scriptures in different MS. books: hence
they have among them an "Apostle," ('Atj-oVtoAo?,) which is the
name of the book which contains the Canonical Epistles—and
which they also call a " Praxapostle," (ri/>af aTroVyoXo?,) as it con-
tains, besides these, the Acts of the Apostles; while the volume
containing the portions of Scripture read as Lessons from the Old
Testament is called 'Ava^vuoGeis.
That book which contains the Canon of the Liturgy, (the Secret,
secretum, as it was called in the middle ages,) was written with mar-
vellous carefulness, and was as carefully preserved. It was therefore
usual to entrust the writing of it to men of mature age,20 and we find
it one of the duties of archdeacons carefully to inspect the Book of
the Canon in every Church as to whether it has any spot or stain or
any errors of penmanship through the dishonesty of the writers, or
whether it is spoiled through the antiquity of the MS.21 The reve-
rence of our ancestors for the Canon of the Liturgy is very plainly
discernible in an ancient MS. of the Canon belonging to the
Church of Tours of the ninth century; and in another in the library
of S. Germain des Pr£s, and in another MS. of the Canon of the
ninth century in the Colbertine library: the parchment of these
books is laid over with gold colour, and on it the Canon is legible,
written entirely in letters of gold.32
18 Ibid., [" Hieronymus presbyter lee- c. 7; and Capit. Reg. Franc. 1. i. c.
tionarium, et Evangeliarium ut hodie 68, and 1. vi. c. 37. [" Hominibus per-
habet Ecclesia collegit; sed Damasus fectoe setatis scribendus."]
papa, ut nunc mods est, legi censuit." 21 Cone. Eborac. c. 3, scec. XII.; and
Further on Honorius says, "Apostoli Oxonien. c. 25, ssec. XIII. An/1222
et eorum successors in quotidianis ves- [(1) Orders archdeacons to take care
tibus, et ligneis calcibus missas celebra- that the canons of the mass be corrected
verunt. Sed Clemens, tradente Petro according to some approved copy; (2)
apostolo, usum sacrarum vestium ex Orders archdeacons to take care in'their
lege sumpsit." His statements are visitations that the canon of the mass
valuable as attesting the current opi- be correct, and that the priest can
nion of the twelfth century.] Microl. rightly pronounce the words of the ca-
c. 25; Benno, c. 2. non.]
19 Monach. Altissid. in Chron. ad - V. Duarenium de Cod. Aureis An-
An. 690, ap. Martene, Vet. Monum. tiq. c. 5, ap. Sallengr. T. V. Edit
Thes. T. V. et ap. Du Cange. Amst. An. 1740.
20 Capitul. Carol. Magni, An. 789,
186 POLITY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH.
CHAPTER XL
OF THE SERVICE-BOOKS.
The Church has had Rituals, or Service-books, ever since those
rules were by degrees settled by which the order of Divine Service
was arranged according to the divisions of days and seasons. The
Latins have two books of this kind, the Roman Ritual, and the
Roman Pontifical, to which we may add the Rubrics of the Mass,
about which we shall have to speak. The Greeks have a larger
number of Rituals, or office-books, which they call by different names
according to the different offices to which they refer.
I. The first is the Tvttlkov, or "book of rubrics," from tvtto?, a
rule; for in it is contained the service for the whole year, both of
the Mass and also of the Psalmody: it is also called A drafts,1 and
sometimes, TaKTiicb<s, (directory for saying the offices,) from -ra^is,
ordo,9, or arrangement, for which reason perhaps the Latins call a
similar book which they use " Ordinarium"
II. 'OKTwr]xo<s, the Octoechos, an office-book so named from ^xos>
a sound; it contains authorised sacred hymns (cantiones) set to the
proper tone for each Lord's Day, the tones being divided into four
simple and four inflected. So the Latins are said to have had
their Hymnaria in former times; ancient books of this kind are
still extant, which are vulgarly called Chorales.
III. UapatcKrjTCKrj, (flaracletice,) is the name of the third office-
book. It contains all the lections to be recited both in the Mass
and in the Psalmody, to which are added prayers for the different
days; hence its name of 7rapaic\r]7iicrj {paracletice), or book of con-
solation.*
IV. The fourth book is the Menseon, Mrjvalov, this is divided
into twelve volumes, each volume containing an office for one month,
with Masses, Troparia, and Synaxaria for each day in the year.
Troparia (rpoTrapia) was the name given to certain collections of
ancient canons of odes which Orientals used to sing on certain days
during the Liturgy after the Scripture Lesson, and antiphonally.3
Synaxaria (from Gwa^w, to collect together) was the name given
to the acts of holy saints, both martyrs and confessors, which they
used to read separately before the mensea, i.e. kalendars of them,
were put forth, in which they compiled martyrologies, which might
be read at the celebration of the Liturgy.
V. Lastly, the fifth office-book is called Evxo^lov, Euchologium,
from the word evx"h prayers: this answers to the Ritual of the
1 V. Simeon. Thess. Dial, contr. Haer. cletice, which gives all the clays : like a
2 V. Du Cang. Gloss. Grsec. Barb. "church-service" with us, not having
m h, v< the daily office. See Neale.]
*'[fo speak more correctly, the Oc- 3 V. Theod. Anagn. Ecloga i. and
toechos is the Sunday part of the Para- German. Patriar. ibid.
OF THE SERVICE-BOOKS. 187
Latins, since in it are contained prayers, benedictions, sacramen-
taries, and rites and ceremonies of funerals. These are the chief
office-books of the Greeks: it will be enough to have enumerated
them, though we have omitted a countless number of others which
are of less importance.
But the Latins also in ancient times, as we said, used to have a
very large number of service-books, like the Greeks, and the rules
for the regulation of their worship were not then collected together
in the preface of a book, and called the Rubric, as is the case with
us now. Hence it is that writers everywhere in the middle ages,
and all written documents of those times make mention of the
Gradual, which contained the Psalms which the choir used to sing
in that part of the Liturgy which follows the reading of the Epistle:
of a Prayer Book {liber orationum), containing prayers for each sepa-
rate Liturgy: of a Leciionary, in which were written the lections
to be read at the Liturgy, either from the Epistles, or from the books
of the Old Testament: of the Antiphonarium, which contained all
the psalms to be sung by the opposite sides of the choir alternately:
of the Evangeliarium, the book of Gospel readings for the year
arranged for the Liturgy. It cannot with certainty be determined
when all these office-books were collected together into that one
volume which we call the Missal, but, unless I am mistaken, this
appears to have been done about the twelfth century; for at that
period I find constant mention made of certain missals which are
called4 Plena?-ia [or books containing the "entire" Communion
Office]. This is only accounted for by supposing that what before
this period were distinct office-books were now all comprised in the
Plenarium,—wherefore such books were called Missalia Plenaria,
or simply Plenaria} Hence very many writers, who were accus-
tomed to the MSS. of the middle ages, were misled by this word
Plenarium as the name of a book: for having read in the life of
S. Hado, Bishop of Le Mans, that computations of the property of
his church had been written in the Plenaria, they took Plenarium
to mean Liber Computorum (an account-book); but this was altoge-
ther a mistake; the fact being that, according to the custom of those
times, the Presbyters had entered on the pages of their missal a
computation of the revenues of their Church, having done so by com-
mand of the Bishops, (as we read in the statutes of Odo, Bishop of
Paris,) and for this reason writers of that age said that Church pro-
perty and revenues were entered in the Plenarium, i.e. the Missale
Plenarium.
Lastly, the Rubrics were so called from the red ink in which the
ritual directions were entered in the Missals: I have seen some of
these which belong to the fourteenth century: and these Rubrics
were all embodied together in one office-book towards the end of
4 In Act. Monast. Murens. ap. Cang.; 5 Honor. Augustod. Gemma Animce,
and in Testam. Hecardi Comit. ap. 1. i. c. 4; and sa^c. XIII. Durand. Ra-
Perandum. tion. Divin. Offic. 1. iv. c. 6.
Joo POLITY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH.
the fifteenth century in a.d. 1482 by a certain master of the cere-
monies at Rome, in the Pontificates of Innocent VIII. and Alex-
ander VI.
CHAPTER XII.
OF THE REVERENCE OF THE EARLY CHRISTIANS FOR CHURCHES,
AND OF THEIR PRIVILEGE OF SANCTUARY.
Since a Temple is regarded as the abode of Almighty God, even
the heathen showed for their temples outward marks of the very
highest reverence. "When we enter our temples," observes Seneca,1
"we do so with composure; when we are about to offer sacrifice, we
cast down our eyes, we draw our togas closely around us, and we
show every outward mark of modest behaviour." Hence the heathen
used to prostrate themselves at the entrances of the temples, im-
printing kisses upon the very thresholds: to creep along the temple-
floor, i.e. the ground; and to beat the head on the gate of the
temple.2 Rightly and properly then have Christians treated the
temples of the true God with the same marks of religious reverence.
Thus they used, prostrate on the ground, to kiss reverently the
vestibule of a church, with heads bowed down to the earth.3 When
once within a church they observed such a strict rule of silence, that
every one seemed to be as if alone in an unfrequented desert ;4 they
strictly abstained from sighs and groans, from hemming and cough-
ing, or laughing ;5 hence Christian emperors, before entering a
church, used to leave their armour outside, and humbly to lay aside
that very diadem which was the distinctive ornament of kingly
majesty;6 and for the same reasons Christians have always decorated
churches with costly ornaments, with works of inlaid marble; with
ceilings glittering with gold, and with altars sparkling with precious
stones.7
Now as the heathen had,8 in their temples, places of safe asylum,
1 Natur. Qusest. vii. 36, [" Si in- Cone. Ephes. [Theodosius, when re-
tramus templa, compositi; si ad sacri- gulating abuses of churches by those
ficium accessuri, vultum submittimus, who fled to them, says of himself, "Nos
togam adducimus, et in omne argumen- qui legitimis imperii armis semper cir-
tum modestke fmgimur."] cumdamur. . . Dei templum ingressuri,
2 Tibullus, Eleg. 1. ii. 85. ["Tern- foris arma relinquimus, et ipsum etiam
pli tellurem perrepere:" ad templi diadema, regime majestatis insigne, de-
"postern caput tundere."] ponimus."]
6 Greg. Naz. Orat. 19. 7 Hier. Epist. 2, ad Nepotian. ; Op-
4 Cassian. de Instit. Monachor. 1. ii. tatus Milev. 1. i. c. 17; Cyrill. Hieros.
c# 2, Catech. 24.
'5 Ambros. de Virgin. 1. iii. c. 9. 8 Tacit. Annal. iii. 60, seqq. Vid.
["Agemitu, screatu, tussi, risu, absti- Sam. Petit. 1. i. ad Jus. Attic, tit. 1,
nentes."] P- 8°> sq., and Eckhel. Doctr. Num.
6 Tlieodos. Imp. Oration, in Act. 1, Vet. Vol. IV. p. 603.
OF THE REVERENCE FOR CHURCHES. 189
much more natural was it that the emperors themselves should ex-
tend to the temples of Christians the right of sanctuary and the very-
highest privileges and immunities. What these privileges and immu-
nities were we will now, very briefly as usual, explain.
That the right of asylum was granted to Christian churches from
the very beginning of the Church can be doubted by no one, since
it is claimed for them as an ancient privilege, a.d. 441, by the
Council of Orange, in can. 5.* In those times, indeed, criminals
used not only to flee to the churches as a place of refuge, but espe-
cially with the view of securing the intercessions of the Bishops with
the Sovereign in their behalf. For Bishops could not refuse to
criminals this office of kindness; on the contrary, "it was their duty
without delay and without hesitation to beg for forgiveness for them,9
since it was part of the office of the priesthood to interpose in behalf
of the accused,10 and to go into the presence of emperors on behalf of
the miserable,11 not with a view of passing over or encouraging sin,
but of showing mercy towards those who promised amendment"13.
For this reason Princes were accustomed, on the intercession of
Bishops, to remit to criminals sentence of punishment, and even at
times sentence of death, as we gather from the celebrated letter of
Macedonius to S. Augustine, and from the seventh canon of the
Council of Rheims,t and from many other historical records.
But in the same fourth century this right of asylum had been most
unjustly abused, since even debtors in arrear for public taxes used
to take refuge in a church, and manage to hide themselves in re-
cesses of the building sometimes even from the bishops and clergy:
hence Theodosius the elder took care to set limits to this privilege
of sanctuary,13 and deprived all public debtors of it, commanding
that the Bishops should themselves pay such debts, if ever they con-
cealed or protected the offender. This law was confirmed about the
* [Cone. Arausic. I. c. 5, An. 441. ll Ainbros. Epist. 41, ad Theodos.
"Eos qui ad ecclesiam confugerint ["Proniiseris Imperatores convenire."]
tradi non oportere, sed loci reverentia 12 August. Ep. ad Macedon. n. 253.
et intercessione defendi."] ["Non ut illorum peccatis vel parce-
9 Cone. Sardic. c.8, An. 347, ["Qui rent, vel ilia foverent, sed ut in eos,
peccantes in exilio vel insulis damnan- qui correctionem promittebant, miseri-
tur, aut quamcunque sententiam exci- cordes essent."]
piunt, subveniendum est his, et sine f [Cone. Rem. c. 7, An. 625. "Si
dubitatione petenda indulgentia," [ab quis fugitivum ab ecclesia, absque sa-
episcopis.] The twentieth canon of the cramento, quo ei jurandum est ut de
fifth council of Orange, a.d. 549, enacts vita tormento et truncatione securus
that archdeacons should visit the pri- exeat, qualicunque occasione abstrax-
sons every Lord's Day, and that food erit, communione privetur; similiter
should be provided for the prisoners si quis jus sacramenti prsestitum viola-
by the bishop from the funds of the verit, communione privetur. Ille vero
Church; "ut necessitas vinctorum se- qui sanctse ecclesias beneficio liberatur
cundum prascepturn divinum miseri- a morte, non prius egrediendi accipiat
corditer sublevetur," is the reason al- libertatem, quam pcenitentiam se pro
leged.] scelere esse facturum promittat et quod
10 Macedon. Epist. inter Epist. S. ipsi canonice imponetur impleturum."]
August, n. 252. [Al. 217. "Sacer- 13 Cod. Theod. "De his qui ' ad
dotii esset intervenire pro reis."] Eccl. confug." Leg. i.
19° POLITY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH.
same time by Arcadius and Honorius, to meet the case of the Jews
who used to fly for refuge to a church when harassed by any im-
peachment or by their debts, pretending that they were persecuted
for their religion. But with the exception of these offences, the right
of sanctuary was preserved inviolate till the Emperor Arcadius was
persuaded by Eutropius, chief of his eunuchs, to abrogate it alto-
gether.14 But the Church took great umbrage at this change in the
law, and S. Chrysostom complained of it, in a discourse delivered
against Eutropius, and the Bishops of the African Church sent an
embassy to the emperor, stating " that the most noble princes in
the empire had passed laws in favour of those who fled for refuge to
a church, forbidding that any should dare to drag forth such from
thence."15 Wherefore, even after the constitution referred to above,
the right of asylum belonging to churches remained in full force, as
we can plainly infer from a law of Theodosius the younger. For to
put a stop to a profane custom which had arisen, of fugitives lying
down and passing the night in the very temple of God and beneath
the very altars which had been so solemnly consecrated to Him, he
issued a new constitution,16 by which he decreed that not only the
altar and interior part of a church, but the whole inclosure of the
church, i.e. the whole space adjoining it, should be granted as an
asylum to criminals; while at the same time he took away the privi-
lege of sanctuary from any who obstinately insisted on carrying their
arms into the place of refuge, and who refused to lay them down
when required by the bishop or clergy to do so. This same emperor
also promulgated another law for the protection of slaves who had
fled to the church altars for refuge, about whom the decree was now
passed, that, provided they did not carry in their arms, they might
be kept in the church for the space of one day only, at the end of
which the clergy should report the slave to the owner, from whom
in terror he was flying, that so the owners might be entreated to
show mercy to their slaves.17 Nevertheless the law of Honorius and
Arcadius about public debtors continued in full force: therefore the
14 Socrat. Hist. Eccl. 1. vi. c. 5. 16 V. hanc Constit. in Append.
[The decree ran, "^SeVa -npofffyevyeiv Cone. Ephesini Concilior. T. III.
tah iKK\7)(ricus, a\\a kol\ tovs ^77 irpcxr- [Cod. Theod. lib. ix. tit. 45, leg. 3.
tytvyovras a<pe\Ke<rdai" "Arcadius thus It was decreed by Theodosius, a.d.
abrogated it at the instance of Eutropius, 431, that the right of sanctuary should
A.D. 398; but when Eutropius had be extended to the court, the gar-
himself to claim sanctuary this abroga- dens, and the entire precincts of the
tion was itself abolished." Thirty-three church.]
years afterwards the law of Theodosius 17 Cod. Theod. ib. 1. iv., and for a
II. was passed extending it even fur- similar custom among the ancient Ro-
ther. (See Smith's Diet. p. 834.)] mans, Gai Instit. i. 53. [Slaves were
15 Canon. Codic. Afric. c. 56. [A protected at first for one day (Cod.
decree which follows this canon enacts Theod. lib. ix. tit. 45, leg. 5), after-
that the Bishops Epigonius and Vincen- wards till their masters gave a promise
tius be sent to the emperor to beg for the to spare them corporal punishment, *' ut
churches the right of asylum to all who a corporalibus suppliciis excusetur."
took refuge in them, "pro confugienti- (Cone. Epseon. c. 39, An. 517; see
bus ad ecclesiam, quocunque reatu invo- Smith's Diet. p. 825.)]
lutis. . . ne quis eos audeat abstrahere."]
ON THE SUBJECT OF PUBLIC WORSHIP. 191
Emperor Leo, commonly called Leo the Wise, repealed also that con-
stitution of Arcadius and Honorius, ordering that a church should
be an asylum for debtors, without the bishops or clergy being com-
pelled to pay the debts of such as took refuge there.18 But at length
these privileges of sanctuary were stretched altogether too far, and
the Emperor Justinian put a check upon them, not allowing the
right of asylum to be extended to those guilty of murder or adultery,
to ravishers, or to defaulters in the public taxes.19 These are the
laws which princes have passed respecting the immunities and pri-
vileges of churches, laws which have been confirmed by Pontiffs, and
by councils which have threatened canonical penalties against those
who disobeyed them. But in more recent times it was discovered
that this privilege of sanctuary tended to foster crimes, and to make
factious men more bold in sin, and by the combined efforts of kings
and Roman pontiffs the immunity which the Church offered to
criminals was reduced within limits which made the privilege as little
injurious as possible to the public good. More as regards the law
on this subject may be read in writers on Canon Law, but what we
have said is enough as a sketch of the history of the privilege of
sanctuary which churches offered in former times.
SECTION II.
ON THE SUBJECT OF PUBLIC WORSHIP.
Aenovp«{ia, Lzturgia, Liturgy, is the Greek word for a public ser-
vice or duty—from Xectov, public, and epcyov, a work.1 Therefore
the duties performed by magistrates were called by the Greeks
Liturgies.3 Hence that public service, at which in a general as-
sembly both clergy and Christian people render to God the honour
which is His due, either by the recitation of Psalms or by the Sacri-
fice, has from the earliest days of the infant Church been called by
this name of Liturgia, or Liturgy.3 As, then, we are about to speak
18 Cod. Justin. "Dehis, quiadEccl. p. 603, ed. Reisk. al. cf. Casaub. Ex-
confug." 1. 6. ercitatt. in Baron. Annal. p. 470, sq.
19 Novell, xvii. c. 7. [In Exodus 3 S. Paul, ad Philipp. ii. 17, and S.
xxi. 14, the privilege of sanctuary is to Luc. in Evang. i. 23. [A Ldtourgos
be denied to a wilful murderer, whom was a person of property chosen by the
Moses is directed to "take even from people of Athens to perform some pub-
Mine altar that he may die." See the lie duty, or to supply the necessities of
case of Joab, and of Athaliah, I Kings the state, at his own expense; any such
ii. 28—34; 2 Kings xi. 15.] sendee undertaken by a citizen at his
1 Ex Suida in h. v. and Ulpian. ad own expense was called a Liturgy. In
Demosth. Leptin. p. 104. the N. T. the word Liturgia occurs in
2 Lys. c. Simon, p. 163, c. Poliuch. S. Luke i. 23, Heb. viii. 6, and ix. 21,
*92 POLITY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH.
of the Liturgy of the Christian Church, we shall divide it into two
parts, into the Liturgy of Psalmody, and the Mystic Liturgy : treating
first of the former, and then of the latter of these two parts of public
worship.
CHAPTER I.
OF THE WAY IN WHICH THE EARLY CHRISTIANS GAVE NOTICE OF
DIVINE SERVICE, AND OF CHURCH BELLS.
S. Ignatius the Martyr4 tells us that in the first ages the Christian
Church used to summon the faithful together to the house of God
by employing for that purpose a deacon who was called a "runner,"
(cursor.) This custom was kept up in the Church as long as the
empire of heathen princes was standing. But when the liberty of
public worship was allowed to the Christians, there was no occasion
to employ any persons to remind them of the times of it, for at their
holy assemblies the bishop used to tell the people what day he had
fixed for giving them a celebration of the Blessed Sacrament: more-
over, besides this notice, as the people used to be present every day
morning and evening at the recitation of the Psalms, they could
thus be informed by the ministers of the day fixed for a celebration
of the Liturgy. It seems then appropriate to remark here that
during the fourth, fifth, and sixth centuries, no bell or other instru-
ment was used for calling together the faithful to Church. But in
the eighth century the Greeks used to strike on certain pieces of
wood both on days of very high and joyful festival, and on Litany
days (supplicationibits)—these they used to call a<yia gv\a [or -ra Upd
%v\a\ ligna sacra, the holy wooden boards ;5 but we have no autho-
rity for saying that up to that time the Greeks used to strike on
(where it is translated "ministry;") and p. 521.) The use of bells in the Jewish
in 2 Cor. ix. 12; Philip, ii. 17, 30, temple (Exod. xxviii. 33—35, compared
(where it is rendered "service.") The with Ecclus. xlv. 9), may have suggested
word Leitonrgos, the person so minister- their use in the Christian Church.]
ing, occurs in Rom. xiii. 6, xv. 16; b In Synod. Nicsen. II. Sess. 4, in
Philip, ii. 25; Heb. i. 7, and viii. 2: libell. Miracul. S. Anastasii. [Labbe
the word Liturgical, in Heb. i. 14 and Cossart, xiii. 22; the joy felt at
("ministering,") and the verb Leiturgeo, Constantinople on the translation of the
to perform a Liturgy, in Acts xiii. 2, relics of S. Anastasius was shown to.
Rom. xv. 27, Heb. x. 11.] iepa £v\a a^ixduavres. (See Smith's
4 Epist. ad Polycarp. num. 7. [S. Diet. p. 1879.) These Greek substi-
Ignatius is thought to refer here to or- tutes for bells are called also "seman-
dinary messengers; but that Christian tra," o-rjfjiaPTTjpiou, and are still in daily
congregations were summoned by men use in the monasteries for calling the
called curso7-es or prcccones is to be in- monks to service. Neale describes one
ferred from Tertullian, Jerome, and 12 ft. in length, \\ ft. broad, and 9 in.
others; and Eusebius of Alexandria in thickness. The priest "strikes it
speaks of the unreadiness of many to go with a mallet in various parts and at
to church when summoned by this cur- various angles, eliciting sounds not al-
sor or prcBco; (see Tertull. de Fuga in together unmusical." "The semantra
Persec, c. 14; and Hieron. Ep. 22 ad are usually suspended by chains from a
Eustoch., &c, quoted in Smith's Diet. peg in the proaulion." (lb.)]
OF THE USE OF BELLS. 193
these logs to call a congregation together, but they only used them
in the processional litanies. But latterly among them instead of the
wood a plate of iron came to be used, which at this day they strike
with a hammer, not however for giving notice of a celebration of the
Liturgy, but in that processional service which is held, whenever
the Eucharist is carried to the sick: this iron plate they call a^io-
albrjpov, the "holy iron." For what occasion was there for making a
noise with pieces of wood, in those middle ages especially, when any
of the people could read the Church's calendars, and see for himself
what solemn services there were to be, and what were the days for
the great Liturgy? Perhaps indeed on high festivals they used to
strike on these sacred pieces of wood before the churches as a mark
of joy, of which custom it is that Anastasius the Librarian must be
understood to be speaking when he says that the Orientals strike on
pieces of wood instead of church bells.6
Almost ever since the eighth century the Latins have had church
bells icampance), which they have used for calling people together to
church: for historical records of that age first make mention of the
use of bells in church,7 but not one of them makes mention of bells
as of an instrument very lately invented. Some therefore say that
the Roman Pontiff Sabinianus in the seventh century was the in-
ventor of church bells,8 others that it was S. Paulinus, Bishop of
Nola in the fourth century ;9 but no arguments for either of these
opinions have been brought forward which seem to me of any weight.
It may then be worth while to state here what was probably the real
origin of church bells.
The use of bells (tintiiinabula) was, we know, very ancient, both
among the Latins and among the Greeks. The latter called them
Kivdtvi'as ;10 for the Greeks used to challenge their sentries, to see
whether they were awake on their watch, by the ringing of a bell,
wherefore the commander of the watch was called a "bell-carrier,"
Ku)dcovo(p6po9.u So in the mysteries of Cybele they used to ring
6 Observ. in Act. 4 ejusd. Cone. matins, (Hist. Franc, ii. 23.)] And XI.
[" Ligna pro campanis percutere."] srec. Vulg. Alcuin. de Divinis Offic.
7 Capit. Carol. Magn. 1. vi. c. 18. c. 16, p. 476, T. II. ed. Froben.
[Charlemagne directs that priests alone s V. Gualter. in Chronolog. ad An.
shall ring the bells for the canonical 700.
hours. This was originally one of their 9 V. Baron, ad An. 500, and Delirium
duties; at least as late as the last cen- ap. Chokier. in Face Hist. p. i. c. 27.
tury (according to Landon) it was the 10 Ap. Suid. and Hesych. in h. v.
custom at Notre Dame, in Paris, for u V. Suid. ib.; and Thucydid. iv.
the bells to be rung by clergymen in 135, ibid, intpp. [rov kwBwuos irapa-
surplices.] Beda, Hist. 1. iv. c. 23. u€x.6evros, "as the bell went round,"
[The reference in Bede mentions that at i.e. the besieged city of Potidcea. So
S. Hilda's death one of her nuns, at a Aristoph. x\ves, 843, and 1160, "Take
distance from Whitby, heard suddenly your rounds, bearing the bell;" "every-
the well-known sound of the bell call- where the watch is set, and the bell
ing them to prayer when a soul had goes round." In fortified towns an
departed. This reference of Bede is officer went round at night with a bell
perhaps the earliest direct allusion to to challenge the sentries to see that they
bells; though Gregory of Tours men- were awake. Some say that the bell
tions a " signum" for calling monks to was passed from hand to hand, round
0
194 POLITY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH.
bells.12 Day labourers (rnercenarii) also were called to the public
works by the sound of a bell ;13 and malefactors, as they were led to
suffer the penalty of their crimes, used to carry bells, as is proved by
Turnebus :14 and Zonaras tells us that this was also the custom
among the Greeks in the middle ages.15 That bells were used by
the Latins is plain from very many testimonies of ancient writers, for
they rang them before their baths,16 and they carried them in the
funeral processions of emperors ;17 and they hung little bells round
the necks of animals harnessed to vehicles, as is done now in our
own day.18 And these bells were much the same shape as our
church bells: this is a fair inference from the word kwSwv being used
to describe their shape; for this Greek word for bell is used also to
describe the mouth19 of a trumpet, which is clearly descriptive of the
shape of our church bells. We conclude then that the bells of
churches (campance) had their origin in the bells (tintinnabula) used
for the purposes above described by the ancients. There would
seem indeed to be one difference between the two, though not so
much of size as of workmanship. For ordinary bells (tintinnabula)
were made of metal beaten out and shaped with the hammer, but
larger bells which were cast in brass began to be called campana—
church bells; though they had the same shape as others. For I
remember seeing an ancient church bell, formerly used by some
monks of S. Benedict, and now preserved in a certain church at
Vitulanum in the province of Benevento; and there is no difference
between its shape and that of bells used for ordinary purposes by
the ancients. Hence as perhaps bells which had been cast first came
into use in Campania, for that reason they were thence called cam-
panse: and perhaps the mention of church bells may be traced to
the town of Nola, an ancient city of Campania, as bells cast in
this fashion were called Nolcz as well as Campance, in the middle
ages.
I will add one word with reference to the ceremony of baptizing
church bells, or blessing and anointing them. The form and the
ceremonies of this piece of ritual came into use in the Western
Church in the eighth century f° for in the ninth century it is every-
where mentioned21 by ecclesiastical writers, as it is also by the
Roman Ordinal.
the circuit of the city, from one officer Osservaz. sopra gli Ant. Vetri, Oss. n.
of the watch to another, thus discover- vii.
ing if any guard were absent or asleep. ] 19 V. Sophocl. Ajac. 17, [" xccAko-
12 V. Adrian. Turneb. Advers. 1. iii. crrSfxov kooSoovos o>s TvparjviKTJs.7'']
c. 11. 20 V. Capit. Carol. Magni, Capitular.
13 Lucian. de Merc. Conduct, cap. 24 iii. c. 18, An. 789. [" Ut cloccse non
and 31. baptizentur;" meaning perhaps " house-
14 Adversar. ibid. bells, superstitiously used for averting
15 Hist. T. II. p. 2. storms." (See Smith's Diet. p. 186.)]
16 Martial, xiv. 61. 21 V. Orel. Rom. ap. Hittorp. and
17 Sueton. in Julio Cses. cap. 91, ibiq. Vulg. Amalar. de Ecclesiast. Offic. 1.
Casaub. in. c. 1. [Some dedication-rite for
18 V. Asini figur. ap. Bonarottium, church bells has probably been prac-
OF THE SERVICE OF PSALMODY. 195
CHAPTER II.
OF THE SERVICE OF PSALMODY.
From the very foundation of the Church, Christians have recited
the Psalms of David in their temples before joining in the sacrificial
service of the Liturgy: this custom, too, is of Apostolic institution,
which is the reason why, in the second century, they used to recite
the Psalms at the third, sixth, and ninth hour of the day, and why
Tertullian1 calls these the "Apostolical hours." Moreover the ancient
Apostolical Constitutions (as we call them) order that the services
of prayers in the morning, at the third, sixth, and ninth hour of the
day, in the evening and at the cock-crowing, must be performed by a
recitation of the Psalms.2 But when the Christians were not able to
assemble themselves together for fear of the heathen, each one of
them used to sing the Psalms of David by himself, or two or three3
sang them together, "provoking one another with psalms and hymns,
as to which should sing best the praises of their Lord."4 From all
this it is clear that every Christian found time for the daily recitation
of the Psalms, either in public, or else in private according to indi-
vidual arrangement. And hence, ever since the beginning of the
fourth century, when the Church first enjoyed outward peace, Chris-
tians both in the East and in the West, of whatever age and what-
ever rank of life they were, used to take care every day to offer to
God this service of sacred song. "The ploughman, as he held the
handle of his plough, would, instead of love-songs, be singing his
Alleluias; the reaper, heated with his toil, would be solacing himself
with Psalms; and the vine-dresser with his curved pruning-hook in
his hand would be chanting one of the compositions of David."5 For
from their daily recitation of the Psalms lay people even of the lowest
tised continuously from the first; from opdpov," &c.; a more distinct mention
the time that bells first became part of the Psalms is in c. 35.]
of the furniture of a church, they were 3 Ibid. ["If it be not possible to
probably subjected, like other church assemble either in the church, or in a
furniture and ornaments, to some kind house, let every one by himself sing,
of consecration ; and forms for their and read, and pray, or two or three
benediction by the bishop are found in together."]
the Reims and Corbey MSS. of the 4 Tertull. 1. ii. ad Uxor. 8. [Speak-
Gregorian Sacramentary; and Baro- ing of man and wife, when both are
nius mentions that Pope John XIII., believers, he says, "there is no stealthy
A.D. 961, consecrated the great bell of singing," the one being afraid of dis-
the Lateran Church and gave it the covery as a Christian by being heard
name of John, which he thinks origi- thus singing, but, "mutuo psalmis et
nated the custom of engraving a name hymnis se provocabant, quis melius Deo
on bells. (Bingham, viii. 7, 15, and suo caneret."] And lib. de Veland. Vir-
Smith's Diet, ib.) The belief that the ginib. c. 16.
ringing of bells tended to dispel storms 5 Hieronym. Epist. 18, ad Marcell.
is of great antiquity.] [S. Jerome is speaking of the fields
1 L. de Jejun. c. 10 and 11. ["Ho- about Bethlehem; it is of the convent
ras Apostolicas."] at Bethlehem that he uses the strik-
2 L. viii. c. 34, ["eux&s eViT6\f?Tc ing phrase, "Extra psalmos silentium
O 2
19^ POLITY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH.
class knew them by heart so as to repeat them from memory :6 and
this holy custom was kept up even down to the end of the eighth cen-
tury,7 from which time it was gradually given up, and the duty of the
public recitation of the service of song was left to be performed by
the clergy only.
§ 1. Of Psalter Books.
In the Eastern Church, from the first to the fourth century, the
Psalms were recited from the Septuagint translation : there has never
been any doubt on this point, which is indeed evident to any one
from the verses of the Psalms which we read in the Greek Fathers of
that age: and so the Latin Church everywhere used a Latin trans-
lation of the Psalms called "the Old Italic" down to the time of
S. Jerome, as Bianchini has proved from the Latin Fathers.8 But
by order of Pope Damasus Jerome removed some errors from the
Psalms which had crept into them, and arranged them in order in one
book for use in public worship.9 This Psalter was also introduced into
the Greek Churches by order of the Emperor Theodosius.10 For the
Greeks adopted to some extent the arrangement of the Psalms made
by Jerome, as we know from their Psalters in use at the present day,
which are called 'QpoXo^ia, or " office-books of the canonical hours."
Thus after the fourth century at Rome, and in all parts of the
Western Church, the emended version of Jerome was used at the
recitation of the Psalms; but at the end of the fifth century the
Roman Pontiff Gelasius corrected the copies of the Psalms, and
made a new arrangement of Psalms with additional hymns.11 But as
in the eleventh century the Psalter was full of mistakes, and the
Psalms and prayers in it were without any attempt at order, the
Roman Pontiff Gregory VII. issued a corrected version, and restored
the old order of arrangement.12 Then in the twelfth century the
Friars Minor did not adopt this fuller edition of the Psalter, though
the clergy at that time used it, but when they began to recite the
Psalter in saying their offices they used the same book as that adopted
by the Roman Pontiff and the Cardinals in the Church of the Lateran,
which had been corrected by Pope Innocent III., the title of it being,
"Books of the Offices according to the use of the Roman Court:"
and this the friars introduced among the clergy, in virtue of the
authority which they then enjoyed. Besides this, in the thirteenth
est." S. Ambrose even proposes the he would chant the whole Psalter
example of birds as teaching us to begin every day, besides the Psalmody in the
and end the day with psalmody "etiam canonical offices.]
minutissimge aves solemni devotione et 8 De Antiq. Itala.
dulci carmine ortus dierum et noctium 9 Ex Cone. Rom. sub Damaso, An.
persequantur." (See Smith's Diet., p. 382, ap. Holsten. ib.
1744.)] 10 V. Epist. Theodos. ad Damas.
6 August. Enar. in Psalm. 85 (?) Cone. T. I.
7 Ex Beda, Hist. 1. iii. c. 27, and 1. n In Cone. Rom. An. 494, ibid,
iv. c. 18. [King Egbert made a vow 12 In Cone. Rom. An. 1076.
OF THE SERVICE OF PSALMODY. 197
century an emended edition of the Psalter by Haymo seems to
have been issued by Gregory IX. : this Haymo was General of the
Franciscans, and the author of that Breviary which we now use, and
which received the approval of Pope Nicolas III. at the end of the
same century, since up to that date the Psalms had been divided
after a different order of arrangement; hence Haymo appended
to the Psalter the offices for Saints' Days, instead of those for ordinary
week-days, which, with the exception of a few very solemn festivals,
were every day the same. In this way, then, a very brief Psalter
was compiled, which began to be called almost universally the " Bre-
viary" (or "abbreviated book") of daily offices,13 a name which had
already in some places been given to it in the preceding century. Yet
even in this Breviary the Council of Trent14 discovered some errors
requiring correction; these corrections it authorised the Roman
Pontiff to make, and therefore in a.d. 1568 a revised edition was
put forth by Pope Pius V. : but again, thirty-two years later, another
revised edition of the Breviary was undertaken by Clement VIII.,
and issued by him a.d. 1602. Lastly, as the hymns in it contained
some expressions of a bad style of Latin, and as the Breviary was
full of "spurious Lessons/' Urban VIII. in a.d. 1631 again carefully
revised the whole, and took pains to restore the work to its original
beauty.
From this it appears that the Church has strenuously laboured
that the Psalter should be "kept free from all mistakes; and ever
since the fourth century the rule on this subject has been that only
the Psalms of David should be read in church, all private psalms
(l8tu)Tiicois), i.e. all those composed by private individuals being re-
jected,15 since from the first ages heretics wrote certain psalms for
recitation in their conventicles,16 [thus propagating their false teach-
ing through the medium of psalms composed by themselves.]
§ 2. Of the singing of the Psalms by choir and people alternately, and
of the fixed hours for singing them.
At the recitation or singing of the Psalms the faithful who were
present at the service did not all join in together at the same time, but
they recited the verses of the Psalms alternately; this plan was
universally adopted in the fourth century in Christian churches
13 V. Rodulf. Tungren. Prop. 7 ; and novi et veteris testamenti nihil poetice
Wading. Annal. Minor, ad An. 1244, compositmn in ecclesia psallatur, sicut
n. 17. et sancti prascipiunt canones."]
14 Sess. 2. 16 Auct. libri de Carne Chr. sub
15 Cone. Laod. An. 361, c. 59, [" oh Tertulliani nomine, c. 17, 20; V. Epiph.
Sel ISiwTiKOvs iJ/aA^ous \eyea9cu iv rfj Hrer. 67; August. Ep. 119, (55, Migne.)
iKK\r)o-ia." So the twelfth canon of the [" Donatistae nos reprehendunt, quod
Council of Braga, a.d. 563, forbids the sobrie psallimus in ecclesia divina can-
singing of any hymns in church, save tica Prophetarum, cum ipsi ebrietates
the Psalms, and passages taken from suas ad canticum psalmorum humano
the Old and New Testament; "Extra ingenio compositorum, quasi ad tubas
psalmos vel canonicarum scripturarum exhortationis inflamment."]
198 POLITY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH.
which were built on the ordinary plan: the congregation stood, and
either sang the Psalms alternately, i.e. the clergy and the people
taking alternate verses, or one of the clergy began to sing (precent)
the Psalm, and the people took it up and sang it alternately with
him.17 This was everywhere the received custom in the fourth cen-
tury, both in the daily and in the nightly recitation of the Psalms,
it being the custom, as we said, for all the people to assemble to-
gether in church by night for the recitation of Psalmody.18 We
have the authority of the historian Socrates for saying that this
mode of alternate singing was first established at Antioch by
S. Ignatius the Martyr.19 . It is a mistake therefore to suppose that
Flavian and Diodorus were the authors of this mode of singing,
as Theodoret would have us believe ;20 though perhaps they were
the first to introduce it from Antioch into the Church of Constan-
tinople.
This mode of alternate singing of the Psalms was, according to
S. Augustine,21 introduced into the Latin Church by S. Ambrose:
for it was in the same fourth century that other Latin Churches
adopted it from the Church of Milan; for which reason, when at a
subsequent period the laity had ceased to attend the service of
psalmody in any large numbers, and the singing was left entirely to
the clergy, these latter began to sing the Psalms from alternate
sides of the choir; this had become the established custom in the
middle ages about the ninth century, as we know from choir service-
books of that date referred to by Mabillon in his Appendix Ana-
lectorum.
From the very first the Church prescribed certain hours for
the recitation of the Psalms. For they used first to assemble in
church for singing22 at night, then at the third, sixth, and ninth
hour, in the evening, and at the cock-crowing ;23 and this Apos-
tolical discipline, derived from ecclesiastical tradition,34 has been
17 Basil. Ep. 63 [al. 207] ad Cler. populus maeroris tasdio contabesceret,
Neocsesar., ["The people resorting by institutum."]
night to the House of Prayer ... be- ^ Const. Apost. 1. viii. c. 34, ["Offer
take themselves to Psalmody on rising up your prayers in the morning, at the
from prayer . . . divided into two parts third hour, the sixth, the ninth, the
they sing alternately to each other."] evening, and at cock-crowing."]
18 V. Chrysost. Vit. a Pallad. script. 23 Ibid.; and Cyprian de Orat. Do-
c. 10; and Chrysost. Horn. 63 in min. p. 503, ed. Benedict., ["Besides
Acta. the hours of prayer observed of old
19 Hist. 1. vi. c. 8, [Who "saw a (the third, sixth, and ninth) the times
vision of antiphonal chanting in hea- and sacraments of prayer have increased
ven."] for us now. For we ought also to pray
20 Hist. 1. ii. c. 19. [He says that, in the morning that the Lord's resur-
though laymen, they were the first to rection may be celebrated by maiutina
divide the choir into two parts, and oratio. . . . Also at the sunsetting and
teach them to sing the songs of David decline of day, of necessity we must
alternately. See § 3, note 32 below.] pray again . . . and let not us who are
21 Confess. 1. ix. c. 7, ["Turn in Christ cease from praying even dur-
hymni et Psalmi ut canerentur seam- ing night."]
dum morem orientalium partium> ne 24 Hieron. in c. 6 Daniel.
OF THE SERVICE OF PSALMODY. 199
kept up by all the Churches both in the East/25 and also in the
West,26 down to our own times.
About the separate Hours, we will speak in a subsequent chapter.
§ 3. A brief History of Church Music.
It has been thought by some that in the first ages of the Church
the Psalms were read in the churches by the people and the clergy,
or that they were recited from memory, as it had not yet become the
custom to sing them in church. But that from the very foundation
of the Church Christians sang the Psalms in their public assemblies,
is an inference which can fairly be drawn from Tertullian,27 who quotes
those well known words from Pliny's letter to the Emperor Trajan
concerning the Christians, viz., "that he had discovered nothing else
touching their religious mysteries, save that they held meetings before
daybreak to sing to Christ as God." Even at that time, then, the
Christians used to sing Psalms in the sacred liturgy, which, for fear
of the heathen, they used to celebrate at night. Nor can this word
"singing," which Tertullian uses, be understood in the same sense as
the word "reciting," as some eminent writers have imagined; for the
same writer, Tertullian, in another passage speaks plainly about the
singing of the Psalms with a setting of them to music, "Psalms and
hymns28 resound between the two" (husband and wife.) This expres-
sion of "resound" is only applied to musical sounds. Besides, that
expression of Pliny's, [as rendered by Tertullian,] "to sing to
Christ as God," is most clearly in favour of the opinion we
have been giving on this subject; for since among the heathen
hymns were sung in praise of their gods on their festivals, but
never recited,29 Pliny means by the words he uses, that the Chris-
tians, in directing their songs to Christ, were worshipping and
honouring Him as God. From all this the inference seems to me
plain and indisputable that ever since the first ages of the Church
the singing of the Psalms has been heard in her public liturgy.
In the fourth century, in churches in which the mode of singing
the Psalms alternately by opposite choirs had not yet been esta-
blished, the clergy who undertook the office of singers, used to chant
25 Epiphan. lib. iii. Heer. 80; Da- antiphonal chanting, for he says the
mascen. in V. SS. Bad. and Tos.; Christians sang a hymn to Christ by
Sozom. Hist. Tripart. 1. vi. c. 29; Ni- turns among themselves, '' Affirmabant,
cephor. 1. x. c. 21; S. Athan. de Me- quod essent soliti stato die ante lucem
ditat., &c. convenire: carmenque Christo, quasi
26 Cypr. ib.; Hieron. Ep. 107, ad Deo, dicere secum invicem." So in
Lset. § 9; August. Semi. 56 de Temp. Apolog. c. 39, he speaks of the Chris-
[Al. 141, Appen.] [" Ad vigilias alacri tians singing compositions taken from
et fervente devotione consurgite, &c."J the Holy Scriptures, which must mean
27 Apolog. c. 2, [" Se de eorum Psalms.]
Sacramentis nihil aliud comperisse, 2S Ad Uxor. lib. ii. c. 8, [" Sonant
quam ccetus antelucanos ad canendum inter duos Psalmi et Hymni." (See
Christo, ut Deo," are Tertullian's Chap. ii. note 4 above on " Service of
words. According to Smith's Diet. p. Psalmody.")]
94, in this celebrated passage of his, 29 V. Histoire de la Musique, edit.
(Epist. x. 97,) Pliny seems to allude to Amsterd. An. 1725, T. IV. art. 55.
2°0 POLITY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH.
a Psalm in the choir, the people listening to them, and joining in at
the end of the Psalm.30 But the testimony of the Fathers is plain
on the point, that the singing of the psalmody was the use of all the
Churches of Godsl in that age. What was the style of this musical
rendering we learn from Socrates32 in his story about S. Athana-
sius; who greatly objected to an effeminate style of singing in
Psalmody, such as had become the use in the Church of Alex-
andria; this he set aside, and restored back the ancient mode, so
that after that the people of Alexandria seemed rather to be re-
citing than to be singing the Psalms at their services. Thus the
chanting was so simple that it seemed without any artificial modula-
tion, though this severe music did not remain very long in use among
the Greeks, since in the middle ages, as we shall describe, they intro-
duced a kind of chant with breaks in it (fractu) into their churches.
Let us pass now to speak particularly of the Latin Churches.
Among them the Psalms were rendered with a similarly simple chant
down to the fourth century; but at this time S. Ambrose is said to
have introduced into the Church of Milan a certain novel mode
[constructed out of the ancient music of the Greeks]. In the time of
S. Ambrose a musical service had become common everywhere
among the Latins, and the singers had introduced theatrical measures
into the churches, of which S. Jerome complains ;33 we imagine,
therefore, that what S. Ambrose did was to moderate the soft and
effeminate style of music which then prevailed: and yet Augustine
calls the music of the Milan Psalters "the melody of soft airs," while
at the same time through his exertions the Milan style of chanting
was introduced into the African churches,34 and by the fifth cen-
tury this style was adopted through the whole of the Western Church.35
But at Rome very many errors had crept into the musical render-
30 Cone. Laodic. c. 15, ["irepl rod the deacon to "precent" the 137th
/J.7J delv irAcov toov KavovtKcav t^aA-rco//, to)v Psalm, the people responding to each
4tt\ rbi/ &ixPu>va avafiaivSvTooj/ teal airb verse, "For His mercy endureth for
dupdepas -tyaWdvTtov, erepovs tlvcls \paX- ever," the first clause being recited by
Xeiv eV €KK\7](7ia." Euseb. Hist. Eccl. the precentor.]
1. ii. c. 17, andl. vii. c.30. He says of the 33 Comment, in Epist. ad Ephesios.
Therapeutse, ascetics of Egypt, "Their c. 5, ["They turn the House of God
hymns are the same that are commonly into a theatre of the people."]
recited among us. While one sings 34 Aug. Confess. 1. x. c. 33. ["Re-
gracefully with a certain measure, the miniscor lachrymas meas, quas fudi ad
others listening in silence, join in sing- cantus ecclesice tuce," &c]
ing the final clauses of the hymns." 35 Id. ib. 1. vi. c. 7. [S. Augustine
"Paul of Samosata stopped the Psalms here relates that the population of Mi-
that were sung in honour of our Lord Ian, devoted to S. Ambrose, guarded
Jesus Christ, as the late compositions the gates of his house, and kept watch
of modern men, but in honour of him- in his church night and day, to defend
self he had prepared women to sing in him from capture by the imperial
the Church, &c."J troops. This company of watchers
31 Basil. Ep. 63, [al. 207,] ad Cler. Ambrose organized into a band of wor-
Neocses.; Pallad. in vita Chrysost., and shippers, thus establishing a course of
Chrysost. Horn. 63, ad Popul. Antioch. offices, psalmody, hymns, and prayers,
32 Hist. Eccl. 1. ii. c. 11. [When which copied from the East, hence-
the church was surrounded by soldiers forth became a permanent institution
sent to take him, Athanasius directed in the West. (Quoted in Smith's Diet.)]
OF THE SERVICE OF PSALMODY.
ing of the Psalms: these Pope Gelasius36 corrected in the fifth cen-
tury: and in the sixth century the Roman Pontiff, S. Gregory, [fol-
lowing up S. Ambrose's work,] invented a new style of music, un-
known to the ancients, which was called cantusplanus, "plain chant,"
and which from the name of its author obtained the name of " Gre-
gorian chant." The intention of that pontiff was that church psalmody
should be rendered by grave and natural music, and that theatrical
music, which had been somehow or other introduced into the church
services, should be excluded from them, since the singers of that age
were guided by no fixed rules in this matter, but sang the Psalms as
they pleased, and to music too much borrowed from the stage.37 He
therefore established at Rome a School for Singers, as we have
already said in the first Section of our first Book, and he took every
opportunity which offered of introducing the same style of music
into the other churches of the West. Hence the Italian Churches
were the first to adopt the Roman Gregorian music. But in the
eighth century it was adopted in all the Western Churches of the
empire by an edict of Charlemagne,38 to whom Pope Adrian I. sent
a Roman antiphonarium, and two clergy of the Roman School of
Singers, who taught the French Gregorian music both at Soissons
and at Metz in Lorraine.39 The same had been done in England by
a certain archchanter of the school at Rome, whom Pope Agatho in
the seventh century had sent over there to teach the English* clergy*0
an annual course of song. &
But in the eleventh century a certain monk [in the monastery of
Pomposa near Ravenna] whose name was Guido, invented some
new musical notation, which he designated by ut, re, vii, fa, sol la
initial syllables in the first verse of that Hymn for s! John the Bap-
tist beginning,- " Ut queant laxis? &c, and he wrote two books of
music, which he dedicated to Theodatus or Theobald, the abbot of
his monastery, a.d. 1024. This new kind of chanting was univer-
sally adopted, and by degrees the Gregorian system of plain-son*
[which was in unison], was going out of fashion, and the music be*an
to be arranged for what is called part-singing; so that from hence-
forward separate voices, grouped according to their register, be^an
to sing the music in harmony,41 as had been the case in classical
3^ In Con. Rom. An. 494, ap. Hoist.
37 V. Joan. Diac. in ejus vita, 1. iv.
c. 10 and 19.
38 Capitul. An. 7S9, capit. 80.
39 V. Rainald. ad An. 787.
40 Beda, Hist. Eccl. iv. 18, ["Jo-
hannes ordinem ritumque canendi et
legendi viva voce monasterii can tores
edocendo, cursum annuum," &c]
* [Written by Paul the Deacon, 774;
TJt queant laxis Hesonarefibris
Mir<7. gestorum "Famuli tuorum
Solve poll uti La/w realum,
Sancte Johannes.
These syllables have been used ever
since in solmisation or sol fain ^: Si,'{ox
the seventh degree of the" scale, was in-
troduced subsequently. The Italians
have since substituted Do for Ut • in
Germany the Ut is retained. Guido
was also the inventor of the stave, plac-
ing notes in the spaces as well as on the
lines. Gregorian music is probably of
Jewish origin.]
41 Kircher. de Antiq. Mus. 1. i. c. 9
[The words, " Musica singulis partibus'
ut aiunt, distribui ccepit," for some rea-
son omitted by Ritter, are in the original
edition.J °

202 POLITY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH.
times,42 and this new style of church music became immensely popular
in all parts of the Latin Church.43 But about the sixteenth century
the music of Guido of Arezzo began to be corrupted by those Greeks
who escaped from the city of Constantinople at its fall, and took
refuge in the western provinces of Europe. These persons very
largely introduced the Greek music into Italy, in such a manner that
the melody being broken up into passages of short notes and " fiori-
ture" (i.e. flowery flourishes): inharmonious intervals also occasionally
occurring, and the voice made suddenly to pause or " rest" on unex-
pected degrees of the tune, the grace of the Plain Song, owing to the
ingenuity of these people, utterly vanished.44 Wherefore at length
the Roman Pontiff, Pius IV., took a strong turn against this depraved
style of music, which brought church song down to the level of female
ballad-singers, and at the Council of Trent he had serious thoughts
of banishing music from churches altogether. But when the Pope
had talked over this plan in private conversation with the cardinals,
and the matter had come to the knowledge of John of Prasneste [or
Palestrina], chief musician to the Pontiff, this latter composed some
masses of so consistent a style, that all artificial ornaments being
discarded, the words could all plainly be heard, and the symphony
be retained, and when the Pope had heard these masses performed,
he gave up the plan which he had formed, and turned his attention
not so much to taking away music from the churches as to impart-
ing a chaste tone45 to it. Hence the Fathers of the Council of
Trent46 while retaining a grave style of music for the Church, re-
solved to banish from it all that was wanton and impure.
Such, in a few words, is the history of Church music. To mention
many other things which suggest themselves would have been incom-
patible with the scale of brevity which we have laid down.
CHAPTER III.
OF THE DIFFERENT PARTS OF CHURCH PSALMODY.
In treating of the subject of Psalmody, we will follow the same
order as that of the Roman Breviary, that what we say on the sub-
ject may more easily be understood by those candidates for holy
orders who may be among our readers.
42 V. Kircher. ibid. [For proofs that ("Cantus minutim concisus, fractusque,
the ancients were acquainted with har- collisi durius soni, suspensa illico vox,
monv, see Chappell's History of Music, et ubi minime expectes amputata.")
pp jc;o—154] 4'5 Ludov. Cressen. Myst. 1. iii.
43y. Tumillac de la Science et 46 Sess. 22, [" All music of an im-
Pratique du Plein-chant, Artie. 10. pure and lascivious character was for-
44 Cardin. Sadolet. Leon. X. a Se- bidden in churches."]
cretis in proluss. v. Famiani Stradse;
OF THE DIFFERENT PARTS OF CHURCH PSALMODY. 203
§ i. Of Matins and Lauds.
In those sacred vigils which the early Christians kept in assemblies
held before daybreak,1 (about which we shall speak more fully in the
second Section of our fourth Book,) much of the time was given to
psalmody. The night was divided by the ancients into four watches
of three hours each, like the system of the [Roman] military watches.2
They used to measure the hours by clepsydra, or water-clocks,3 for as
the Romans had no clocks such as we have, (for even Polydore
Vergil4 confesses to his ignorance of them,) they used water-clocks,
which they called clepsydra, vessels in which the water trickled slowly
through a narrow orifice, so marking the intervals of the hours.5 Pro-
bably the Christians used these water-clocks in their churches, that
they might divide the night into vigils of equal length, which they
called the first, second, third and fourth watches respectively. The
Christians began their first watch at evening, the second at midnight,
the third at cock-crowing, the fourth at morning twilight.6 So the
night being thus divided by them, they used to sing Psalms at
the first, second, and third watch,7 which from hence were called
the first, second, and third Nocturn. But at the fourth [or morning]
watch, which ended at sunrise, they used to sing matutina or " Matins,"
a service containing those Psalms which we call "Lauds," the word
matutina or matins perhaps being derived from Matuta, the same
as "Aurora," the goddess of the morning or dawn. But as the
Christians, about the fifth century, since their ancient love had
grown cold, were very seldom in the habit of spending the vigils of
a whole night in singing Psalms, by degrees they had formed instead
the habit of assembling at church at the fourth watch of the night
on certain days of vigil, and of reciting all the Psalms of the four
watches at once; so it was that henceforth "Matins," or morning
service, was the name given to all the Nocturns, as at the hour of
early morning they recited, at the same time, both the Nocturns
and that service of Lauds which, as we said, they used to call
"Matins." This custom prevailed also among the monks in the
fifth century,8 and in all the Churches of the West, except the Church
of Rome.
At each separate Nocturn three Psalms used to be recited, corres-
ponding with the three hours of each of the night watches; 'this has
been the custom since the fourth century, and therefore the number
of Psalms which we recite at Lauds is three also.9
1 Tert. de Cor. Milit. c. 3; Apolog. 5 Vide Cselii Rhodig. Lect. Antiq.
c. 2, &c. ["The Sacrament of the 1. xviii. c. 39.
Eucharist, commanded by the Lord at 6 Auctor Commentar. in Psalm, sub
the time of supper, and for all, we re- Arnob. nomine in Psalm. 129.
ceive even at our meetings before day- ?V. Belet. inExplicat. Divinor. Offic
break, and from the hands of no others c. 20.
than the heads of the Church."] s Cassian. de Instit. Monach 1 iii
- Veget. de Re Milit. 1. iii. c. 8. c. 4.'
3 Modest, de Vocab. Rei Milit. 9 Sozom. Hist. Eccl. 1. v. c 14
4 De Invent. Rer. 1. v. c. 2. [» 5co5«fWo;/ (5a>8eKa/as) 5* tt&ttjs tti's
204 POLITY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH.
§ 2. Of Prime, Terce, Sext, and Nones.
The service of Prime, also called in former times Matins, is
a service which seems to be of more recent origin than the other
canonical hours. This at least is the opinion of Cassian, a writer'
who tells us that it was first instituted in a monastery at Bethlehem
in his own time, i.e., in the fifth century.10 This service has been
received with special favour by the Latins. But it is still a disputed
point whether the more ancient Fathers do not refer to this office of
"Prime" when they speak of what they call "morning prayer," or
prayer at daybreak, an expression we often meet with in the Apos-
tolical Constitutions,11 in the writings of Basil,12 and others. But
any one who carefully studies the writings of the Fathers must feel
convinced that it is either of "Lauds," or of the private recitation
of the Psalms, that they are speaking in such passages, since they
are altogether silent13 on the subject of Prime in every enumeration
which they make of the hours. On the Lord's Days the Creed
commonly called the Athanasian Creed is added in the service of
Prime. We judge that this came to be the custom about the twelfth
century, since it is first mentioned by Beleth in the twelfth, and by
Durandus in the thirteenth century.14
The service of Terce has been observed as sacred since the
beginning of the Church by a recitation of Psalms, which is the
reason why the more ancient Fathers so continually refer to the
prayers of the third hour.15 The fact that Christians were so spe-
Tj/xepas e#xeo"0at> Ka-LTP^S eoTrepcw ^oias' eoodivas evxapurrias, 'the thanksgiving
roo-avTOLKis Se ical vvurup' ivvdrri 8e #pa at dawn/ " (c. 38.)]
rpirov. 'HvUa 5e jxeXhoiev iadUiv, end- 12 In Regul. Major, qusest. 37, [rb
arris €vxns irpodSeu/ tya\ix6v" (said of opQpov, "the office of dawn."]
the monks of' Pachomius.) In the 13 Hieronym. Ep. 97 ad Demetriad.,
Apostolical Constitutions (ii. 59) the [" Psalms and prayers . . . always at
63rd Psalm (Vulgate 62nd) is appointed the third hour, the sixth, the ninth, at
to be sung at the service of dawn, or even, midnight and morning."]
matins, in the Lord's House.] 14 Beleth. Explic. Divin. Offic. c. 40;
10 Ibid. ["Cassian (A.D. 424) claims Durand. 1. v. c. 5.
for his monastery, (the foundation of 15 Tertull. passim ubi supra; Constit.
Paula at Bethlehem,) the honour of Apost. 1. viii. c. 34, ["Because at
having settled the rule of prayer in con- that (third) hour the Lord received
formity with that of Psalm cxix. 164. the sentence of condemnation from Pi-
This he did by adding a matin office, late." S. Mark xv. 25 refers the cruci-
(afterwards called Prime,) between the fixion to the third hour, i.e., to the
Matin Lauds, and Terce. The Lauds third of the twelve hours between sun-
were said in the monasteries after a rise and sunset: but if the condem-
short interval of time when the nocturn nation by Pilate took place any time
psalms and prayers were over, i.e., between that third hour and sunrise, it
shortly before sunrise, while the new would be called in ecclesiastical Ian-
matin office or Prime was said after it." gnage the third hour, for each quarter
(Smith's Diet. Antiq. p. 795-) The of the day (consisting of three hours)
office was observed, however, chiefly was named after the last hour in it.
"in the regions of the West."] Thus the first quarter, containing the
11 L viii. 34, ["Offer up evx&s first, second, and third hour, was called
tpdpov,' 'the' prayers of dawn;' rhs Terce.] See preceding Chap. § 2.
OF THE DIFFERENT PARTS OF CHURCH PSALMODY. 205
daily careful to have a service of prayer and praise at the third
hour of the day, i.e., nine o'clock, has been explained both by
ancient and modern writers on certain mystical grounds. Christians,
it is true, may have always kept the hours of Terce, Sext, and Nones
in remembrance of the mysteries of our religion; and yet, besides
these mystical reasons for doing so which they may have had, we are
reminded by Tertullian that these three hours of nine, twelve, and
three have been marked hours in human affairs, and in transacting
matters of business,16 as we gather also from the words of Martial
(Epigr. iv. 8, 1), Prima salutantum, &c. Therefore it seems more
probable that the same hours were more solemnly kept as times for
holding Divine Service which had been before observed as times
suited for public business, and which formed divisions of the civil
day.17 The Office of Terce comprised three Psalms, as also did
the offices of the other hours. Cassian18 in the fifth century,
and S. Benedict19 in the sixth, are both witnesses to the same
rule.
The service of Sext. The Christians used also to sing three
Psalms at the sixth hour of the day,20 i.e., at twelve o'clock. Among
these three, in the fourth century, Psalm xci. (Vulgate xc.) was one,21
the same one which we now daily recite at Compline. The faithful
were very careful to say their sacred offices at this hour, keeping
it with Psalms, with supplications, and with weeping, because at this
hour the Son of God was lifted up upon the Cross.22
The service of Nones. The ninth hour, at which Christ com-
mended His spirit into His Father's hands,23 was observed as an
hour of prayer by the Apostles,24 and therefore at that hour Christians
used to recite Psalms and prayers.25
We may upon this subject remark, in conclusion, that we do not
know in what order Psalms were recited at the canonical hours,
16 Lib. dejejunio, c.io, [" insigniores hour," in ecclesiastical language, in-
in rebus humanis."] eluded the whole interval between'nine
J/ Tertull. dejejun. c. 10. ["Pub- and twelve o'clock.]
lice negotia publica distinguebant, et 2l Basil, ibid,
diemcivilemdistribuebant."] - Athanas. ibid., [" Cum Psalmis,
18 Cassian. Institut. 1. iii. c. 4, 6. ploratu et supplicationibus, cum ea hora
19 In Regul. c. 17. Filius Dei sublatus fuisset in cruce "]
20 Basil, in Reg. Major, quasst. 37. -3 Raban. Maur. de Inst. Cleric. 1. ii
[Basil says, "the hours of prayer neces- c. 6. [S. Cyp. de Orat. Dom. 34
sary and suitable for monks are the "From the sixth hour to the ninth the
morning, the third hour, the sixth, the Lord, being crucified, washed away
ninth, and the evening."] Hieronym. our sins by His blood."]
inc. 6 Daniel. [Jerome says, "There -4 Acts iii. 1.
are three times in which the knees are 25 Const. Apost. ib. c. ^4 T" At
to be bent to God. Ecclesiastical tra- the ninth hour, because all' thin^ were
dition understands the third, the sixth, in commotion at the Crucifixion of the
and the ninth hour."] Athan. de Vir- Lord, as trembling at the bold attempt
ginit.; Constitut. Apost. 1. viii. c. 34, of the wicked Jews."] Athan ib and
["At the sixth hour, because at that Basil, serm. 1. de Monach Institut •
hour the Lord was crucified," i.e., Hieronym. Ep. 97, ad DemetriacT
each quarter of the day being named (quoted above),
after the last hour in it, the "sixth
206
POLITY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH.
during the first three centuries. For that arrangement of Psalms,
which we have been using from the fifth century to the present day,
is said26 to have been first made in the Eastern Church about the
fourth century, in the reign of the Emperor Theodosius the Elder.
Sozomen,27 however, tells us that ever since the time of Pachomius
three Psalms were sung at each of the hours; and since the fourth
century these have been called the "Canonical Hours," from the word
"canon," or rule which regulated the number of Psalms to be recited28
at each of the hours. Concerning the hymns, antiphons, and chap-
ters for the hours, the reader is referred to what is said below.
§ 3. Of Vespers and ComfiWie.
The hour of Vespers begins when the sun goes down,29 the name
being derived from the evening star which is called Vesper, and which
appears as the sun sets.30 At this hour, when the day is ending,
the Christians from the very earliest ages used to have a service of
Psalmody which they were strict in observing • and hence in the lapse
of time the service of this hour was called Vespers or Evensong,31
evening Psalms being formerly recited after the going down of the
sun. Therefore it was that both in the Eastern32 and Western33
Church the [first part of] Vespers was called lucemarium, Xvxv^bv,
the hour of lamp-lighting, since as the lamps were lighted the even-
ing sacrifice was offered to God.34 This hour was almost univer-
sally observed both by the Greeks and by the Latins down to the
eighth and ninth centuries,35 since which time probably the use of
26 Walafrid. Strabo de Reb. Eccl. c.
25-
incense.'"] Hieronym. ad Eustoch.
Ep. 18 de custod. virg.; and in Epi-
taph. Paulas, Ep. 86. [Paula's nuns
"sang the Psalter in due course at the
morning hour, at the third, the sixth,
the ninth, at even, at midnight."]
27 Hist. Eccl. 1. v. c. 14 (quoted
above).
28 Ex Rufino de Vit. Patr. 1. iii.
c- 5-
29 August. Serm. in Psalm, xxix.
Enarr. ii., ["It becomes evening when
the sun sets;" "Vespera fit quando sol
occidit."]
30 Isidor. de Eccl. Offic. i. 20,
[' * Vesperum nominatum a sidere, qui
vesper vocatur, et decidente sole ex-
oritur. Vespertinum officium est in
noctis initio vocatum a stella Vespere,
quse surgit oriente nocte ;"] and Ety-
molog. 1. vi. c. 19, 2.
31 Constit. Apost. ib. [It begins with
a Psalm called "the Psalm at the light-
ing," 6 \l/aXfxbs iiriXvxvios, said to be the
141st (Vulg. 140) in Const. Apost. ii.
59.] Basil, ibid., Synod. Laodic. c. 18,
[ilTT€p\ TOV T7)V OLVT^V XCLTOVpjlaU 7W
cv%a)V irdvrore koX iv reus (vdrais not eV
rah eairepais u<pei\€Li/ yivecrOai."] Am-
bros. de Virgin. 1. iii. c. 4, § 18. [" lie
calls the office of Vespers ' the hour of
32 Pallad. Hist. Lausiac. de Taben-
nesiot.; Socrat. Hist. Eccl. 1. v. 5, c.
22. [Socrates says that "in Greece,
and at Jerusalem, and in Thessaly they
say the prayers at the lighting of lamps
very much in the same manner as the
Novatians at Constantinople."]
33 Iiieronym. Commentary in Psalm,
cxix., ["We (monks) pray at the
third hour; we pray at the sixth and
at the ninth; we make the Lucema-
rium; we rise in the middle of the
night," &c] Cassian de Institut. Mon.
T. III. c. 3.
34 Iiieronym. Epist. ad Leet. Ep.
57, ["Let her be trained to offer the
evening sacrifice when the lamp is
lighted."]
35 Beda, 1. iii. in Esdr. c. 28, and
Amalar. Fortunat. 1. iv. de Eccl. Offic.
c. 7.
OF THE DIFFERENT PARTS OF CHURCH PSALMODY. 207
the Roman Church has become general in the West, in which Church
evensong used to be said after Nones before the sun set.36 And
history informs us that this used to be done by some of the Eastern
monks.37 Hence it is that from the ninth century the custom began
through the whole Church of reciting Vespers before sunset. But
the number of Psalms sung at Vespers used formerly to be greater
than at the other hours, for in the fourth and fifth centuries twelve
Psalms used then to be sung in monasteries, though the Compline
and Vesper Psalms were then said together.38 But in the Western
Church in the sixth century four at least or five Psalms used to be
recited at Vespers, as we know from the Rule of S. Benedict, who in
the arrangement of his services kept close to the common discipline
of the Church of his own day.39 About hymns and other prayers
we will speak afterwards.
The ancients make no mention of the Compline Office, since Ves-
pers was their last service of prayer and song in the day, being for-
merly held, as we said, after sunset; therefore the Psalms which are
now said at Compline, used to be the proper Psalms for Vespers, at
least so S. Basil seems to mean when speaking of Vespers in the
fourth century40 he says: When the first shades of night close in we
are bound to sing the ninety-first [xc] Psalm, "Whoso dwelleth under
the defence of the most High," which Psalm we use at Compline. The
shades of night begin to close in when the twilight is coming on
after sunset, therefore it is that in the Compline hymn we say,
"Thee before the close of light," (Te Incis ante terrninum^) i.e., of
twilight.
In the Western Church since the fifth century Compline has
become gradually a distinct service from Vespers. It was generally
treated so by the Latins in the sixth century, as we infer from the
Rule of S. Benedict.41 Formerly Compline comprised three of the
Psalms which we now use, viz., Psalms iv., xci. [xc], and cxxxiv.
[cxxxiii.] _ But after the ninth century there was added to these
Psalm xxxi. [xxx.], which now forms part of our office.
§ 4. Of little Chapters and the Verse, and of Lections and Responses.
By the verse in a service of psalmody is meant the opening
words with which any office of the canonical hours commences!
There are two such opening verses in our office-books, one which is
invariably used at each hour, the other which is used at Compline
only. The first is, "O God, make speed," &c. (Dens in adjutorium),
with which each office opens; the other, "Turn us, O God, our
Saviour," &c, (Converte nos Dens salutaris noster,) which we say at
the beginning of the Compline Service. These sentences are not
called verses merely because they are contained in one line, as some
36 Idem de Ordine Antiphonarii. 39 In Regul. c. 18.
37 Theodoret. de Vit. Patr. c. 2. -»° In Regul. Major, ibid.
38 Sozomen ib.; and Cassian de Cant. 41 Ibid.
Noct. Orat. 1. ii. c. 56.
208 POLITY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH.
have thought, but because they form, as it were, the "heading" of
the hours; hence it is that Caesarius uses the expression, "The
gospels contain 1162 headings" i.e., short verses, for to keep the
verses distinct from each other the ancients used to write each sepa-
rate verse at the beginning of the paper.43 Some have thought that
it was the Roman Pontiff Damasus who decreed that the canonical
hours were to begin with that verse, " O God, make speed" &c, but
there are no grounds for this opinion, for the earliest writer who
mentions the verse is Cassian43 in the fifth century, and it is not
quite certain, I think, that it is of the canonical hours that he is
speaking. But in the sixth century S. Benedict ordered that the
hours should begin with that verse,44 in whose time, as is plain from
his Rule, the verse, " O Lord, open Thou our lips" followed im-
mediately after the verse, "O God, make speed" which was not
recited except later in the beginning of Matins. The verse at the
opening of Compline, " Turn us, O God" &c, is plainly a more
recent addition, since we find that Durandus is the first to make
mention of it, in the thirteenth century -45 though others, influenced
by mystical reasons more than by solid arguments, may be of a dif-
ferent opinion46 as to the antiquity of the verse.
The Lections, i.e. readings from Scripture, at an office of Psalms,
have always formed a part of every service. In ancient times, i.e.,
in the fourth century,47 in some of the Oriental Churches each
Psalm was followed by a reading from Scripture; but as a general
rule some chapter from the Old or New Testament was read when
the Nocturn had been concluded: these Lections were arranged to
correspond with each division of the year, so that they never
varied.48 Hence we find that ever since the fourth century the Acts
of the Apostles were read in the service after the holy festival of
Easter,49 a custom which the Church has retained to our own day.
Sometimes also authentic Acts of the Martyrs were read instead of
Scripture at the service. The Greeks have done this ever since the
seventh century,50 though the custom was not introduced into the
Latin Church till after the ninth century, at which period the Latins
began to read in their services both the histories of the saints and
the homilies of the Fathers.51
42 V. Vossium, in voce Capitula. ["so fixed that no others could be
43 Collat. 1. x. c. 10. read."]
44 In Regul. c. 9. 4'' Chrysost. Horn. 63 ad Popul.
45 Ration. 1. v. c. 10. Antioch.
46 V. De Turrecrem. in Comm. ad 50 Cone. Constanlinop. III. c. 63,
Reg. Bened. ib. An. 691. [This canon condemns apo-
47*Conc. Laodic. c. 59, 60, An. 361. cryphal martyrologies, orders them to
[" Only the canonical Books of N. and be burned, and forbids their being read
O. T. are to be read." In the list then in churches. The forty-seventh canon
given the Apocrypha and the Book of of the third Council of Carthage, a.d.
the Revelation are omitted. The two 397, allows martyrologies to be read,
Epistles of S. Peter are mentioned, and "Liceat passiones martyrum legi cum
the Epistle to the Hebrews is said to anniversarii dies eorum celebrantur."]
have been written by S. Paul] 6l Joann. Diac. in Vit. S. Greg, in
48 August. Prsef. in Epist. i. Joann., Pnefalione.
OF THE DIFFERENT PARTS OF CHURCH PSALMODY. 209
The Benediction which is asked for by the reader,—Jube Domine
benedicere, Pray, sir, a blessing,—is first met with in writers of the
ninth century,52 for in former times the deacon before the lesson
began used to command silence in a loud voice,53 and all generally
used to sit down54 after they had signed themselves with the Cross
when about to listen to the reading.55 The versicle with which the read-
ing ends, "Tuautem Domine" &c, and "Gratias"But Thou, OLord,
&c, and Thanks be to God, were introduced after the twelfth century.56
Those passages of Scripture which were recited at the daily service
of Psalmody, are called Capitula, formerly capitella, "little chapters/'
as being shorter than those whole chapters which were read at the
Nocturn offices; and these little chapters, selected from Scripture,
seem to have been used in the recitation of the Psalter until the sixth
century,57 though in early times at the offices of the day-hours also
lessons from Scripture were read, which were longer than the little
chapters.
Lastly; responsoria, (responses which follow the lections,) are said
by modern writers to have been invented by the Italians, [as anti-
phons were by the Greeks,] but I know not on what arguments they
base their supposition: possibly on the late Latinity of the word
"responsories," which may certainly serve as an argument that they
were invented by them. The Rule of S. Benedict mentions the
Responsory; whence it follows that it was in use in the West then,
i.e., in the sixth century.58
§ 5. Of Canticles and Antiphons.
By the name of Canticles in the Psalter are meant the songs of the
prophets, (i) Moses, [Ex. xv. i—19, Deut. xxxii. 1—43]; (2) Heze-
kiah, [Isa. xxxviii. 10—20]; (3) Zacharias, [S. Luke i. 68—79]; (4)
Isaiah, [Isa. xii.]; (5) the Three Children, [Benedicite]; (6) the
B. V. Mary, [the Magnificat]; and (7) Simeon, [Nunc Dimittis];
among them is also reckoned the Te Deum.
52 Amalar. de Eccl. Offic. 1. iv. c. 3. 54 Amalar. ibid. 1. iii. c. n.
[It is much earlier than this, being found 55 Isidor. ibid., [" praesignata fronte,
in the Liturgy of S. James, both Greek aurem sollicite accommodet."]
and Syriac, in that of S. Mark, in SS. 56 V. Rupert. Tuitiens. de Div. Offic.
Adaeus and Maris, &c. And it was 1. i. c. 14, T. II. ed. Mogunt. An."
most probably a direct prayer to God, 1621.
the Ktyie cv\6y7i<rov9 answering to the 57 Cone. Agathen. c. 30, An. 506,
Kvpie iAeT)aov.] [" Hymni matutini vel vespertini die-
53 August, de Civit. Dei, 1. xxii. c. bus omnibus decantentur, et in conclu-
8, ["Facto tandem silentio, Scriptura- sione matutinarum vel vespertinarum
rum divinarum sunt lecta solemnia."] missarum post hymnos capitella de
Ambros. Praef. in Psalm, i., ["What psalmis dicantur, et plebs collecta ora-
trouble is there to obtain silence in the tione ad vesperam ab episcopo cum be-
church when lections are read."] Isi- nedictione dimittatur."]
dor. Hisp. de Eccl. Offic. 1. i. c. 10, 5S In Reg. c. 9. [Responsories == the
["Oportet ut quando psallitur, psalla- Psalms or portions of Psalms sung be-
tur ab omnibus; cum oratur, oretur ab tween the Lections. The Responsory
omnibus; cum lectio legitur, facto si- is better known by the name of Gra-
lentio, aequa audiatur a cunctis." "Si- dual. See below, p. 234. note 61.]
lentium admonet diaconus clara voce."]
2IO POLITY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH.
We know that Canticles have been recited in the office of Psal-
mody since the fifth century, though we do not know in what order:
for sometimes in the sixth century it used to be the duty of the
abbats of monasteries to select what canticles were to be sung by
monks at their services,59 nor do we read of the canticle of the
Magnificat having been sung in the public services earlier than the
ninth century; for Amalarius60 is the first who makes mention of it.
The Te Deum (the authorship of which is wrongly attributed to
Augustine and Ambrose),61 used to be sung by the Latins in the
Nocturn services before the reading of the gospel as early as the
sixth century.62
Antiphon, <W0wi/a, is a Greek word signifying "a voice answering
back," i.e., the alternate chant of the two sides of a choir regularly
arranged.63 So antiphon was formerly the name given to that kind of
song in which the singers, arranged in two choirs, sang the verses of
the Psalms alternately. Hence any Psalm sung in this manner was
called an antiphon both by the Greeks and by the Latins.64# But
subsequently to the sixth century the name began to be applied to
that versicle which precedes a Psalm,65 by which name also since
the sixth century that versicle has been called which we call the
Invitatory at Matins, as it is also called in the Rule of S. Benedict,
c. 9, and in the Ordo Romanus.66
§ 6. Of Hymns.
"Hymns are songs which celebrate the praises of God,"67 (from
vpveu), to celebrate in song,) and which are written in metre. The
59 Ibid. c. II. [In Cone. Tolet. IV. Thee," &c, is "Tu ad liberandum sus-
c. 14, An. 633, the Song of the Three cepisti hominem," &c, and it means.
Children is said to be sung through all "Thou didst take upon Thee man,"
the world. To those canticles enume- or "a man, to deliver him," or "to
rated in the text may be added the Song deliver the world;" some MSS. read-
of Hannah, (1 Sam. ii. 1—10,) and of ing, "ad liberandum mundum." (See
Habakkuk, (Hab. iii. 2—19:) one of Smith's Diet. p. 1950.)]
these seven Old Testament canticles 63 Isidor. Ong. s. vi. c. 19 § 7,
is said every day at Lauds in the ["Antiphona ex Grseco interpretatur
Roman and cognate Breviaries. The vox reciproca; duabus scilicet choris
Mozarabic Breviary has seventy-seven alternatim psallentibus ordine commu-
Canticles.l tato> s^ve ^e un0 a<^ unum> quod genus
60 De Eccl. Offic. 1. iv. 3 and 12. psallendi Grseci invenisse traduntur."]
[The Magnificat is first met with in 64 Sozomen. Hist. Eccl. 1. viii.j:. 8,
the Rules of Csesarius and Aurelian, [koto rbp ruv hvrity&vw rp6rrov ityah-
who about An. 506, order it to be sung Kov,] and Haymo. Comm. in Psalm, vii.
in the French churches at Morning 65 Cone. Turon. II. c. 18, An. 567,
Service. (Bingham, xiv. ii.)] ["In diebus aestivis ad matutinum sex
61 Ab Auctore Chron. Mediol. 1. i. antiphonae binis psalmis explicentur
c. 10 quod male Dacio tribuitur. Ma- Septembri septem antiphonae
bill Analect. T. III. explicentur binis psalmis: Octobri octo
62 Reg. S. Be'ned.'c. 11. V. S. Greg. ternis psalmis," &c.;] Amalar. ib. 1. iv.
Mara.; sive Auctor. Dialog. 1. iv. c. 4. c. 7.
[The earliest notice of the Te Deum is "Ap. Hittorp.
also in the Rule of Csesarius, An. 527, 67 August. Enarr. in Psalm, lxxii.,
(Bingham, ib.) The old reading of the [" Hymni cantus sunt continentes laudes
clause, "When Thou tookest upon Dei."]
OF THE DIFFERENT PARTS OF CHURCH PSALMODY. 211
use of hymns among Christians is of the highest antiquity, as old as
the Church herself:68 the most illustrious Fathers of the Church have
been6'9 among her hymn-writers since the fourth century; subse-
quently to that date they have also composed70 hymns in honour
of Apostles and martyrs as well as to the praise of God. Formerly
ancient writers71 mention hymns as sung only at Matins and Even-
song, but since the sixth century the custom began72 of singing them
at each of the hours.
This seems the place to speak of the Hymn known as the
"Gloria Patri" commonly called among the Greeks the Doxology,
AogoXotyia.
Sozomen and Theodoret73 tell us that Flavian, Bishop of Antioch
in the fourth^century, was the author of it; others think it is of
Apostolic origin, and that it was received as such74 by the Fathers of
the Council of Nice. This much, however, is certain, that the hymn
was appointed to be sung after each of the Psalms in the Psalter
issued by S. Jerome by direction75 of the Roman Pontiff Damasus:
and in the time of Pope Vigilius the custom of so singing it after the
Psalms had become universal.76 At first this hymn consisted only of
the words, " Glory be to the Father, and to the Son, and to the Holy
Ghost," to which the word "honour" was added by the Spaniards,77
as we find in their Mozarabic Liturgy. The words, "As it was in
the beginning," &c, were an addition first made in the Eastern
Church, from whence the Latins borrowed them, and before the sixth
century they were universally in use in the Western Church.78
Such is a very brief account of the different parts of the Church's
public services of Psalmody.
68 V. Euseb. Hist. Eccl. 1. vii. c. 24;
and 1. v. c. 28. ["I greatly love Ne-
pos for his faith and industry, and his
great study in the Scriptures; as also
for his great attention to Psalmody, by
which many are still delighted." "What-
ever psalms and hymns were written by
the brethren from the beginning cele-
brate Christ the Word of God by as-
serting His divinity."]
69 V. Hieronym. in Catal. lib. Eccl.;
Hilar, in Psalm, lxv.; Ambr. Exhort,
ad Virg. Laps.; August. Retract, i. c.
21.
70 Cone. Tolet. IV. c. 13, An. 633,
["Hymnos beatissimi doctores Hila-
rius atque Ambrosius ediderunt." This
canon threatens with excommunication
those who oppose the use of hymns
in Divine Service in France and
Spain.]
71 Hieronym. in Psalm. Ixiv.; So-
crat. Hist. Eccl. 1. vi. c. 8 [quoted
above].
72 Ex. Reg. S. Bened. ibid.
73 Sozom. Hist. Eccl. 1. iii. c. 19.
Theodoret. Hist. Eccl. 1. ii. c. 19.
[Theodoret says Flavian first appointed
the singing of the doxology. Sozomen
says the Catholics sang, "Glory be to
the Father, and the Son:" but the
Arians, "Glory be to the Father in
the Son."]
74 Baron, ad An. 325.
75 Hieronym. Ep. ad Damas. Con-
cilior. T. I.
7^ Epist. Vigilii ad Euther. c. 2.
77 Cone. Tolet. IV. c. 13 and 15,
An- 633, [quoting David's "Afferte
Domino gloriam et honorem," and Rev.
'8 Cone. Vasense II. An. 529, c. 5,
["in universis ecclesiis nostris hoc di-
cendum esse decernimus."]
P 2
212 POLITY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH.
CHAPTER IV.
OF THE PRIVATE RECITATION OF THE PSALMS.
When the solemn and public use of the Psalter, which had been
introduced in all the Churches, as we have shown, began by degrees
to become obsolete, the public recitation of the canonical hours was
left to the clergy only: for they, as we said, lived in community, and
were supported by the property of the Church, so that each one of
them who had been appointed as a cardinal priest by the Bishop at
his ordination had leisure to conduct a public service in the church
to which he had been appointed. Hence in their parishes the clergy
were careful to keep up at least the services of Matins and Even-
song •} and this by a decree of Justinian,2 they were obliged to do
in the Eastern Church under the penalty of expulsion from their
parishes: so that in former times, even in country chapels, the ser-
vice of the Psalms was recited daily.3
But in the Western Church, even as early as the fourth century, the
clergy were not obliged to attend the whole of the church service,
but only at the hours of Matins and Evensong,4 [or, as in the
Spanish Church in that age, a daily celebration of the Holy Com-
munion :] and this custom became general in the sixth century in all
the Latin Churches, in which a public attendance in church at the
services was compulsory on them by law5 at Matins and Vespers
only; though in saying this we must make an exception in the case
of the Churches of Aries and Agde, in which in the sixth century
both clergy and laity were in the habit of attending all the public
services of the Church, as we are told by the author of the life of
S. Caesarius, Bishop of Aries, c. 6 and 8, and by the 30th Canon of
the Council of Agde.* Henceforward the Church threatened canon-
ical penalties against those clergy who were not present " at the daily
sacrifice of song at the morning and evening hours ;"6 though at that
1 Cone. Tarracon. I. c. 7, An. 517, 4 Cone. Toletan. I. c. 5, An. 400,
[" Presbyteri vel diaconi qui ibi, [in [" Presbyter vel diaconus vel subdiaco-
ecclesia,] constituti sunt cum clericis nus vel quilibet ecclesice deputatus cle-
septimanas observent; id est ut pres- ricus; si intra civitatem fuerit vel in loco
byter unam faciat hebdomadam, qua in quo est ecclesia aut castellum aut
expleta succedat ei diaconus similiter, vicus aut villa, et ad ecclesiam ad sacri-
ea scilicet conditione servata, ut omnis ficium quotidianum non venerit, cleri-
clerus die sabbati ad vesperas sit pa- cus non habeatur, si castigatus per sa-
ratus, quo facilius die Dominico solem- tisfactionemveniamabepiscoponoluerit
nitas'cum omnium prsesentiacelebretur: promereri."]
ita tarn en, ut omnibus diebus vespera et 5 Cone. Tarrac. ibid.
matutina celebrentur, &c."] * [Quoted above: § 4, note 57.]
2 Cod. de Sacr. Eccl. Leg. i. Leg. 41. 6 Capit. Carol. Magn. 1. vn. c. 161,
3 Chrysostom. Horn. 18, in Acta ["Ad quotidianum psallendi Sacrifi-
Apost. cium matutinis et vespertinis horis."]
OF THE PRIVATE RECITATION OF THE PSALMS. 213
period on holidays the whole of the service of psalmody was sung
by the clergy in the churches.7 It seems to have been in France
first that the clergy neglected attending the daily service of the
Church towards the end of the sixth century; this at least was the
case in some churches, since they were compelled to keep up the
public service only on holy days, while on other days of the week they
could say the "compense," (i.e., the office) in private; for by that
name the recitation of the canonical hours was called, which was also
called8 in the middle ages pensus, (the task or duty,) and by more
ancient writers, Cursus? (the order of the daily office in church.)10 By
degrees this became a general custom with the other Churches of the
West, so that after the ninth century the public psalmody of the Church
was only kept up on the more solemn and important festivals of the
year, as is plain from the Councils of the tenth century. But after
the twelfth century a convenient opportunity seems to have arisen for
abolishing even this remnant of ancient discipline, for at that time, per-
haps because of a decree passed by the Lateran Council,11 a.d. 1179,
a title to holy orders very often went with an estate of personal pro-
perty. For in those times when the clergy were no longer necessarily
attached as cardinal priests to the churches from which they took
their titles, and subsisted on their own or their fathers' property,12
they kept aloof from the daily service of the Church, and from the
duty of public prayer and praise; since they were not in any way
supported by Church funds; of which, by the earliest rule formerly
in use, they were deprived who omitted to recite the Psalter.13
Hence the clergy who had been admitted to holy orders for the
future recited the service of psalmody in private, a duty which the
ancient canons of the Church had made it obligatory also on
those minor clergy to perform, who were possessed of ecclesiastical
benefices.
Hence the reader must not be surprised if no definite laws have
been made respecting the private recitation of the Psalms, as the
clergy were well aware that it was obligatory on them; and the
more so because ever since the time when the Canonical Hours
were publicly observed they were bound to say their offices in pri-
vate,14 if for any just cause they were prevented from going to church
7 Cone. Tarrac. I. c. 7, [quoted 12 Concil. Lateran. An. 1179, c. 5.
above.] « Cone. Carth. IV. c. Q4(?) [But
8 Carnoten. Epist. 19. Council of Agde says, "Contumaces
9 Regula S. Machar. c. 9; Fortun. clerici. . . ab episcopis corrigantur . . .
epigr. 10. V. Hasephten. Disq. Monast. si aut ecclesiam frequentare vel officium
1. vii. Tract. 2. suuni implere neglexerint; . . . ut cum
10 Cone. Autissiod. c. 3, An. 578. eos pcenitentia correxerit, rescripti in
[Offices must be said in church, not in matricula gradum suum dignitatemque
private houses ("non licet compen- recipiant." (C. Agath. c. 2^ An. 506.)]
sos in domibus propriis . . . facere"): 14 Greg. Turon. de Glor. Confess.'c.
money vowed must be paid to the poor 31; [et notse in Hist. Franc, ix. 6 ;]
direct, or to the matricula, i.e., the et de Vit. Patr. c. 5, 7, 8 ; Cone. Tolet.
common church fund, from which the IV. An. 633, c. 10; Vita S. Germani
clergy were paid.] Episc. Paris, ap. Sur. die 28 Maii.
11 C. 5, sub Alex. III. [Gregory relates, of a presbyter, saying
214 POLITY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH.
to say them. When therefore the custom of publicly reciting the
Psalms at the Hours had at length died out, they kept up the private
recitation of them, in obedience to the ancient discipline of the
Church, which needed no new law [to make it binding on the
conscience].
The Canonical Hours are commonly called the Office: they are
first called by this name at the Council of Vannes in Britanny in the
fifth century.15 Formerly, as we said, they were called Cursus, and
in the middle ages Pensus, or Compensus, since before that time, while
the recitation of psalmody was kept up in the churches, the service
was contained in a number of different office-books, as psalters, con-
taining the psalms, antiphonaries, or psalters-noted for antiphonal
singing; the lectionaries, in which were the portions of Scripture
which were read; hymnaries, or hymn-books. But when it became
the custom to recite the service in private, an epitome was made of
all these volumes, that the clergy, at a time when the art of printing
was unknown, and when MS. books were scarce, might have in one
volume all that was needed for the different parts of the service; and
hence a service-book of the offices began to be called a Breviary.
We have already given an outline of the history of the Psalter, in
chap. ii. § i : we have but one further remark to make in connexion
with the subject, that the clergy followed the same order in the
service, at their private recitation of it, which was in use at their
cathedral church, while all the churches on the other hand received
their arrangement of the services from their metropolitan church.16
his office, "juxta morem sacerdotum ulla honesta necessitas occupare, fas non
nocte e stratu suo consurgens orationi est a salubri devotione cessare."]
astitit:" of an abbat, "Domino psal- 16 Cone. Epaonen. An. 517, c. 27;
morum decantationem debitam exsol- Vasense II. An. 529, c. 5; Tolet. IV.
vit." This Council of Toledo directs c. 2. [(1) "Ad celebranda divina of-
all clerks to say the Lord's Prayer ficia ordinem quern metropolitani te-
daily at the office either openly or pri- nent provinciales observare debebunt."
vately. Germanus, Bishop of Paris, (2) "Orders that the verse * As it was
said his offices even when on a jour- in the beginning/ &c, shall be chanted
ney, with head uncovered in rain or after the * Gloria Patri1 in all churches."
snow.] (3) "Directs that the same order of
15 Cone. Venet. An. 465, c. 14. prayer, psalmody, matins, vespers, and
[Excommunicates for seven days clerks celebrations, shall be observed through
who, living in a city, absent themselves Spain and Gaul." So third canon of
from matins. "Clericus qui a matu- eleventh Council of Toledo, a.d. 675,
tinis hymnis sine probabili excusatione orders all the bishops of the province
segritudinis inventus fuerit defuisse, to conform their ritual to that in use in
septem diebus a communione habeatur the metropolitan church, "Missam al-
extraneus; quia ministrum sacrorum eo iter quam in principali ecclesia cele-
tempore, quo non potest ab officio suo brare non liceat."]
OF THE EUCHARISTIC SERVICES. 215
CHAPTER V.
OF THE EUCHARISTIC SERVICES, OR OF THE MASS.
Having thus described the Service of Psalmody, we may now pass
to speak of that of the Eucharist; meaning by that name the blood-
less Sacrifice of our Saviour Jesus Christ.
The Fathers have used various names when speaking of this Sacri-
fice. They have very naturally called it a " Liturgy," for that is the
word used by the New Testament Scriptures to describe the sacri-
fice and service of God referred to in Acts xiii. 2, "when they
were ministering," XeiTovp^ovvnov, (engaged in the Liturgy;) i.e.
"when the apostles were sacrificing," as Erasmus rightly explains
it. Hierurgy, lepovpryta, is another very ancient name for it, used
by S. Ignatius the Martyr, and signifying "a sacred work" or "func-
tion," or "sacrifice." Mystagogia {jwaTa^w^la) "initiation into the
mysteries," was also another name by which the Holy Sacrifice was
called1 by the Fathers. Sometimes it is spoken of as the Obla-
tion, ([avacfropa] 7rpoa(/)opa :)2 very commonly also as "the Sacrifice,"
(Ova/a,) and the "Bloodless Sacrifice," incruentum sacrificium, ayal-
fiatcTo? Ova/a, especially by S. Gregory Nazianzen.
But the name by which, since the early times3 of Church History, the
Holy Sacrifice has been called by the Latins is Missa, or the Mass; in
the Western Church this has been its universal name. As to the origin
of this word, some have attempted to trace its derivation to the
Hebrew word Missah, which in Deut. xvi. signifies an offering or
oblation. But if we are not prepared to accept this ingenious at-
tempt at solving a knotty point of interpretation the explanation
which Isidore4 offers of the word is the only other one worthy of our
attention. "Missa," he says, "is derived from the word dismissing.
For at the time when the Priest is beginning to consecrate the
Lord's Body, the deacon is to say, after the Gospel, i If any cate-
chumen is present, let him go forth:' and because catechumens are
then dismissed from the church, the service is therefore called
'Missa/ from their dismissal." Hence the Fathers5 are constantly
1 Nazianz. Orat. 46 ; Justinian. Nov. (in publica missa). Ambrose says," I be-
58. gan to perform mass," (missam facere;)
2 Can. Apost. iii. and ix., [" Kaipy Cassian, "Missa canonica;" Leo dis-
T7js dclas avcxpopas,"—"irpoo-cpopasyeuo- approves of the "custom of a single
fievris."] mass" in small churches when more de-
3 Cone. Carth. II. c. 3, [xxv. in Ap- sired to be present than the church
pend. "Lectio quee nobis ad missas would hold at once.]
legenda ;"] Ambr. Ep. xx. §4; Au- 4 Etymolog. 1. vi. c. 19.
gust. Serm. 91 de Tempore (?); Sever. 5 Aug. Serai. 49, § 8, "Ecce post
Sulp. in vita S. Martini; Cassian. Inst. sermonem fit missa catechumenis; ma-
1. ii. c. 7; iii. 5, 8 ; Leo I. R. P. Ep. xi. nebunt fideles;" Ambros. Ep. 20, § 4;
§2, ad Diosc. Alexand. &c. [Cone. [Cone. Carth. IV. c. S4; "That the
Carth. II. c. 3, forbids a presbyter Bishop forbid no one to enter the
to reconcile a penitent at a public mass church and hear the word of God, be
2l6 POLITY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH.
making mention of the Mass of the Catechumens, as we shall speak
of presently. And thus the name of Missa was given to the Sacrifice,
from the circumstance that it, properly speaking, began with the
dismissal of the catechumens.
In old times the Liturgy was celebrated in the vernacular or vulgar
tongue, for the Apostles in public worship used that language which
was the native tongue of the people to whom they ministered.
This is quite clear also from the ancient Liturgies: for they are
written in those languages which were in former times the vernacular
and common ones. Hence in the West the Liturgies appear to have
been written in Latin: in Asia, in Greek; at Jerusalem, in Chaldee;
in Syria, in Syriac, as we shall speak of further on. This matter is
even more plainly apparent from the history of the Abbat S. Antony;
on entering a church in Egypt, though he had received no learned
education, he nevertheless understood the reading of the Gospel, the
hearing of which so moved him that he embraced6 that new kind
of (monastic) life. Hence very many churches were built by
Theodosius the Archimandrite in order that Greeks, Bessi and
Armenians might, in the different churches, hear the Liturgy in
their own language.7 The same rule was observed among the Slavs
in the ninth century when S. Methodius had brought among them
the Christian Faith; and it was done with the consent of the Roman
Pontiff John VIII.,8 who wished that only the Gospel at Mass
should be read in Latin. Wherefore to this day the Russians9 and
the Maronites10 celebrate the Liturgy in the vernacular. Hence in
the principal churches, in which there were congregations of different
races, the Epistles and the Gospels at Mass were recited both in
Greek and in Latin, that every one might understand them:
which was done since the ninth century at Rome11 and at Con-
stantinople,12 and in the middle ages in our own Church of Naples,
both in the recitation of the Psalms, and at the mystical service of
the Liturgy, as some people spoke13 Greek, and others Latin. But
when those languages in which the Liturgy had been written became
obsolete, as well our own Latin as the more ancient language of the
Greeks, the Church, in her great zeal for the honour of the worsliip
he Gentile, or heretic, or Jew, until epistolse atque prophetarum ordinabili-
the dismissal (missam) of the catechu- ter constitutae lectiones, quae a subdia-
mens."] conis leguntur. . . sursum in ambone
6 V. Vitam ejus a S. Athan. Alex- raptum vel perditum a sancta ecclesia
andr. script. fuisse percipiens . . . tale dignum simi-
7 Ex ejus Vita ap. Allatium, Ep. ad liter volumen preeparare studuit, in quo
Naud. Graecas et Latinas lectiones, quas die
8 Ep. 247, ad Sventopulcum Comit. Sabbato sancto Paschae, simulque et
Moravian, sancto Pentecostes subdiaconi legere
9 Sigismund. Comment. Rer. Mos- soliti sunt Scripturas adjungi .praece-
covit. 1. ii. pit."] Ordo Rom. ap. Mabil.
10 Papebroch. in Paralipom. ad Co- 12 Nicolai I. R. P. Ep. 8, ad Mich,
nat. in Catal. Pontine. Dissert, xxx. Imper.; and Leon. X. Ep. 1, ad Mich.
11 Anastas. Biblioth. inBenedicto III. Patriarch. Constantinopolitan.
[Of Benedict it is said, "Textum volu- 13 Ex vita S. Athanas. Ep. Neap. ap.
minis in quo constant . . . apostolorum Ughel. Ital. Sacr. T. VI.
OF THE CHIEF LITURGIES. 217
of God, and fearing lest the sacred Mysteries should become of little
esteem when performed in too vulgar a tongue, retained the ancient
language in her Mystical Liturgy.
CHAPTER VIL*
OF THE CHIEF LITURGIES OF THE EASTERN AND WESTERN
CHURCH.
Under the name of Liturgy is here meant the Order of the
Lections, the Prayers, and the ceremonies as they are ordinarily
used at the Sacrifice. There were several of these Liturgies in
ancient times both in Oriental and Latin Churches : and it is of such
that we shall now briefly and separately speak.
§ i. Of the Easter7t Liturgies.
Of the Order of the Liturgy, as it was established by the Apostles,
no certain historical records have come down to us: we have but
the various conjectures which writers on the subject have left us.
Nevertheless those writers1 who have told us that the Apostles con-
secrated the host (pblationis hostiani) with no other form except the
Lord's Prayer seem only to mean that the Lord's Prayer formed
an important and inseparable part of the Liturgy.2 In fact Justin
Martyr, the most ancient writer on the subject, who lived in the
second century, and was almost a contemporary of the Apostles,
enumerates the principal parts of the Liturgy, from which it is
clear that in the Mystical Liturgy there were even in his time other
ceremonies besides the repetition of the Lord's Prayer.
The first and most ancient Liturgy, as it seems, is that one which
is called The Liturgy of the Apostles, the composition of which is
commonly ascribed to Pope S. Clement I. But though this may not
be the actual work of the Apostles, as it is said to be in Part I. of
the Apostolical Constitutions, yet it may justly be considered as
more ancient than other Liturgies, though additions were perhaps
made to the original text in the first three, and also in the fourth
centuries; it is more simple than others which have come down to
us, but though it has retained so much of its primitive simplicity, it
* The Chapters are here wrongly gory says, "Orationern Dominicam id-
numbered, but the mistake is left un- circo mox post precem [i.e. canonem]
corrected, as in the original text, to dicimus, quia mos Apostolorum fuit ut
facilitate reference. ad ipsam solummodo orationern obla-
1 S. Greg. Magn. 1. ix. Ep. 12, and tionis hostiam consecrarent."]
Rather. Episc. Veron. de Contemtu 2 V. Hieronym. adv. Pelag. 1. hi.
Canon, in D'Acherii Spicil.T. II. [Gre- c. 18.
2l8 POLITY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH.
is certain3 it was not in actual use in any churches after the fourth
century.
The second liturgical form which has come down to us is called
The Liturgy of S. James; though without any warrant it is circulated
under the name of the Apostle S. James, it is nevertheless thought
to be of great antiquity in its origin. Since it was of too great length,
it was abbreviated by S. Basil, Bishop of Caesarea, and since then it
began to be called the Liturgy of S. Basil. But there are three
Liturgies among the Greeks which bear the name of that Bishop;
the first is called simply, The Liturgy of Basil; the second, The
Great Liturgy of our holy Father, Basil; the third, The Syriac Liturgy
of S. Basil. The first of these agrees in almost all points with the
more ancient order of the Liturgy of the Church of Jerusalem, as is
plain from the Catecheses of Cyril; which proves also that the Li-
turgy of S. James was the one used by the Church of Jerusalem.4
The second of them is used by the Greeks chiefly in Lent and Fast-
days, and by monks still oftener.5 The third, which was written
in Syriac,6 is in use among the Jacobites of Alexandria; but in the
sixteenth century a certain Dionysius, commonly called the Catholic,
reduced this ancient Liturgy of S. James to a shorter form, and it
was called the The Liturgy of S. James the Less.
But further : Chrysostom, Bishop of Constantinople, made a second
abbreviated form of the Liturgy of Basil, fearing that it would still
be of too wearisome a length for congregational use; therefore this
shorter Liturgy bears the name of The Liturgy of S. Chrysostom.
There are indeed three Liturgies of S. Chrysostom in the Greek
Church: the first, and more ancient of the three may be seen in
Goar's Menologium; the second, written in Syriac, and the third,
in the Greek language, may be seen in the Romano-Chaldaic Missal.
This third Liturgy of Chrysostom was used by the Greek monks, who
in mediaeval times had monasteries in the Roman territory of Cam-
pania, Apulia, and the coasts of Calabria; but the Syriac Liturgy of
Chrysostom is the one in use among the Nestorians, and among the
Jacobites of Syria.
We have another Liturgy which bears the name of S. Cyril, Pa-
triarch of Jerusalem; this is, however, altogether a very modern one;
it may be found in a Missal edited at Rome by Victorius Schialath
the Maronite.
There are as many as twenty-eight Liturgies in use among the
Jacobites, the best known of which are that of Cyril of Jerusalem,
which we have mentioned; another which bears the name of S.
Cyril of Alexandria, and is included among those very ancient Li-
turgies edited by Renaudot, its authorship being formerly ascribed
to the Evangelist S. Mark \ and a third one which also bears the
name of S. Mark, and which Renaudot thinks was formerly in com-
3 V. Bocquiliot, Hist, de la Lit. ; and 5 Ap. Goar. in Euchol.
Coteler. Patr. Apost. T. I. p. 189, 190. 6 Ap. Renaud. ib. V. Vansleb. His-
4 Ap. Euseb. Renaud. Liturg. Orient. toire de l'Eglise Alexandr. c. 28.
T. I.
OF THE CHIEF LITURGIES. 219
mon use in the Church of Constantinople. Among the Liturgies
of the Jacobites may be also reckoned the Liturgy of S. Gregory of
Nyssa, which with greater probability is the composition of a monk,
one Gregorius Acindinus. There is also another which bears the name
of S. John the Evangelist, supposed to be the work of a certain Pa-
triarch of that name; and another of S. Peter the Second, by which
name some understand Peter Apamiensis, others Peter the Fuller;7
another bearing the name of Jacobus Bardceus—the founder of the
sect of the Jacobites: and lastly those of Moses Barcephas and
Severus the Monk, which are peculiar to the Syrian Jacobites.8
The Oriental Christians have also the Liturgy of S. John the
Patriarch, commonly called Acoemetes, and that of Gregory the Eastern
Catholicus, known as that of Abulfaragius—and another bearing the
name of Philoxenus, Bishop of Hierapolis.
But there is also another Liturgy in use among the Christians of
^Ethiopia, or Abyssinians—another among the Nestorian Christians
of Arabia; another among the Arabian Melchites—which is called
Euchologium Arabiawi, and which is used by all the Christians dwell-
ing in Mount Sinai, Arebus, the coasts of the Red Sea, the deserts
of Arabia Petrsea and Arabia Felix, and by the monks of the cele-
brated monastery of S. Catherine.9
The Armenian Christians dwelling in Cilicia formerly used a
Liturgy of S. Mandas, MetropoIita?i of Tagrith, which is reckoned
among the Jacobite Liturgies by Abraham Echellensis, to which
family belongs also that which is called the Liturgy of Nestorius,
and which (commonly known as the Third Liturgy) is in use
among the Nestorians of Syria.
These are the chief Oriental Liturgies: for the sake of brevity I
am obliged to pass over many others; but they may be found
enumerated in the pages of Goar, Renaudot and Barsalibius, in
the Romano-Chaldaic Missal, in Abraham Echellensis, and other
writers.
I pass now to speak of those in use among the Latins.
§ 2. Of the Western Liturgies.
There have been four Liturgies in the Western Church, the Roman,
the Gallic, the Spanish, and the Ambrosian.
The Roman, originally received by tradition from S. Peter, was by
degrees enlarged like the oldest of the Greek Liturgies. But its
most ancient surviving monuments are three "Sacramentarits^ as
the forms of the Liturgy were called in the West, the Leonine, the
Gelasian, and the Gregorian.
The first, which bears the name of Leo L, seems older than the
time of Leo, judging from some of the ritual prescribed in it which
has marks of very high antiquity, and it has been in use in the
7 Barsalib. ap. Renaud. ib. 9 V. Euchol. Arabic, edit. Fani For-
s Barsalib. Comm. inLiturg. Orient. tunas, An. 1514.
2 20 POLITY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH.
Church of Rome since perhaps the fourth century in the opinion of
Eusebius Amort: of this Sacramentary there are two MS. copies
extant, one in the Vatican Library, another in the Library of Ludo-
vico Antonio of Este, which has been edited by Muratori.
The second Sacramentary bears the name of Gelasius; and al-
though its composition cannot by any means be ascribed to Pope
Gelasius I., it is nevertheless deservedly reckoned among the most
ancient of the Service-books of the Roman Church : it has been*
edited by the Venerable Cardinal Thomasius from a MS. in the
Queen's Library in Sweden.
The third, the Gregorian Sacramentary, derives its name from
the Roman Pontiff S. Gregory I., who continued10 the order of the
Liturgy from a certain ancient Order, which was already in use in
the Roman Church, and which we think may possibly have been
the Gelasian Sacramentary; though beyond doubt the Sacramentary
which was written by S. Gregory, has since his time received con-
stant additions to it of new ritual ceremonies. The oldest MS. of
this Sacramentary is preserved in the Butelerian Library, concerning
which MS. Du Fresne may be consulted; though another MS.
of it has been edited by Menard. Besides these Sacramentaries we
have some other Liturgical Service-books in use in the Roman
Church in the middle ages, edited by Mabillon in _ the second
volume of his " Museum Italicum," and also by Hittorpius.
These Orders were in use in the Church of Rome and in other
Churches also, especially in the Italian and in the suburbicarian
churches. For in the first ages, as all are agreed, there was one
Liturgy used by almost the whole of the Western Church. But
about the sixth century, another Liturgical Order, brought from the
East, was introduced into Spain by the Goths :n this began to be
called the Mozarabic Liturgy; for those who had embraced the
Christian faith in Spain were principally Arabs, and for this reason
the Spaniards were then called Mixti-Arabes, Mixed Arabs.* By a
canon of the fourth council of Toledo this Mozarabic Liturgy was
adopted by all the Spanish Churches, and continued in use among
them down to the eleventh century. Copies of this Liturgy of a
more modern date are in the Bibliotheca Maxima, T. XXVII., and
in the life of Cardinal Ximenes written by Robles.
In a similar way, after the fifth century, a certain special Liturgy
was in use in the Churches of France, which was called the
Gothic or Gallican Liturgy, the authorship of which is by some
ascribed to S. Hilary, Bishop of Poitiers, by others to Museus, a
Presbyter of Marseilles, and by others to Sidonius Apollinans. The
French Churches used this Liturgy until the eighth century. There
are, however, four which are called Gallican Liturgies: I. In the
Gothic Missal, which Mabillon published from a MS. written a
10 Ex Tohan. Diac. in ejus Vita, 1. * [The word is Arabic, derived from
jjj c# 2I a verb which means "to Arabize," "to
11 See'our Dissertation, § 6, vi. pub- imitate the Arabs."]
lished at Naples, A.D. 1769-
OF THE MINISTERS OF THE MYSTICAL LITURGY.. 221
thousand years before; II. In the Missal of the Franks; III. In the
Old Galilean Missal; these two last being of a later date; IV.
a fourth also edited by Mabillon, under the title of the Galilean
Missal, from a very ancient MS. of the Library at Bobio,13 but which
is of the same type as the preceding. This Gallican Liturgy was
also formerly adopted by the Churches of England.13
Lastly, the Church of Milan has also had a special Liturgy of
her own, which bore the name of Ambrose—from the additions which
he made to the very old Liturgy before then in use in the Church
of Milan.14 But this Liturgy has received so many new additions to
it from time to time, that it is almost entirely different from the one
which was in use in S. Ambrose's time: but the Church of Milan
has continued to use this particular Liturgy to our own time, and it
is the one found in the Missals of that Church.
Of all the ancient Liturgies, then, one only has remained in the
Western Church, viz. the Ambrosian, seeing that in the eleventh cen-
tury in Spain, in the reign of Alfonso VIIL, the Roman Liturgy took
the place of the Mozarabic, and ever since the eighth century the
Gallican has by degrees fallen into disuse in France, and its place
has also been taken by the Roman there. But as the Order of the
Roman Liturgy had begun in the middle ages to be enlarged by the
addition of new rites, and had in the fourteenth century, in the
Pontificate of Nicolas III., been so added to by the Friars Minor
that it had lost too much its ancient form, a correction of the Roman
Missal was decreed by the Council of Trent in the sixteenth century:
this was submitted by the Fathers to Pope Pius V., and was finished
in the same year, a.d. 1570.
If the reader desires to learn more on the subject of the Western
Liturgies, and especially of the Roman, we would refer him to §§ viii.
and ix. of our " Dissertation/' written in the Italian language, and
published15 by us in the year 1769.
CHAPTER VIIL
OF THE MINISTERS OF THE MYSTICAL LITURGY.
In ancient times only Bishops used to celebrate the Mystical
Liturgy, or Sacrifice, for down to the seventh century1 it was not
12 V. Mabill. Mus. Ital. T. I. ; and Disciplina della Chiesa, e dell' obbligo
Comm. in Curs. Gallican. de' sudditi intorno alia preghiera pel
13 V. Usser. de Antiquitat. Britan. proprio Sovrano," quarto edition.
1. ii. c. 9. i Cone. Hispalen. III. c. 7, An.
14 V. Vicecomit. de Antiquit. Mis. 619. ["Non licet presbytens, eo (epis-
Rit. 1. ii. c. 12 and 13, and Walafr. copo) pnesente, sacramentum corporis
Strab. de Rit. Eccl. c. 22. et sanguinis Christi conftcere."]
15 This Dissertation is called: " Della
2 22 POLITY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH.
lawful for presbyters to celebrate in the presence of Bishops. But
the Bishop used only to celebrate2 in company with Presbyters;
wherefore Bishops were said3 to "concelebrate" or to "cosacriflce"
(<jvXXeiTovp<yeiv, concelebrare, consacrificare.) Hence with the ancients
a joint celebration, which Bishops took4 when they visited one ano-
ther, was a token of intercommunion: for which reason the re-
presentatives of the Roman See (Apocrisarii) at Constantinople,
were unwilling5 to join in a celebration with Photius, who had aban-
doned the Roman faith. This discipline was kept up by the universal
Church to the end of the eleventh century; and for a longer period at
Rome, where the Pope concelebrated with the Cardinals in the twelfth
century :6 and in some other parts of the Western Church it was main-
tained till the thirteenth7 century. But since the eighth and ninth cen-
turies, when the Holy Sacrifice might be celebrated in other churches
also besides the cathedral, the Bishop has licensed those Presbyters
to celebrate who had service8 during the week in that church to
which they had been instituted: and so it has at length become the
rule for each presbyter by himself to celebrate the Sacrifice of the
Mass.
Though deacons could not concelebrate with the Bishop, yet
seven of them used to stand by him close to the altar.9 At Rome
there used to be a like number both of subdeacons (called at
Rome regionarii) and of acolyths who took their parts in serving10
at a Mass. The same rule as to the number of deacons, subdeacons
and acolyths, at a Mass was observed in the Gallican Church11
also. Such was the custom, according to ancient discipline, but by
degrees it came to be varied with the changes of times and circum-
stances.
But besides the major and minor clergy who used to serve at the
Holy Sacrifice, all others were bound to attend the church every
day, and to be present12 at a celebration of the Liturgy. And
this discipline the Church kept up not only in those times when
a Bishop used to have a celebration three or four times a week,
as was formerly the custom, but also after a daily celebration be-
came usual, while in the case of clerics canonical penalties were
2 Ex Const. Apostol. 1. viii. pas- 9 Prudent, lib. de Coron. Hymn. 2,
sjm# [" Ad aram proximi."]
3*V. Cone. Chalcedon. Act. I; and 10 V. Baron, ad An. 1057, n. 19,
Athanas. Apol. 2. and Ordin. Rom. ap. Mabillon. in
4 De Agapio in Jure Grseco Rom. 1. Museo Ital. T. II. P. ii. p. 3.
iv.; Vit. S. Paulini Nol. ab Uranio n StatutaLugdun. Eccl. inD'Acherii
script. Spicileg. T. IX. ; and Antiq. Ritual.
6 Toann. VII. Epist. ad Constanti- Cassinen. and San. Dionysianorum
nop Synod VIII. Monachor. ap. Mabill. Annal. Ord. S.
6 'innoc. 'ill. R. P. de Myst. Miss. Bened. T. III. IV. VI.
1. iv. c. 25. 12 Concil. Tolet. I. c. 5, An. 400.
'7 Ex Durando, Ration. 1. iv. c. 41. [Deprives all priests and clerks who,
8 V. Joann. Diac. lib. de Eccl. La- having been appointed to any church
teran.'c. 8; and Martene ibid. c. 3, in town or country, do not assist daily
art> ,'# at mass; (quoted above, ch. iv.)]
TIME OF CELEBRATING THE LITURGY. 223
also inflicted on them if they were absent from the daily celebra-
tions.13 These rules were strictly observed down to the fourteenth
century.14
CHAPTER IX.
OF THE DAYS AND HOURS, ON WHICH THE LITURGY WAS
CELEBRATED, AND HOW MANY CELEBRATIONS THERE
WERE ON ANY ONE DAY.
Our ancestors in ancient times celebrated Mass only once in the
week, i.e. on each successive Lord's Day, according to the Apostolic
precept, which ordered1 collections to be made on the first day of
the week, {per unam Sabbati:) the testimony of Justin Martyr2 is
quite plain on this point. But as early as the second century Chris-
tians in the Western Church had celebrations on three days in the
week, i.e. on the Lord's Day, and on Station days, i.e. Wednesdays
and Fridays.3 To these three days, in the fourth century, a fourth
was added, though chiefly in the Eastern Church, viz. the Sabbath,4
or Saturday. But in the Western Church in the same century there
was no uniformity of discipline in the different churches, as in some
churches no day passed without offering up of the Sacrifice: in
others it was only on the Sabbath and on the Lord's Day; in others
only on the Lord's Day f for in that same fourth century the Daily
Sacrifice was offered both in the African,6 and in the Spanish7 [and
13 Ibid. day, the Preparation Day (i.e. Friday),
14 Cone. Ravennat. cap. 12, An. and the Sabbath."]
I3I7- 5 August. £p. 54, ad Januar. [al.
1 Ad Corinth. I. c. 16, 2. [Pliny 118], ["Alibi nullus dies quo non
says of the Bithynian Christians, " Soliti offerretur; alibi Sabbato tantum et Do-
stato die ante lucern con venire .... minico: alibi tantum Dominico." S.
seque sacramento .... obstringere," Cyprian speaks also of daily celebra-
&c. (Lib. x. Ep. 27.)] tions in the African Church, Cyp. Ep.
2 Apolog. 2, p. 98, Ed. Colon. An. 36, (al. 38); Ep. 54 (al. 57) ad Cor-
1686. [Apol. 2,0.67, "TV T°v V^iou nel.: "The martyrs drink the cup of
\€jofj.4ur) 7)iJ.€pa iravrtov Kara iroAeis $1 Christ's Blood every day." "We
aypovs fjL€v6vTooi/ iirl rb avrb awekevcris priests daily celebrate the sacrifices of
ytverai," &c] GOD."]
3 Tertull.de Oratione, c. 19, [" Sta- 6 Id. Epist. 98, c. 9. ["Christ is
tio," (i.e. the Wednesday and Friday sacrificed (immolatur) every day for the
fast) "solvenda sit accepto corpore Do- people," i.e. in the African Church.]
mini." Station days = either "stated 7 Hieronym. Epist. 28 [al. 71 ad
days;" same as the stato die of Pliny; Lucin.] [Jerome refers to a question
or, as explained by S. Ambrose, Serin. of Lucinius as to whether the Eucha-
25, "stantes dies," because by fasting rist were to be received daily, "accord-
Christians specially "stand against the ing to the custom which the churches
wiles of the devil."] of Rome and Spain are said to ob-
4 Basil. Epist. 289, ad Csesar. Patric, serve." According to Socrates (v. 22)
["We communicate four times in the there were no celebrations on Saturdays
week, on the Lord's Day, the fourth at Rome or Alexandria, as forbidden
224 POLITY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH.
Roman] Churches, and also in the Church8 of Constantinople: and
hence after the sixth century a daily celebration was the common
practice in all the Churches, as we know from the Gelasian and Gre-
gorian Sacramentaries.
But subsequently to the fifth century in the Western Church, not
only was a solemn mass performed every day, but on some festivals
it was lawful for the same Presbyter or Bishop to iterate (have a second
celebration of) the sacrifice. This custom appears to have originated
in the sixth century, when private masses had not yet become usual:
for when at that period on very high festivals the congregation of the
faithful had assembled in such large numbers that one basilica could
not hold them, the oblation of the sacrifice might be repeated ;9
and though at first this would only be done when the occasion re-
quired, at last on the higher festivals in the middle ages it was
also done when there was no actual occasion for it. Therefore by
the eighth century four masses10 were commonly celebrated on the
day of our Blessed Lord's Nativity. Everywhere there were two
celebrations on the first of January, at least this was usual till the
thirteenth11 century; and in some places there were even three.12
On the anniversary of the institution of the Lord's Supper, Maundy
Thursday, the Latins13 had three celebrations in almost all their
churches. In France on each day of the Paschal week every priest
was allowed14 to celebrate two masses. At Rome, on the Feast of
S. Peter and S. Paul, in the eighth century there were three15 cele-
brations. In fine, not to dwell too long on this subject, many cele-
brations took place on Saints' Days in all the churches, as may be
inferred16 from the calendars of the middle ages. This discipline
evidently remained in force down to the thirteenth century, at which
period, from the frequent recitation of private masses, which then
was become very common, presbyters took the liberty17 of repeating
a celebration of the same holy mysteries on the same day as often
as they pleased, twice and often thrice at their own discretion.
Hence the rule was first enacted that one priest might lawfully cele-
brate only three times on the same day,18 and it was to this custom that
the Church prescribed certain limits, laying down six rules for regu-
by ancient tradition, though everywhere 10 Ex Sacram. Gellonien. ap. Mar-
else they were daily.] Cone. Tolet. tene ib.
I. c. 5, An. 400, [" Presbyter ... n V. Calend. Fronton. Ducsei, and
si ad ecclesiam ad sacrificium quotidi- Durand. Rat. 1. vi. c. 5.
anum non venerit," &c] 12 Sacram. Gellon. ib.
8 Chrysost. Horn. 3 in Ep. ad 13 Ex Sacram. Gelasiano et aliis ap.
Ephes. [He complains of the rarity of Mar tene.
communicants at the daily offering.] 14 Missal. Gallic. Vet. ap. Thoma-
9 S. Leo I. R. P. Ep. 9, ad Dioscor. sium.
[al. 81], ["Cum solemnior quseque 15 Ex MS. Sacram. Novomiensi ap.
festivitas conventum populi numero- Martene.
sioris indixerit, et ea fidelium multitudo 16 Ap. Martene, and Bollet. Collect.
convenerit, quam recipere basilica simul Calend. Eccl. Occid. T. I. and II.
una non possit, sacrificii oblatio indu- 17 Walafrid. Strabo de Reb. Eccl.
bitanter iteretur." (Letter to the Bishop c. 21.
of Alexandria.)] 18 Rational. 1. iv. c. 1.
TIME OF CELEBRATING THE LITURGY. 225
lating the repetition of a celebration: I. It might be on the feast of
the day of our Lord's Nativity. II. In a case of necessity, as if a
mass for the dead were to be celebrated on the anniversary of the
death of one who was buried in his own church; or if a betrothal
was to take place, &c. III. If any great personage, coming unex-
pectedly, wished to hear a mass. IV. In the case of foreigners,
strangers, travellers, sick persons; in case of a difficulty of finding
priests. V. When two festivals came on one day, then also three
masses could be celebrated. VI. If a feast fell on a solemn fast day,
the priest could celebrate one mass for the feast, another for the
fast. These are rules which were in force in the thirteenth century,
as they are given us by Durandus, Bishop of Mende, a writer of
that age;19 yet, though they were generally observed, the Church at
the same time everywhere very strictly enforced their observance
within the limits laid down, making those who broke them liable to
the penalty of suspension20 from the clerical office. For these rea-
sons in the fourteenth century the custom of having two celebrations
on any day except Christmas undoubtedly became altogether obsolete.
But upon this matter of Church discipline two points are well
worth our attention. First, that priests who took two celebrations
cleansed their fingers [by ablutions] in the same chalice, since what-
ever was over of what had been poured into the chalice, was reserved
in a clean vessel, that at the last mass it might be consumed either
by the priests themselves, or by the deacon, the cleric, or by some
one of blameless life (mnocenti) worshipping among the laity.21 Se-
condly, that nowhere in the church might presbyters have two masses
on the same altar, but they must celebrate on different altars, since
it was not^ lawful to say two masses at one altar on the same day.22
These ancient rules remained in force in some churches at least down
to the tenth century.
We must now say a word or two as to the hours on which the
Holy Sacrifice was celebrated by Christians.
It is abundantly clear, from what early writers of the time have
told us,23 that in primitive times, while the persecutions against the
Church lasted, Christians held their services by night. Hence Pliny
writes to Trajan "that they assemble together before it is light ;"2+
and Tertullian25 calls their assemblies meetings held "before day-
19 Cone. Salegunstadiense, c. 5, An. de Consens. Orient, et Occident. Eccl.
1022; Canones Anglor. sub Edgaro, 1. iii. c. 13.
n-37- 24L. x. Ep. 97, ["Antelucemcon-
M Cone. Lambethen. c. 3. An. 1206. venire. ]
21 Const. Richardi Episc. Sanim. c. £5 Apolog. c. 2; and 1. ii. ad Uxor.
38^ Petr. Damiani, 1. v. Ep. 8. c. 4; and de Cor. Mil. c. 3. [" Meet-
22 Cone. Autissiod. An. 57, c. 10; ings before day-break to sing to Christ
["Non licet super uno altario in una as God;" "Who will without heed
die duas missas dicere, nee in altario endure his wife being away all night at
ubi episcopus missas dixerit, ut pres- the solemnities of Easter?" "Were-
byter in ilia die missas dicat."] Greg. ceive the Eucharist at our meetings be-
Turon. Hist. Franc. 1. v. c. 49. fore day-break."]
23
Ap. Baron, ad An. 34; and Allat.
2 26 POLITY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH.
break," and "in the night-time." But when the Church was given
liberty and peace, she offered her sacrifice by day; and as to the
times of the service, on festivals it was at the third hour of the day
(9 o'clock); on ordinary days, at the sixth hour (12 o'clock); in
Lent and on other fast days, at the ninth26 hour (3 o'clock); this
discipline was kept up even down to the twelfth century :27 yet in
the middle ages there was a celebration by night on four occasions
only; on Christmas Day, on Easter Eve, (the mass for which is called
in ancient rituals "The mass for the Holy Night") on the festival of
S. John Baptist, (though this last was chiefly in the French churches);
and besides this, subsequently to the sixth century, there were
celebrations by night on the four Saturdays in the Ember28 Sea-
sons on which ordinations were held. But in the thirteenth cen-
tury the ancient discipline gradually ceased; and at length by the
fourteenth century mass was celebrated at any hour between sunrise
and noon.
CHAPTER X.
OF THE DIFFERENT PARTS OF THE LITURGY OR MASS.
It will be well for us now to treat of the different parts of the
mass separately, and to inquire into the antiquity of each part of the
service, and into the manner in which it was performed. These
matters have been handled at very great length by a number of
eminent writers, but we shall deal with the subject with greater
brevity, so far as it will be possible to do so; reminding our readers,
that we are in this chapter speaking only of the more solemn cele-
bration, commonly called the " High" {major) mass, as we shall have
to speak of private mass in a subsequent one.
§ 1. Of the Introit at the Liturgy.
While the priest or the pontiff, clothed in the sacred vestments,
came out of the vestry, and went to the sanctuary (fresbyteriuni) and
to the altar, the choir used to sing some antiphon, which in the
middle ages was called an Introit (ad Introitum), and which in the
Ambrosian Liturgy is called an Ingress (Ingressa.) The introduc-
26 Amalar. de Eccl. Offic. 1. iii. c. 28 V. S. Leon. I. R. P. Ep. 10. (?)
42. [Smith's Diet, of Antiq. p. 420, [See Smith's Diet. p. 421, for authori-
quotes authorities proving that on ordi- ties that there -were nightly celebrations
nary days Mass was said at 12 o'clock; on the Eves of Christmas, Easter, and
on Sundays and Festivals at 9; and on Pentecost, and on the Saturdays of the
fast-days at 3 p.m.] Ember Weeks.]
27 Durand. Ration. 1. iv. c. 1.
OF THE DIFFERENT PARTS OF THE LITURGY. 227
tion of this antiphon is ascribed to Gregory the Great ;x but it is
probable that Gregory rather copied it into his antiphonary, since in
the Western Church, before his time, the Psalm, I will go to the altar
of God, seems to have been sung at the beginning of the Liturgy, as the
author of the books "On the Sacraments" who writes under the name
of Ambrose, points out,3 and as is apparent from these very verses of
psalms which are used in the introit, as they differ from those of
the Vulgate version, and have plain marks of great antiquity about
them. But the use of this anthem is only appointed in the Roman
and the Ambrosian liturgies, for no trace of it is apparent in the
Gallican or in the Mozarabic; and in the French Churches, in the
sixth century, the service of mass began with the lection from
Scripture.3
An antiphon anciently consisted of a whole psalm, and was so called,
as we have said, because it was sung antiphonally. In the ninth
century, then, this whole psalm was sung as the introit; but subse-
quently to that century the custom began of restricting the introit to
some of the verses only. Before the fourteenth century the introit used
to be recited, not by the priest who was celebrating, but by the choir.
But in the middle ages in some churches of the West the choir
on great festivals used to sing, besides the introit, and immediately
before it, a versicle which was called a trope,4 as e.g. on Christmas
Day, Unto us a Child is born, &c. Gregory the Great has also been
thought to be the author of these versicles or tropes; but it is more
correct to say that their use was introduced from the Greek Liturgy
into the Latin, as the Greeks used to sing them after the Hours,5 that
is, before the mass; concerning which tropes see the Liturgy of Chry-
sostom. Meanwhile the priest was approaching the altar.
§ 2. Of the Confession.
While the choir was singing the antiphon of the introit, the priest,
standing before the steps of the altar, used to make his " Confession,"
which old liturgies call the "Apologia," apology, and which he used
to recite bowing down before the altar. Formerly, however, he used
not to stand on the floor of the sanctuary before the first step of the
altar, but on the floor of the altar itself, the step of which he would
have before ascended, as will be more clear if the reader will refer
to our previous description of the altar. 'The use of this confession
in the liturgical office does not seem to be older than the middle
ages, for the more ancient sacramentaries and the Fathers (though
Platina attributes its introduction into the service to Damasus) are
1 Honor. Augustodun. Gemma Ani- locum Palladio . . . prcebuerunt: quo
mas, 1. i. c. 87. incipiente prophetiam," &c]
2 Lib. de Sacram. c. 2. 4 Durand. Ration. 1. iv. c. 5.
3 Ex Greg. Turon. Hist. Franc. 1. 5 Ex Codino et Theodoro Ana-
viii. c. 7, ["Rex ecclesiam ad spec- gnoste, ap. Meurs. ibid.
tanda missarum solemnia petit: episcopi
2 28 POLITY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH.
silent about it. But in the liturgical service-books of the middle
ages some formularies of this confession are found, as may be seen
in Martene;—that formulary which most nearly approaches our
own was first laid before the Council of Ravenna by Bishop Ray-
naldus in the fourteenth century.6
The confession being ended the celebrant formerly used to cense
the altar all round7 {per gyrum), i.e. he used to make the circuit
of the altar, which stood, as we have said, in the centre of the pres-
byterium: from the ninth century this was done immediately after
the confession and the introit, while in the fourth century it had
usually been done after the oblation.8 Afterwards he went up to
his own seat, where he used to remain till the offertory, as we shall
explain: for this custom, which at the present day is kept up by
bishops only, was in the middle ages in some churches observed by
presbyters also when they celebrated. But the seat, as we have
said, was in the centre of the semicircle of the apse, from which,
as he sat there higher than the rest, the bishop was seen by the
people: and from which he delivered to them his discourse after
they had listened to the reading of the lections and the gospel.
Thus in former times the celebrant used neither to say the introit,
nor the psalm, Judge me, &c, nor to recite any prayer when he went
up to the altar, or kissed it. The psalm, Judge me, &c, was added
to the liturgy after the twelfth century, and though it was not adopted
by all the Latin Churches then, it became9 universal among them in
the sixteenth century, after the emended edition of the missal put
forth by Pope Pius V. It is not known when the ceremony of
kissing the altar at the beginning of the Liturgy was first introduced,
though the use of thus kissing it as a symbol of peace was old in the
time of S. Ambrose.10 But this ritual kiss, as a mark of religious
veneration, was possibly not unknown to the heathen; for they used
to kiss the footprints of their gods, i.e. the table on which the image
of their gods stood, as Apuleius tells us :n it had become an esta-
blished custom in the Churches as early as the eighth century—for
Amalarius mentions it as a piece of Catholic ritual in the beginning
of the ninth century.12 Hence after the ninth century the custom
was universally observed in all the Churches, the celebrant kissing
not only the altar, but also, at private masses, the feet of the crucifix,
or that figure which was engraved at the beginning of the missal;
hence those words, textum osculari, "kissing the text." At the same
period, i.e. after the ninth century, both in going up to the altar, and
6 C. 15, Concilior. T. II. part 2. (" Bv^iajxa rep Kaipcp tt?? Betas ava<po-
7 V. Ordin. Rom. ap. Hittorp.; on pay.")]
the ancient mode see Plaut. Curcul. i. 9 V. Bened. XIV. de Sacr. Miss.
i. 69. 10 L. ii. Ep. 14.
8 Canon. Apost. c. 3 [al. 4], ["It n Vid. Metamorph. iv. p. 155,
is not lawful to offer anything besides Elmenh., and Florid, iv. 83, cfr. P.
these (wheat or grapes) at the altar, Pithoei Adversar. 1. vii. p. 749, sq.
and oil for the holy lamp, and incense T. II. Thes. Gruter.
at the time of the divine oblation;" 12 De Eccl. Offic. 1. iii. c. 5.
OF THE DIFFERENT PARTS OF THE LITURGY. 229
also after kissing it, the celebrant used to offer up certain prayers,
which differ13 widely from those which we use now; for ours cannot
be traced to sacramentaries older than the fourteenth century.
§ 3- Of the Kyrie, the Angelic Hymn, and Salutation of the People.
After the introit (the psalm Introibo) the choir used to sing the
Kyrie eleison, Christe eleison, and these prayers, thus expressed in
the Greek language in which they were composed, the Latin Church
has retained in use since the fourth century.14 But S. Gregory I. in
the sixth century is the earliest writer who tells us that these for-
mularies were in use among the Latins, though in the East they are
found in all the older liturgies. In the Greek Church these prayers
used to be sung by all the congregation, both clergy and people
together, but in the Latin Church the clergy used to sing the Kyrie
eleison, and the people used to respond Christe eleison}* In the
eleventh century the author of the Divine Offices, who writes under
the name of Alcuin, tells us that the Greeks sang these prayers in
the Latin language.16 In the twelfth and thirteenth centuries the
Latins, in some churches in France, used to add the word ?)/m517—
(nos) "upon us"—at the end of the prayer Kyrie eleison—(Lord, have
mercy)—which custom perhaps went out again in the same century.
In the Ambrosian Liturgy the Kyrie is sung three times,—once after
the Gloria in excelsis, again after the Gospel, and a third time at the
conclusion of the mass.
After the Kyrie, the hymn of the angels, Gloria i?i excelsis, &c, is
sung. This hymn has marks of the highest antiquity, as it is given
in full in the Apostolical Constitutions.18 In the Roman19 Liturgy
indeed it has now had a place from remote antiquity, and also in
the Mozarabic,20 but not so long in the Gallican.21 In the middle
13 See ancient Rituals of Auxerre and Thy great High Priest; Thee the true
Gellone, ap. Mabill. in Collect, nova God, the only unbegotten, Whom alone
Analector. T. III. for Thy great glory no man can ap-
^ H August. Epist. 178, [20 in Appen. proach unto! O Lord, heavenly King,
"Latine dicitur Do??ihie miserere"] O God the Father Almighty, 6 Lord
15 Greg. Magn. 1. ix. Ep. 12, [liAy- God, the Father of Christ, the
rie eleison nos non dicimus sicut a Greeds Lamb without spot, Who taketh away
dicitur, quia in Graecis simul omnes di- the sin of the world, receive our prayer,
cunt, apud nos autem a clericis dicitur, Thou that sittest upon the cherubim!
et a populo respondetur, et totidem For Thou only art holy, Thou only art
vicibus etiam Christe eleison dicitur, the Lord Jesus, the Christ of God,
quod apud Gnecos nullo modo dici- the God of all created nature, our King,
tur."] by Whom glory and honour and adora-
16 De Div. Offic c. 40, p. 497, T. tion be unto Thee."]
II. in Alcuin. Opp. ed. Froben. 19 Ex Pontific. Damasi in Symmacho.
17 Ex Beleto. Explicat. Divin. Offic. -° Ether. 1. i. advers. Elipand. p.
c. 36, and Durand. Ration. 1. iv. c 12. 351 in Bibl. PP. ed. Colon, and in Ca-
18 L. vii. c. 47, [" Glory to God in nisii Lect. Antiqq. ed. Basnage. T. II.
the highest, and on earth peace, good- p. 32S.
will among men. W7e praise Thee, we S1 See the Gallican Sacramentaries
sing hymns to Thee, we bless Thee, we in Thomassin and Mabillon, in all which
glorify Thee, we worship Thee, through it is wanting.
23° POLITY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH.
ages it was the duty of a Bishop to recite it when celebrating,
but nowhere of priests, with the single exception of Easter Day,
since it could be sung22 on Lord's Days and on festivals by a
Bishop only. This discipline was kept up till the ninth century.23
Anciently the whole hymn was sung by the choir at a solemn mass,
but since the twelfth century our present use seems to have been
.adopted, the celebrant beginning the hymn, and the choir then
taking it up and finishing it.24 But in ancient times the Latin
Church not only used this hymn at the public service of the Church,
but on other occasions also :25 in fact it was sung both by Latins26
and by Greeks27 in any public acts of thanksgiving.
At the conclusion of the singing of the Angelic Hymn, the cele-
brating priest, before saying the collect or prayer, used to salute
the people, saying, "The Lord be with you." In former times
the Liturgy used to begin with these words, Dominus vobiscum: where-
fore the bishop used to salute the people in those words of S. Paul,
Gj-atia Dei et Pax, &c, "Grace to you and peace from God," &c,
with which salutation the liturgy began in the fourth century.28 But
the usual salutation in the Western and Eastern churches since the
fourth century has been that most ancient one, "Peace be unto
you,"29 Pax vobis,—while a very common one among the Greeks
was, "Peace be to all,"30 Pax omnibus, the people responding, "And
with thy spirit,"31—thus returning to the priest the salutation of
peace. In the Western Church in the sixth century there was the
double salutation, the bishops using the form, Pax vobis, "Peace be
unto you;" the presbyters the form, Dominus vobiscum, "The Lord
be with you;" but this difference was everywhere done away with.33
But in the ninth century at Rome, on the Lord's Day, and on other
holidays, bishops used only the formula, Pax vobis, while on other
days they used the Dominus vobiscum, which afterwards became the
22 Sacram. Gregorian, in Opp. ejus former is wholly, and the latter partly,
ed. Bened. T. III. [Gregory's Sacra- of human composition. In the canon
mentary directs that a Bishop may use the hymn is quoted, "Gloria, &c, etin
it on every Lord's Day and on all fes- terra pax hominibus bonce voluntatis."}
tivals, but a Presbyter only at Easter.] Anastas. Bibl. in Leone III. (?) [Anas-
23 Walafrid. Strab. de Eccl. Offic. tasius says that the Popes Symmachus
c. 22. and Stephen III. ordered it to be sung
24 Hildebert. Cenomanen. Hymn. 3, every Lord's Day at celebrations.]
ap. Durantem, 1. ii. c. 24. 27 Synod. GEcum. VI. Act. 1.
25 V. Martene, Commentar. ad Reg. 28 Cyrill. Alex. 1. xxii. in Johan.
Bened. c. 12. 29 Chrysost. Horn. 33 in c. ioMatth.;
26 Greg. Turon. de Glor. 1. i. c. 63, Isidor. Pelus. 1. i. Ep. 122.
and de Mir. S. Mart. 1. ii. c. 25; [A 30 Chrysost. Horn. 3 in Epist. ad
deacon, in joy at the discovery of the Coloss. and see Liturgies of S. Chrysost.
body of a holy martyr: and a multi- and of S. Basil.
tude, at the sight of a miracle, break 31 Chrysost. Iiom. 36 de Pentecoste.
forth into the song Gloria in excelsis.] 32 Cone. Bracaren. I. An. 563, c 3,
Cone. Tolet. IV. c. 13, An. 633; [" Non aliter episcopi et aliter presby-
[This canon condemns those who ob- teri populum, sed uno modo, salulent
ject to the singing of the Gloria Patri, dicentes, Dominus sit vobiscum, sicut
and of the expanded form of the Gloria in libro legitur Ruth, ut respondeatur a
in excelsis, on the ground that the populo : et cum spiriiu tiw, &c]
OF THE DIFFERENT PARTS OF THE LITURGY. 231
use in the other Churches of the West.33 But the ancient formula, Pax
omnibus, "Peace be to all," was retained by all the Greeks, and
among the Latins, since the ninth century, Bishops say, Pax vobis,u
"Peace be unto you," at the beginning of the Liturgy. In ancient
times, as we said, the people used to make the response: at the
present day, instead of the people, the choir respond; or, in private
masses, a clerk.
Lastly, we should observe, that up to the eighth century, the cele-
brant gave the salutation to the people, standing, as his position was,
so as to look over the altar—the altar being placed in the centre of
the chord of the apse, in such a way that the celebrant looked
towards the people: but after the ninth century he began to turn
himself to the people, as after that time the altars were so placed that
the celebrant during the whole Liturgy turned his back on the people.
See above, Book II. sect. i. chap. 5, on "The Altar," [and notes on
that chapter.]*
§ 4. Of the Collect, and the word Amen.
After giving the salutation to the people, the celebrant says the
"Collect," for so our ancestors called that prayer which is recited
at the Liturgy, when the celebrating priest collects, so to speak, the
prayers of all present, and offers them up to God. Hence among
the ancients the expression "to collect" meant the same as "to per-
form Divine Service," "to officiate at the35 Liturgy:" therefore the
Liturgy itself was called " the Collect."36 Formerly, before the priest
said the prayer, the deacon used to notify it to the people,37 ex-
claiming aloud, "Let us kneel down," (flectamus genua?) and all the
people knelt on their bended knees. S. Augustine38 seems in a way
to imply that in the fourth century the celebrant, before the prayer,
pronounced these words, " Let us pray:" and he would naturally
exhort the people about joining in the prayer, as every one used to
repeat that with the celebrant,39 as was also done in the middle ages:
for the learned used to pronounce the same words as the priest,
though he in a loud voice, and they in a low one; but laymen (by
33 Ex Leon. VII. R. P. Epist. 2, ad that in the nave. But he turns from the
Ep. Gall, et Germ. congregation in the apse to the altar.]
34 Vulg. Amalar. de Ecclesiast. Offi- 35 Tert. l.deFuga, c. 14; Cassiani Inst,
ciis, 1. iii. c. 9, in Bibl. PP. edit. Colon. 1. ii. c. 7; Cone. Agath. c. 30, [" Plebs
T. IX. P. I, p. 336. collecta oratione ad vesperam ab epis-
* [It is to be observed that the very copo cum benedictione dimittatur."]
few churches where the westward posi- 36 Hist. Tripart. 1. ii. c. 19; Epi-
tion of the celebrant has been main- phan. 1. vi. c. 13; Hieronym. in Epi-
tained are, one and all, so constructed tapli. Paulse; August, in Enchirid.
that there is a congregation behind the ["The Holy Communion was once
altar as well as before it: and the ques- known by the name Collecta." (Bona,
tion is, to which'of these two congre- Rer. Lit. I. iii. 2.)]
gations does the celebrant primarily 37 Ccesar. Serm. 5S inter Serm. S.
minister? The answer, according to August. 2S6 in Append. T. V.
Dr. Littledale, is that it must be that one 3b Epist. 107 ad Vitalem [al. 217].
in the apse, for he is nearly invisible to 39 Chrys. Horn. 10 in Ep. 2 ad Cor.
232 POLITY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH.
which name Du Cange tells us the unlearned in the middle ages
were called) used to pray in their mother tongue.40 The prayer
concludes with the words, "Through Christ our Lord/' since the
fourth century, as Optatus41 plainly tells us, to which was even then
added by the Latins, In scBcula saculorum, or in sceculum sczculi,^
"world without end," or as the Greeks expressed it, eU tov» cl&va* twv
alwvCbv.^ Throughout the whole Church, by the eleventh century,
those words seem to have been added, u Who with Thee liveth and
reigneth," &C.44 Formerly only one collect (pratio) was recited in
the Liturgy, as we read in the Sacramentaries both of Gelasius and
Gregory. But after the eighth century their number had so much
increased, that the rule was made that no priest should say more
than seven collects.45
At the conclusion of the collect the people used to answer
"Amen," which is a Hebrew word expressive either of an affirma-
tion or a wish. The question has been asked, with which intention
the word is used by a Christian congregation at the Liturgy : my own
conviction is that the word is used in both senses: "Amen" said
after a prayer expresses a corresponding wish, as much as if it were
said 7eWro, {fiat,) "be it so."46 But when in former times the people
used to respond "Amen" as soon as the priest had said the words
of consecration, "This is My Body," as S. Ambrose tells us they
used to do, the word expressed affirmation. "And thou sayest
Amen, that is, It is true ;"47 in which sense Christians used also to
say Amen after receiving the Eucharist, as we shall presently men-
tion. Thus this Hebrew word from the very beginning of the Church
has been used by Christians at the Liturgy.48
§ 5- Of the Epistle, Gradual, Alleluia, Tract, and Sequence.
From the eighth, and especially since the ninth century, in the
Western Church, it was the custom both for the celebrant and the
other officiating clergy, and also for the congregation, to sit down
after the Collect,49 which custom was kept up50 almost to the fourteenth
40 Anonym. Turonen. in Speculo 44 V. Alcuin. de Divinis Ofhciis, c.
Eccl. ap. Marten, in Thesaur. Monum. 40, eel. Frobenii, T. II. p. 499, and
T. V. Microlog. c. 6 and 7.
41 L. iii. de Schism. Donatist. c. 11. 46 V. Alcuin. ib. ; and Duran. Rat.
42 August. Enarr. in Psalm. 71 § 21; 1. v. c. 14.
Hieronym. Comment, in c. 7 Ep. ad 46 Hieron. Ep. ad Marcell.; and
Galat. [S. Augustine, commenting on Justin. Apol. I c. 65. [See also Deut.
Psalm 72, 19 (Vulg. 71,) quotes the xxvii. 15—26, and 1 Cor. xiv. 16, this
words as, "in seternum, et in sseculum last being the Amen of the congrega-
saeculi," and as used because the Latins tion, which followed the evxapio-rla, or
could not say "in seternum, et in seter- thanksgiving.J
num seterni." He says the Greek form 47 Ambr. 1. de Myster. c. 9, f" Et
is, "els rhu alwva, koX els nhv aloova iov tu dicis Amen, hoc est, verum est."]
ai&vos" which would better be ren- 4S Justin, ib.; Tert. de Spectac. c. 25.
dered "in saeculum, et in saeculum sse- 49 Alcuin. c. 40; Microl. c. 6; Ama-
culi," each expression meaning "for lar. Fort. 1. iii. c. 10.
ever."] 60 Durand. Rat. 1. iv. c. 18; Innocent.
43 Epiphan. 1. i. Hser. 31. III. R. P. de Myst. Mis. 1. ii. c. 34.
OF THE DIFFERENT PARTS OF THE LITURGY.
233
century: but in early times the people had no means of sitting
down in a church :51 and hence to this day the Greeks stand the
whole time when they are present at a celebration of the Liturgy.
Meanwhile a portion was read out of the Scriptures. From the
very earliest times two portions were read at the Liturgy, one from
the Old, the other from the New Testament,53 this latter being called
the Apostle in old sacramentaries, since it was generally chosen from
the canonical Epistles. The custom, then, of reading two passages
of Scripture was universal in the Eastern and in the Western Church,
it was the use alike in the Roman, the Mozarabic, the Gallican, and
the Ambrosian Liturgy. Besides readings from the canonical Scrip-
tures there were anciently also read at the Liturgy writings from the
Roman Pontiffs and eminent Bishops,53 but since the fourth cen-
tury both in the East54 and in the West the rule has been that only
books of the Old or the New Testament may be read ;55 yet never-
theless in the middle ages, both in the Spanish and in the French
Churches, the old custom remained in force,56 as it did also in the
Church of Milan down to the thirteenth century.57 Anciently the
Epistles, or the 'Old Testament Scriptures, were read58 at the Liturgy
by deacons, afterwards by readers, and after the eighth century by
subdeacons. The reader, after taking the book, turned himself to the
celebrant, and waited for his nod,59 and with somewhat similar ritual
51 Optat. Milev. ib. 1. iv. c. 5,
["Populus in ecclesia. non habet se-
dendi licentiam." But customs varied.
The Apostolical Constitutions speak of
the congregation sitting in the churches,
even during the sermon (ii. 58, &c.)]
52 Tertull. de Pr£escriptionib. c. 36,
[" Go through the Apostolic Churches
in which their own authentic
writings {authentic cb litter a) are read,
speaking with the voice of each, and
making the face of each present to the
eye."] Justin. Mart. Apol. I. lxvii.,
["The commentaries of the Apostles,
and the writings of the Prophets are
read as time permits."] August. Serm.
45 and 82, (al. 141 and 226,) ["Cum
sanctum Evangelium legeretur, audis-
tis," &c.: "Audistis pnedicari Domi-
num Christum . . . in priricipio erat
verbum" &c He also refers to first
lessons from the Old Test, read at cele-
brations, as from Isaiah, (Serm. 45 § 1):
Micah, (48, 2,) and Proverbs, (82, 8.)]
Chrysost. Horn. 34 de David et Saul.
(Horn. iii. 2.) [He says Christians at a
celebration "heard the prophets and
the apostles."]
53 Euseb. Hist. Eccl. 1. iii. c. 16,
[" The Epistle of Clement, acknow-
ledged as genuine .... we know to
have been publicly read for common
benefit in most of the churches in
former times and in our own."]
54 Cone. Laodic. An. 361, c. 59:
[Forbids the singing of uninspired
hymns (ISicctlkovs \pa^/j.ovs \4yeadcu,)
or the reading of uncanonical books in
church. ]
55 Cone. Carth. III. c. 47, An. 397:
[This canon forbids the reading of any
thing in church, wider the name of Holy
Scriptures; except the canonical writ-
ings, among which it includes five books
of Solomon, Tobit, Judith, Esdras, and
Maccabees: but it expressly sanctions
the reading of the sufferings of the
martyrs (passiones martyrum) on their
anniversary days. ]
56 Braulio Episc. Ccesaraug. libello
de Gest. S. ^Emiliani, in Mabillon.
saecul. I. Benedict.; Greg. Turon. de
Mir. S. Mart. 1. ii. c. 49, ["Lector
vitam sancti ccepit legere confessoris,"
&c._]
5/ V. Gebehardi Ep. 3, Musei Ital.
T.I.
5S V. Bonam, Rer. Liturg. 1. ii. c. 6.
[Cone. Remens. An. 813, can. 4, directs
that the "Apostle" (i.e. the Epistle)
should be read by the subdeacon, all
sitting; and adds, "Qualiter subdiaconi
ministerium est apostolum legere."]
59 Sulpit. Sever, in Vita S. Mart. 1. iii.
234 POLITY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH.
about the tenth century the use prevailed for the subdeacon after read-
ing the Epistle, to go up to the celebrant and receive his benediction.60
After the Epistle is sung the Gradual or Responsory, which consisted
of one psalm, called by Gregory of Tours the "responsory psalm."61
Of this psalm, which was sung between the reading of the Epistle
and Gospel, Augustine62 makes mention in the fourth century. After
the reading of the Epistle, the reader of it used to recite or chant a
psalm, while he was coming down the "steps" (gradus) of the Ambo
in which he had been reading, and from this circumstance the psalm
was called the gradual [psalm of degrees]. But the verses of the
psalm were sung antiphonally by the reader and the choir, wherefore
this same gradual was called also the responsorium. In the Roman
Church there was a particular book in which the so called gradual
psalms were written; and this was called63 a Gradual (graduale.) In
the Ambrosian Liturgy the Gradual is wanting, as it is also in the old
Mozarabic.64
The Hebrew word Alleluia, i.e., " Praise ye the Lord," has followed
immediately after the Gradual since the fourth century, more espe-
cially during the fifty days between Easter and Pentecost.65 But in
the sixth century the Alleluia was sung66 on all festivals as a general
rule, but not during Lent or on fast days. And we may remark that
anciently, when the people attended a public service, they sang the
responses with the choir, but the Alleluia was sung only by the
officiating clergy.67
In mediaeval times, especially on fast days, instead of the Alleluia,
60 Ap. Mabill. Ann. Ord. S. Bened. 65 August. Ep. 119 [al. 55] ad Jan-
ssec. V. Libell. Mirac. S. Dunstan. uar.; Hieron. initio lib. advers. Vigi-
n. 19. lant. T. IV. ed. Bened. [Augustine
61 Hist. Francor. 1. viii. c. 3: [His says the custom of singing Alleluia dur-
deacon had said the responsory at the ing those fifty days only was a universal
masses before day.] one: though in some churches it was
62 Serm. 32, 165, and 176: ["We used on other days.]
have heard the Apostle, we have heard 66 Greg. Magn. 1. ix. c. 12; Isid. de
the Psalm, we have heard the Gospel." Eccl. Off. 1. i. c. 13. [S. Gregory was
"We have heard the first lesson of the blamed for ordering the Alleluia to be
Apostle (1 Tim. i. 15, &c.J then we sung at mass after the Pentecostal sea-
sang a Psalm (Ps. xcv. 6, &c.)"] son. S. Isidore says, "In Africanis
6^ Amalar. Fort. Praefat. in Anti- regionibus non omni tempore, sed tan-
phonar. in T. IX. P. I. Bibl. PP. ed. turn Dominicis diebus, et quinquaginta
Colon. [In Roman Catholic Churches post resurrectionem Domini Alleluia
the choir sing the Gradual, while the cantatur pro significatione futurse re-
book is moved to the Gospel side.] surrectionis, et lsetitise; apud nos se-
64 Ex Cone. Tolet. IV. An. 633, c. cundum antiquam Hispaniorum tra-
12, ["In quibusdam Iiispaniarum ec- ditionem, prseter dies jejuniorum vel
clesiis laudes post apostolum decantan- Quadragesima:, omni tempore cantatur
tur priusquam evangelium prsedicetur, Alleluia."]
dum canones prsecipiant post apostolum 67 Theodor. Cantuar. Capit. cap. 27,
non laudes sed evangelium pronuntiare; D'Acherii Spicil. T. IX. [Cone. Tolet.
prsesumptio est enim ut anteponantur IV. c. 11 orders that the Alleluia shall
ea qua? sequi debent, nam laudes ideo not be sung during Lent, showing that
evangelium sequuntur propter gloriam it was sung in Spain on other Sun-
Christi quce per idem evangelium prse- days.]
clicatur."]
OF THE DIFFERENT PARTS OF THE LITURGY. 235
there were sung certain verses of a psalm which were68 called tractus,
tract. Liturgical writers have, as usual, assigned mystical explana-
tions to this name, which I am sorry to disturb by giving the true
one: but the simple fact is that when the Alleluia was not sung, the
choir protracted or drew out a long strain, adding to it verses from a
certain other psalm, which for this reason were called a tract, (drawn
out). The word may be found in this sense of protracting in the
Jurisconsults Paullus and Nonius.69
Then followed the Prose or Sequence, which preceded the reading
of the Gospel. This hymn was called the prose because it was not
composed in verses like psalms [or, rather, because not written in
quantitative metre, as the Ambrosian and other early hymns, but in
rhythmical prose]. In the Roman Ordinal it is called jubilatio, a
jubilation. The author of these sequences, of which there were
formerly a large number, is said to have been a certain French
[Swiss] monk of the name of Notker, [abbat of S. Gall,] who lived
in the ninth century.70 But this much is certain, that it was in the
ninth century that the sequence first formed a part of the liturgy in
some of the Latin churches: since the thirteenth century it has
been almost universally adopted in the Church.71
§ 6. Of the Reading of the Gospel, the Creed, and'the Bishop'sDiscourse.
Formerly one of the readers read the Gospel in the public service
of the Liturgy.72 But after the fourth century this was the duty of a
deacon only.73 This was universally the case in the sixth century.
Before reading the Gospel the deacon used to ask the celebrant to
give him the blessing : especially in the more ancient liturgies of the
Greeks this is done.74 He gave him the blessing; and the same
words were used in the Ordo Romanus, which the priest now uses at
a celebration of mass, the reader of the Gospel saying, "Dominus sit
in corde meo" 6rc, (the Lord be in my heart), the priest saying, "in
corde tuo"75 (in thy heart," &c). In the fourth century the deacon,
as he went to the Ambo, that he might read the Gospel there, carrying
68 Amalar. Fort. ib.; and Alcuin. de ii. 57, ["Let a^ deacon or presbyter
Div. Offic. c. de Septuagesima. read the gospel."]
69 V. Gronwickium de Veteri Latinit. 73 Cone. Vasen. c. 2, An. 524, S.
§ 9. [In singing the Alleluia a cus- Greg. Magn. appendix ad Ep. 1289;
torn grew up of prolonging the last Sozom. 1. vii. c. 21. [Council of Vaison
syllable on a series of notes; this was allows deacons to read homilies of the
called the Neiima; afterwards words were Fathers when the parish priest is too ill
set to it, and it was called Sequential to preach, on the grounds that they are
70 Beleth. Explic. Divinor. Omcior. c. already in the habit of reading the gos-
38: pel. Gregory decrees that the gospel
71 Durand. ib. 1. iv. c. 12. must only be read by the "ministri
72 Cyprian. Epist. 3S and 39. [S. sacri altaris" (deacons). Sozomen says at
Cyprian speaks of a confessor whom he Alexandria it was read by the arch-
had ordained a lector as "reading the deacon, the deacons, or presbyters.]
precepts and the Gospel of the Lord."] 74 In Liturgies of S. Basil and S.
Cone. Tolet. I., An. 400, c. 2, [" De- Chrysostom.
putetur inter lectores, ita ut evangelia 75 Ord. Rom. ap. Mabill. Mus. Ital.
et apostolum non legat."] Const. Apost. T. II. p. 9, [and i. §§ 3, 4, 5, ii. 2, 4, 5.}
236 POLITY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH.
the book of it in his hand, was preceded by the minor clergy bearing
candles.76 Then he signed himself with the sign of the Cross, and,
after giving the salutation to the people, who responded,77 "Glory be
to Thee, O Lord," he read the Gospel. This has been the ritual since
the ninth century. During the reading of it, according to ancient dis-
cipline, both the clergy and the people laying down their staves, [on
which at that period they commonly leaned], stood with uncovered78
heads, though the matrons and virgins wore coverings on theirs, at
least down to the eleventh century.79 Anciently, and until the twelfth
century, the choir, when the Gospel was read, used to respond,
"Thanks be to God,"80 but afterwards, "Praise be to Thee, O
Christ," was said in private masses. But in former times nothing
was said when the reading of the Gospel was finished, but the sub-
deacon, as far back as the ninth century, used to carry the book of
the gospels to the celebrant, and to the presbyters, and to the other
clergy, to be kissed by them.81
After the reading of the Gospel there followed in former times the
discourse of the bishop, which he used to deliver while sitting on his
own throne ;82 at the conclusion of it, he and the people with him
said the response, "Thanks be to God." In former times all used
to stand while listening to the bishop's sermon, but since the sixth
century it began to be everywhere the custom for the people to sit.83
Formerly after the bishop's sermon the deacon, in a loud voice,
used to dismiss the catechumens, wherefore all that part of the
Liturgy which ended with the bishop's sermon was called the Mass of
the Catechumens ;81, but before they were dismissed the bishop used
to pour forth solemn prayers for them, and to give them the blessing.
76 Hieronym. adversus Vigil. § 7, in Prasfat. in Bibl. PP. Max. T. XIV.
["Throughall the churches of the East Bibl. PP. ed. Colon. T. IX. p. 103.
when the Gospel is to be read lights are 82 Just. Martyr. Apol. I. c. 67: [Pie
burned, though the sun be already describes the bishop (Trpoevidos, the pre-
shining."] V. Jus. Orient. Joan. Episc. siding brother) as exhorting the assem-
Citri. 1. iii. [" In the Church of Eng- bly.] Const. Apost. 1. viii. c. 5, ["Let
land lighted tapers used to be held on him (the bishop) speak to the people
either side of the gospeller while he was the words of exhortation." So in Ro-
reading, and incense burned." (Blunt, man Catholic churches now the Sermon
An. P. B.)] usually comes after the Gospel and be-
77 Vulg. Amalar. de Div. Offic; lib. fore the Nicene Creed]; and generally
iii. c. 18, An. 827. [" Up to this time August. Ambros &c.
we sit; now we must rise at the words 83 V. Chriretium de Veter. Christ,
of the Gospel; let him who is not quick Praedic. [S. Augustine, (de Rudib.
to understand the meaning of the Gos- Catech. 13,) writes to blame the custom
pel at least say, Glory, &c."] of the audience standing during the
78 Sozom. Hist. Eccl. 1. vii. c. 19, Sermon in the African churches; both
[" Nor was there crcwn or other cover- preacher and people used to sit, he says,
ing on their heads."] Ordo Rom. ib. in the transmarine, i.e., the Italian
Constit. Apost. 1. ii. c. 57, ["Let the churches. (See on this subject Bingham,
clergy and all the people stand with xiv. 4, 25.)]
great quietness."] 84 Isidor. Origin. 1. vi. c.19. ["Missa,
79 Ex Antiquo Ordine MS. ap. Du- tempore sacrificii, est quando catechu-
rant, de Ritib. Eccl. 1. ii. c. 23. meni foras mittuntur, clamante levita,
80 Ex Speculo Anonym, ap. Martene. si quis catechu menus remansit, exeat
81 Jonas Aurel. de Cultu Imag. 1. ii. foras, et inde missa, quia sacramentis
OF THE DIFFERENT PARTS OF THE LITURGY. 237
There were some traces of this ritual at Rome in the sixteenth
century, when at the conclusion of the preaching a deacon used to
say the confession for the people, and the Pontiff then gave the
people the benediction.85
Since the sixth century, in the Eastern Church, especially at Con-
stantinople, the Nicene Creed (Symbolum Constantinopolitanwn) has
been recited86 at the Liturgy after the Gospel. Towards the end of
the same century the Western Church began also to recite it at the
Liturgy, first the Spanish8? Church, and in the ninth century the
French.88 Since the ninth century the custom has also been adopted
by the Roman Church, as Martene89 clearly proves from the Ordines
Romani, and from the testimonies of Leo III., though Bona and
Menard have expressed a contrary opinion.
§ 7. Of the Offertory or Oblation, and of the Censing of the Oblations.
The oblation which was offered by the people at the services was
formerly a twofold one. There was one which went to the clergy
and the poor for food and clothing, of which we shall speak in a
subsequent book: the other was an oblation of the elements for the
sacrifice, i.e., one of bread and wine;90 and this oblation used to be
made after the bishop's sermon. For at the celebration of a mass all
used to bring an offering of bread and wine, first the men and then
the women: but all offered the bread in white fanons, i.e., in white
linen cloths, that none might touch with profane hands that bread
which was to be consecrated.91 From the ninth century also the
offering of bread only was made by the clergy, both the major and
minor orders, and by the presbyters,92 which custom had not yet fallen
altaris interesse non possunt qui non- necessary to enact that it should be
dum regenerati noscuntur."] sung by all at the same sendee. (Mar-
85 Pontif. Rom. Leon. X. R. P. tene ap. Smith's Diet. p. 492.)]
86 Theodor. Lector. Hist. Eccl. de 89 C. 4, Art. § 11.
Timoth. Constantinop. Patriar. 1. ii. c. 90 Canon. Apost. c. 3, [forbids bi-
31. [Timotheus, Bishop of Constanti- shops or presbyters to offer at the altar
nople, a.d. 511, ordered that this creed of God "anything beyond what was
should henceforth be recited at every ordained by our Lord for the sacri-
congregation, and not only on Thurs- fice," except "new com, or ears of
day before Easter, when the bishop ca- wheat, or bunches of grapes in their
techised the baptismal candidates, as season."] Cone. Carth. III. c. 24,
had heretofore been the custom.] An. 397, ["In sacramentis corporis
87 Cone. Tolet. III., An. 589, c. 2: et sanguinis Domini nihil amplius offer-
[This canon directs that "before the atur, quam ipse Dominus tradidit, hoc
Lord's Prayer in the liturgy, the creed est panis et vinum aqua mixtum, nee
of the 150 (i.e., the Nicene as ex- amplius in sacriiiciis offeratur, quam de
panded at Constantinople,) should be uvis et frumentis."]
recited in a clear voice by the people 91 Ordin. Rom. ii. ap. Mabill. in
through all the churches of Spain and Museo Ital. T. II. p. 46: ["The
Gallicia, according to the form of the people give their offerings, that is,
Oriental Churches."] bread and wine."]
8S Baron. An. 809, n. 60. [Walter, 92 Ibid.
Bishop of Orleans, a.d. 850, found it
238
POLITY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH.
into disuse in France in the twelfth century.93 Monks94 and also
nuns95 used to bring the same oblations of bread, but this right of
making an offering began to be taken from them in the ninth
century.96 Those men were excluded from the privilege of bringing
offerings who were not in communion with the Church, and in the
middle ages, if women were considered ceremonially unclean, they
were not allowed to offer.97 The bishop used to receive the obla-
tions, not indeed in his own hands, but anciently from the hands of
the deacons, though in the middle ages the celebrant used to re-
ceive them,98 going up to the altar rails, where laymen were allowed
to present them;" while presbyters, the clergy, and the emperor, used
to bring their offerings to the altar itself within the rails, i.e., within
the presbyterium.100
This was the regular use in the matter of the Eucharistic oblation
in all Churches down to the sixth century. Then the ancient religious
zeal of the faithful began already to grow slack in this matter, and
so oblations were offered only on the Lord's Day.101 Then by
degrees it came to this, that only women brought offerings for the
men,103 a custom which was observed down to the thirteenth cen-
tury.103 While the oblation was being made, the choir used for-
merly to sing psalms :104 but in the middle ages the custom began
of singing only separate verses of a psalm,105 and the antiphon thus
sung was called the Offertory (offertorium)}m
93 In Spec. Anonym. Turonen. ap.
Martene. ib.
94 Id. ibid.
95 August. Epist. in. ad Victorian.
[Speaking of some holy virgins carried
into captivity he says, "Nee istse pos-
sunt vel ferre oblationem ad altare Dei,
vel invenire ibi sacerdotem per quern
offerantDeo."]
96 Cone. Mogunt. c. 6, An. %&%.
97 Ibid. ["Mulieres menstruo tem-
pore."]
98 V. Capitul. Theodulphi, capit. 6
ed. Jacob. Sirmond. Paris. 1616, in
Sirmondi Opp. T. II., and in Bibl.
PP. Max. T. IV. p. i.
99 V. Capitul. Reg. Franc. 1. v. c.
371; and Cone. Trull, c. 69, An. 692,
["Let it not be permitted to any one
whomsoever among the laity to go into
the sacred altar-place;" 'V^ i^arco nv\
rcou k-KCLVTOiV iv XoXkois reXovvri tvdov
Upov elaieuai QvaiaaT^piov? ]
100 V. Ordin. Rom. ib., Cone. Trull,
ib.; [An exception, "in accordance
with a very old tradition," is made in
favour of the emperor, "when he should
desire to offer gifts to the Creator;"
"fjLr)$afJ.ws iirl tovto ttJs (3aai\iKrjs elpyo-
\xiv-r\s itovcrlas feed avdevrtas, 7]vina au
&ov\7)dcir) irpoord^ai hcopa rep TrXaffavrt.,
Kara riva. apxaLordrrjv TrapdSoaiv."^
Theod. Hist. Eccl. 1. v. c. 18: [The-
odosius, a.d. 390, at Constantinople,
"brought his gifts to the holy table"
and was expected to remain within the
enclosure. ]
101 Cone. Matisc. c. 4, An. 585,
[. . . . "decernimus ut omnibus domi-
nicis diebus altaris oblatio ab omnibus
viris et mulieribus offeratur tarn panis
quam vini, ut per hos immolationes et
peccatorum suorum fascibus careant, et
cum Abel vel ceteris juste offerentibus
promerentur esse consortes."] Capit.
Reg. Franc. 1. vi. c. 170.
^ 1U2 Reginon. Abbat. de Eccl. Disc. 1.
ii. and 89: [Bishops inquired at their
visitations "if men and women offered
an oblation of bread and wine at the
mass, and, if the men did not, whether
their wives did it for them."]
103 Ex Durand. Ration. 1. iv. c. 21.
104 August. Retract. 1. ii. c. 11. [At
Carthage they sang at the altar hymns
from the Book of Psalms, either before
the oblation, or during its distribution
to the people.]
105 V. Antiphonar. Gregorian. [Opp.
III. 653, ed. Ben.]
106 V. Durand. ib. 1. iv. c. 25. [So
S. Isidore, a.d. 595, says, "Offertoria
OF THE DIFFERENT PARTS OF THE LITURGY. 239
From the breads (panibus) thus offered the deacon used to place as
much upon the altar as would be sufficient for the people,107 and in
like manner he poured a sufficient quantity of wine from the larger
vessels into the chalice through the strainer (colu?7i),im concerning
which see Chap. vii.; and presently either the principal singer
{cantorum paraphonistd)* as it was at Rome, or a subdeacon, as
it was in some places, or the deacon himself, poured water into
the chalice.109 This ritual was carefully observed as long as ever the
ancient discipline of the oblation was kept up: but in the lapse of
time the mode of performing the service became in all points as
we see it now among ourselves.110
We must not omit to mention one more circumstance, viz. that
anciently the celebrant did not recite any prayers over the elements
at the time of their oblation, [except those said secretly], for the old
sacramentaries are silent about any such. The prayer of oblation
seems to have been introduced about the ninth century, and it was
somewhat different from our own.111 At first, in the eleventh cen-
tury, the usual prayer of oblation was such as we use now, "Veni
sanctificator? &c, (" Come, Thou Sanctifier,") after which followed
"Suscipe sancta Trinitas" (" Accept, Holy Trinity, &c.")112 This was
the prayer used till the beginning of the sixteenth century, both at
the oblation of the bread and at that of the wine ;113 though in some
churches those two prayers, which differ but slightly from our own,
began to be said about the same period,114 being first of all used in
the Church of Toulon after the thirteenth century.115 And so it was
that after the publication of the Missal by S. Pius V., the custom of
reciting two prayers at this part of the service became universal.
[Though, as was said in Book II. sect, i., incense has been offered
during a celebration of the Liturgy from the earliest times,] yet no
writer earlier than the ninth century makes any mention of censing
the elementst [before consecration], at which time perhaps the custom
first began.116 But not even then was this piece of ritual universally
adopted in the Church; and certainly not at Rome; it has been
adopted by the whole Church only since the eleventh century,117 at
quae in sacrificiomm honore canuntur," clesiast. c. 11 in Bibl. PP. Max. T.
(quoted in Smith's Diet.), and Ordo XVIII. Coloniens. T. XI. [An. 1160.]
Rom. An. 800, "The offertorium is 113 See Missals of the middle ao-es
sung with verses." (lb.)] ap. Martene. **
107 Ordo Rom. ib. 114 In Missali Narbonen. An. 1528.
108 Ex libello Samuel, in append, ad 115 Ex Miss. Tolonien. Eccl. ap
Syn. VIII. Mart. F*
* ["The four principal singers in the f [The word "elements" is never ap-
Schola Cantorum at Rome were named plied to the bread and wine after con-
paraphonistse."] secration, "accedit verbum ad elemen-
109 V. Ordin. Rom. 1. c. p. 11; and turn et fit sacramentum." (S. Aug.)]
Ritual. Turon. Consuet. S. Dionys. in 116 Ex 1. iii. de Eccl. Offic. vulgati
Gallia ap. Martene ib. Amalarii, c. 19: [" The thurible de-
110 V. Pontif. Leon. X. R. P. notes the Body of Christ, in which is
111 In Missali Eccl. Turon. ssec. IX. fire, to wit, the Holy Spirit."]
ap. Martene. "7 Ex Micrologo 1. c, c. 9. [On In-
112 Microlog. de Observationib. Ec- cense see above, page 171, note 30.]
240 POLITY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH.
which time we find the ritual of censing the elements was used much
in the same way as we now see it used among ourselves.118
§ 8. Of the Washing of Hands; the Secret Prayer; the Preface, and
the Trisagion.
Since the fourth century it has been the custom for the celebrant
to wash his hands after the censing of the Eucharistic elements ;119
and even among the heathen their chief priest used to wash his
hands when he had performed any sacred rite.120 The deacon used
formerly to bring the water to the celebrant,121 and in some
churches this was done by the subdeacon.122 But in those times the
men, both among the clergy and also the congregation, used to wash
their hands: but the women did not wash theirs, as only men were
allowed to take the Eucharist into their naked hands.123 Ancient
writers make no mention of the Psalm " I will wash my hands," &c,
though it is apparent from the missals that the custom of reciting it
began in the ninth century, and that subsequently to the sixteenth
century its use in the service was universal.
After washing his hands before the middle of the altar the priest
used to offer up a prayer. This was the use since the eighth cen-
tury, though his prayer was not in any way like the prayer which we
have been using from the Missal of Pius V. since the sixteenth cen-
tury: then he besought the people that they would all join in the
prayer. This has been the custom since the fourth century,124 the
people responding their "Amen." That formula, " Orate fratres"
"Brethren, pray that the sacrifice," &c, is first mentioned by writers
and sacramentaries of the ninth century.125
Then the priest said the prayer which, since the ninth century, is
called the Secreta,126 because it was offered secretly and in a very low
voice, though it was not till that century that it was first thus secretly
offered, for formerly it was said aloud in the ordinary voice; and
hence in the Ambrosian Liturgy, which is justly thought to retain the
more ancient ritual, it is to this day recited in a loud voice.
Lastly, the celebrant used to say the Preface, which the Liturgies of
118 Ex Missali Eccl. Autissiod. ms. the purity of those souls that are de-
ssec. XI. ap. Marten. voted to God."]
119 Cyrilli Hieros. Catech. Mystag. 123 August. Serai. 2, in anniv. dedi-
5 § 1, Constit. Apost. 1. viii. c. 11. cat. [al. 229 in Append. § 5, "Om-
120 Plaut. Amphitr. v. I, cfr. Chokier. nesviri quando ad altare accessuri sunt,
1. i. c. 39. lavant manus suas, et omiies mulieres
121 Ex Cyrill. ib., ["Ye saw the nitida exhibent linteamina ubi corpus
deacon who gave to the priest and to Christi accipiant."] Cyrill. ibid.
the elders surrounding the altar of God 124 August. Ep. 107, ad Vital, [al.
water to wash their hands: the wash- 217], quoted above § 4.
ing of the hands is a symbol of guilt- 125 Ap. Mart, and Vulg. Amal. 1. iii.
lessness of sins."J c. 19, in Bibl. PP. ed. Coloniens. T.
122 Ex Const. Apost. ib., ["Let one IX., P. i. p. 352.
of the subdeacons bring water to wash 126 Idem, de Eccl. Offic. 1. 111. c. 20.
the hands of the priests, a symbol of
OF THE DIFFERENT PARTS OF THE LITURGY. 241
the Greeks everywhere called irpoXo^ov, the prologue. This prayer
is called in the sacramentaries of the middle ages Inlatio}ri Immo-
latio™ or Contestation [The "bringing in" of the sacrifice, the
"offering" of it, the " attestation" of thankfulness to God for some mys-
tery of redemption, or for the special graces of some departed saint.]
Since the beginning of the Church a preface has been recited in the
liturgy, as the early Fathers tell130 us, and almost in the same words
which we use now. Formerly there was a proper preface for each
different mass, as is the case in the Ambrosian and Mozarabic litur-
gies, and in the Gelasian and Gregorian sacramentaries. Those ten
which we have in our missals appear to have come into general use
possibly in the eleventh century,131 since before there were only nine
prefaces in the Roman liturgy, to which the tenth, in honour of the
Blessed Virgin Mary, was added in a.d. 1095, by Pope Urban at the
Council of Placenza.
At the conclusion of the preface the hymn called the Sanctus or
Tersanctus is sung; this is called by a Greek word the Trisagion, but
incorrectly, for properly speaking this is the name given by Greek
writers to the hymn, "A<yio<> 6 Geo?, "A^ios icxvpos, vAyios aGava-TO?,
iXerjaov yfias, "Holy God, Holy and mighty, Holy and immortal,
have mercy upon us." But that hymn, which the ancient litur-
gies of Basil and Chrysostom call the "triumphal hymn," (vfivov
iiTLvuaov,) has been used by the Church in her mystical liturgy
from the very first, as we know from the concurrent testimonies of
the Fathers ;133 and in the Western Church before the fourth centuiy
it used to be sung at a solemn celebration on holy days, for in that
century a rule was made133 requiring that it should be sung at every
mass that was celebrated. In former times both celebrant, and
choir, and congregation used to join in the singing of that trium-
phal hymn;134 hence down to the ninth century the priest did
127 In Liturg. Mosar. [In the Moza- 131 V. Microlog. 1. c. c. 11, and
rabic Liturgy the Illation is equivalent Bruchard, 1. iii. deer. c. 67.
to the Preface of the Roman and Am- 132 Constit. Apost. 1. viii. c. 12.
brosian.] [" With them (angels and archangels)
128 In Liturg. Gallic. [In the Galli- let all the people say, Holy, Holy,
can Liturgy the corresponding prayer Holy, Lord of Sabaoth, heaven and
is called the Immolatio or Contestation earth are full of His glory; blessed be
129 Ap. Greg. Turon. de Mir. S. Thou for ever. Amen."] Chiysost.
Mart. 1. ii. c. 14, [" Cum nos rite missre Horn. 14 in Epist. ad Ephes.; Epiphan.
sacrosancta solemnia celebrantes, con- in Ancor.
testationem de sancti domini (Martini) 133 Cone. Vasense, c. 3, An. 529.
yirtutibus narraremus. Alias illatio seu [" In omnibus missis seu in matutinis
immolatio dicebatur, hodie prsefationem seu in quadragesimalibus seu in illis
appellamus. Olim cuique festo sua erat quae pro defunctorum commemoratione
propria, in qua sancti cujus erat festi- hunt, semper Sanctus, Sanctus, Satictus
vitas prseclare gesta recensebantur. Ves- eo ordine, quo modo ad missas publicas
tigium hujus rei superest etiam nunc in dicitur, dici debeat: quia tarn sancta
majorum festivitatum prsefationibus in et tarn dulcis'et desiderabilis vox, eti-
quibus mysteria qua; celebrantur paucis amsi die noctuque possit dici, fastidium
verbis exponuntur."] non potent generare."]
130 V.Cyprian., Aug., Chrys., Ambr. 134 Cone. Vasen. ib.; Greg. Turon.
aliosque ap. Bonam, Rer. Liturg. 1. ii. ib., ["Expedita contestatione, omnis
c- I0- populus Sanctus in laudem Domini pro-
R
242 POLITY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH.
not begin the Canon of the mass till that hymn was finished by
the choir.135
§ 9. Of the Canon of the Mass.
The ancients called the Canon [or the part of the mass containing
the consecration] by various names, as legitimum™ actionem}^ secre-
tum, canonicam precem^ canonem ex apostolica traditione sitsceptum y139
[prescribed by law, the action, the secret, the canonical prayer, the
canon received from Apostolical tradition.] In fact the antiquity of
the canon is abundantly evident from the writings of the Fathers,
both Greek and Latin, which contain the very words of the canon.
Such express references to it are constantly recurring in their writings,
but especially we find them in Durandus, in his second Book on
Church Ritual: therefore Basilius affirms that its prayers have been
received from tradition. We are told by the Roman Pontiff Vigilius
that there has always been but one canon in the Roman liturgy. In
but one liturgy, the Gallican, was there a proper canon for each
celebration of mass ;140 but after a time only one canon was used
even in that liturgy; the canon retained in it was the same as that
of the Roman use.141
It is not said by a single writer of antiquity that the prayers of the
canon were said secretly in former times, but in the middle ages, and
especially since the sixth century, it began to be the custom to recite
them in secret, lest the laity should ever use its sacred words in
jest.142 While the celebrant was reciting the canon, both presbyters
and clergy used to stand with bodies bent143 forward. It was at the
same time the business of one of the clergy to drive away the flies
with a small fan; or this was in old time done by two deacons, one
on each side of the celebrant, with fans, (venlilabra, piiriSia,) in their
hands.144 This custom continued to be kept up for a long time in the
clamavit;" describing the same mass 141 V. Sacram. Gallic, ap. Mabill.
as above, at which a paralytic girl was Musei Ital. T. I.
miraculously healed.] Capital. Reg. 142 Honor. August. Gemma Animse,
Francor. 1. i. c. 66. lib. i. c. 103, and Martene, c. 4, Art. 8.
135 Ex. Capit. Walter. Aurelian. c. I, [Honorius says, "Ne tarn sancta verba
Concilior. T. VI. tanti mysterii vilescant." He adds, as
136 Optat. Milev. 1. ii. (?) the reason, a tale of some shepherds
137 Ap, Walaf. Strabon. de Reb. being struck dead who had pronounced
Eccl. c. 22, ["Actio dicitur ipse the words in jest in the fields:" Fertur
Canon, quia in eo sacramenta conficiun- ut cum Canonem pastores in agro super
tur Dominica." All included in the panem et vinum dicerent, repente car-
Canon is said to be "infra actio- nem et sanguinem ante se invenirent,
nem."] atque inde divinitus percussi interirent."
138 Greg. Magn. 1. ix. Ep. 12, [al. But the expression Sccreta, as a name
vii. 64.] [In one place in this letter he of the Canon, rather originated in thecus-
writes, "Orationem Dominicam mox torn of silent prayer before the Sacrifice,
post canonem,'" in another, "mox post as ordered in Const. Apost. viii. 12, &c.]
precem, dicimus."] 143 V. Grsecor. Liturgias.
139 Vigilius, Ep. 2 ad Profuturum. u4 Const. Apost. 1. vm. c. 12, ["Let
140 V. Missale Goth, a Thomasio two of the deacons, on each side of the
edit. Romse. altar, hold fans, made up of thin mem-
OF THE DIFFERENT PARTS OF THE LITURGY. 243
Eastern Church—in the West it was a common custom in the middle
ages—but at Rome it lasted to the145 fourteenth century.
§10. Of the first Memento, of the Diptychs, and of the Sole??i?i Com-
memoration of the Saints.
In the first part of the Canon the celebrant was bound, in accord-
ance with the command of the Apostle, to offer prayers to Almighty
God for all the faithful. But in these prayers he used formerly to
mention by name the bishop, the Roman Pontiff, or among the
Greeks the Patriarch, the king, benefactors, and all offerers of obla-
tions. Hence the names of these persons used to be written out in
order on certain tablets, which were called diptychs}^ In the
Eastern Church it was formerly the custom for the deacon to take
the diptychs and in a loud voice to read out the list of names
written in them.147 But in the West, in the middle ages, either the
deacon from behind the altar,148 or the subdeacon, whispered the
names into the ear of the celebrating priest.149 Afterwards it was
everywhere the custom in the West for the priest to read them out
himself; and at length it was thought sufficient if the celebrant
placed the list of names upon the altar, and prayed for those written
in it, without even reading their names.150 Hence it is that ancient
liturgical offices have not got that formula in which the pontiff,
bishop, and king are prayed for by name, since they were read
from the diptychs. The diptychs continued in use down to the
ninth century, but since the tenth century only those three names
were written in the canon, the names of benefactors and offerers
being omitted, and only general prayers being offered up on their
behalf since that date.
After the celebrant had recited the names of the faithful, and had
prayed for them, he made a " commemoration," [a recitation of the
names] of the Saints,151 mentioning by name the B. V. Mary, the
twelve Apostles, and twelve Martyrs, as we read in all the more
ancient liturgies both of the Greeks and also of the Latins. In
these the name of the B. V. Mary occupies prominently the first
branes, or of the feathers of the pea- 14S V. Sacram. Rom. a Menardo
cock, or of fine linen, and let them edit., ["a retro altari."]
silently drive away the small animals 149 Ex Fulcuino de Gest. Abbat.
that fly about, that they may not come Lubien. c. 7, Spicil. T. VI.; and Port-
near ^to the cups."] Uldaric. Consuet. tific. Pictavien. ap. "Martene, [" In au-
Cluniacens. c. 30. rem Presbyteri silenter recitabat"!
145'
V. Ordinar. Joann. Gzetani, c. 53, ls0 V. Sacram. Eccl. Catalaunen. ap.
ap. Mabill. in Analect. Collect. T. V. Martene, and Ord. Rom. ap. Paniel.
146 V. Venant. Fort. x. 7, 34, and T. II.
Theod. xv. 9, 1. See also our Disserta- 151 August, de Civ. Dei, 1. xxii. c. 10,
tion in Italian, entitled, Disciplina della [" Ad quod sacrincium, sicut homines
Chiesa, edeH'obligode'sudditi, &c. § v. Dei, qui mundum in ejus confessione
147 Chrys. Liturg.; Maxim, in Collat. vicerunt, suo loco et ordine (martyres)
[In Chrys. Liturg. (Neale's trans.) the nominantur: non tamcn a sacerdote,
Priest reads aloud the name of the B. V. qui sacrificat, invocantur"]
Mary.]
R 2
2 44 POLITY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH.
place, in the Greek liturgies in the following words: "Especially
of the most holy, undented, ever blessed, our Queen, the Mother of
God, the ever Virgin Mary."152 In. the West, in the middle ages,
some Churches used to add153 to the canon the names of their own
particular saints. This was done till the sixteenth century, when
Pope Pius V. justly forbade it in the Bull prefixed to the Missal.
Lastly, the celebrant concluded the part of the canon which
precedes the consecration with that prayer, "This oblation, then,"
&c. In our missals this prayer, with the one before it, is called the
prayer " Infra Actionem." But probably this title is corrupt, for in
some MS. missals of the middle ages, which are given in Martene,
and which are of the highest value, it is called the prayer "In frac-
tio?te" or "In fractione Pants ^ as it is in another Sacramentary of
Chartres; the prayer, "at the breaking of the bread," which plainly
agrees with the very words of Scripture, for in the second chapter of
the Acts it is said of the Apostles, "They were continuing in the
communication and the breaking of the bread," and " on the first
day of the week when we had met for the breaking of the bread,"
from which we infer that this prayer was called in fractione, "the
prayer at the breaking," as it immediately precedes the consecration
and the communion, which in Scripture is called "the breaking."
The prayer, "Hanc igitur Oblationem" formerly ended with these
words, "nt placatus accipias" "We beseech Thee mercifully to ac-
cept;" but at Easter and Pentecost some words were added in con-
nexion with special reference to the season.154 This custom the
Latin Churches still keep up. But S. Gregory the Great added
those words which follow, "Diesque nostros" &c, "And dispose our
days," &c, as we now read them.155
At the conclusion of this prayer the priest, in accordance with
apostolical tradition, blesses the bread and the chalice,156 signing
them thrice with the sign of the Cross, using those most ancient
words, "Adscriptam, rationabilem, acceptabilem" "approved, reason-
able, and acceptable," &c, as we read in the author of the book
"De Sacramentis."157 Hence we may conjecture that those words,
Benedictam, rata7n, "blessed, ratified," were perhaps added by S.
Gregory, as it is plain they are from his Sacramentary.
152 Liturg. S. Chrysost.; and Basil validity, or at least their irregularity, if
in Assemani Missali Alexandr. p. 64. the sign of the cross was not a con-
153 Gallican Sacramentary ap. Mabill. stitutent part of their ceremonial." But
ib.; and other Sacramentaries, ap. Mar- Pelliccia does not mention, or account
tene. for, a great liturgical difficulty in the
154 Vigil. R. P. Ep. 2, ad Profutur. Roman Liturgy : viz., that the celebrant
155 Ex Joann. Diac. in ejus Vita, 1. ii. blesses with the sign of the cross the
c. 18, and Beda, Hist. 1. ii. c. 1. Body and Blood of Christ, i.e., after
166 S. August, de Temp. serm. 181. consecration. Possibly in the most
157 De Sacram. 1. iv. c. 5. [" In ancient form of the Petrine Liturgy the
speaking of the Sacraments, language Invocation once followed here, and was
was sometimes used by early writers accounted the formula of consecration.]
which would seem to assert their in-
OF THE DIFFERENT PARTS OF THE LITURGY. 245
§ 11. Of the Consecration; of the Second Memento, or Commemoration
of the Departed; and of the Lord's Prayer.
Next in order comes the second part of the canon, which consists
of the consecration and other following prayers. The celebrant now
says those words, "Qui pridie quam pateretur" "Who the day
before He suffered," (and these words of ancient institution are found
in all Sacramentaries,) and then, in imitation of the example of our
Lord, he lifts up his eyes,158 and by the words of Christ159 effects
the consecration.
The actual consecration takes place [in the Roman liturgy] at the
saying the words of our Lord and Saviour which effect it: where-
fore the sacrament is accomplished by the word of Christ.160
Hence the form of consecration is the same in all liturgies, except
a few special words which are added in the liturgies of S. James, of
the Apostolic Constitutions, of S. Basil, and S. Chrysostom.* Such
additions are the following: "This is My Body (the word for is
omitted) which is broken for you for the remission of sins." In the
liturgy of S. Cyril we find, "Which shall be delivered for you and
for many," &c, an addition which occurs also in the Mozarabic. In
the Ambrosian liturgy the formula is exactly identical with the
Roman, except that the word for is omitted before "This is My
Body." In the consecration of the cup the following is the unvary-
ing formula in the Greek liturgies: "This is My Blood, which is
shed for many for the remission of sins." After the words "My
Blood," the liturgy of S. Cyril adds, "of the New Testament, which
shall be shed for you, and shall be delivered for many for the remis-
sion of sins." In the Mozarabic it is, "This is the cup of the New
Testament in My blood," &c. From all this it is plain that the
formula in the liturgies, with trivial omissions or additions, has yet
been in reality one and the same. In former times, as we have said,
15S Origen. Tract. 3 in Joann., ["ex- the Latin Church has lost, not an inno-
emplo atque imitatione Christi."] vation of the Orientals." (See Bingham,
159 August. Serm. 227, [" Panis ille xv. iii. 11; and Smith's Diet. pp. 269,
quern videtis in altari, sanctificatus per 432.) The words of Irenreus are re-
verbum Dei, corpus est Christi; Calix markable, "Qui est a terra panis, per-
ille, imo quod habet calix, sanctiricatum cipiens Invocationem Dei, jam non com-
per verbum Dei, sanguis est Christi." munis panis est, sed Eucharistia." (iv.
The difference between the form of con- 34-)]
secration in the Eastern and Western 16° Ambr. de Myster. 1. i. c. 9,
liturgies is well known. In the former ["Quid dicimus de ipsa consecratione
the Holy Spirit is invoked, after the divina, ubi verba ipsa Domini Salva-
recitation of the words of institution, to tons operantur? Nam sacramentum
descend on the elements, and to make istud quod accipis, Christi sermone con-
them the Body and Blood of Christ; ficitur."] Auct. de Sacram. 1. iv. c. 4,
In the latter this invocation is generally ["By whose expressions, (sermonibus)
wanting, and consecration is attributed is consecration effected? By those of
by Western ritualists to the recitation the Lord Jesus."]
of the words of institution, as it is here * [This is an error. See a great
by S. Augustine, and by S. Ambrose be- variety of formulae in Neale and^Lit-
low. The invocation of the Holy Spirit tledale's "Translations of Primitive Li-
"is almost certainly an ancient rite which turgies."]
246 POLITY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH.
the celebrant used to pronounce these words of consecration in a
loud voice, as is done now in the Greek Church,161 the people
responding Amen.
Then comes the elevation of the consecrated elements. They
are elevated in the Greek Church by the deacon, but in the Latin
by the celebrant,163 and since the twelfth century a bell is then
rung.163
The celebrant then proceeds to the prayer, "Unde et me-
mores" &c, "Wherefore we, O Lord, calling to mind the blessed
passion," &c, a prayer which is found in all the more ancient
liturgies.
Then there follows the prayer, "Supra qua" &c, "Upon which
vouchsafe to look," &c, which was also in use as early as the fourth
century, for it is in a way mentioned by a writer older than S.
Augustine, the author of "Questions of the Old and New Tes-
tament."161
Then the celebrant, bowing down profoundly over the altar, says
that sublime prayer which is found in the more ancient liturgies of
the Greeks,* " Jube htzcperferri" &c, "We humbly beseech Thee,
Almighty God, command these things to be carried by the hands of
Thy holy angel to Thy altar on high," &c.
When he has finished this prayer the celebrant prays for [such of]
the dead [as he intends to pray for,] an Apostolical institution, ac-
cording to Chrysostom165 and the more ancient Fathers.166
The names also of the dead [to be commemorated] were entered
in the order we have described in the diptychs, which books are
called, from that circumstance, by the Greeks, necrologia, and by the
Latins in the middle ages rotuli, rolls, because the names were
written on long scrolls of parchment, and were rolled up, as books
were among the ancients. The use of diptychs for the dead remained
as a catholic custom in all the Churches till the ninth or probably
even the tenth century; but after the twelfth century the custom
gradually became obsolete, the general commemoration of the dead
being alone retained in the Canon.
161 V. Grsecor. Liturg. in Codice is not in the Greek Liturgies, though
Liturgico Eccles. Univers. ed. a Jos. there is something analogous to it. The
Aloys. Asseman. 1. iv. part 2. p. 36, nearest resemblance is in the office of
80; and Ambros. de Myster. 1. i. c. 9, Prothesis.]
[" Ante benedictionem verborum cceles- 1G5 Homil. 69, ad Popul. Antioch.
tium (alia) species nominatur, post con- 1C0 Cyprian. Ep. 39, Ox., ["We al-
secrationem corpus significatur. Ipse ways, as ye remember, offer sacrifices
dicit sanguinem suum. Ante consecra- for them," (certain who had died,) "as
tionem aliud dicitur, post consecra- often as we celebrate the passions and
tionem sanguis nuncupatur. Et tu dicis, days of the martyrs by an annual com-
Amen."] memoration."] August, de Civit. Dei,
162 y Thiers, de Euchar. Exposit. 1. xx. c. 9, ["Neque enim piorum
c# 6. animse mortuorum separantur ab ec-
103 Ex Ivone Carnoten. Epist. 167, clesia, quae nunc etiam est regnum
[de Sacram. Missce.] Christi. Alioquin nee ad altare Dei
161 In Append. Oper. S. August. T. fieret eorum memoria in communica-
III. c. 109. tione corporis Christi."]
* [This statement goes too far. It
OF THE DIFFERENT PARTS OF THE LITURGY. 247
Next, the celebrant prays for admission into the company of the
Saints, in the prayer beginning "Nobis quoque," &c, "And to us
sinners, Thy servants .... vouchsafe to grant some part and fel-
lowship with Thy Saints," &c, which is found word for word in the
Sacramentary of Tours in the eighth century,167 which seems to be
the most ancient monument of it which we have. At this place also,
in some Churches, there were added the names of any particular
saints.168
Lastly, the celebrant concluded this part of the canon with the
Lord's Prayer, in accordance with the command of Christ Himself,
and with Apostolic rule.169 It was formerly recited both by the
celebrant, and the choir, and the people; but by the fourth century
this ancient practice was kept up only by the Greeks; in the Latin
Churches (with the exception of the Gallic, which in her liturgy
followed the Greek use,170) the Lord's Prayer was recited by the
celebrant only,171 both priest and people together smiting their
breasts at the words, "Forgive us our trespasses," "dimitte
nobis? &c.173
The Lord's Prayer concludes with the words, "libera nos" "de-
liver us from evil." These words are called i[i(36\L[ioL, intercalares^
inserted, since they are also the beginning of another prayer against
temptation appended to the Our Father, as we find in all the
missals which are later than173 the eighth century, and about the
eleventh or twelfth century the celebrant added to this prayer also
the names of saints, at his pleasure.174
After this prayer the celebrant, in ancient times and in the middle
ages also, recited the Agnus Dei* and after that he used to put a
particle of the Host into the chalice ;175 for the manner of our ritual
at this part of the liturgy is not older than the fourteenth century:
167 Ap. Martene. orationem cum reliquis decantare."] So
168 In eod. Sacram. Biblioth. Regiae. also de Vitis Patrum, c. 16 § 2.
169 Hieronym. adver. Pelag. 1. iii. 171 S. Greg. Magn. 1. ix. Ep. 12,
sub fin.. ed. Bened. T. IV. p. 543, ["Dominica Oratio apud Gnecos ab
["He taught His Apostles that daily in omni populo dicitur, apud nos vero a
the sacrifice of His Body believers solo sacerdote." August. Serm. 388,
should make bold to speak thus, 'Our (" dicimus" &c, not "dia'tis.")]
Father,'" &c. So S. Augustine, 172 Aug. Serm. 351, 3, § 6, and 388
'' Post sanctificationem sacrificii dicimus § 2, [ " tundentes pectora, dicimus, &c.;"
orationem Dominicam." (Serm. 227.) "Pectus tundirnus, et dicimus," &c]
So S. Isidore, "Succeditconformatiosa- 173 Quae vide ap. Martene. [Cone,
cramenti, ut oblatio, quae Deo offerrur, Carth. III. c. 23, An. 397, directs that
sanctificata per Spiritum sanctum, the altar prayers should always be ad-
Christi corpori acsanguini conformetur. dressed to the Father, "cum altari
Harum ultima est oratio^ qua Dominus adsistitur semper ad Patrem dirigatur
noster discipulos suos orare instituit," oratio."]
&c. (De Div. Off. 1, 15.)] 174 Ivonis Carnotens. Microl. c. 33,
170 Ex Greg. Turon. de Mir. S. Mart. and Honor. August. Gemma Animas, 1.
1. ii. c 30, [describing a dumb woman i. c. 112,and MSS. Fontif. ap. Martene.
healed when trying to sing the Lord's * [The English Liturgy of 1549 di-
Prayer at a mass with the rest of the rected the clerks to sing the Agnus Dei
people, "Cum Dominica oratio dicere- "in the Communion time."]
tur, et hsec aperto ore ccepit sanctam 175 V. Sacramentar. ibid.
248
POLITY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH.
it is also since then that it became customary first to break the Host,
and after that to sing the Agnus Dei, as we are now accustomed to
do. The Host was formerly divided in accordance with certain
marks stamped upon the bread; then the use of that shape of bread
which we call hostia was introduced, and in the middle ages the
Latins used everywhere to divide it into three pieces.176 In accord-
ance with the Mozarabic rite the Spaniards divided it into nine
pieces. But the Greeks have always divided it into four pieces, [be-
sides that which they call the "Lamb," making five portions in all,]
and this they do to this day.
The choir meanwhile sang the Agnus Dei. The introduction into
the liturgy of this prayer of the Agnus Dei is, in the Pontifical of
Damasus, attributed to Sergius I., and it was sung once in some
churches in the middle ages.177 But the prayer must, we think, be
older than that date, for S. Chrysostom178 in the fourth century, and
S. Augustine179 both mention it, in almost the same words which we
now sing.
§ 12. Of the Prayer of Peace; of the Kiss of Peace; of the Priests'
Communion; and of preceding and subsequent Prayers.
The priest then, as we said, down to mediaeval times, before break-
ing the Host, used to say the Agnus Dei. When about to break it
he used to say the prayer of peace for the people in the words,
"The peace of God be with you all," the people answering to this,
"And with thy. spirit,"180 and among the Latins, "Peace be with
you,"181 the people all responding, till the eleventh century.182 Since
the ninth century it has been the custom for the celebrant, while
saying these words, to make the sign of the cross with the Host
17(5 V. Ernulphi Epist. ad Lambert.
Spicil. D'Acherii, T. II.
177 V. Pontific. Salisbur. ap. Blan-
chin. in Not. ad Anastas. [Anastasius
says that this Pope first ordered that
the Agnus Dei should be sung by clerks
and people, i.e., perhaps, not by the
choir only.]
i 178 Horn. 41 in Epist. 1 ad Corinth.,
[" I lament, you say, because he de-
parted with sin upon him You
ought to help him not by tears, but by
prayers, and supplications, and alms,
ancj offerings. For not unmeaningly
have these things been devised, nor do
we in vain make mention of the de-
parted in the course of the divine mys-
teries, and approach God in their be-
half, beseeching the Lamb Who is be-
fore us, Who takelh away the sin of the
world (8e6fjL*voi too hpLVOv rou Ket/xevnu
tov \afiovTos rrjv afxapriav tov H.Safj.ov),
not in vain, but that some refreshment
may thereby ensue. Not in vain doth
he that standeth by the altar cry out,
when the tremendous mysteries are be-
ing celebrated, 'For all those who have
fallen asleep in Christ, and for those
who perform commemorations in their
behalf.'"]
179 In Psalm. 98.
180 Constit. Apostol. 1. viii. c. 13.
[This benediction before the Commu-
nion is to be given by the bishop; con-
gregations were forbidden to leave be-
fore this benediction by Cone. Agath.
c. 47, and.other councils.]
181 August, de Divers. Serm. 97 in
Sabbato S. (?) [In Serm. 227 he says,
"Post ipsam, (orationem Dominicam)
dicitur, Pax vobiscum, et osculantur se
Christiani in osculo sancto."]
182 Vulgat. Alcuin. de Divin. Officii?,
c. 40, p. 50S, ed. Froben.
OF THE DIFFERENT PARTS OF THE LITURGY. 249
over the chalice three times ;183 to which century also may be referred
the introduction [into the Roman Missal] of the [very ancient]
prayer which immediately follows, "Hcec commixtio" &c, "May this
mixture and consecration of the Body and Blood," &c.184
After this the priest, in the usual way, kissed the altar, and then
(a custom as old as the Church herself) gave to the deacon the kiss
of peace, and he formerly conveyed it to the people, that the faithful
might mutually kiss one another.185 But after the eleventh century,
when this kissing gave sometimes occasion of scandal, the celebrant
kissed the deacon, and he gave the kiss only to those presbyters in
the choir who were assisting at the liturgy; wherefore in the twelfth
century, instead of a kiss from the officiating minister, a tablet [the
Pax] used to be given to the people to be kissed, upon which some
sacred picture was painted.186 In the middle ages the celebrant,
before giving the kiss to the deacon, used generally to kiss the Host
also,187 which was a general custom till the sixteenth century,188
although it had been forbidden by the bishops who were in favour
of a severer discipline.189
Lastly, since the tenth or rather the eleventh century the custom
began for the priest to say three prayers before he partook of the
Communion himself; for in sacramentaries older than the ninth
century he communicated immediately after giving the peace; the
first of our three prayers came into use by degrees after the ninth
century, and since the eleventh century the three were introduced
which we use at the present day.190 The same date must be as-
signed to those prayers which both follow and precede the taking
the cup, the first of which, we know from missals of that date,191
must have come into use in the twelfth century. So as regards the
formula used by the priest before communicating, "Domine non sum
dignus" " Lord, I am not worthy that Thou shouldst come/' &c, it
is not found in missals older than the fifteenth century, for these
words were anciently used by the people when they communicated,
as Origen informs us.193
183 Vulgat. Amalar. 1. iii. c. 31, and cording to which the Church of Eng-
Ordo Rom. Antiquior. ap. Mabill. in land celebrated the Holy Communion
Mus. Ital. T. II. T. XIII. from a.d. 1080 to a.d. 1549,) the cele-
184 Amalar. ib. and Ordo Rom. ib. brant gave the kiss to the deacon and
1S5 Justin. Martyr. Apol. I. n. 65, subdeacon before commencing the cele-
[" When we have ceased from prayer, bration.]
we salute one another with a kiss; there 1S6 Ex Joann. Beletho de Canone
is then brought to the president bread Miss. lect. 81.
and a cup of wine," &c] Tertull. lib. 1S7 V. Consuetud. Cisterc. in Procem.
de Oratione, c. 18. [Tertullian calls it 1SS Ex Missali S. Remig. edito An.
"signaculum orationis," the "seal of 1556.
prayer," and asks, "what prayer is I89 Constit. Episc. Sarum. c. 37.
complete from which the holy kiss is 19° Ex Micrologo Ivonis Carnotens.
divorced? What kind of sacrifice is c. 18.
that from which men depart without 191 V. ap. Martene, Pamelium, Ma-
the peace?"] Chrysostom. Horn. 51, ad bill, in Analect. Nova Collect. T. V.
Popul. Antioch.; Paulin. Nol. carm. ad and VI.
Cyther. [In the Salisbury Liturgy, (ac- m Homil. 6 de Ccnturione.
250
POLITY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH.
§ 13. Of the Communion of the Faithful.
After the bishop had communicated himself,* he administered the
Eucharistic bread and wine first to the presbyters, then to the dea-
cons, then to the subdeacons, and the other inferior clergy, after
that to the monks and consecrated virgins, [after that to the chil-
dren,] and last of all to the laity, first the men and then the women :193
this order was observed in the fourth century. Presbyters and dea-
cons when about to communicate went up to the altar, the clergy
communicated in the choir \ the laity outside the choir, going up, in
order, to the chancel-screen (which we have described), and there
receiving the Eucharist194 either from the deacon, who, in the first
ages of the Church, used to administer both the bread and the
wine ;195 or, in some places, from the presbyter.196
The manner in which the Holy Communion was administered so
far as it has been described, was as follows: The celebrant took the
consecrated bread, and held it up on high on his outstretched hands,
showing it to all the people, and saying with a loud voice, "Sancta
Sanctis" "Holy things for holy persons;" the people on this cried
out, uUnus sanctusy unus Dominus Jesus" "There is one that is
holy, there is one Lord,"197 [one Jesus Christ, blessed for ever.]
And so, after these words, and when the clergy had communicated,
* [It has always been obligatory for
the celebrant to communicate himself
before administering the Eucharist to
others. The 9th Apost. Canon, (en-
forced in a Capitular of Charlemagne,)
says, "If he does not communicate, let
him give his reason: if it be just, let
him be forgiven: if not, let him be sus-
pended, as . . . occasioning a suspicion
against him that he did not rightly
offer." The Council of Rouen, held
1072, in the presence of William the
Conqueror, (c. 4,) forbids a priest to
celebrate without communicating him-
self. Our 21 st Canon (1603) very
strictly enjoins this rule. After order-
ing that the Lord's Supper should be
received at least three times a year, it
is added, *' Proviso semper, ut minister
quilibet sacram illam ccenam administra-
turus, ipse semper primus communicet."]
193 Cone. Nicsen. c. 18; Mosch. in
Prato Spir. c. 35.
194 Cone. Tolet. IV. c. 18, An.
633; [" Sacerdos et Levita ante al-
tare communicent, in choro clerus, extra
chorum populus."] Aug. Serm. 392 (?)
195 Justin. Mart. Ap. I. n.65, ["Those
whom we call deacons give to each of
those present to partake of the bread
and of the wine and water over which
thanks have been given {evxapiarr\Q€i/-
ros, consecrated) and cany away to
those who are not present."] Cyprian,
libro de Laps. p. 444, ed. Bened. [c.
25>] ["When the deacon began to
offer the cup to those present . . . the
little child refused the cup."]
190 Chrysost. Horn. 47 in Matth.;
Cone. Carth. IV. c. 38, ["Diaconus,
prassente presbytero, eucharistiam cor-
poris Christi populo, si necessitas cogat,
jussus eroget."]
197 Ex vita S. Euthym. Abbat. Ana-
lector. Grsecor. T. I. ; Const. Apost.
1. viii. c. 13; [This rubric of the an-
cient liturgy of the Apost. Const, con-
tinues ; Let them then say, "Blessed is
he that cometh in the name of the
Lord, Hosanna," &c.; then let the
bishop (celebrant) partake, then the
clergy, then the minor orders, then the
religious of both sexes, then the chil-
dren, then the general congregation;
adding, Let the bishop give the obla-
tion, saying, The Body of Christ; and
let the deacon hold the cup, saying as
he administers, The Blood of Christ, the
cup of life; the communicant each time
to answer, "Amen," after receiving the
oblation and the cup; and let the 33rd
(34th E. V.) Psalm be said while the
rest are partaking. The eighth verse,
*'Taste and see," &c, was sung as an
OF THE DIFFERENT PARTS OF THE LITURGY.
251
the celebrant went up to the chancel rails, where the laity when
about to go up to communicate used to stand,198 after having first
washed their hands and faces ;199 the men held out the naked right
hand, bending it into a hollow shape, and placing the left hand under
it, so that the two hands together made the form of a cross ;200 but
the women stretched out both hands over the chancel rails, holding
in them a linen napkin, as they were not allowed to receive the Body
of Christ in a naked hand.201 The celebrant, as he delivered the
Eucharist to each individually, said, "Corpus Christi" "The Body
of Christ," and the communicant answered, "Amen."202 After the
sixth century these words of the priest were changed into the fol-
lowing, "The Body and Blood of the Lord avail (prosit) thee for
the remission of sins and for everlasting life. Amen."203 Thus the
laity received the Body of Christ. In the first ages of the Church
they were allowed to kiss it,204 and to press it on their eyes as well
as on their lips, that they might be made holy by touching the
Lord's most holy Body ;205 after which they used to eat it. Until
the ninth century the laity received the Eucharist in the hand: but
in that century this was forbidden; and the priest was desired to put
the Eucharist with his hand into the mouth of any layman206 who
antiphon; (Cyril. Myst. 5.)] Cyrill.
Hierosol. Catechesi. Myst. v. 20—22.
m Epist. Dionys. Alex. ap. Euseb.
Hist. Eccl. 1. vii. c. 9; [He speaks (a.d.
250) of one who had been in the habit
of attending Eucharistic services and
responding, Amen, and of standing at
the table (rpaTre^T) irapaardvra) and ex-
tending his hands (xeipas) to receive
the holy food, and after receiving it,
and becoming a partaker of the Body and
Blood of our Lord Jesus Christ, &c]
199 Chrysost. Horn. 52 in Matth.
200 Cypr. 1. de Laps. p. 444, [al.
§ 22.] [" Because he may not at once
receive the body of the Lord in his
polluted hands, he is angry with the
priests.'5] Cyrill. Hierosol. Catech.
Myst. v., ["When you approach draw
near not with the wrists straight out
nor with the fingers spread, but making
the left hand a throne for the right, as
for that which is to receive a King ; and
hollowing the palm, receive the Body
of Christ, saying after reception the
Amen. . . giving heed lest any portion
of it fall aside and be lost. . . . Draw
near also to the cup . . . bending with
adoration," &c] V. Vales, in Not. ad
Euseb. 1. c.; August. 1. ii. contr. litter.
Petil. c. 23, [" In cujus manibus Eu-
charistiam ponebatis, cui vicissim danti
manus porrigebatis."]
201 S. Caesar. Serm. 229, § 5, in Ap-
pend, novce edit. S. August, (quoted
above § 8 ;) Cone. Autissiodoren. An.
578, c. 36, [" Non licet mulieri nuda
manu eucharistiam accipere."]
202 August. Serm. 272, ['""Mysterium
vestrum (of membership with Christ)
in mensa Dominica positum. Ad id
quod estis, Amen, respondetis, et re-
spondendo subscribitis. Audis enim,
Corpus Christi; et respondes, Amen.
Esto membmm corporis Christi, ut ve-
rum sit Amen."]
203 Ex Sacram. Gregoriano, et s?ec.
IX. Cone. Rothomagen. An. 880,
[" Corpus Domini et sanguis prosit tibi
ad remissionem peccatomm et ad vitam
seternam. Amen."]
204 V. Vales, in Not. ad Euseb. Hist.
Eccl. 1. vi. c. 43 (?)
205 Cyrill. Hierosol. Catechesi. Mys-
ta§- 5» [" Touching with thy hands
the moisture remaining on thy lips,
sanctify both thine eyes and thy fore-
head and the other organs of the senses."]
206 Cone. Rothomagen. ib. c. 2, An.
SSo; [strictly forbids presbyters plac-
ing the Eucharist in the hand of any
lay person male or female, and com-
mands to place it in their mouths: this
became the almost universal rule to
avoid "superstitious uses" being made
of the Lord's Body. The same rule,
and on the same grounds, is given in
the first Prayer Book of Edward VI.
(See Smith's Diet. p. 417.)]
252 POLITY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH.
received it: in the Church of Rome this rule of discipline was
strictly observed as early as the sixth century.307
The old method of administering the cup to the laity was this;
they used to receive the cup prostrate on the ground as in adoration,
not with hands stretched out to receive it, but the deacon or the
presbyter with his hand put the chalice to their lips, and while their
lips were still wet with the Blood. of Christ, they, touching with
their hands both eyes and brow and other organs of their senses
[al(jOrj-rrjpici], used thus to consecrate them to God.208
This is the place to remark also, that in former times all com-
municants, both clergy and laity, drank the pure Blood of the Lord;
but in mediaeval times only the celebrant and other Church minis-
ters drank of it, the laity receiving the Blood mixed with simple and
natural wine ;209 what gave rise to this general custom was partly
the great 'number of communicants, for whom the consecrated wine
in a small chalice was not sufficient; partly also an opinion which
prevailed with some people, that the wine became consecrated by
contact with, or by mixing with, the consecrated species. Hence the
deacon, from the small chalice containing the consecrated wine, used
to pour out a little consecrated wine into the larger vessels, (com-
monly called "ministerial" vessels,) which were full of common wine;
from which the laity communicated. This same opinion gave occa-
sion to that piece of ritualism which prevailed in the middle ages, in
which it was supposed that wine which had not been consecrated
became sanctified and was changed into the Blood of Christ by
the Body of Christ, i.e. a portion of the consecrated host, being
put into it.210 But this custom, which was founded on erroneous doc-
trine, was not of an earlier date than after the ninth century, and it
was only adopted in some Churches, and was kept up in them only
until the fifteenth century: the greater number of the Churches fol-
lowing, in this matter, the ancient and the better discipline, as Mar-
tene proves by a variety of instances.211
There were three different ways by which the laity were com-
municated with the consecrated wine: either the deacon put the
chalice to their mouths, which was the method anciently in use; or
they sucked the wine through a reed or pipe,212 which was the
custom generally in the middle ages; or they took the Lord's Body
dipped in the consecrated wine, which method was universally in
use after the twelfth century,213 though this last method is noticed
by some writers and councils of that century.214 After the thirteenth
207 Ex S. Greg. Dialog. 1. iii. c. 3, 210 Pontific. Eccl. Apamien. in Syria,
[" Cum ei Dominicum corpus in os ap. Martene. [See below, Book IV.
mitteret;" alluding to a dumb man thus Sect, ii., Chap. iii. § 2, note 46.]
miraculously healed.] 2U Ibid. c. 4, Art. x.; V. Mabill.
208 Cyrill. Hierosolym. ibid., ["After comment, prsevio ad Ord. Roman,
carefully hallowing thine eyes by the 212 V. ch. vii. § 1 of this Book, p. 169.
touch of the Holy Body, partake of it, 213 Mabill. in pra:f. scec. III. Bene-
giving heed," &c, as quoted above.] diet.; and Cone. Turonen. ap. Bru-
209 v. Ordin. Roman, ap. Mabill. in chard. 1. v. c. 9.
Mus. Ital. T. II. p. 60. 2H Microl.c.26; Cone. Claromont.sub
OF THE DIFFERENT PARTS OF THE LITURGY. 253
mmm
century the custom of receiving the cup at the Holy Communion
began gradually to fall into disuse in the Western Church :215 and at
last in .the fifteenth century it was for very just reasons entirely given
up both in the case of the laity, and also of the ministers in Divine
service, who are present at a celebration of the liturgy :216 but among
the Oriental Churches the ancient custom of communicating in both
kinds has survived, the method of receiving the communion being
the same in the East as that which had been the latest in use among
the Latins; for they receive the consecrated bread, dipped only in
the Blood of Christ ;217 and in the case of children, they communi-
cate them by dipping a spoon in the chalice, which they then put
into their mouths,318 allowing them to lick it.
Lastly the celebrant, having finished communicating the people,
performs the ablutions (pnrificatio?iem), pouring in wine and water
into the chalice, and drinking it, as we know from ecclesiastical
records has been done since the fourth century; and even in times
as early as then both the celebrant and the other ministers of the
Church, as well as all the faithful who had communicated, took, after
communicating, a taste of water or of a pastille, that they might
avoid letting any particle of the sacramental symbol escape from the
mouth with the saliva ;219 usually therefore the deacons used to give
the laity a little natural wine after communicating, that having taken
it they might not eject from the mouth the consecrated species.220
§ 14. Of the conclusion of the Mass.
When the communion of the people and the ablutions were com-
pleted, the whole service was concluded by an act of thanksgiving,221
which was called the last prayer of the mysteries.222 Since the eighth
century we have in the Liturgies of the Latin Church a variety of
formularies of this act of thanksgiving; amongst them we find that
one which we are accustomed to use in our Church before the bene-
diction, "Placeat tibi Sancta Trmitas"~~» &c., "O Holy Trinity, let
Urbano II. R. P. c. 28, An. 1095; 23 (?) [Alluded to in the old English
[orders each kind to be taken sepa- original of our 'Exhortation before the
rately: "Ne quis communicet de al- Communion:' I charge each one to
tari nisi Corpus separatim et Sanguinem believe that the sacrament "ys Godd's
similiter sumat, nisi per necessitatem body flesche and blode, yn the forme of
et per cautelam."] Paschal. II. R. bred: and that which he recyvythe after-
P. epist. ad Pont. Abb. Cluniac. ; and ward, ys no thyng ells but wyne and
Cone. Bracar. III. c. 2, An. 675, ["for- water, for to dense yowr mowthys of the
bids the dipping the bread in the wine holy sacrament." (Quoted in Blum's
at the Holy Eucharist."] Annotated Prayer Book.)]
215 V. S. Thomam, hi. p. 80, a. 12. -21 Id. Epist. 59 ad Paullin. [ed.
216 Cone. Trident, sess. 21, c. 1. Migne, Ep. 149, § 16, "Quibus perac-
217 V. Allat. de Consen. Orient, et tis, et participate tanto Sacramento,
Occid. Eccl. 1. iii. c. 18. gratiarum actio cuncta concludit."]
218 Jan. Erythr. 1. vii. epist. 24. -2 Auct. Oper. Imperf. in Matth.
219 V. Pallad. in vita Chrysostom. p. Horn. 28.
26, T. XIII. ed. Benedict. ,223 V. Sacram. S. Dionys. ap. Mar-
220 Vales, ibid. 1. vi. c. 43, and Au- tene, and Sacram. Turon. scec. VIII.
gust. 1. ii. contra litter. Petilliani, c. ibid.
254 POLITY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH.
wm*m
the performance of my homage be pleasing," &c. After this the
deacon turning to the people said, "Ite in pace? "Go in peace;"
especially in the more ancient liturgies of the Greeks this is found.224
But among the Latins since the ninth century the deacon dismissed225
the people with the words, "Ite missa est;" and lastly the celebrant
gave the blessing to the people. This concluding benediction
might be given to the people by a presbyter when he had cele-
brated, though only a bishop might pronounce the benediction on
the people which follows the Lord's Prayer, before breaking the
Host; of which benediction S. Ccesarius speaks in his twelfth homily;
and in the 29th canon of the third Council of Orleans [a.d. 538, it
is ordered that no one leave the church before this benediction has
been given].*
Lastly, we must remark that since the sixteenth century it has
been the custom to recite a portion of S. John's Gospel at the con-
clusion of mass, especially since the corrected edition of the missal
was issued by Pope Pius V. : in some Churches, [inclusive of the
English,] before this, the presbyters used to recite it from memory, on
their way from the altar to the vestry.226
I have then in this chapter described in a few words the principal
parts of the Service of the Mass.t And though the volumes written
on liturgical matters are almost without number, I believe that these
few words will yet be found sufficient, at any rate for any candidates
for holy orders.
CHAPTER XI.
OF A PRIVATE MASS.
By a Private Mass we mean one which is celebrated daily by one
presbyter only, assisted by one minister as a Server, and which is
called by the Italians, "Messa bassa" a Low Mass, because the part
usually sung by the choir is not sung but read. It is a mistake to
suppose, as some have done, that this kind of mass is of recent
origin, for examples of it are extant in the writings of the Fathers of
the Church since the fourth century. For we constantly read of
Divine Service being celebrated in that age in little country chapels
which were set apart for the worship of God and dedicated to the
memory of the Martyrs, at which service no congregation of the
people need be present. The Tripartite History1 gives an instance
224 Const. Apost. 1. viii. c. 15, ["The et si episcopus prsesens fuerit, ejus be-
deacon shall say, Depart in peace;"] nedictio exspectelur."]
and Liturg. S. Basil, and Chrys. 226 Martene, ibid.
225 V. Alcuin. de Divinis Offic. c. 40, f [The reader should compare this
and Vulg. Amalar. 1. iii. c. 36. Chap, with the Missal.]
* ["De missis nullus laicorum ante l L. ix. c. 8.
discedat quam Dominica dicatur oratio,
OF A PRIVATE MASS. 255
of this in the case of Gregory Nazianzen. This celebrated theo-
logian of the Church tells us that his father, when sick of a grievous
disorder, had risen from his bed and celebrated the holy mysteries
in his chamber, without any people being present.3 So S. Ambrose,
being invited across the Tiber by a certain illustrious matron, cele-
brated mass in her house, at the conclusion of which a certain para-
lytic woman belonging to the family of the noble matron, kissed his
sacred vestments and recovered from her disease.3 S. Augustine
also tells a story of a certain presbyter having a celebration in a
house haunted by evil spirits, and by this means casting them forth.4
Besides, that bishops also used formerly to celebrate masses in the
oratory of their own house is plainly proved by a short discourse
which S. John, Patriarch of the Church of Alexandria, delivered to
the people of that city.5 Hence after the fifth and sixth centuries
while the people attended celebrations only on high festival days, on
other days, bishops, or presbyters with the bishop's leave, celebrated
mass, as we know was often done, from the letters of S. Gregory L,
and from the older sacramentaries.
Nor is it a matter of doubt whether or not an assembly of the
people was necessary for a daily celebration of the liturgy; for though
in the fourth century daily communions were not the custom in
every place in the Eastern and Western Church, (as we know
from what Chrysostom6 and Augustine7 tell us,) yet nevertheless the
bishops were able to have celebrations of the sacrifice every day.8
So though the people attended only on certain stated days of the
week, (as we said in chap, xii.,) still on every day since the fourth
century the Holy Sacrifice has been celebrated, without the neces-
sary attendance of the people, in what we may call a private and
solitary manner. It should however in fairness be borne in mind
that formerly bishops or presbyters took all pains with the celebra-
tion of the daily sacrifice, and had all the help which choirs and
assistant ministers* could give, even though a large congregation
was not in the least expected to attend, as is proved by the Roman
Ordines published by Mabillon.
From what we have said then it is plain that the ancients had no
dislike to a solitary sacrifice, but that in former times their daily
celebrations were never without the assistance of a choir and minis-
2 Orat. 19 in Laud. Patris. Ed. Migne§9,] ["Nonnesemelimmo-
3 Paullin. in ejus vita p. T. II.; Opp. latus est Christus in seipso, et tamen in
S. Ambrosii et Benedict. [In Append. sacramento non solum per omnes Pas-
ii. § 10.] chee solernnitates, sed omni die populis
4 De Civit. Dei, 1. xxii. c. 8, § 6, immolatur, nee utique mentitur qui in-
[" Obtulit ibi sacrificium corporis Chris- terrogatus eum respondent immolari ?M]
ti, orans quantum potuit, ut cessaret Hieronym. Ep. ad Hedibiam.
ilia vexatio; Deo protinus miserante * [The 43rd canon of the Council of
cessavit."] Mayence, a.d. 813, forbids mass to be
5 Ap. Leontium, in ejus vita. said by a presbyter alone; "for how can
6 Horn. 61 ad Popul. Antioch. he say Dominus vobiscum^ and other
7 De Eccles. Dogmatib. c. 53. like things, when no one is present but
s August. Ep. 23, ad Bonif. [xcviii. himself?"]
256 POLITY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH.
ters to serve at them. But in those mediaeval times which followed,
especially in the Western Church, that liturgy came commonly into
use, which required only the presence of a single presbyter as cele-
brant with the aid of one cleric to serve: the public calamities of
the times it was which gave occasion to this relaxation of discipline,
since on account of the civil wars with which states were harassed,
it was difficult for the people to be present at celebrations every day,
and the Church was greatly distressed for want of ministers: hence
by degrees presbyters got into the way of taking the whole of the
service of the liturgy by themselves, satisfied if they had the help of
one server. After the tenth century this mode of celebration had
everywhere become customary, as is abundantly testified by writers
and councils of that period. Hence about the same time, as we
showed in chap, ix., it began to be the custom almost everywhere in
the Western Church to have a second celebration of mass in a
day, and, to satisfy the numbers who made offerings, one and the
same presbyter would even celebrate masses (called bifaciatas, tri-
facialas, et quadrifaciatas) reciting the different offices for the two,
three, or four masses as far as the offertory, and then at the end
reciting one canon which served for the conclusion of them all.9
But after the fourteenth century the Church offered the most
strenuous opposition to this abuse, as it had become necessary she
should do.
It remains for us to speak of the Missa Sicca (dry mass), vulgarly
called Missa Nautica (mass celebrated at sea), and by the Greeks
the Mass of the Presanctified; since at these celebrations of the
liturgy there is no consecration of the elements, but the celebrant
takes from what had been previously consecrated. The Latins have
this kind of celebration on Good Friday (or, as it is called, the Pre-
paration Day, or the sixth day of the Great Week) : but the Greeks
have it on all the days of Lent except on the Sabbath-days (Satur-
days), on Lord's days, and on the day of the Annunciation, as
ordered by the fifty-first canon of the Council of Laodicea and by
the acts of the Council in Trullo, c. 25, the ritual of which may
be found described in Allatius.10 In mediaeval times the Latins
made use of this kind of mass at a communion of the sick. In
France " dry mass" was a name given in the middle ages to one which
was said for strangers who came in too late; when the priest clothed
in the sacred vestments would recite the prayers and the Scripture
lections of the mass, leaving out the canon and the consecration,
and instead of the elevation of the Body of Christ, exhibiting to
those present the relics of saints.11 This kind of mass was also
9 V. Thorn. Cantiprat. de Apib. 1. council in Trullo confirms this prohibi-
ii. c. 3, n. 9. V. Georg. Cassandr. Prsef. tion, making an exception in favour of
ad Ordin. Roman. the feast of the Annunciation (rrjs ayias
10 Epist. ad Naudeum. [This coun- rod cvayyeMa/iov rjfx4pas.)]
cil of Laodicea forbids to celebrate ll Enchiridion Sacerd. Guid. de
Saints' days during Lent,, except only Monte Rocherio, tr. 4, c. 7.
on
a Sabbath day or a Lord's day : the
OF A PRIVATE MASS.
257
called a Nautical one: for at sea, or on waters in which the liturgy
cannot be celebrated on board ship because of the tossing of the
waves, the presbyter used at such a mass to administer the com-
munion from elements which had been previously consecrated,
and which had been reserved, reciting all the rest of the sendee
as in an ordinary celebration of the liturgy. S. Louis, King of
France, when returning from beyond seas into France, had a daily
celebration of this mass on board ship; and such masses were
sanctioned by the "Liber Sacerdotalis," a book approved of by
Leo X.12
We need here only say a very few words in conclusion, on the
subject of a celebration of masses for the dead, as we shall speak
fully on that subject in our last or sixth Book, when describing the
ritual of Funerals.
From the first ages of the Church, then, the sacrifice of the
mystical liturgy has been offered for the dead; which is called
by S. Cyprian13 the "Oblation for those who have fallen asleep,"
and the "Sacrifice for their repose." Of this sacrifice the clearest
historical records are extant in the writings of early Fathers.14 But
that liturgy which we use in our daily masses of the dead is first
mentioned by liturgical writers and in sacramentaries of the ninth
century,15 though in all parts of the service some additions have
been made even to the emended edition of the missal put forth by
S. Pius V.
12 Navarrus, lib. de Oratione Miscel.
53; Genebrard, La Liturgie des Apotr.
c. 30.
13 Cyp. Ep. 66, ed. Bened. [i. Ox-
on.] ["No Oblation should be made
for his repose (who had appointed a
presbyter to be his executor), 'Non est
quod pro dormitione ejus apud vos fiat
Oblatio, aut deprecatio aliqua nomine
ejus in ecclesia frequentetur.' "] Ter-
tull. 1. de Corona, c. 3, ["We make ob-
lations for the departed by way of
birth-day gifts on the anniversary."]
14 Cyrill. Hierosol. Catech. Myst.; S.
August. Confess. 1. ix. c. 12, [S. Augus-
tine, speaking of his mother's burial,
says, "Those prayers which we poured
out to Thee, when the sacrifice of our
ransom was offered for her, the body
already placed near the tomb before its
burial, as is the custom there," &c]
Possidon. in ejus Vita, 31; [At the fu-
neral of S. Augustine himself, "The
sacrifice for commendation of the burial
of the body was offered to God, and
he was buried."] Paullin. in Vita S.
Ambr. (48) p. T. II. Opp. S. Ambros.
ed. Bened. ; [S. Ambrose was earned
from the church where he lay in state,
"after the celebration of the divine
sacraments, to the Ambrosian basilica,
in which he was buried."] Euseb. de
Vita Constant. 1. iv.c. 71, &c; [He(Con-
stantine) was at his funeral '' deemed
worthy of the mystic liturgy, and en-
joyed the communion of holy prayers."]
15 Vulgat. Amalar. 1. iii. c. 44, ["A
mass for the dead differed only from an
ordinary mass in being celebrated with-
out Gloria and Alleluia, and the kiss of
peace."]
258 POLITY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH.
CHAPTER XII.
OF SOLEMN SUPPLICATIONS OF CHRISTIANS, COMMONLY CALLED
PROCESSIONS.
Supplicatio is the name given to a public procession of Christians,
in which, having formed in order of march, they proceed through
the streets to a church; this we commonly call a " Procession," from
the manner of "proceeding." Some think that the ritual of these
processional supplications was borrowed by the Christians from the
Jews; others from the heathen. Scripture makes frequent mention
of these processional litanies of the Jews, especially those which took
place at the translation of the Ark of God: and the heathen from
very remote times had their processional services in honour of their
gods; as for instance those held by the old inhabitants of Patrae at
the festival of Artemis Laphria,1 and those of the Athenians which
were held in the spring in honour of Ceres.2 And as in these sup-
plications a statue of the goddess was generally carried in a small
car at the head of the procession, the people following behind it,
therefore they called such a supplication tto/att-^3 (pomp), from
7rifi7reiv, to send forward, as we shall show in our special dissertation
on the subject to be the true derivation of the word, notwithstanding
the opinion of Carmelius to the contrary. Hence the Latins used
the same word, and in describing a religious procession they con-
tinually called it by this name, Pompa: especially when speaking of
a funeral procession, wThen they used the expression, "Pompam
agere," as will be shown in the proper place.
But among Christians we meet with frequent mention of the word
Processus, and in the middle ages Proeessio, as it was called by the
Greeks 7rpoe\€V(ns, 7rp6o8o9, "a going before," and they used the term
7rpoo&o7roie?v, as equivalent to the Latin processionem agere. And it
is a great help towards the understanding of the early Fathers to
remember, that the older Latin ecclesiastical writers use in the same
sense the words "Station" and '''Processus" or "Processio" A Station
was the name given by the ancients to a liturgy which was announced
to be celebrated by a bishop in some consecrated building: where
therefore they used to say a Station was held4 by him: this was a
1 Pausan. in Grceciae Description. ad Uxor. 1. ii. c. 4; ["Most think
viii. 18, § 7; [The maiden who acted that on the days of stations they ought
as priestess, rode, in the procession to not to attend the prayers at the sacri-
the temple, in a chariot drawn by stags; fkes, because, when the Body of the
numerous animals were burned alive to Lord hath been received, the station
the goddess.] must be broken up. . . . Will not thy
2 V. Hesych. ap. Blonder, de Rit. station be the more solemn, if thou
Veter. c. 10. standest also at the altar of God? . . .
3 Thucydid. Hist. 1. ii. 86, c. 56; If the station taketh its name from the
Herodian. 1. 10. (?) model of war," &c. "If a station is
4 V. Tertull. 1. de Orat. c. 19 and to be kept, the husband engageth her
OF SOLEMN SUPPLICATIONS OR PROCESSIONS-. 259
form of expression very common in mediaeval times, especially at
Rome, where the Pontiff used to celebrate now in one church,
now in another. Hence we read in the Sacramentaries of a Sta-
tion at the church of S. Mary the Greater, a Station at the church
of S. Peter, &c.; an interpretation confirmed by different Sacra-
mentaries when speaking of other Churches of the West. Since
therefore, when a Station had been announced, people would wait
for the Pontiff near the church in which the liturgy was to be cele-
brated, and then would go with him in procession to that church,
the Station itself came to be designated by the name of a Proces-
sion on some occasions: hence that expression to "Proceed to the
people"* which bishops used when they went to meet the people who
were waiting for them, that they might go in procession (proceed)
with them to the church.6
Such seems to be the most ancient trace of the origin of a religious
procession; for as early as the fourth century the faithful used to
march in regular order in procession with their bishop to a Station,
singing psalms as they went,7 which piece of ritual is called a
"custom" by S. Ambrose in the same fourth century.8
But besides the Procession of a Station, from which others took
their rise, the Church had other kinds of supplications, some fixed
and stated, others appointed on various occasions. We call those
fixed and stated which were held on certain very solemn days in the
year: such for instance as that supplication in the fifth century which
was called the Lesser Litany, which is used on the three days
before Ascension ;9 another, called the Greater Litany, which, in the
sixth century, the Roman Pontiff S. Gregory I. appointed to take
place on the festival of S. Mark the Evangelist [to avert the wrath of
God, on the occasion of a pestilence ravaging the city].
And this is the place to remark this Greek name of Litany given
to these two Processions—for the Greeks called these supplications
themselves which were said in procession Litanies also, from the
word Xnaveveiv—to ask, to pray; for in these processional Litanies
the people used to pray to Almighty God to give fertility to the
earth, as we shall speak of in our Fourth Book, section ii.; hence
very fitly the Latins called these Rogations, "askings," of which
kind also are those supplications which are held on annual festivals,
of which we shall treat in the same book.
all day to the baths: if a fast is to be viam sacra religione occurrere deberet
observed, the husband on the same day . . . omnes tarn viri quamque foemina?
holdeth a feast: if a procession is to be devota mente in ecclesia occurrerunt."]
made, never doth household business And Panvin. de Stationib. Urbis.
fall more upon her hands."] 7 August, ib. [Procedimus and pro-
5 August, de Civ. Dei, 1. xxii. c. 8, cessio seem used here and elsewhere as
§22, [" Sedebam jam processurus . . . a conventional word for "going to
procedimus ad populum."] church."]
6 V. Anastas. Bibl. in Leone III., 8 Epist. 29, ["Consuetudo."]
["Cum die quadam more solito in le- 9 V. Avin. Vienn. Homil. de festo
taniis, quae ab omnibus Majores appel- rogationum in Edm. Martene, Thes.
lantur, procederet, ubi . . . populus ob- Anecdot. T. V. p. 47.
260
POLITY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH.
The Church moreover had Supplications from early times, when
she transferred the relics of Martyrs from a cemetery or from one
church to another, or from one city to another, of which many ex-
amples are found in ancient history.10 These supplications were
also made at the laying the foundation stones of a church or a
convent.11 For the bishop, in the presence of the people, used to lay
the first stone of a church with his own hand; and in the fifth cen-
tury they used to inscribe on the stone both the name of the bishop,
and the day and year of the foundation, as we read on a stone
which was discovered at the foundations of an old church at Mar-
seilles—a copy of which I here reproduce for the benefit of students
of church antiquities:
DO : ET XPO MISERANTE. LIM. HOC C. L. K. T.
E. ANNO IIII. C. S. VALEN.
TINIANO. AVG. VI. III. KL. D. XVIII. ANNO EPTVS RVSTI.
i.e. Domino et Christo miserante Limen hoc collocatum
est anno quarto Consule Valen-
tiniano Augusto sexto, tertio Kalendas Decembris, decimo nono anno Epis-
copatus Rustici.
"By the mercy of God and Christ the foundation of this structure
was laid in the fourth year when Valentinian Augustus was Consul
for sixth time, on the 29th day of November, in the 19th year of the
Episcopate of Rusticus."12
In the same way our ancestors appointed Litanies when either the
Commonwealth or the Church was suffering from any public calami-
ties : these supplications took place e.g. when a pestilence was raging,
or when cities were shaken by an earthquake; both in the Eastern13
and also in the Western Church14 this was the custom. It was
customary also in the fourth century thus to seek to obtain rain or
fine weather;15 thus to seek to deliver a city from its enemies,16 or to
avert a heresy which was perhaps at the time raging.17 For these
and other causes the early Fathers of the Church appointed proces-
sional Litanies to invoke the Divine mercy, the people, and, in the
Eastern Church, the Emperor himself, taking part in the supplication.
10 Socrat. Hist. Eccl. 1. ii. c. i6(?); sima psallendo ad basilicam . . . veni-
Theod. Hist. Eccl. 1. iii. c. 9; Hie- rent."]
ronym. adv. Vigilant. T. IV. P. ii. 15 Socrat. 1. ii. c. 22 (?); Niceph. ib.
p. 283, ed. Benedict. ; August, ibid. c. 3; Anast. Bibl. in Adeodato, [Daily
Gregor. Turonen. Hist. Franc. 1. iv. Litanies in Rome, on occasion of terrific
c. 5.' and fatal thunder-storms.]
11 Justinian. Novell. 67. 16 Sidon. 1. 7, Epist. 1; S. Greg.
12 Ap. Baluz. in Comm. ad Libr. Magn. 1. xi. Ep. 51 ; [He directs the
Lactantii de Mort. Persec. Bishops of Sicily to have two Litanies
13 Nicephor. de Theodosio Seniore, every week to avert a threatened inva-
Hist. 1. xiv. c. 49. sion of the island.]
14 Greg. Turon. Hist. Franc. 1. iv. 17 Socrat. 1. vi. c. 8; Sozom. 1. viii.
c. 5; [Gallus, Bishop of Aries, on oc- c. 8, [relates to the processional hymns
casion of a pestilence, "Rogationes sung in the streets of Constantinople, by
illas instituit, ut media Quadrage- orderof S.Chrysostom, as quoted above.]
OF SOLEMN SUPPLICATIONS OR PROCESSIONS. 261
The order of these supplications in ancient times was as follows.
As early as the fourth century it was usual for the cross to be
carried at the heacLof the procession,18 and in the sixth century Jus-
tinian confirmed this custom by an edict requiring it to be done :19
and this rule was strictly observed20 in the East and in the West.
Generally the cross was carried by a deacon, sometimes by one of
the clerics who at Rome was called Dragonarius; which appellation
we shall explain in Book IV. Sect. ii. ch. 6. After the cross walked
a deacon, or in the middle ages an archdeacon, carrying a Book of
the Gospels,21 which office at Constantinople was discharged by a
certain deacon of the second class called Prcefedus EvangelioP After
the deacon the people walked divided into companies, or classes,
first a procession of clergy, then one of monks, then of men, then of
married women, then of nuns, [then of widows,] and lastly, infants
and children?* all sometimes walking with naked feet f4 during the
whole time they chanted psalms,25 and carried lighted tapers26 in
their hands: indeed in the fourth century Socrates tells us that
in the Eastern Litanies they used not only to carry tapers, but to
affix them on the cross.27 The rear of the procession was brought up
by the bishop and presbyters,28 the bishop carrying in his hand the
wood erf the holy cross29 or the relics30 of saints. In the Eastern
Church in the middle ages the clergy headed the processions carry-
ing, instead of a bell, certain holy boards of wood, (a7m ?r\a,) of
which we have before spoken, striking upon them to give notice31 to
18 Ex Socrate ibid.; and Evagr. Hist. 24 Paul. Diac. Histor. Miscella in
Eccl. 1. iv. c. 25. Murator. Scrr. Rer. Ital. T. I. p. 1,
"Novel. 123, c. 32. 1. 26; Cone. Moguntinum, c. 33, An.
Cone. Nicsen. II. Act. 4; Greg. 813, [orders the observance of the great
Turon. de Vit. Patr. 1. i. c. 7 (?) Litany by all Christians, barefooted,
21 V. Marc. Gazceum in Vita S. Por- with ashes.]
phyrii ; Ordo Rom. ap. Mabillon. Mus. 25 Ex Ambros. ib. ; and Au<nist de
Ital. T. II. p. 70; Codin. de Offic. Civitate Dei, 1. xxii. 8 &
MIP\ Au} C- Im ** Sozom- L viii- c- 8; [Silver crosses
- Ap. Codm. ib. c. 4 and 10. and lighted tapers were carried at night
26 S. Greg. Magn. Sermo tempore before the singers during the proces-
mortalitatis, ad calcem Homil. Tom. I. sional hymns in the streets of Constan-
[This was the greater, ox sevenfold, Lita- tinople.] Greg. Turon. de Glor Mart
ny appointed by Gregory, as mentioned 1. i. c. 44, ["Sacerdos admonitis civi-
above. It consisted of seven litanies bus, cum crucibus et cereis."]
or processions, each of which started %27 L. vi. c. 8. [Same reference as
from a different church, and singing Sozomen's: "4ttip€v6i)vto Trap' avrov
litanies on the road, all meeting in the (Chrysostom) aravpol apyvpol, cbepovrts
church of S. Mary the Great. It is (para. 4k t&v KTjplvuv Aa/*^^d8w/,^
also described in detail by Gregory of 2S Ex Justinian. Nov. i-?-* c i2
Tours, Hist. Franc, x. 1. (First pro- 29 Niceph. Histor. 1. xiv~°c 49*'
cession consisting of) Clerus; (2) Omnes 30 Rufin. de Theodosio Seniore' Hist
abbates cum monachis suis ; (3) Omnes Eccl. 1. ii. c. 33; Gre°-. Turon de
abbatissse cum congregationibus suis; Glor. Confessor, c. 79, [" Accensis su-
(4) Omnes infantes; (5) Omnes laici; per cruces cereis, atque ceroferalibus
(6) Omnes muheres vidua?; (7) Omnes circumeunt urbem."]
mulieres conjugate: Presbyters from 31 Cone. Niceen. II. Act. 4 TSee
the different regions of the city accom- above, Book II. Sect. ii. Chap. 1 p
panying each procession.] 192.] ''
262 POLITY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH.
others of the Litany; this was also a general custom at Rome, where
in the ninth century these wooden instruments were used in proces-
sions, not because brass for bells was scarce, but because of the great
antiquity of the use of wood.32 Hence at length in the Western
Church the use of a bell in processions became general.
Lastly, we may remark that in the twelfth century the custom
was to march two and two in the processional Litanies, as S. Bernard
is the first to mention.33
This is all we need say now about Religious Processions, as when
we come to speak on the subject of the cross in our Fourth Book,
we shall have to add some few more particulars, though of less im-
portance than those we have given.
CHAPTER XIII.
OF PILGRIMAGES OF CHRISTIANS AND OF VOTIVE TABLETS.
Visits paid to holy places, and sometimes long pilgrimages under-
taken to them, were of common occurrence among Christians from
the fourth century. This is to be accounted for by the very fervent
attachment with which they regarded either the scenes of our blessed
Lord's ministry, or the tombs of the Martyrs. They also made
these pilgrimages in imitation of the example of S. Paul, as Jerome1
informs us in the same century, the fourth after Christ. For he, as
is plain from the Epistle to the Galatians, and from the twentieth
chapter of the Acts of the Apostles, undertook a long journey or
pilgrimage to visit those spots which had been the scenes of the
greatest mysteries of our redemption.
At first the custom among Christians was not only for men but
also for women to make these pilgrimages,2 that they might visit the
tomb of Jesus Christ at Jerusalem, where indeed, as I said, m the
fourth century men of every nation used to meet.3 Whence in that
age enthusiasm for this pilgrimage had risen to an exaggerated
height, so as to bring grave scandal on morals and religion : and it
is of these scandals, not of the piety which prompted this pilgrim-
age, that (amongst others) S. Gregory of Nyssa complains m that
oration which he wrote against abuses which had crept into sacred
pilgrimages.
Besides the holy places at Jerusalem, which were the most cele-
M Vulc Amalar. de Divin. Offic. 1. wickedness of the cities through which
pilgrims had to pass, and asks, How
iv. c. 21.
"Serm. 2 in Purif. S. Marise. can one pass through the smoke with-
1 Epist. 19 ad Paulam. in Epistol. out smarting eyes ?"] ,
Hieronym. a Canisio ed. 1. ii. Ep. 8. 3 Epist. 27 ad Eustochmm, in edi .
2 Greg. Nyssen. Orat. de his qui Canisii Ep. 34, 1. 1.5 and ^useb- Hlst'
Hierosol. adeunt. [He dwells on the Eccl. 1. 6, c. 25.
OF PILGRIMAGES OF CHRISTIANS. 263
brated places of resort, the faithful took journeys from all parts to
visit the tombs of the most illustrious of the Martyrs, as is plainly
evident from the history and acts of the Saints. But except for the
city of Jerusalem, a pilgrimage to the city of Rome held the first
place in the esteem of the faithful, whither they flocked not only
from every part of the West, but also from the remotest regions of
the East, to visit the thresholds of the holy Apostles.4 But the
custom of pilgrimages increased to an unprecedented extent in
mediaeval times, from an opinion held by Christians, that Martyrs
or eminent confessors of Christ, had power to reveal secrets either
by their own oracles or by some prodigy. From all parts, therefore,
parties in a quarrel, with the advice of their bishop,5 flocked at
times to the tombs of these Martyrs, that they might settle their
litigation and causes of dispute, each taking in turn the Sacrament at
the Martyrs' tombs, as we shall describe more at length in our Dis-
sertation on the Catacombs of Naples.
In the middle ages two places in the West were specially regarded
as holy, and were venerated with the highest reverence, in France the
tombs of S. Martin, Bishop of Tours, and of S. Saturninus,6 and in
Spain the tomb of the most illustrious S. James, at the city of Com-
postella, the metropolis of Gallicia; the Latins in that age from all
parts made pilgrimages to this last place, binding themselves with
solemn vows to visit the tomb of S. James of Compostella, and
coming thither by troops at a time.7 This zeal for making journeys
to holy places continued in the West till the eleventh century, at the
beginning of which, as the Holy War of the Crusades had broken
out, any who had wished to make the pilgrimage to Compostella,
took up arms that they might fight in that holy war, of which it will
be well for us now to give a very brief account.
§ 1. Epitome of the History of the Holy War (or Crusades.)
In the tenth and eleventh century the Turks, who had taken posses-
sion of Jerusalem, oppressed the Christians of that city with a rigorous
and cruel slavery, and vied with one another how they might most
insolently defile the sacred scenes of our Redeemer's history. At
this time, then, i.e., a.d. 1095, the Roman Pontiff Urban II. held a
council at Clermont, at which he earnestly exhorted the European
4 Nicol. I. R. P. Epist. 2, ad Mich. sion by punishment divinely inflicted or
Imperat. by fear."]
6 August. Epist. 137, [lxxviii. ed. 6 V. Cone. Cabilon. c. 44, 45, An. 873,
Migne.] [S. Augustine sought thus to [condemns pilgrimages made in order
detect the guilt, or establish the inno- to obtain remission of sins, which, on
cence, of a Presbyter in his diocese, that pretext, the persons about to make
against whom a scandal had been raised. the pilgrimage go on committing more
He sent the two persons who had ac- freely: pilgrimages made from proper
cused each other to the shrine of S. devotional motives are commended.]
Felix at Nola, in the hope that the 'V. Gretser. 1. c. De Peregrin, c.
"more terrible workings of God there 16.
might drive the guilty one to confes-
264 POLITY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH.
princes of France, Italy, and Germany to,undertake a holy war
against the Turks, that they might deliver the Christians from
slavery, and restore the ancient worship to the holy places. The
result was that in the same year a large number of military chief-
tains, chiefly from France and Germany, under the command of
Godfrey of Bouillon, Duke of Lorraine, undertook the expedition to
which the Pope invited them, in which they were joined by many of
the Latins, who, according to the fashion of those times, eagerly
entered into the idea of a holy pilgrimage. In a.d. 1096 they
reached the East, and in a.d. 1099, after defeating the Turks,
they took Jerusalem, and saluted Godfrey as king, though he, with
that modesty for which he was so pre-eminent, declined to accept
this title. Godfrey dying a.d. n00, his brother Baldwin succeeded
to the throne of Jerusalem, and he, after delivering Ptolemais,
Tripoli, and other cities from the power of the Saracens, died a.d.
1118, and was succeeded by the Count of Edessa. He was called
by the Latins Baldwin II.; but he was less fortunate than his pre-
decessor and namesake, for he was taken prisoner by the Saracens in
a battle fought with them a.d. 1120. But he recovered his liberty
after a year, and before his death, in a.d. 1131, he instituted the order
of the Knights Templars. The Latins elected as his successor his
son-in-law, Fulco, who was the founder of the celebrated Order of the
Knights Hospitallers, commonly called the Knights of S. John. He
died in a.d. 1143, leaving two sons, and as they were not of full
age, their mother, Melisende, wife of Fulco, assumed the supreme
power. This lady was daughter of Baldwin II., and she associated
with her in the government her eldest son, Baldwin III.; they
jointly administered the affairs of the kingdom of Jerusalem with
consummate skill and prudence during the year that they both
reigned; but a.d. 1144 the Turks took the celebrated city of
Edessa, and inflicted a terrible slaughter on the Christians; and the
Latins being reduced to the last extremity, sent an embassy to Pope
Eugenius III. imploring his aid, who in his turn asked the help of
S. Bernard. The latter, by his holiness and eloquence, (for which he
was so eminent,) prevailed on Louis VII., King of France, and
Conrad, Emperor of Germany, to march to the East. Accordingly,
a.d. 1147, both these princes marched there with a large army. But
Conrad, through the malice and treachery of the Eastern Emperor,
Manuel Comnenus, lost nearly the whole of his army: and Louis
VII. being foiled in an attempt to lay siege to Damascus, as the
Turks succeeded in corrupting by their bribes the generals of his
army, they both returned home, having failed in the enterprises
which they had undertaken, a.d. 1149.
Baldwin III. died in a.d. 1162, after making his brother Al-
maury his heir in the kingdom, and he dying in the year follow-
ing, a.d. 1163, was succeeded by his son Baldwin IV. During
his reign the Latins gained an important victory over Saladin,
Sultan of Egypt, in a.d. 1172, but in a.d. 1180 the latter, in his turn,
attacked the Latins, and defeated them with so great slaughter that
OF PILGRIMAGES OF CHRISTIANS. 265
Baldwin IV. himself with difficulty escaped. On being informed of
this disastrous slaughter of the Christians, Pope Alexander III.
wrote to all the Catholic princes, appealing to them to send aid to
the Christians in the East; but no response was immediately made
to this appeal to help the Christian army of the East in their distress.
As therefore Saladin was devastating the kingdom of Jerusalem with
fire and sword, Baldwin IV. in a.d. 1184 sent Heraclius, Patriarch of
Jerusalem, with the Masters of the Knights Templars and Hospi-
tallers, to Pope Lucius III., and also to the Kings of England and
France, to ask them to send help to the Christians without an
instant's delay. But Baldwin dying in the following year, a.d. 1185,
was succeeded by his grandson, Baldwin V., and he dying the same
year, the Latins elected as his successor, Guy of Lusignan, Count of
Joppa.
He was the last of the Kings of Jerusalem, for in his reign Saladin
took Jerusalem, and made the king himself prisoner, doing violence
to the holy places, and everywhere expelling the Latins from the
country. Guy, being released from captivity by Saladin, made one
last and fruitless attempt to regain his kingdom from him in a battle,
but this also ended in a disastrous defeat.
The overthrow of so great an empire roused the indignation of
the princes of Christendom, and one of them, the Emperor Frederic
Barbarossa, in a.d. 1189, with a great army opened a fresh Eastern
campaign; at first his arms were victorious; but when, in a.d.
1190, he perished in crossing the river Cydnus, the new hope which
had dawned on the cause of the Latins seemed again to be extin-
guished. At last in the same year, a.d. 1190, Philip Augustus, King
of France, and Richard, King of England, made one last trial of the
fortune of war in an expedition against Saladin. In the first year of
the expedition they took indeed the city of Ptolemais; but at that
point their course of victory ended, and both quitted Palestine, leav-
ing the power of Saladin unbroken; and after that the Latins lost all
hope of recovering the empire of Jerusalem.
Such is a brief history of the Holy War of the Crusades. Every
information about it may be found in the pages of William, Arch-
bishop of Tyre. He was fully acquainted with the events'of the
war, and has written an accurate history of it, and from that history
this compendious narrative has been compiled.
This holy war is commonly called the Crusade, because those who
entered their names as soldiers in it wore the sign of the Cross on
their foreheads or on their clothes.8 There was also a red cross worn
by them on the right shoulder.9 Therefore they were called Cruce-
signati, Crusaders, i.e., signed with the Cross, and Pope Urban II.
declared them to be under the defence of the Church and under the
protection of the Apostles S. Peter and S. Paul ;10 the Roman Pontiffs
8 Robert. Monach. Hist. Hierosol. ™ Will. Tyrius de Bello Sacro 1 i
1. ii- c. 15. ''"
9 Carol. Sigon. de Reg. Ital. 1. ix.
266 POLITY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH.
moreover declared their property to be under the guardianship of
the Roman Church,11 and granted them indulgence of their sins, pro-
nouncing excommunication against those who should dare to dis-
turb or plunder the property of Crusaders :12 loading them with these
and many other privileges that they might thus smooth the way for
all who were willing to join the holy war.
§ 2. Of Votive Tablets.
As we have described the pilgrimages which Christians made to
the holy places, it may not be out of place to speak here of the
great antiquity of those Tablets which the faithful hang up in the
churches dedicated to the saints, as thank-offerings for some mercies
received.
This was indeed a pious custom among the heathen both in the
East and West; they used to place votive offerings in the temples
of their gods and goddesses, which they called avaOrjfiaTa ;13 or they
used to hang up tablets in the dome (tholus) of the temple, de-
scribing upon them the history of the favour they had received,
as we ourselves do, either in the form of a picture,14 or of a short
poem ;15 or if they had recovered from some grievous bodily dis-
ease, they offered in the temple a model of the part affected skilfully
fashioned in brass, or gold, or silver, which kinds of thank-offerings
presented to the gods are to be seen represented in the pages of
CI. Mich. Angelus de la Chausse, and Philip Thomassinus.16 The
former of these describes four brazen hands, at the base of which
there is the inscription of a vow; the other is a representation of
feet carved on marble. Hence for a vow offerers presented their
hair (capillitid) in the temple, as we know from Petronius,17 and
Statius,18 and other heathen writers, so that Cicero drew a proof of
11 Cone. Claromont. c. 2, An. 1095, 14 Martial. Epigr. i. lxxi. 10.
[declares that the pilgrimage to deliver 15 Tibull. 1. iii. 28,
Jerusalem, undertaken from motives of ["Nunc, Dea, nunc succurremilii, nam
piety, supplies the place of every other posse mederi,
penance.] Picta docet templis multa tabella
12 Cone. Lateran. An. 1122, c. 11, tuis."]
[grants indulgences to those who should JuyenaL Sat> xii<
assume the cross for the Holy Land: J A'
places their persons, property, and fami- [ Et quam votiva testantur fana tabella
lies under the protection of the blessed Flurima. J
apostle S. Peter and the holy Roman [Persons who had escaped shipwreck
Church.] used to have a painting made of the
13 V. Herodot. i. 24; [Story of Arion scene which they had gone through,
the poet; said to have flung himself drawn upon a tablet, which they vowed
from a ship into the sea to escape being to Neptune during their distress, and
murdered by the sailors, and to have hung up in some temple near the sea-
been saved by a dolphin, (as Jonah by coast.]
the whale,) being carried on its back 16 In Dissert, de Fibulis, Bullis, &c.
through the sea. A brazen dolphin, Antiquor. inGronoviiThesauroT. XII.,
with a man on his back, to be seen in and Thomas. Diss, de Donariis Veter.
a temple, was said to be a thank-offer- 17 Satiric. 3.
ing for this escape :] and Pollux, Li. 18 Thebaid. vi. 608.
OF VOTIVE TABLETS. 267
the providence of the gods from the number and size of the painted
tablets, which those who had received favours from the gods hung up
in the temples continually.19
But from the complete silence of the early Christians on the sub-
ject of these tablets, it is quite evident that they did not copy the
customs of the heathen in this matter. On the contrary, when any
Christian had been benefited by the intercession of some Martyr or
confessor, instead of hanging up tablets in a temple, he used to
inform the bishop of the miracle, and by his command used to write
out a brief history of the benefit he had received, and present it as
an offering to the bishop, who would read it out to the people on
holy days after the eucharistic sermon, in the presence of him who
had received the favour: and such histories of miracles were called
libelli. Records of this custom are extant in S. Augustine's Ser-
mons 319 and 206 (Ed. Benedict. Vol. V.), and in a Book of the
Miracles of S. Stephen, edited by S. Evodius, Bishop of Uzala, and
printed in the Appendix to the works of S. Augustine.
But these libelli, or histories of miracles, were compiled by very
many different authors who wrote in those mediaeval times, that they
might be read out publicly in the churches on Saints' days. Many
MS. copies of them, which refer to the Saints of the Neapolitan
Church, are preserved in the celebrated Library of the Holy Apostles
at Naples, from which we infer that this custom of publicly reading
them lasted almost through the whole period of the middle ages,
and that it only became obsolete when the liturgical discourses
formerly given by the bishops began also no longer to form a part of
the church services. Then it was that these votive tablets, offerings
made in consequence of vows, came into use among Christians, put
up in the churches to record their grateful recollection of mercies
received from the hand of God: and therefore it is that tablets of
this description are not known to have been in use among Christians
till a period subsequent to the thirteenth century.*
19 De Natura Deor. iii. 37, [Point- presenting of candles, or any other
ing to several pictures of people who offering for the restoration of health,
had escaped from dangerous storms, in any other place except Christian
"See," said he, "you who deny a pro- churches. At the Council of Liptines,
vidence, how many have been saved by a.d. 743, the offering of models, such
their prayers to the gods."] Cfr. Vir- as restored limbs, is condemned as a
gil. /En. xii. 768, [" Servati ex undis Pagan usage. The observance of the
ubi figere dona solebant."] custom was held to be sanctioned by
* [The Council of Nantes, c. 20, a.d. Numb. xvii. 4, and other Scriptures.
660, forbids the offering of vows, or (See Smith's Diet. p. 2026.)]
268 POLITY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH.
CHAPTER XIV.
OF THE ADORATION OF THE EUCHARISTIC BREAD.
We have no intention of speaking here of that eucharistic adora-
tion which was a part of the worship of the ancients, as we shall
treat fully of that subject in our fourth Book: we confine ourselves
now to that public adoration of the Sacrament, commonly called the
Exposition the exposition of the eucharistic Bread.
It was in the thirteenth century that the Church first instituted
a special religious service in memory of the Institution of the
Blessed Sacrament. The Canons of the Church of Liege, in a.d.
1247, were the first to set the example of celebrating the Festival
of Corpus Christi Day. This was done by command of Ugo, the
legate of the Holy See; but Pope Urban IV., on being informed
by the legate of what he had done, issued a decree in a.d. 1264,
the fourth year of his pontificate, that a similar festival should
henceforth be celebrated by all churches on the Thursday succeed-
ing the octave of Pentecost, [called in the English Church the
Thursday after Trinity Sunday.] But Urban dying, his Bull was
not promulgated before a.d. 131 i, when it was confirmed by Pope
Clement V. at the Council of Vienne; and again in a.d. 1316
Pope John XXII. issued publicly that Bull of Urban respecting
the Festival of Corpus Christi, which had been approved by Clement,
putting forth at the same time a special office for the day; an office,
which by command of Pope Urban IV. himself, S. Thomas Aquinas
had drawn up, though the Gallican Churches had already in use a
special office for the festival, which the Church owed to the labours
of the Blessed S. Juliana, [who was deeply impressed at the need of
such a festival to complete the sacred cycle.] At length the observ-
ance of the festival was approved of, and recommended to all Chris-
tians by the Roman Pontiffs at the Council of Constance, Martin V.
and Eugenius IV.
But neither Urban in his Bull, which John made legally binding,
nor S. Thomas in his work on the festival of Corpus Christi, makes
any mention of the procession, which at the present day forms a
part of the celebration of the festival: it is therefore a mistake of
Chokier to say that Urban IV. was the originator of that proces-
sion, for the first mention which we find of it is by the Council of
Sens, a.d. 1320, and again we meet with a mention of it in the Car-
tulary* of the Carthusians, a.d. 1300, in Thiers, who is of opinion
that the institution of the procession may more correctly be ascribed
to John XXII.
But neither on this festival itself, nor on the occasion of a public
litany was the eucharistic Bread carried in any shrine, but in the pyx
* [Cartulary, i.e., a book containing donatives, and other business documents
an abstract of the charters, privileges, of a religious corporation.]
OF THE ADORATION OF THE EUCHARISTIC BREAD. 269
itself, for before the fourteenth century the use of that receptacle
which we now use had not yet been generally adopted. The first men-
tion of this we find in a MS. of a Roman missal of a.d. 1374, which
has the representation of a small turret on the title page, which
was the shape of the more ancient receptacle for the blessed Sacra-
ment, as we shall have occasion to mention in our Dissertation on
the Eucharist for the sick. But in the following century that shape
for the eucharistic shrine was invented which incloses the sacred
Host in such a manner that it can be seen by all. For this reason
it was even then called an ostensorium.'1 It used to be made in the
shape of a cross, the Host being usually placed in the centre of the
Cross. An ostensorium of this shape is described in the Inventory
of Ornaments belonging to the church of S. Mary in Paris, a.d.
1438. But at last in the sixteenth century the receptacle for the
Sacrament was made in the same shape as that which we have in
use, being made to represent the figure of the sun, ornamented with
rays which surround it on all sides, a specimen of which may be seen
in a miniature painting in the Gradual of the Sainte Chapelle at Paris,
of a.d. 1515, in Thiers before referred to. Of this kind also is that
one which is preserved in France by Celestine Monks de Marcoussi,
which was presented to them by Charles VI. In this the glass shows
the Host on both sides, and within a little moon-like crescent of
gold contains the Host itself.
In such a receptacle, then, after the fourteenth century, it has
been usual to exhibit the eucharistic Bread to the public adoration of
Christians, a custom prompted only by the pious zeal of the churches
for the honour of so great a Sacrament, for it would seem that there
is no actual law of the Church which sanctions this public exposition
of the Host.
S. Charles Borromeo, Bishop of Milan, is the first who makes
mention of the custom of exposing the Sacrament for the space of
forty hours,3 and towards the very end of the fourteenth century these
expositions of it took place only when public and very grave reasons
appeared to call for them, as seems to be indicated by a Bull of Pope
Pius V., who sanctioned such an exposition in the words Divina
disponente dementia, &c. But in a.d. 1192, Clement VIII. first
decreed that there should be an exposition of the Sacrament daily
throughout the year, which he recommended to all the churches in
his Bull, beginning Graves et diutur?i<z., &c.
But we have now said enough about this pious custom.
1 In Cone. Colonien. An. 1452. 2 In Ritual. Ambrosiano rit. de Sacr.
Euch. ed. Cadomi.
OF THE OBLATIONS AND BENEDICTIONS OF
CHRISTIANS.
In this third Book we shall treat first of Oblations and then of Bene-
dictions. Oblations were, as we said, twofold: there were oblations
of the elements for the sacrifice, i.e., of bread and wine; and there
were oblations which went to the ministers of the Church for their
maintenance and support. And as the Church makes use of another
kind of consecration besides the sacramental, viz., that of Benedic-
tion, therefore, when we have fully treated of Oblations, we shall
briefly explain the ritual of Benedictions.
SECTION I.
OF OBLATIONS.
CHAPTER I.
OF THE EUCHARISTIC OBLATJON, I.E., OF BREAD AND WINE.
We have already spoken in the preceding Book, Chap. IX. § 7,
about the oblation which used to be offered at the sacrifice; we
have, then, in this place only to speak of the matter (outward
species) of the Eucharistic Oblation itself, called by the Greek
Fathers npoaa^iv^rj Ova/as, (pblatio sacrificii)) the oblation of the sacri-
fice.1 The faithful used to offer oblations of bread and wine, which
are the elements of the sacrifice, and from these they used to com-
municate. Hence the saying of Cassarius, Bishop of Aries, that a
right-minded man ought to blush if he has communicated from
another man's oblation, i.e., from bread and wine offered by other
people.2 Every one, therefore, of the faithful who was present at a
celebration of the liturgy, (and in the first ages all were present,) and
who also communicated, used in ancient times to offer at the altar
bread and wine for himself and his family. Since the fourth cen-
1 Cyrill. Alexand. de Adorat. 1. ii. tiones quse in altario consecrentur of-
and xi. p. 402. ferte. Erubescere debet homo idoneus,
2 Serm. 265 in Append. Serm. S. si de aliena oblatione communica-
Augustini, [" Secundum vires elee- verit."]
mosynam pauperibus exhibete, obla-
OF THE EUCHARISTIC OBLATION. 271
tury, therefore, it was a rule in the Greek and in the Latin Church
that every one bring for himself an offering of bread and wine for
the sacrifice.3
But the question has been raised whether this bread was made in
some special and peculiar fashion by the faithful, or whether the
oblation consisted of common bread such as was ordinarily eaten;
to which we reply, in the first ages the Christians made with special
care that bread which it was intended to consecrate. This we may
fairly infer from Gregory Nazianzen, who tells us that the Emperor
Valens made with his own hands the gifts which were to be offered
on the holy table :4 for if the emperor himself used to perform this
act of pious devotion, and is commended for it, we may safely say
that other people also observed the same custom. Hence we read
in the life of the Roman Pontiff, S. Gregory L, of the same being
done by a lady, who had in an emergency made the bread5 for the
oblation; and of Candida, an illustrious matron, wife of Trajan, a
prefect, [who "prepared bread for the altar from flour ground with
her own hands;"] and Fortunatus has related a similar anecdote of
S. Radegunda, Queen of the Franks, in his life of her, [Acta SS.
Bened. i. 320.] Nor is there anything against this view of the sub-
ject in the fact that the author of the book on the Sacraments, who
writes under the name of Ambrose, calls the bread which is meant
for consecration usitatus? that in ordinary use; for it is clear from
his whole narration that when he speaks of ordinary bread he means
bread not yet consecrated.
But towards the beginning of the ninth century the Latins began
to be more scrupulous in this matter: they made a rule that the
bread intended for consecration should be made either by Presbyters7
3 See ch. ix. § 7. but a cake of moderate size, retaining
4 Orat. Funebri in laud. Basilii, c. ecclesiastical custom, (neque grande ali-
52. [Speaking of Valens in his at- quid, sed modica tantiim oblaia secundum
tempt to overawe Basil at the time of a quod ecclesiastica consuetudo retentat.)
celebration, he says, "eVel 5e ra 5£pa So the Council of Chelsea, a.d. 787,
T7J deiq Tpairsfy irpoo-eveyelv e5ei, u>v orders that a whole loaf be offered on
avrovpyhs %v" which must mean what the altar for the Eucharist, and not a
Pelliccia says. The sixth canon of a piece of one, {panis, ;wu crusta.)]
Council of Toledo, A.D. 693, condemns 5 Joann. Diac. in eius vita, 1. ii. c.
the conduct of some priests who, in- 41, [A Roman matron communicated
stead of offering on the altar for the by the Pope with bread, which she had
sacrifice loaves clean {inundos) and spe- made.]
daily prepared for the Eucharist, take 6 L. iv. c. 4, [" Tu forte dicis, meus
off, from loaves prepared for their own panis est usitatus; sed panis iste panis
use, a piece to form a round disc {cms- est ante verba sacramentorum: ubi ac-
tulam in rotunditaioii); and it orders, cesserit consecratio, de pane fit caro
that, in accordance with our Lord's Christi."]
example, who at the first Eucharist con- 7 Capitular. Theodulphi Aurel. art.
secrated and broke a whole loaf, no 5, ed. Sirmond. Paris. 1646, and in
bread be placed for consecration on the Biblioth. PP. Max. Lugd. T. XIV. p.
altar except a whole loaf, which must 1, [Theodulph directs, "Panes quos
be clean and specially prepared, {panis Deo in sacrificio offertis aut vobis ipsis
integer ct nitidus, studio praparatus ;) aut a vestris pueris coram vobis nitide
nor is anything very large to be offered, et studiose fiant."]
2 72 POLITY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH.
or by their [servant] "boys" in their presence; therefore after that
rule was made, the priests used to receive meal from particular
families and houses, and out of it they used to make the bread of the
Lord,8 being sometimes helped by the deacons also. All this, how-
ever, was done in the sacrarium, deacons, clergy, and presbyters
singing9 the while appropriate liturgical psalms.
This same discipline was also, about the eleventh century, strictly
observed in some of the churches of the Greeks; for in the Con-
stitutions of Cyril, the Jacobite Patriarch of Alexandria, it was
decreed that it should never be lawful for presbyters, under the
penalty of anathema, to allow women to make or bake bread which
was to be offered on the altar.10 But yet about the twelfth century
this very thing was done \ since from that time no traces of this
religious custom of restriction survive among the Latins, nor yet
among the Greeks, except that the latter only allow the bread for
the altar to be made by men who are clean, or by a woman who has
lived apart from her husband during the preceding day, (a maritali
congressu abstinuit)11 The Nestorians form an exception, for still
among them the altar bread may only be made by Priests, who
observe a solemn ritual at the making of it.
In that age, therefore, after the presbyters became negligent about
making the bread for consecration with their own hands, the old
custom of bringing an oblation of bread, or of meal, or of the
finest wheat flour, of which we have spoken, evidently seems to have
fallen into disuse also, and in place of these, in the same twelfth
century, the custom of offering money became general in almost the
whole of the West.13 As I am anxious to be brief, I here pass by
the question of unleavened and leavened bread among the Latins.
For it seems to me to be clearly proved by Mabillon, that from
earliest times the Latins everywhere used unleavened bread. His
arguments may be read both in the preface to the third century of
his Benedictine Annals, and in that Dissertation which Mabillon
himself wrote to Cardinal Bona on the subject of leavened and un-
leavened bread.
The shape of the oblation which we call the Host was anciently round
in form like a crown [or ring],13 wherefore in mediaeval times it is called
8 Honor. Augustod. Gemma Animse, u Gabriel. Philad. Apolog. pro Eccl.
1. i. c. 66, ["Fertur quod olim sacer- Orient.
dotes e singulis domibus vel familiis 12 Donation. Car. Calvi, and Testam.
farinam accipiebant. Quod adhucGrasci Phil. Comit. Flandr. ap. Martene in
servant, et inde Dominicum panem fa- Novo Thesauro Monum. T. V.
ciebant, quern pro populo offerebant, et 13 Epiph. in Ancoreto, n. 57, edit,
hunc consecratum eis distribuebant. Patr. Meimb., [" Illud enim rotundum
Nam singuli farinam offerentium Missas est;"] and Csesar. Nazianz. fratr. Dial,
interfuerunt, et pro his in Canone dice- 3, de Fide Cathol. [Epiphanius and
batur, Omnium circumstantium qui Caesarius, brother of Gregory Nazian-
tibi hoc sacrificium laudis offerunt."] zen, both speak (in the fourth century)
9 Const. X. ap. Meurs. in Gloss, ad of the sacramental bread as round:
TTpoaayccyr} in Add. and Gregory the Great (Dialog, iv. 55)
10 Ansel. Havelbergensis Dialogor. 1. speaks of a presbyter bringing "duas
iii. c. 18. oblationum coronas," as if that was then
OF THE EUCHARISTIC OBLATION.
2 73
a circle (circulus).u But about the twelfth century it began to be
made everywhere15 in the shape of a penny (denarius) or in the form
of a piece of money,16 which form it received, as at that time the
custom began of baking it in a mould of iron. For writers of that
age make mention17 of iron for the baking of the Hosts, which they
also called ferramentum characteratum}* an iron die with a stamp
on it, because it stamped letters on the Host, together with a figure
of our Lord; for this reason it was said to be in the shape of a
piece of money, as the emperor's name and likeness were engraved
on the denarius, as Honorius of Autun remarks.19
Thus from the twelfth century the Eucharistic bread began to be
baked in an iron mould, and at the same time the custom began of
marking it with a likeness of Christ and with certain letters. The
letters which then were stamped on the Host were Alpha and Omega,
(A and Q,) over which letters there was the figure of a cross; on the
other side there was, as I have said, either an image of Christ, or
His name stamped in the Greek letters XPC. These are mentioned
in a pamphlet of Edelphonsus, Bishop of Seville, quoted by Edmon-
tius, whom Martene calls Eldephonsus.
The Greeks do not use that (ferrum characteristicuni) stamping
iron, which we do, but taking a handful of the lump of dough
{pugillum masses) in the hand itself, they distend the bread out
into four branches, in the shape of a cross: this is their usual mode,
more rarely they work it into a round shape: after this, heating a
seal of iron, they stamp the figure of a cross on the centre of the
bread, and at the four extremities20 of the beams of the cross. But

(the sixth century) the usual form of the
oblations. Pictures represent them as
regularly or irregularly round, and some-
times egg-shaped. "The loaf used
by the Jews was commonly round,
somewhat less than an inch thick, and
six or eight inches in diameter, scored
with lines that it might be more readily
broken. Such was probably the form of
the Eucharistic loaf in the early Christian
Church." See Smith's Diet. p. 602.]
14 A Severo Alex, in Ord. Mis., et
Isone Monacho in 1. Miracul. S. Oth-
mar. c. 3; Bernold. in Exposit. Ord. Ro-
mani ap. Georg. Cassand. Liturg. c. 27.
15 Gemma Animse, 1. i. c. 66. [" Post-
quam ecclesia augebatur .... populo
non communicante, non erat necesse
panem tarn magnum fieri: statutum est
eum in modum denarii formari vel fieri,
et ut populus pro oblatione farinee dena-
rios offerrent."]
16 Arnulph. Roffen. Episc. Ep. 2 in
D'Acherii Spicil. T. II.
17 Lib. Ordin. S. Victor. Parisien. ap.
Cangium, Consuet. Clun. et Cisterciens.
18 Consuet. Cluniacens. 1. iii. c. n.
19 Gemma Anim. 1. i. c. 35. [" Im-
ago Domini cum litteris in hoc pane
exprimitur."]
-° Leo Allat. de Consen. Orient, et
Occid. Eccl. 1. iii. c. 15, n. 18. [The
present form of the oblations in the
Eastern Church, (as shown in this wood-
cut from Neale's Introduction to the
History of the Holy Eastern Church,
p. 342,) is probably of great antiquity.
They use five small loaves, each round,
in the shape of a piece of money, with
a square projection rising from it stamped
T
2 74 POLITY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH.
at the present day they generally stamp one cross on the bread,
adding at the four corners the letters IC. XC. N. K., i.e., "Jesus
Christ conquers." The Alexandrians, however, and they who
follow the Coptic liturgy, mark the bread, which is rounded in shape,
with a number of small crosses, stamping on the rim of it the words
f/A7to? 'Iffxvpb?, i.e., "Holy, Mighty," while the Syrian Christians
usually imprint twelve crosses on a round piece of bread. These
different shapes of the Eucharistic bread, and others of the Chal-
daeans and Nestorians, are fully described by James Goar in his Notes
on the Euchologium of the Greeks.
With respect to the wine which was offered in the liturgy on the
altar, I need not say anything, as it was everywhere brought as an
offering, and poured by the officiating ministers into the ministerial
chalices, as we have already described in the preceding Book. But
before the placing both of the bread and of the wine upon the altar,
it was a deacon's duty carefully to examine the elements for the
sacrifice, of both kinds, to see that the bread was not either brown
or mouldy,21 (furfurosus vel micadus,) nor the wine muddy or bad.22
CHAPTER II.
OF THE DAILY OBLATIONS.
We call those " the daily oblations" which were offered by Chris-
tian people for the support of the ministers and the poor of the
church: on them the ministers of the church subsisted, for the
labourer was thought worthy of his hire and his food,1 while what
was then left of them went to the sick, the orphans, the widows, and
other poor people.
In the age of the Apostles, "the possessors of lands or houses
sold their possessions and goods, and laid the prices of them at the
Apostles' feet, who parted them among all men as every man had
need. Neither was there any among them that lacked."2 Hence a
community of goods continued to be customary in some Churches,
for one which was enriched by the oblations of the wealthy so helped
those Churches which were poorer, that there was an equality.3
Therefore on the Lord's day collections were made in every church.4
Thus, then, the custom of the daily oblation arose out of Apos-
with the words IC XC NIKA, Jesus ["The wine in use in the Church has
Christ conquers. "From a comparatively in general been red: and many of the
early age a strong objection was felt to synods have ordered red wine to be
the practice of consecrating a portion of used." (Smith's Diet. p. 605.)]
a loaf in the Eucharist: a whole loaf *2 Ex libello Edessae ad Photium
or cake was always to be employed," as Bibliolh. Patr. T. XV.
is proved by the canon of the Council of * S. Matth. x. 10, and S. Luke x. 7.
Toledo, as quoted, p. 271, note 4.] 2 Acts ii. 45, and iv. 33—35.
21 V. Cone. Carth. IV. c. 92, (?) and 3 Ibid.
Possidon. in Vita S. August, c. 24. 4 1 Corinth, xvi. 1, 2.
OF THE DAILY OBLATIONS. 275
tolic discipline. For in the second century the rich, at a cele-
bration of the liturgy, brought their voluntary offerings, as each
one was disposed, and deposited these collections in the hand of
the president (TrpoeaTw-os), i.e., the bishop, who gave aid to the
orphans, to the widows, and to those who from sickness or any other
cause were absent from church, to prisoners, and to foreigners.5 To
the bishop, then, the oblation was brought, it was deposited with him,
and at his discretion it was distributed by the hands of the deacons
or presbyters, who were the stewards of it.6 Then besides the
money which each worshipper brought to church, the rich also sent,
in little baskets, food every day for the clergy. Hence this offering
was called the offering of the basket (sportula,) and by this basket
both the bishop himself and his clergy were supported, as well as
the poor,7 though the appellation of "the basket" had not the same
signification in the Greek and Roman Churches, as we shall explain
in Book IV. sect, ii., c. 3, when we shall treat more at large on the
subject of these oblation baskets.
^ Such was the discipline of the first three centuries. Afterwards,
since the beginning of the fourth century, there were two kinds of
oblations which were made, one of bread and wine for the altar, of
which we have spoken in the preceding chapter, and a second for the
support of the clergy and of the poor. This latter, however, was
not brought to the altar, but was made in the vestry or treasury,8
(especially if it was on the Lord's day,)9 or it was brought to the
bishop's house. But in that century the treasury of the Church
began to be enriched both by the largesses of the wealthy and by the
yearly offerings of the emperors. Constantine was the first emperor
who passed a law that a certain quantity of corn should be offered
every year by the praefects of the provinces for the support of the
clergy and the poor of every church.10 And this law of oblations
was binding upon all, rich and poor alike, not even monks being
excepted ;n and yet for all this the Church would only accept
5 Justin. Mart. Apol. I. 67. speaks of this monthly collection for
6 Ex Constit. Apostol. 1. viii. c. 31, the support of the clergy, "modicam
["These Eulogies which remain at the unusquisque stipem menstrua die," &c.
mysteries let the deacons distribute (Ap. 39.)]
among the clergy, according to the dis- s Cone. Carth. IV. c. 93, 94, and
cretion of the high priest (bishop) or 95, [" Oblationes dissidentium fratrum
presbyter."] neque in sacrario neque in gazophylacio
7 Cyprian. Epist. I and 39, &c, [S. recipiantur." "Eorum qui pauperes
Cyprian calls the clergy of his time opprimunt, dona a sacerdotibus repu-
'' sportulantes fratres," as depending on tanda." '' Qui oblationes defunctorum
the contributions {sporiula, store-bas- . . . negant .... tanquam egentium
ket) of their flock. (Ep. 1.) In Ep. 39 necatores excommunicentur."]
he says of some confessors whom he 9 Chrysost. Horn. 45, in Epist. 1 ad
had ordained readers, "I have pur- Corinth.
posed the honour of the presbytery for 10 Theodoret. Hist. Eccl. 1. iv. c. 4,
them, that so they may be honoured [andSozomen, v. 5, "^(naertTrjpfVia,"
with the same presents as the pres- "annual allowance of corn." Julian
byters • (sportulis iisdem\ and may share withdrew the whole of this.]
the monthly divisions {divisioncs men- » Hieronym. Epist. ad Heliodor. 1.
suras) in equal quantities." Tertullian ii. Ep. 6, ed. Canisii.
T 2
276 POLITY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH.
offerings from those who had wronged none, had not been guilty of
any crime, and were leading an honest life.12
Towards the end of the fifth and sixth centuries, the amount of
oblations voluntarily offered greatly increased. These were made up
partly of those annually given by the bounty of the emperor, partly
from private sources, such as wills left by parents; so too the custom
of leaving legacies as a first charge on estates13 began about that time,
and these bequests the Church sometimes also received from those who
had been cut off in the act of some sin, provided only they had not laid
violent hands on themselves.14 Lastly, there were the daily oblations
which were offered generally before a celebration of the liturgy,15 and
after the ninth century, before the reading of the gospel.16 And so large
was the amount of oblations brought, that in the sixth century the laity
very commonly built churches that they might enjoy the benefit of
half the oblations; for according to the customs of those times, lay-
men who had built churches on their own land, shared with the
clergy half of whatever was collected in oblations.17 The guardian,
protector, and distributor of the oblations was the bishop,18 whose
duty it was to protect them from all invaders, as the avarice of the
laity was excited by the magnificent profusion of gifts offered to the
Church. How magnificent such offerings were, especially in the
case of the Church of Rome, may be gathered from the lives of the
Popes by Anastasius the Librarian, who tells us that during the pon-
tificate of Hormisdas alone there was presented to the Church of
Rome a gift from Clovis with some gems of great value, several
vases of gold and silver by the Greeks, a pall entirely of real purple,
with tablets inwrought with gold, by the Emperor Justinian, two silver
candlesticks, weighing seventy pounds, by King Theodoric.
12 Epiphan. Exposit. Fid. c. 24, 15 Greg. Turon. de Glor. Confess, c.
[" Oblationes ab his, qui injuria nemi- 65, [Story of a woman offering wine
nem affecerint, neque scelus aliquod for a mass for her deceased husband,
perpetrarint, sed juste vitam instituant, and a deacon surreptitiously substitut-
ecclesia admittit."] ing vinegar. "Mulier, celebrans quo-
13 Greg. Magn. 1. x. Ep. 21 ; Cone. tidie missarum solemnia, et offerens ob-
Agath. c. 4; Cone. Vasen. I. c. 4, lationem pro memoria viri (defuncti),
An. 442. [Gregory says, "Fertur &c Sextarium vini in sacrifi-
quod annonas atque consuetudines dia- cium," &c]
conicas . . . subtraxerit." These coun- l6 Reginon. Abb. de Eccl. Disciplin.
cils say, "Qui oblationes parentum aut 1. i. n. 7.
donatas aut testamentis relictas retinere 17 Cone. Bracar. II. c. 6, An. 572,
perstiterint . . . excludantur." "Qui [forbids any bishop to consecrate a
oblationes defunctorum fidelium deti- church thus built. "Placuit ut si quis
nent .... excommunicentur." The basilicam non pro devotione fidei, sed
reasons being "ad exinanitionem fidei pro queestu cupiditatis sedificat, ut quid-
certum est hoc pervenire," "morientes quid ibidem oblatione populi colligitur
votorum suorum plenitudine, et pau- medium cum clericis^dividat, eo quod
peres collatu alimonise, fraudantur."] basilicam in terra sua ipse condiderit,
14 Concil. Aurel. II. c. 15, An. 533, ut nullus episcoporum . . ^ .
["Oblationes defunctorum, qui in aliquo basilicam .... audeat consecrare."]
crimine fuerint interempti, recipi debere 18 Cone. Rom. VI. sub Symmacho
censemus, si tamen non ipsi sibi mor- R. P.; Cone. Francoford. c. 48, An.
tern probentur propriis manibus intu- 794, ["orders the bishops to distribute
]isse#"] the oblations made in the churches."]
OF OBLATIONS FOR THE REDEMPTION OF THE SOUL. 277
But about the eleventh century the old ardour of the laity on the
subject of oblations began to grow cold, and councils found it neces-
sary to threaten with the penalty of excommunication those who
neglected to bring those offerings which had been left to the Church
by parents in their wills,19 and to exhort others to make some offer-
ing to God.20 But in the twelfth century the oblations began first to
fall off, when the laity were expected to make offerings not only to
the churches of the [secular] clergy, but also to those of the mendi-
cant friars ;21 wherefore prelates laid complaints about this matter
before Pope Gregory IX., but without success, for he allowed
friars to receive offerings in the churches, notwithstanding the
objections raised by the bishops.22 On this matter canons were
made in the thirteenth century, that at least on the greater festivals
the faithful should make their due offerings in their own churches,
i.e., that they should make them on Christmas Day, Easter Day, the
festival day of the patron saint of the city or the village, on the
dedication day of the church, on the day of Lent on which the offerer
made his confession, on Good Friday, and on other days according
to local circumstances.23 But at last in the sixteenth century the
number of great festivals on which more especially the custom of
bringing offerings was kept up was reduced to four, viz., Christmas
Day, Easter Day, Pentecost, and the day of the Assumption.24 But
in recent times the exhortations of councils and ancient discipline
have alike been set at nought by the laity, and the custom of bring-
ing oblations has almost altogether been abandoned by them.
CHAPTER III.
OF OBLATIONS FOR THE REDEMPTION OF THE SOUL AND FOR
THE REMISSION OF SINS.
In ancient times the Church made certain canons, called com-
monly "penitential" canons, which prescribed beforehand certain pe-
nances, according to the nature of the faults committed: a subject
into which we shall fully enter in our Fifth Book. But when, about
the ninth century, the bishops perceived that penitents were either
unwilling to submit to the penances which the canons imposed, or
else were altogether careless about the subject, which was of graver
importance still, they prudently allowed payments of money to be
considered as penances instead of tortures inflicted on the body.
19 Cone. Roman. An. 1059, c. 5. 23 Cone. Londinen. An. 1264, arid
20 Cone. Roman. An. 1078, c. 12. Cone. Burdigal. An. 1255.
21 Ivon. Carnot. Epist. 207 (?) 24 Cone. Colon. An. 1536, and Mo-
22 Extravag. de Excessib. Praelat. c. guntin. An. 1549.
16, 17.
2 7^ POLITY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH.
From hence arose that custom of redemption of sins by money,
which from that century until the sixteenth century prevailed in the
Latin Church.
But this modern discipline only came into use by slow degrees,
for the old system could not be set aside all at once. The Church
began by allowing those who had been set a severe and daily penance,
to purchase a remission of the few days which might still remain of
their penance, by a money payment. But as this whole matter of
exchange of penances depended on the will of the confessor, the old
system began to be too much relaxed, and this laxity of discipline
was constantly on the increase, so that at length, not only part of a
sentence could be remitted, but any entire penance could be re-
deemed by sums of money.
From the ninth century, then, councils prescribed beforehand the
ancient and canonical scale of certain penances for certain faults,
allowing these, at the same time, to be redeemed by money,1 and fixing
the sums which must be charged. But these money offerings did
not at first go to the confessors themselves; they went either for
the redemption of captives, or they were presented on the altar, or
they must be given to the Servants of God (i.e. the monks), or to the
poor f or sometimes the redemption money was applied to feeding
the poor, on a certain fixed number of days.3 But in the eleventh
century the matter went further than this; for oblations of this kind
went to the confessors themselves, who were by canon law allowed
to consider them as their own special perquisites.4
But this law, being, as it was in some cases, an encouragement to
avarice, opened the door wide to a system of too lax indulgence;
and at length even the holier among the bishops were obliged to
accommodate themselves to a custom so generally received, though
they used all possible exertions to keep it within due bounds. Sub-
sequently to the eleventh century, therefore, there were no crimes
which could not be remitted for money; especially since, as a
general rule, a sentence of canonical penance extended into such an
immense number of years, that it could not by any possibility be
performed in the course of a lifetime: wherefore that no one might
depart this life without having completed his penance, this redemp-
tion of it by money came to be considered necessary, as Petrus
Damiani tells us, who is our authority on this subject of pecuniary
penance.5 For at that time those who felt their end approaching,
while a heavy debt of an unpaid penance lay upon them, used to
1 Cone. Suession. An. 923; Capitu- 3, for the poor; and 4, for the fa-
lar. Isaaei Lingon. Tit. i. c. I ; Regi- brie.]
non. Abb. Collect. Canon. 1. ii. c. 4 Cone. Bituric. An. 1031, [No fee
440, &c. to be charged for setting a penance,
2 Regino, ib. 1. ii. c. 461, and 1. iii. ("pro danda pcenitentia.")]
c. 211. 5 L. iv. Epist. 12, ["Non ignoras,
3 Cone. Triburien. An. 895. [The quia, cum a pcenitentibus terras accipi-
13th canon of this Council orders the mus, juxta mensuram muneris eis de
division of tithe into four portions: quantitate pcenitentiae relaxamus."] De
I, for the bishop; 2, for the clerk; Pcenit. 1. vi. c. 2. (?)
OF TITHES. 279
offer gifts of land to the Church, which they left as legacies in their
wills by way of redemption from that canonical penance: hence the
origin of those words in a will, by which at that time estates were
left as legacies to the Church, for the redemption of the soul or of
sins.6 But the bishops circumscribed this system, which had reached
such extravagant lengths, within narrower limits, especially after the
twelfth century, both by awarding such offerings to the Church
instead of to the confessors, and by depriving confessors of their
power of exacting pecuniary penance from their penitents, leaving
the penitents the option of substituting a money payment for ca-
nonical penance, or not, as they pleased. So we find in the twelfth
and also in the thirteenth centuries very many canons passed to
check the avarice of confessors.7
They moreover reserved, especially in the fourteenth and fifteenth
centuries, some crimes, which they determined could not admit of
being redeemed :8 at which time the Church began gradually to
repeal the law of pecuniary redemption, perceiving- that it only tended
to the increase of crime, by working on the indulgence and the
cupidity of confessors. Wherefore at length in the sixteenth cen-
tury the Fathers of the Council of Trent decreed that no money
should be taken for indulgences,9 and confessors were allowed only to
impose on penitents penances proportionate to their sins, and these
were in no cases to be pecuniary ones.
The reader will find more on the subject in Book V., where we
shall treat in full on the subject of indulgences.
CHAPTER IV.
OF TITHES.
There is this difference between Tithes and an Oblation, that the
latter is altogether a voluntary offering, both as regards the quality
and the quantity of it, while the former, on each of these points, are
fixed by law. The oblation offered to the Church was, as we have
said, equal for all—rich and poor offering alike : but as regards tithes
this was by no means the case; for although the Fathers of the first
6 Id. ib., [" Pro redemptione animee 9th canon of this Council forbids to
vel peccatorum."] commute corporal penance for money,
7 Cone. Londinen. An. 1125, and An. where the offender has relapsed more
1138; [(1) Forbids demanding any fee than twice.] Cone. Salisburien. An.
for any of the Sacraments: (2) "Pro 1417 and Synod. Frisingen. An. 1440.
pcenitentia nullum omnino pretium exi- 9 Sess. 21, c. 9, [Provides for the en-
gatur."] Cone. Parisien. An. 1212, c. 11, tire suppression of the mendicant orders,
[' * Prohibemus ne Sacramenta ecclesi- and enacts that indulgences shall be pub-
astica vel sacramentalia ullo modo ven- lished by the ordinary, assisted by two
dantur."] of the chapter.]
8 Cone. Londin. An. 1342. [The
28o POLITY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH.
three centuries were always exhorting Christians to make their righ-
teousness exceed the righteousness of the Pharisees in the matter of
their oblations, since our Lord "wished that duty to be more abun-
dantly fulfilled by His disciples/'1 yet they nowhere demanded from
them a certain and fixed quantity. It would seem, then, that the
precepts on the subject of the payment of tithes are a later addition
to the Apostolical Constitutions.2
Nor even after the fourth century did the law about tithes come
into force all at once; and although the Fathers of that age gene-
rally use the name of tithes, they do this with a wider meaning than
the word implies; for since that century the Fathers, gathering ar-
guments from the Old Testament, exhorted the faithful to make
offerings, and these they called tithes, because that was the name
by which in the old Law those oblations were called by which
ministers who officiated in holy things were supported: some have
been deceived by this mode of expressing themselves which the
Fathers used, and so were led to suppose that the law of tithes was
in force in those early times. Such persons would have easily known
the mind of the Fathers in this matter, if they had consulted the
writings of Jerome3 and Augustine,4 for these Fathers exhort, but
never command, Christians to pay voluntary tithes, i.e. oblations, to
the Church, for the maintenance of the ministers, as "no one was
able to demand them from them ;"5 and hence in the fifth century
such an offering of first-fruits and of tithes is called by Cassian
"Devotio."*
From all this the first plain inference is that in the fourth century
1 Origen. Horn, n, in Numeros; c. 3 Malach.; [He says the Old Testa-
[Quoting Matt. v. 20, and xxiii. 23, he merit law of tithes and first-fruits ap-
says, "What Christ wishes to be done plies to Church people, "to whom it
by the Pharisees He wishes that duty," has been commanded to sell all they
&c. "How, then, is my righteousness have and give to the poor and follow
more than theirs, if they offered first- the Lord the Saviour If
fruits and tithes, whilst I, doing none of we are unwilling to do this, let us at
these things, so misuse the fruits of least imitate the rudimentary teaching
the earth that the priest knows nothing of the Jews, so as to give a part of the
of them, the Levite is ignorant of whole to the poor, and pay the priests
them, the divine altar does not perceive and Levites due honour. If any one
them ?"] shall not do this, he is convicted of de-
2 Const. Apost. vii. c. 29, ["The frauding and cheating God." So Ire-
first fruits shalt thou give to the priests. nseus (Hser. iv. 27) expresses the teach-
. . . Thou shalt give the tenth of thy ing of the early Church, '' Instead of
increase to the orphan, and to the widow, paying tithe (Christ commanded) to
and to the poor, and to the stranger." divide all one's goods to the poor."]
Const. Apost. viii. 30, makes the same 4 In Ps. cxlvi., ["Take off some con-
distinction; the bishops, presbyters, siderable part of your income. Will
and deacons are to be supported by the you take off tithes? Take off tithes,
first-fruits: the tithes are for the other though it be too little: (decimas vis?
clerics, and for the virgins, the widows decimas exime.)"]
and the poor. So in Const. Apost. ii. 5 Id. ibid., ["Nemo ab illis posset
25 we read, "The gifts of tithes and exigere."]
first-fruits which are given in accord- 6 Collat. xxi. c. 2. [Cassian tells us
ance with the command of God, let the that in Egypt many persons offered
bishop, as a man of God, expend."] tithes and first-fruits to the famous old
3 Epist. ad Nepotian. and Comm. in man, Abbat John (c. 1). This is the
OF TITHES. 251
Christians did not pay tithes in the same way as the Jews did, but
that every man regulated the amount which he paid according to
his own will and discretion; and the second inference is that down
to the fifth century there was no law in the Church by which the
payment of tithes was either defined, or demanded, or made binding.
Hence we find Greek Fathers of that age, Gregory Nazianzen,7
and Chrysostom,8 speaking in like manner about tithes, as of a
certain undefined and voluntary oblation.
But subsequently to the fifth century the words of the Fathers
began to be invested with a certain legal authority, and the quantity
and the quality of what was to be paid in tithes were canonically
determined: this was first done in the second Council of Tours.
And as the earlier Fathers had taken the. example of the Mosaic
Law and the precepts of Christ on the duty of supporting the
ministers of the Church, as their authority for persuading people to
pay tithes, so in the sixth century the opinion generally prevailed,
that tithes both on labour and on property were actually due,9 be-
cause a divinely appointed law sanctioned their payment. Hence
since the sixth century several laws on the subject of tithes have
been passed from time to time, all resting on the assumption that
they were a matter of Divine right; and in the Eastern Church also,
the voluntary oblation of tithes was made compulsory in the same
century, so that the bishops refused the Sacraments and Church
communion to those who declined to pay them; but Justinian dis-
approved of this exercise of arbitrary power, which was not as yet
even sanctioned by the existence of any ancient lawr of the Church,
and he deprived the bishops of the power of in any way enforcing
on the laity the payment of tithes.10 The Oriental Churches
have since then, therefore, ceased to pay tithes—instead of which
they collected tribute for the support of their ministers, the payment
of which was made compulsory on the laity by the same Emperor
Justinian j11 and the amount of it is defined in a golden Bull of the
Emperor Isaac Comnenus.
In the Western Church, on the other hand, since the eighth cen-
tury both councils12 and princes13 have been continually passing
laws on the subject of paying tithes, insomuch that excommunica-
tion was the penalty inflicted on any who refused to pay tithes on
earliest instance of the gift of tithes to n Novel. 3 and 43.
a monasteiy. (Smith's Diet. p. 1964.)] 12 Cone. Turon. An. S13, c. 16;
7 Orat. 28. Francof. c. 25, An. 794; and Remen.
8 Horn. 18 in Act. Apost. II. c. 28. (?) [Council of Tours orders
9 Cone. Matiscon. II. c. 5, An. 585, bishops to take care that the tithes of
["Leges divinse, consulentes sacerdo- each church be divided between the
tibus ac ministris ecclesiarum, pro hrere- priests, the poor, and the repairs, &c,
ditatis portione omni populo prascepe- of the church. Council of Frankfort
runt decimas fructuum suorum locis orders all who hold benefices of the
sacris prasstare . . . unde statuimus ut church to pay tithes and ninths, and
. . . decimas . . . populus omnis inferat every man to pay the lawful tithe to the
... in pauperum usum," &c] church.]
10 C. de Episc. et Cler. c. 38. 13 Capitular. Reg. Franc. 1. ii. c. 39.
2o2 POLITY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH.
any property which was assessed for payment of a tenth part of it.
Hence the demands of the clergy for tithes "on wool, on hay, on
the produce of the mills, and on the fisheries,14 on studs of horses,
apples, pears, and bees;15 on grain and wine; on the young of
animals, on butter, on cheese, on flax, on hemp ;16 on the proceeds
also of any wholesale business, on the pay of the soldiery, on the
produce of the chase.17
At last, when the abuse had reached a limit to which there seemed
no bounds, and when it had become usual for princes to seize on
the churches of the clergy, that they might enjoy their abundant
revenues, the obligation for the payment of tithes was gradually
brought within narrower limits: this change began after the fifteenth
century, and at length, in some places the amount of the tithes was
regulated by the poverty or the wealth of the clergy to whom they
were paid.
For further information, and for reviews of the most recent legis-
lation on this matter, we must refer our readers to Books of Canon
Law.
SECTION II.
ON THE BENEDICTIONS OF CHRISTIANS.
CHAPTER I.
OF THE MORE ANCIENT FORMS OF BENEDICTION.
That deprecatory prayer in which we pray Almighty God that it
may be well with any one, is called by the Latins, Benedictio, by the
Greeks, EvXocyta. Though the word Benedictio is an ecclesiastical,
and not an old Latin word, it is yet the literal interpretation of the
Greek word, rj EvXo^ia. And moreover the word Benediction was
in common use among the Latins, for in the pages of Terence and
Plautus we find a well known formula expressive of good wishes for
the person addressed, Bene eveniat, tibi be?ie sit;1 "May blessings
attend you, may all things go well with you!" But in an ecclesias-
14 Tit. de Decim. c. 2. hemp, &c.; offenders to be anathema-
15 lb. c. 6. tised.]
16 Cone. Londin. An. 1175, c. 13; 17 Tit. de Decim. c. 22.
[enjoins that all who refuse to pay 1 Plaut. Pcenul. iv. 2, 90; Casin. ii.
tithes be admonished according to the 5, 38; Terent. Phorm. i. 2, 1, cfr.
precept of the Pope to yield tithe of Brisson. de formul. i. 74, and Petr.
grain, wine, fruits of trees, young ani- Victor. Variar. Lect. ix. 3.
mals, wool, lamb, butter, cheese, flax,
OF THE MORE ANCIENT FORMS OF BENEDICTION. 283
tical sense, both among the Latins and the Greeks, these words had
another signification altogether. For the Greeks gave the name of
evXoryi'a to bread which had been blessed by a bishop, as we shall
see in a subsequent chapter: and the Latins also' used this Greek
word in the same sense; and in the middle ages they gave that
name to bread, even though not blessed, which was sent to some
one for a present,—as is plain from the fifty-fourth chapter of the Rule
of S. Benedict. In that passage Augustine de Ferrari supposes that
little presents are spoken of under the name of Eulogies, because the
reading in the text of the Rule is, Eulogias, vel quczlibet munuscula;
but Eulogise differ from "small presents" in this, that the former
denote bread, the latter any gifts of trifling value given to guests,
xeniola, as John the Monk has explained in his book. Hence some-
times also the Latins gave the name of benedictions to loaves of
bread which were either offered by the clergy to the Bishop, or even
to those given by the faithful to the presbyters.2 But in the liturgy
Benedictio and Eulogia is the name of that prayer which was offered
by a bishop or a presbyter in behalf of some individual, or respecting
some matter, requiring the special prayers of the Church: and such
a special prayer is constantly among the ancients called " the impo-
sition of hands/'3 because bishops, when offering it up, kept their
hands stretched out over the person or the thing, over whom, or
over which, he prayed; making the sign of the cross on whomsoever
or whatsoever they blessed. This was the more ancient method of
giving the Benedictio?i. As to the difference between the Latin and
the Greek benediction, and as to the time when such a difference
first began, we shall speak more fully in our Dissertation on the
Neapolitan Cemetery.
It is plain from the Apostolical Constitutions that the ceremony
of Benedictions was of very great antiquity in the Church, for we
find there several formularies of Benedictions; and since the fourth
century, at a celebration of the liturgy, besides the benediction
which the celebrant gave to the people, was the common one used
in blessing the bread, pants eulogia, as we shall explain.
In the first place the benediction of the water for baptism, and
also that of the oil, are justly considered to be of the very highest
antiquity. So the benediction of water not to be used for baptisms,
(concerning which see ch. iii.,) and the benediction of all the fruits
and produce of the earth, are most ancient also. We reckon them
to be so because we find them all in the Apostolic Constitutions,
which though not the actual work of the Apostles, are nevertheless
2 V. Desider. Episci Cadurcen. Hist. valuerit cegrotus?" The note in Migne
Francor. T. I. ; Petr. Damian. 1. ii. considers this benediction to refer to
Ep. 14 ; Greg. Turon. Hist. Franc. 1. the office used by presb)^ters at that
vi. c. 7. (?) [But see Greg. Turon. anointing of the sick for their recovery
Hist. iv. 16; v. 14, 20.] which is spoken of in S. James v. 14,15.
3 Ambros. 1. i. de Pcenit. c. 8. [To Benedictionis opus is explained as bene-
Novatian heretics S. Ambrose says, dictionis effectus.] Hieron. Ep. ad
"Cur ergo manus imponitis, et bene- Eustoch. ; aliique Patres passim,
dictionis opus creditis, si quis forte re-
284 POLITY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH.
a collection of ancient canons and ritual of the first three centuries,
as Cotelerius has indubitably shown. To those already mentioned
must be added the benediction of a newly-built church, a service
mentioned by the Fathers as early as the fourth century.
But there is a second class of benedictions; and to it must be
referred the benediction of sacred images, the benediction of houses,
and one very common in the middle ages, the benediction of
pilgrims going to visit the holy places; besides the benediction of
the marriage-chamber, and the benediction of a ship, which are
given in the Roman Ritual edited by Pope Paul V. These bene-
dictions were in use in the middle ages, as we know from the nume-
rous Benedictionals of the time, as those books are called which
contain the forms of benedictions. And we may here remark in
passing that some of those benedictions which we have referred
to the second class, although they are found in the Sacramentary of
S. Gregory the Great by Menard, and in the same Pope's Benedic-
tional edited by Lambeck in his Comment. Biblioth. Ccesarece, T.
II., are yet of a more recent date than the sixth century, and
have been inserted in S. Gregory's Benedictional by a later hand.
This may certainly be inferred from writers contemporary with S.
Gregory the Great, for they all observe a conspicuous silence about
them: We shall take occasion to give a proof in detail of this in a
work, which, if God will, we intend publishing in the Italian language,
"Istoria de* Codici Liturgici delta Chiesa Latino,"
Lastly: in the most ancient liturgical monuments the benediction
is divided into the great and the little one.4 By the great benedic-
tion, according to the opinion of John Le Clerc,5 is meant one per-
formed in public, while the little one means a private benediction.
It is not however quite clear to us what was meant, in liturgical
writers, by a private benediction; but we conjecture, that the great
benediction was the one given by the bishop to the people on the
occasion of a celebration of the mystical liturgy; while the bless-
ing given by a presbyter or deacon, and not at the time of a celebra-
tion, was called by the ancients the little benediction. So the Council
of Riez, can. 5, and that of Agde, can. 44, both held by the Latin
Church, seem to have thought.*
4 Constit. Apost. 1. iii. c. 10. ["Nei- * [Cone. Regens. An. 439, c. 5;
ther do we permit the laity to perform Cone. Agath. An. 506, c. 44. (1) Al-
any of the offices belonging to the priest- lows a presbyter to give the blessing in
hood: as for instance neither the sacri- private to laymen who may desire it;
fice, nor baptism, nor the laying on of (2) forbids a presbyter to give the bless-
hands, nor the blessing, whether the ing in church to the people or to a pe-
small or the great one."] nitent, (i.e. perhaps, when a bishop is
6 Comment, in Constit. Apost. ibid. present.)]
ex edit. Patr. Apostol. Cotelerii.
OF THE BENEDICTION OF BREAD. 285
CHAPTER II.
OF THE BENEDICTION OF BREAD.
From the earliest ages there has been a certain solemn service for
the benediction of bread, which the celebrant used to perform at the
end of the mass over the loaves which had been brought as oblations
for the sacrifice. For since, as we have said, the deacon or sub-
deacon used to place upon the altar only so much bread as was suf-
ficient for communicating the faithful who were present at a celebra-
tion of the liturgy, the celebrant, at the end of the liturgy, used
to bless those loaves which had been left over, and to distribute
them as a sign of brotherly communion among all those who had
not been able to be partakers of the Holy Mysteries (i.e. the Eucha-
rist); and from this benediction the loaves themselves were called
eidogicz (blessed bread) or d^lSivpov, i.e. compensation,1 as non-
communicants used to eat them instead of the Eucharist. Thus we
find that among the Latins, in the fourth century, catechumens, who
were not allowed to partake of the Eucharist, received nevertheless
this bread that had been blessed (pants eidogicus)? which bread is
sometimes called sacramentum even by Augustine, perhaps because
it had been sanctified by the benediction. But in the middle ages,
at the end of mass, the celebrant used to bless the bread which was
over, to divide it into pieces, and to distribute it among all the
faithful who were present ;3 this was chiefly done on the Lord's Day,
on which day in those times Christian people used to be present at
the celebration of the liturgy: Durandus, Bishop of Mende in the
thirteenth century, has explained the reason of this custom: he says
that whereas before those times the people used to communicate
every Lord's Day, but in his time only partook of the Eucharist
three times in the year at most, they used therefore to receive on
the Lord's Day portions of bread which had been blessed instead
of the Eucharist.4 But the most ancient ritual formula which has
come down to us, and which the Latins used in the liturgy for bless-
ing the bread, is that one which we have in the Roman Ritual for
the benediction of the bread in the second place, which begins,
Domine, Sancte Pater* " O Lord, Holy Father:" that one is more
modern which is first in order in the Ritual, Domine yesu Christe,
1 Vide Can. 2 Cone. Antioch. An. non sit Corpus Christi, sanctum tamen
341, cum Balsamon. Comment. [This est et sanctiusquam cibi quibus alimur,
canon orders all those who come to quoniam sacramentum est."]
church only to hear the Holy Scriptures, 3 Miss. Eboracen. ssec. XIII. ap. Mar-
and do not communicate in prayer with tene, and Cone. Burdigal. An. 1255.
the people, or who turn away from the [The 5th canon of this Council of Bor-
Eucharist with a certain lawlessness, deaux enjoins that the consecrated Host
(airoo-Tpecpofihovs t)]v /xsraX^iv ttjs eu- shall not be given to children who are
Xapiarias Kara riva ara^iav,) to be cast brought to communion on Easter Day,
out of the Church.] but only bread which has been blessed.]
2 August, de Peccator. Merit. 1. ii. 4 Ration. 1. iv. c. 53.
c. 26, ["Quod acceperunt quamvis 5 V. Burchar. c. 28.
286 POLITY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH.
"O Lord Jesu Christ," which is first found in a missal, belonging
to the Abbey of Jumieges, of the thirteenth century, mentioned by
Martene.6
Besides this benediction of bread which took place in connexion
with a celebration of the liturgy, it was also a very usual thing for
bishops to send gifts to one another of loaves of bread which they
had blessed, marking by this symbol the mutual communion and
unity of the Church.7 Hence the Greeks called this kind of bread
evXo^iai, eulogies, and the Latins called them benedictiones and
eulogice, or "loaves of bread for a eulogia;"8 and hence we can
understand the meaning of those words in John Moschus,9 "one
benediction," "thirteen benedictions:" they mean i.e. "one loaf,"
"thirteen loaves;" and by this name also were sometimes meant
those loaves of bread which were commonly sent by one of inferior
rank to another who was his superior; that the latter might pro-
nounce a benediction on the former: we find notices of this in
Moschus above referred to, and the first Epistle of S. Paullinus to
S. Augustine; but this meaning has escaped the lexicographers of
mediaeval Latinity.
We have now but to speak of that benediction of the table, which
was observed among Christians. It was an ancient custom even
among the heathen to invoke the gods at the beginning of dinner
or supper.10 But Christians, from the foundation of the Church,
used to invoke Christ the true God both at supper and at dinner;
for as Tertullian says, "They did not sit down to table till they
had first tasted of prayer to God," and in like manner "prayer used
to break up the feast."11 Hence it has been the constant custom
of the Church that prayer should begin and prayer should end12
every meal to which Christians sat down at table.
This prayer, which was offered at the beginning and end of a
meal, was therefore in the middle ages called a benediction, since a
blessing was asked from God both before and after the taking of food,
as we see from the more ancient forms of these benedictions, such
as those which are found in chap. 43 of the Rule of S. Benedict, and
in the Addiction to the Capitulary decrees of Louis the Pious, Addict.
4, § 48, and in Alcuin, in Poem. 146, cited by Du Cange in his Latin
Glossary. So also the custom of drinking healths among Christians
was nothing else than a sort of benediction, as over a cup of water,
(for it was not only in wine that the ancients drank healths,) they
used to call upon Christ, raising their eyes to heaven, and making
the sign of the cross.13 There was also another good custom among
6 Tom. I. c. iv. Ordine xxiv. cumbebatur, quam oratio Deo praegus-
7 Greg.Naz. Orat. 19 in Laud. Patris, taretur . . . et £eque oratio convivium
and Paullin. Epist. 1, ad Sever. dirimebat." So also Jerome, Ep. 22,
8 Paullin. Ep. 25, ad Alip. ad Eustoch.]
9 Limonarii c. c. 42, and 75, ap. 12 Chrys. Horn. 79, ad Pop. Antioch.
Meurs. ib. [" Mensa ab oratione sumeret initium
10 Quintil. Declam. v. ink.; Liv. et in orationem desineret."]
xxxix. 43 ; Tibul. 1. i. 19. 13 Greg. Nazianz. Orat. 3 (?)
11 Apolog. c. 39. ["Non prius dis-
OF THE BENEDICTION OF WATER. 287
guests at the same table, which was a sort of prayer: they used to
wish one another a long life, praying for it generally among the
Greeks in the ^rjorj? or g*?/(j6ta?, i.e. vivas,1^ long life to you,—which
formula survives among ourselves.
CHAPTER III.
OF THE BENEDICTION OF WATER.
The use of water which has been blessed, commonly called lustral,
or holy water, is of the very greatest antiquity in the Christian Church;
some have thought that Christians borrowed the custom from the
Jews, from the mention made of the water of purification in the 19th
chapter of Numbers. But it is not necessary to suppose this: for
even the heathen were sprinkled with ho]y water in their temples,1
which they believed would wash away the worst sins, as is men-
tioned by the writer of the book, De Morbo Sacro, which, though
clearly not written by Hippocrates, under whose name it is cir-
culated, is nevertheless supposed to be the work of an ancient
writer. Christians, then, from the first ages of Christianity have
used holy water; for casting out devils, for driving out diseases,
for protection against treachery, as we learn from the Apostolic
Constitutions, Book viii. chap. 29, [which gives the prayer offered
by the bishop when blessing the water or the oil] Hence we con-
tinually read in ancient writers of innumerable miracles worked
by the power of this holy water,2 from which we must infer that our
ancestors continually made use of water which had been sanctified
by a benediction. Hence Christians kept some both in their temples
and in their homes: and it seems right to notice this fact, that no
one may suppose, as some have done, that only basins of water for
washing their hands formerly stood in the temples of Christians, for
besides this water, there was also in every church water which had
been blessed for the purposes above mentioned: of this we have an
ancient documentary proof in a letter which Synesius wrote in the
14 Ex S. Nili 1. ii. Ep. 311. On §§ 10, 12; [Epiphanius mentions that
this custom of the ancients see Buona- Count Joseph in the time of Constan-
rotti, Osserv. sopra alcun. Framment. di tine took an insane person into a church,
Vasi antich. p. 204, seq. and sprinkled him with water, after he
1 Ovid. Metam. vii. 261, and Virg. had made over him the sign of the
/Eneid. vi. 229. cross, invoking the Name of Jesus:
2 V. Theodoret. Hist. Eccl. 1. v. c. upon which his reason was restored.
21 ; [Theodoret says that an evil spirit And he tells us that by a similar use of
who hindered the destruction of the holy water he dispersed the enchant-
temple of Jupiter at Apamea, a.d. 385, merits by which the Jews sought to hin-
was driven away by the use of water der the building of a church at Tibe-
which the bishop had blessed with the rias.] Hieronym. in vita Hilarion.;
sign of the cross.] Epiphan. Hcer. xxx. Theodoret. Histor. Relig. c. S.
265 POLITY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH.
fifth century to a certain Anastasius, who is called vBpo^varr}^ hydro-
mystes? For in each church there was a presbyter, or one of the
major clergy, who used to sprinkle the people as they came in and
went out with this water which had been blessed, and for this reason
he was called vhpofxva-r^. That Christians kept also holy water at
home we may infer from what Theodoret has said about Chry-
sostom, and from Beda.4 Hence it is that in the exorcising of
things which are to be blessed, and in the benediction itself, the
minister of religion sprinkles the thing with this water for casting out
demons.
In the first ages of the Church the ceremony of the benediction of
the water used to be performed by the bishop in the presence of a
presbyter and a deacon, or in the absence of the bishop by a pres-
byter, in the presence of a deacon.5
There is no early mention by the Apostolic Constitutions, and by
other Fathers, of the salt which is cast into water which is about to
be blessed: the first mention of this is in a certain letter which is
wrongly attributed to the Roman Pontiff, Alexander I., and in the
Pontifical which goes under the name of Damasus: but these
apocryphal testimonies will carry no weight in the opinion of the
learned. We conclude therefore that this ritual of the salt was pro-
bably an addition made to the service in the eighth century, as
writers of that date make distinct mention of it.6
The most ancient formula of benediction, which was one used
both for water and also for oil, is found in the abovenamed Apos-
tolical Constitutions, Book hi. ch. 29, where at the same place are
described the effects of the blessing of the water: for we there read,
"May God Himself sanctify this water through Christ—may He
give it power to put demons to flight, to cast out diseases, to protect
from all the snares of the enemy." But there is a longer ceremony
and formula for the benediction of water, which we have in the
Roman Ritual, where the water and salt also are exorcised, which
ceremonies and formularies came generally into use about the eighth
century, as we infer from liturgical writers referred to, and also from
Sacramentaries of that date, referred to in the pages of Martene,
Mabillon, and Hittorpius. It is not easy to determine what age to
assign to the ritual of this benediction, as we find it described
in the Benedictional of S. Gregory the Great; but the question
of its antiquity will be examined in our work, "Delia Storia de'
Codici Liturgici della Chicsa Latina." But yet a few remarks on
a question of this nature may be appropriate here, as no one as
yet has thoroughly examined into the antiquity of this rite; for the
authorities on the subject are numerous enough: there are the Sa-
3 Epist. n. 121. byter bless it, the deacon standing by;
4 Theod. Hist! Relig. c. 8; Beda, but if the bishop be present, let the
Hist. 1. v. c. 4. presbyter and deacon stand by, and let
6 Ex Constit. Apostol. 1. viii. c. 29. him say thus," &c]
["Let the bishop bless the water, or the 6 V. Durantum de Ritib. Eccl. 1. 1.
oil: but if he be not there, let the pres- c. 21.
OF THE BENEDICTION OF WATER. 289
cramentaries of S. Gregory the Great, of Menard, of Pamelius, and
of AngelusaNuce, besides the Benedictional of Gregory, edited by
Lambeck, in the Library of Vienna, Vol. III. Moreover the monks
of the congregation of S. Maur collated the Sacramentary of Gregory
with other ancient MSS., making additions of various readings, espe-
cially those of the MSS. of the monastery of S. Thierry at Rheims,
of Ratoldus and Calensis; all which are found in the third volume of
the works of S. Gregory the Great—the Paris edition.
But in these MSS. there is not the same uniform ritual for the
benediction of water. In the Sacramentary of Menardus, a MS.
which is thought by the congregation of S. Maur to be of high anti-
quity, there is found the exorcism and benediction of salt; and these
correspond exactly with those of the Roman ritual. But in even
more ancient MSS. those viz. of Rheims and Ratoldus, the exorcism
and benediction of salt are wanting; the very points concerning
which the more ancient Roman Ordo of the ninth century, as
printed by Mabillon, is silent also; and this silence of the more
ancient MSS. seems an argument for supposing that this particular
rite is of more modern date than the sixth century, and was an
after-insertion in the Sacramentary of Gregory; an inference which
has no novelty in it, as it is well known to learned ritualists that that
Sacramentary, while retaining the name of Gregory, has had new
matters of ritual from time to time added to it, as the circumstances
of places and Churches where it was used required. Neither again
are we disposed to lay any stress on the fact that the exorcism of
salt occurs in the Sacramentary of Menardus : and that for two rea-
sons; first, because in the more ancient MSS. of that Sacramentary,
and in writers older than the ninth century, that ceremony is want-
ing; and secondly, because the ritual prescribed in that Sacramentary
is defective in what is the most important and necessary part of
the benediction service, viz., the sign of the cross: since there for
the blessing of the water are first prescribed an exorcism and bene-
diction of salt, then follow an exorcism and prayer for the bene-
diction of water, then the service concludes with one prayer for
both; and there is not a single word which mentions the sign of
the cross either in the rite itself, or even in the prayers. If ^then
our ancestors in the service for the benediction of water laid the
greatest stress on the sign of the cross, as being the most important
part of n% so that Epiphanius speaks of the seal or sign of the
cross,7 as if by pronouncing this formula a certain character was
thus stamped on the water, it is plain to any one that this rite of
the exorcism of the salt had its origin in ages when the grossest
ignorance prevailed; and there is nothing to oppose our conjectural
transference of the ceremony of mixing salt with the water in a
benediction of this kind to the eighth or ninth century.
Lastly, we may remark that the exorcism of salt is a ceremony
older than the sixth century, as Isidore of Seville speaks of it as of
7 L. i. Adv. Haer. c. 2, [" els aravpov o-^pcryfSa."]
U
290 POLITY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH.
an old custom: but salt used to be exorcised, not that it should be
put into water, but that it should be given to catechumens, as a sa-
crament of religion, a custom as old as the fourth century: and this
same exorcism of salt was subsequently introduced into the service
for the benediction of water.
We might perhaps speak here of the abuses which crept into this
service of blessing the water, among Christians in the middle ages;
but our remarks will be more appropriately introduced in our dis-
sertation " On the Superstitions of the Christians of the middle ages,"
to which our readers may refer.
CHAPTER IV.
OF BENEDICTIONS OF FOOD, FRUIT, CLOTHES, HOUSES, ETC.
In ancient times the people used to make offerings to their bishop
of the first-fruits of everything, and on these offerings the bishops
used to pronounce benedictions; of this custom we have abundant
evidence from the most ancient historical records; the Apostolical
Constitutions, and the testimony of almost all the Fathers; and in
this old custom originated those benedictions of all kinds of food
and fruits which were in use in the Church even after the oblation of
the first-fruits had itself become obsolete.
The form of this benediction, as it is given in the more ancient
collection of the Apostolic Canons, is as follows •} "O Lord, Who
hast created the heaven and the earth, vouchsafe, we humbly be-
seech thee, to bless and sanctify these new fruits, and to multiply
them abundantly to those who offer them to Thee: and so replenish
their stores with plenty of corn and wine, that rejoicing in these^Thy
mercies they may give praises and thanksgivings to Thee, O Almighty
God, through our Lord Jesus Christ." Some of these words have
been retained in the benedictionals of the middle ages, though the
oblation of the first-fruits had even then become obsolete. Since
then, therefore, forms of benedictions have been in use, which con-
tain no mention of such an oblation, such as those forms for blessing
food and fruits of the earth which we have in the Roman Ritual, and
which came into general use after the eighth century; to which date
must also, I think, be referred that benediction of anything which
has been presented to a church (or to a basilica, as the reading is in
Menard's MS.) as an ornament, which is found in the Sacramentary
of Gregory edited by the monks of the congregation of S. Maur, in
the third volume of the works of Pope S. Gregory, and in the old
Gallican Sacramentary edited by Mabillon.
1 Ap. Coteler. in Cod. Canon. Apostolor. Vindic. c. 2.
OF BENEDICTIONS OF FOOD, FRUIT, ETC. 291
In the same Sacramentary of Gregory there occur two benedictions
for linen cloths, or for all articles made for the use of a church : but
these differ widely from those which are found in the Roman Ritual,
as also do those for the benediction of the paten, the chalice, and
the turret, vessels used for containing the Sacrament. For as many
as five forms are given in Menard's Sacramentary of Gregory, for a
benediction of this kind, which are also found in the more ancient
MSS. of that Sacramentary, those viz. of Rheims and Ratoldus,
though the fifth form would seem to be of greater antiquity than the
others, as it is found, with few and trivial variations, in the ancient
Gallican Sacramentary above referred to. But these do not agree,
even in a single word, with those which we have in the Roman
Ritual; and which came into general use certainly later than the
eleventh century, which is the first time that any writers make men-
tion of them.2
In the Sacramentary of Gregory there are also found as many as
three Benedictions of a House. Of these the first is the same as the
one which is placed first in the Roman Ritual; but that which comes
second there, and which is called "The Benediction of a new
House," is of a more modern date, for the earliest trace to be met
with of it appears in the MS. of the Sacramentary of Corbey, of the
twelfth century, as given in Martene.
In the more ancient MSS. of the Sacramentary of Gregory we
meet with the following benediction, "Benedictio ad omnia, qua
volueris" ("A benediction for all things which you may desire to
bless :") the form of this benediction is, "Bless, O Lord, this Thy
creature, that it may have health-giving, healing virtue for the human
race; and grant by the invocation of Thy Holy Name, that who-
ever receives from it health of body may also obtain protection for
his soul. Who livest and reignest," &c. In the Roman Ritual, how-
ever, this formula is called, "A benediction of anything which is
eatable."
We have also in the Roman Ritual, "The benediction of a new
ship," which is entirely wanting in the more ancient Sacramentaries,
both in the Gregorian and the Gallican. It appears to be taken
from some other form of benediction occurring in the Benedictional
of Gregory edited by Lambeck from a MS., perhaps of the eighth
century : there it is called "Benedictio cum Navis ascenditur? a bene-
diction at the launching of a ship.
The form also for the benediction of Pilgrims which is found in
the Roman Ritual, is not, as it now stands, of greater antiquity than
the twelfth century; in fact that form of benediction which is given
there was taken out in that century from the ancient Mass for those
on a journey, (which is still extant in Gregory's Sacramentary already
referred to) and from prayers in the same Sacramentary entitled
"Prayers for the direction of the brethren on a journey."* And as
for the last prayer, Exaudi Dominepreces nostras, " Hear, O Lord,
2 V. Vulg. Alcuin. c.de Benedict, et * [" Pro fratribus in via diri^endis "1
Ordin. Rom. III. b J
U 2
292 POLITY OB^ THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH.
our petitions," &c, it is drawn up in the same words as that which
is generally put second in order, especially in the benedictional of
Lambeck already quoted.
This much then on the subject of benedictions. About the bene-
diction of the sick, and the benedictions for the cleansing away of
sins, the benediction of the dead, and certain others, we shall have
the opportunity of speaking in the following Books.
33ook W.
OF THE DIVISION OF TIME, AND OF HOLIDAYS.
We have shown in the three preceding Books that the polity of the
Christian Commonwealth, in its constitution, bears a very strong
resemblance to the political constitution of a well governed empire.
In these Books we have treated as well of the "divers orders" in the
Church, as of her sacred services; it remains that we now speak of
the division of days, of the promulgation of laws, and of the ritual
of marriages and funerals; and these matters we shall treat of in the
three following Books, with the same brevity which we have all along
observed. In this first Book, then, we shall explain what was the
Church's system in the division of the year and of days.
SECTION I.
OF THE KALENDAR OF THE CHURCH.
As the Christian Commonwealth was, in its foundation, designed
to carry on the ceaseless worship of Almighty God, she very properly
had her own kalendars, in which the difference between festival and
common days was determined; wherefore she had the privilege of
defining the period even of the year itself, as we shall presently
explain.
CHAPTER I.
OF THE DIVISION OF THE YEAR.
Before entering on the investigation of the ecclesiastical laws
which bear on this point, it will be worth while to describe with our
usual brevity the various methods of computing the years adopted
by the ancients, for we shall find that a knowledge of them is a great
help towards understanding ancient writers.
§ i. Of the Year of the ancient Chaldeans > Egyptians, and yews.
Berosus has preserved to us the computation of time adopted by
the Chaldeans, as we know from fragmentary passages of that ancient
294 POLITY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH.
writer himself, which are quoted by Flavius Josephus in his books
against Apion, and by Alexander Polyhistor; for these documents are
all that have come down to us of that ancient history of Chaldsea
and of Babylon which Berosus wrote; for the books of that writer,
which were published by Annius de Viterbe, are supposititious and of
no value.
But from the chronology of the Chaldsean kings which that writer
gives us, this much is evident, that among the Chaldees the year, as
well the tropical or solar, as the lunar one, consisted of twelve
months, each of which was made up of thirty days, so that their
year consisted of three hundred and sixty days, as is clearly shown
by Alleyn cited by Whiston.1
The Egyptians, who were earlier than any other people versed
in astronomy, endeavoured to make the revolution of a year and
of the sun equal to each other; but they made this attempt very
late, not in fact till 1,000 years after the Flood, as Syncellus tells
us. But the Egyptians, although they had their year of twelve
months, while their months consisted of thirty days, began by add-
ing to each year five days and six hours. Yet these days did
not form a part either of the months or of the year, but they were
kept as the birthdays of five gods which the Egyptians worshipped,
according to a statement of Plutarch's,2 who calls them e7ra^6fieva^y
i.e., additional. This method was in use among the Egyptians even
till the times of Augustus, in whose reign, after the defeat of Marc
Antony, they adopted the kalendar of the Romans for their civil
year.
The Jews perhaps took their computation of a year from the
Egyptians, for they had a year of twelve months, and their months
consisted of thirty days, the last of them containing thirty-five days.
CI. Scaliger3 is of opinion that the Hebrews added a month, which
they call intercalary, to every one hundred and twentieth year, but
nowhere in Scripture is there any apparent trace of a year which
contained thirteen months.
§ 2. A Brief History of the Greek and Roman Year.
That the Greek year consisted of 360 days we know from the tes-
timony of ancient writers quoted by Alleyn above referred to, and
by Petavius,4 since before then they used the lunar year, adopting
the computation of Thales.5 But when they had found that this
computation was defective, they first, in imitation of the Egyptians,
added five days to every year, and then to every fourth year they
also added an intercalary month (ififSoXifLaiov) consisting of forty-five
days. And that this intercalation might be better observed, the
Greeks instituted the Olympic games during the intercalary period,
1 In Theoria Terrse, 1. xi. p. 175, 3 De Emend. Temp. 1. ii.
Edit. Londin. 4 De Rat. Temp. 1. i. c. 8.
2 De Iside and Osiride, p. 402, Vol. 6 Ap. Diog. Laert. in Thalete.
VII. ed. Reiske.
OF THE DIVISION OF THE YEAR. 295
in the time of Iphitus; and hence among the Greeks the custom
arose of computing their years by Olympiads, which fell every fourth
year. But even this intercalation was afterwards found insufficient,
allowance being not yet made as it ought for the difference between
the Solar and Lunar year. Hence to meet this the Athenian astro-
nomer Meton, [who asserted that the solar and lunar year could
regularly begin from the same point in the heavens], invented a cycle
of nineteen years, which reduced the kalendar of the Greeks into a
more accurate shape, according to the genius of those times. So
highly was this cycle of Meton valued, that it was written up on
public tablets in letters of gold, and it is called down to our own
day the golden number. After that Meton's cycle became so cele-
brated, that it was adopted not only by the Greeks but also by the
Jews and Romans. Other corrections which were by degrees made
in this cycle by the Greeks may be seen in Petavius above referred
to, in his books on the Correction of Times, and in his Dissertations
Ad Uranologion, on the science of astronomy.
The first arrangement of the Roman year was made by Romulus,
the founder of Rome; but as he knew much more about the science
of war than about that of astronomy, the mode of computation which
he used was a somewhat rude one, for he divided the year into ten
parts, which he called months, which are, Martins, Aprilis, Mains,
Junius, Quintilis, Sextilis, September, October, November, Dece?nber;
four of these months he made to consist of thirty-one days, the other
six of thirty days.
But his successor, Numa Pompilius, having learned astronomy
from Pythagoras, with whom he is said to have had constant inter-
course, divided the year into twelve months, adding to it the months
of January and February, so that there should be 355 days in each
year; for from those six months, to which Romulus had given thirty
days, he took away one day, and made January to consist of 29 and
February of 28 days. And that there might be some agreement
between the solar and lunar years, after every second year he added
a month of 22 days, which the Romans called the month Merce-
donius, and out of the hours which every year were over and above
the calculation he made a day every fourth year, so that on the
fourth year the month February consisted of 29 days. Such is an
account of the correction made in the calendar by Numa Pompilius,
who entrusted the care of the calendar to the Pontifex Maximus of
the sacred rites.
But as the Romans by degrees discovered that even by this com-
putation the course of the year was as far as ever from being con-
sistent with itself, especially as it often happened that the Nundincz,
[the weekly market-days among the Romans,] fell at one time on the
first day of the year, at another time on the Nones [of some
month], which was thought unlucky for the Republic,6 Julius Caesar
6 Macrob. Saturn. 1. i. c. 13, ["Srepe rent, quod Reip. perniciosum puta-
eveniret ut nundinae modo in anni batur."']
principem diem, modo in Nonas cade-
296 POLITY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH.
assuming to himself the title and honour of Pontifex Maximus, after
the battle of Pharsalia, sent to Alexandria for Sosigenes, the first
astronomer of his day, brought him to Rome, and entrusted to him
the task of correcting the kalendar. This man, in accordance with
the astronomical principles of that age, made the solar year to con-
sist of 365 days, adding to every fourth year another day, which was
made up of the six hours which were over from each year, while to
avoid departing as much as possible from the customary Roman
computation, he added or intercalated a 24th day in the month of
February, on which the Romans celebrated the festival of the Ter-
minalia, and as this day was called by the Romans VI. Kal. Mart.,
(the sixth day before the first of March,) the day intercalated every
four years was called Bissextum Kal. Mart., (the second sixth day
before the first of March;) or as Censorinus with more probability
relates, he intercalated a day between the Terminalia, which fell on
the 23rd day of February, and the Regifngium, which was on the
24th of the same month, which was properly called VI. Kal. Mart.;
and hence that year began to be called the Bissextile (Bissexlus)
year, [i.e., a year containing two sixth days before the March
kalends]. Besides this, Caesar added two days to the months of
Sextilis [August] and December, and made them consist of 31 days,
one day being also added to April, June, September, and October.
This mode of reckoning the year was called the Julian style, from
Julius Caesar its author, and the first of January is reckoned as the
beginning of the Julian year, being the eighth day from the solstice
of Capricorn. Finally Julius Caesar, that he might put the matter
on a new and complete footing, and that no fugitive days from the
old disorderly style of reckoning might disturb the prescribed
method now adopted, included in the last year of the old style all
such irregular days, so that that year consisted of 443 days, and
was called among the ancients for that reason "the year of
confusion."7
But the ministers of religion, to whom the privilege of making
the intercalation belonged, having fallen into the very grave error of
making the intercalation in the fourth century, not at the end of it,
but at the beginning, when they ought, on the contrary, to have
made it at the end of every fourth, i.e., at the beginning of every
fifth, year; this error, after going on for thirty-six years, was at last
discovered and corrected by Augustus, the successor of Julius Caesar,
and he ordered that twelve years should pass without any intercalary
day, that those three days which in thirty-six years had accumulated
from the fault of the hastiness of the priests, might be absorbed in
the twelve following years during which no intercalary day was to be
inserted. He ordered that after that, one day should be intercalated
at the beginning of each fifth year, according to Caesar's plan, and
that the whole arrangement should be engraved on a brazen tablet.8
Galenus tells usy that this amended Julian style was permanently
7 Macrob. ibid. [" Annus confusio- 8 Id. c. 14.
nis."J 9 Comm, in I. Epidem.
OF THE DIVISION OF THE YEAR. 297
adopted by the Romans, and afterwards came into civil use among
the Macedonians and all the nations of Asia.
§ 3. Of Months and Days.
The year is divided into twelve parts, which twelve divisions of
the year are called by the Latins menses or months. Mensis is a
Greek word denoting a lunation or period of the moon, for the
Greeks called the moon fxrjvrj (?neenee), probably borrowing that
name from the Orientals: hence the kalendar, or tables of the con-
junction of the sun and moon, is called by the Arabs almanack*
Romulus is said to have been the first who gave its own proper
name to each of the months among the Latins, i.e., to the ten
months known to him. The first he called March, from Mars; the
second April, from aperio, to open, the opening month, as it were, as
trees and other produce of the earth begin on this month to open
into bud ;10 May was so called from Ma/us, a god of the Tuscans,
or from Maia, wife of Ulcanus; June from Juno; the rest of the
months were named according to their numerical order, as Qiiintilis,
i.e., the fifth month from March; Sextilis, the sixth; September,
October, November, December, the seventh, eighth, ninth, and tenth
months respectively.
To these ten months, as we said, Numa added two others, the first
of which he called January, from Janus, i.e., the month of the god
"with two faces," a face on the back of his head, looking back to the
end of the year that was passed, and a face on the front, looking for-
ward to the beginnings of the year that was coming. The other month
he called February, from Februus, a god of the under world, who was
believed to preside over purifications.11 But since, as we have already
said, Julius Caesar completed with the greatest care and accuracy a
fresh arrangement of the kalendar, which was further followed up by
his successor in the empire, Augustus, it came about that the name
of the months Quintilis and Sextilis were changed, the first of them
being for the future called July, from Julius Caesar, the other of them
August, from Augustus Caesar.
The more ancient nations of the East divided their months into
weeks, though it is a matter of dispute whether that invention is to
be attributed to the Egyptians or to the Assyrians. The Greeks
made a threefold division of their months into decades; while the
Romans had a method of dividing their months unequally into
kalends, nones, and ides. The first day of their month they called
kalends, from the Greek word icaXew, to call, because the Pontifex on
that day called the people to the city, that they might be given
notice of the next day on which the order of legal court days would
* [This is an error: al-manach has and preterite of the same word (with a
nothing to do with ufay, but most pro- different pointing), occurs in Daniel v.
bably means "the reckoner," from a 25, 26.]
root akin to the Hebrew ms, mah-?ia/i, 10 Macrob. ib. c. 12.
"to count;" Mene, the pass, participle 1^. ib-
298 POLITY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH.
be announced. This next day, then, was called Nona, the nones, or
ninth day, as falling nine days before the ides of the month. The
Ides, from the old word iduo, to divide, was the name given to that
day in the month which divided it about equally into two parts.12
The Orientals were the first who called the days after the names
of the planets of heaven; but they mistake who suppose that
the Chaldaeans gave to each day the name of its own presiding
planet, for if that were true, the names of their days would cer-
tainly be in a different order, for the astronomical tables of the Chal-
dseans were so arranged that Saturn held the first place, then followed
Jupiter, Mars, the Sun, Venus, Mercury, and last the moon. Hence
if each day was to take its name in order, corresponding to that of
its presiding planet, the first day of the week would have been
called after Saturn, the second after Jupiter, the third after. Mars,
the fourth after the sun, the fifth after Venus, the sixth after Mercury,
the seventh after the Moon. The Orientals, therefore, did not name
their days after the planet presiding over a whole day, but after the
planet presiding over the first hour of each day; hence as in their
tables the sun presided over the first hour of the first day of the
week, and the moon over the first hour of the second day, it came
about that the first day of the week was dedicated to the sun, and
from that took the name of Sunday \ the second day was dedicated
to the moon, and from that took the name of Monday, and so with
the other days of the week. These remarks may perhaps clear up
a difficulty which the order of the astronomical tables of the East
has presented to the minds of some in other respects most illustrious
men.
In the calendar of the Romans the days were either festi or pro-
festi,—holidays or working days, as there were among the Greeks
festival days and working days (eoprdajuuoi, dp^darpioi); and Casau-
bon13 shows from Strabo that this division prevailed in nations of the
most remote antiquity. Those were called festi, (holidays or festival
days,) which were consecrated to the worship of the gods (sacris
agendis,) while all other days were called profesti, i.e., working or
ordinary days. These working days were again divided into dies
fasti, nefasti, and endotercisi, days on which the courts were open or
shut, and half-holidays. The dies fasti were days on which it was
allowed to hold courts of law or public assemblies, while on the
other hand a day on which this was not allowed was called dies
nefastus. Endotercisus, (intercisus,) was a day on which law-courts
were open at some hours but not at others. Of this kind was the
day called by the Romans "Nefastus primo" i.e., a day during the
first half only of which it was not lawful for the courts to be open
and assemblies to be held.
Lastly, in the kalendar of the Romans there were some letters
marked which were called Nundinales, which meant days of the
NundincB, (market-days,14) on which, coming round as they did every
12 Macrob. ib. and V. Henric. Leo- 13 De Satyr. Poesi, 1. i. c. 2.
nard. Schurzfleisch. de Anno Roman. H Vide Kalend. Vet. Roman, edit.
OF THE DIVISION OF THE YEAR. 299
ninth day, the country people came into the city for buying or selling
or for law business.
This, then, was the order of the dies fasti among the heathen,
while besides these there were certain special days on which the
solemnities of the gods or goddesses were celebrated, and the risings
and settings of some constellations, as is apparent from the more
ancient kalendars of the Romans in Aldus and Petavius.
§ 4. Of the Kalendar of Christians down to the sixteenth century.
The fathers of the Christian Church adopted the use of the
Roman fasti, though they changed everything in it which in any
way was opposed to the genius of the religion of the Christian
Commonwealth. Hence in the place of the holidays of the heathen
they introduced into the kalendar those of our religion, and the
Dominical letters took the place of their nundinal letters. In all
other respects the Church adopted the Julian kalendar.
Henceforth, therefore, in the Christian Church a double kind of
kalendar was in use,—the Civil and the Ecclesiastical one. For the
distinctions of months and days in the transaction of public and
private business they used the civil kalendar, for in these matters
Christians accommodated themselves to the usages of the state:
while in the ecclesiastical kalendar they from the first ages noted
down the deaths of bishops and the birthdays of martyrs; indeed
this custom of the Church has been commended to us by the apostle
S. Paul,15 as is shown by CI. Florentinius,16 and by Valesius.17 The
most ancient church kalendars of this kind that we have are those
given by Bucherius18 and Ruinart ;19 for the kalendar of Bucherius
seems to have been compiled in the pontificate of Liberius, in the
middle of the fourth century. But in kalendars of this class each
church used to preserve the names both of her own martyrs20 and
her own bishops, so that these kalendars took the place of the acts
of the Church herself, as seems to be implied by Tertullian ;21 and
in this matter there were some among the clergy who used to keep
ab Aldo Man. Venet. 1581 ; et aliud 17 Ad Eusebii Hist. 1. iv. c. 15, [The
ap. Petav. Uranolog. Part 2. ["In day of Polycarp's martyrdom is here
ancient kalendars all the days of the called "the natal day of his martyr-
year, beginning with the first of Jan- dom," as if his birth-day for a better
uary, are divided into what we may world."]
call weeks, each containing eight days, 1S In opere, in Vict. Aquitani Canon,
which are marked by the letters A, B, Pasch. Commentar. c. 15.
C, D, E, F, G, H. This division is 19 Act. Mart. Sine, ad calc. opens,
to mark the NtmdiiKZ, there being 2° Cyprian. Epist. 37, Rig. 12 Ox.,
seven ordinary days between two mar- ["Take note," S. Cyprian writes to his
ket-days. Nundinse properly means clergy, "of their days on which they
every ninth day, for the ancients called depart, that we may celebrate their
the ninth day what we should call the commemoration among the memorials
eighth." (Smith's Diet, of Greek and of the martyrs."]
Roman Antiq.)] 21 De Prescript, adv. Hreret. c. 32:
15 Ad Rom. c. 12, v. 13. (?) [He says, "Apostolic Churches thus
u Admonit. 2, in Martyrol. Occident. reckon their origin;" they "unfold the
3°° POLITY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH.
their bishop informed nearly every day of the death of any martyr,
or of such as in their prison passed to immortality.22 After this
there were added to the kalendars the days kept in memory of saints
and confessors, and other days which the uses of different churches
required. Among these kalendars, chiefly of the middle ages, that
of the Church of Naples deservedly holds the highest place. It is
a monument of the ninth century, and is engraved on two marble
tablets, and commentaries upon it have been written by Luigi Saba-
tini, Bishop of Aquila, and by Alexius Symmachus Mazocchi, a man of
prodigious learning, a luminary and ornament of the kingdom of Naples.
These festival kalendars of the Saints derived their name, as did
also the fasti of the State, from the circumstance that the first day of
each month was called the kalends. But to understand those ancient
monuments we must bear in mind that kalendar was also the name
given by the Romans to the account-book or ledger of what was
received and expended by public or private trustees of interest-
money. Thus in Gruter23 we find mentioned kalendarii curatores,
(the curators of the kalendar,) to which class belonged those men
who were entrusted with the public money of a municipal town put
out on interest.
Lastly, in the public kalendars of the middle ages it became
customary to enter the deaths of eminent princes, therefore in the
Martyrology of Rabanus and in the Kalendar of Wandalbertus the
day is marked on which Charlemagne died. The death of Queen
Emma and her husband the Emperor Lothair is in the kalendar, and
the death also of the Empress Matilda. We constantly see such
notices in kalendars of the middle ages. In private kalendars more-
over some entries were made, which were rules for preserving the
health, as e.g., days on which it was proper to be bled, hence called
dies cegri or minutiones, (sick days, or blood-letting days,) and other
entries of that kind.24
We now pass from speaking of the Christian kalendar to speak of
the period of the Christian year itself.
The Christian Republic down to the sixth century reckoned her
years in various ways; for some adopted the aera which dated from
the building of Rome, others the consular fasti, some the years of
the emperors, while some also began to calculate time from the year
of Christ's Passion. But besides these many differences in the
mode of computing time, the day for celebrating Easter had not yet
been settled by any fixed law, some adopting one computation and
some another, both in the East and in the West: wherefore in the
sixth century Dionysius, commonly called Exiguus, compiled a new
kalendar and introduced a new sera, commencing from the Incarna-
roll of their bishops so coming down in prison pass by the gate of a glorious
from the beginning."] death to their immortality."]
22 Cyprian. Epist. 12, Ox. ["Ter- 23 Inscript. ix. p. 444, and v. p.
tullus, our most faithful and devoted 341, &c.
brother, does write and intimate to me 24 V. Mabill. Annal. Ord. S. Bened.
the days in which our blessed brethren T. II. 1. xii.
OF THE DIVISION OF THE YEAR. - 30I
tion of Christ. This kalendar he compiled on the perpetually
recurring periods marked out by the sun and by the moon, and the
"-/Era of the Incarnation" he made to commence not from the
moment of the actual birth of Christ, but from that of the Incarna-
tion itself, as is observed by Petavius.25 But even before the time
of Dionysius this Christian sera had been anticipated by an old
monk of the name of Panodorus, who had drawn up a calendar on
this basis by command of Arcadius, as we are told by Georgius
Syncellus. This sera, according to the computation of the Greeks,
begins in the year of the world 5493. But Dionysius so arranged
the cycles of the sun and of the moon, that any one could with the
greatest ease discover the time of the new moon, and so have an
easy method of discovering the time of Easter ready to his hand.
This sera and this kind of kalendar to a certain extent came into
general use both in the East and also in the West, though at first in
the East a great number of very illustrious men continued their
labours on the subject, with the view of making more correct rules
for fixing the time of Easter. Petavius shows this very plainly in
his "Dissertationes ad Uranologion" which we have already referred
to; but these matters we do not purpose to enter on now, as we
desire to be brief, and as they would lead us into thorny paths, and
into a disquisition which has no direct bearing on the subject before
us. But this one fact is certain, that after all the discovered modes
of computation had been attempted, all the Easter cycles were so
defective, that by degrees and without perceiving it (because the
solar and lunar periods did not correctly correspond with each
other), the celebration of Easter came to be about the time when
winter began, and then by little and little it fell about autumn time,
and would finally have been observed about midsummer, as the time
of the vernal equinox rested on no fixed basis whatsoever.
This, then, was the condition of the Church's kalendar even down
to the sixteenth century.
§ 5- Of the corrections made in the Kalendar by Pope Gregory XIII.
At length towards the close of the sixteenth century the illustrious
Pope Gregory XIII. (who was the first to move in the matter) re-
solved to arrange the kalendar on fixed and certain laws; he there-
fore wrote letters to the most celebrated of the Universities of Europe,
inviting the mathematicians of his time to turn their attention to a
subject of so great importance, and so intimately connected with the
interests of the Christian Church. With the aid, then, of the most
eminent astronomers of the day Gregory began to correct the Kalen-
dar in a.d. 1578, and he completed and published it in a.d. 15S2.
He presented it to Christendom in a Bull specially put forth on the
subject; and Christendom received it with the thanks which were
due to so great a Pontiff and so great an undertaking: for the work
was everywhere received with the greatest respect, and was every-
25 Not. 2, ad Georg. Syncell. fragment, in Auctar. de Doctr. Temp. 1. viii.
302 POLITY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH.
where found to be most useful; the only dissentients were the Greek
Schismatics and the Protestants, who, though they admired the cor-
rected Kalendar, yet refused to adopt it because of the disease of
ill-feeling towards the Church, under which they were suffering.
Having finished the work of correction, the Pontiff issued a stamped
medal on one side of which was his own head represented, with the
words round it, Gregorius XIII. Pont. Maximus: and on the reverse
side of which was the head of a ram ornamented with four stars,
denoting the constellation Aries; below is a dragon devouring its
own tail, the figurative symbol of a year, which we have borrowed
from the Egyptian serpent; the Pope preferred to adopt the figure
of a dragon rather than that of an Egyptian serpent, as a dragon was
his own family crest, the crest, i.e. of the House of Buoncompagni;
round the medal there are also to be read the words, "anno
restituto mdlxxxii." The kalendar of the Roman Church was
henceforth therefore named the Gregorian Kalendar, and was called,
"Kalendarium novum atqueperpetuum" i.e. a new kalendar and one
which was to last for all time.
Gregory chose the month of October for putting forth his corrected
Kalendar for the first time, as in that month there were no moveable
feasts, and only very few double ones. And since, after all was
done, there were still ten supernumerary days over, he thought it
best to cut out those days from the computation of the year 1581
altogether, and to take each of them from the same month of Oc-
tober; the result being that what was the fourth day of October, and
also the day of the Festival of S. Francis, was to be called and
considered in that year the fourteenth day of October. In this
manner the matter was arranged at once, and the vernal equinox,
which owing to the badly arranged order of the kalendars had that
year fallen on the eleventh of March, was made to fall on the twenty-
first of March, the very day when it had occurred at the time of the
first Council of Nice, a.d. 325.
But that the system as he arranged it might be a lasting and per-
petual one, he regulated the kalendar by devising a period of epacts.
For the Pope perceived that the golden number was not sufficient
for finding how to equalise the lunar and solar year: it was neces-
sary therefore that at least thirty cycles of the golden number should
be determined, by which the numeral which marked the new moon
might be easily discovered, since a lunation is sometimes completed
in twenty-nine days. The Pontiff was therefore presented ^ with a
book by Aloysius Lilins,* a Roman mathematician, for arranging and
equalising the Proemptosis and Metemptosis of the moon, in which
book he rejoiced to find the epacts so arranged that they served
their purpose of equalising the lunar and the solar year.
In this new and corrected edition of the kalendar, then, the epacts
take the place of the golden number, though the golden number is
still marked in our kalendars.
If the meaning and use of the epact is to be fully known, it must
* [Luigi Lilio Ghiraldi.]
OF THE DIVISION OF THE YEAR. 303
be borne in mind that the lunar year consists of 354 days and
eight hours, and that the solar year exceeds the lunar by eleven days.
"Epact," then, is the name given to that period of days which is
required to make these eleven days of the sun's annual revolution
exactly correspond with the annual revolutions of the moon: and
therefore out of those eleven days which remain over every year,
there is made up what we call an " embolismus," that is, a thir-
teenth lunation of the moon. And yet we must admit, with Peta-
vius, that the epacts by no means give us a certain and strictly
accurate method for lunar calculations, which can only be made by
the scientific labours of astronomers. But there is this advantage in
introducing the system of epacts into our kalendar, that whatever
change the calculations of astronomers require us to make in our
equalisings of the solar and lunar years, the arrangement of our
kalendar still stands good: and all that is necessary is to change the
period of the epacts as it comes round, corresponding as it naturally
and of itself does with any fresh equalisations and adjustments that
may be needed.
Lastly, we may remark, that as there is a certain small interval of
time, which, trifling as it is, cannot be made commensurate with any
yearly system of calculation, the Pope arranged a plan by which at
the end of every hundred years one day should be taken away from
leap-year.*
This brief explanation of the corrections made by the Pope in the
Roman kalendar is sufficient for our purpose now: if the reader
wishes to pursue the subject further, he may consult the pages of
Petavius, Blondellus, and Seth Calvisius.
§ 6. Of the Indiction a?id the Sunday Letters.
"Indiction" is the name given to a period of fifteen years: [the
Indiction, followed by an ordinal number from i. to xv. as a cha-
racter of the year, was appended to its customary designation;] and
hence there resulted a marked term of fifteen years, constantly recur-
rent; a period of revolution of fifteen years.
This period of indiction took its name from a certain tax which
was levied every fifteenth year: this is the first force and meaning
of the word.26 But then it came to denote a cycle of fifteen years;
and is called a cycle, as Cujacius observes.27 Some have fallen into
the mistake of supposing that Julius or Augustus Caesar invented
this period, though the histories and the writers of that time are
entirely silent about it: in fact the first who mentioned the Indiction
was S. Athanasius in the fourth century in his book on synods; and
* [This is not quite the rule, which Thus 1600 was a leap-year, 1700 and
is thus given in the Gregorian Kalen- 1800 common years. So too 1900:
dar: "Every year whose number is but 2000 will be a leap-year again."
divisible by 4 without a remainder is a (Brande and Cox, Diet, of Science,
leap-year, except the centesimal years, Literature and Art, s. v. Kalendar.)]
which are only leap-years when divisible J6 [Cujacius?] 1. 28, ff. de usufruct,
by 4 after suppressing the two zeros." 27 L. vi. Observ. c. 6.
3°4 POLITY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH.
hence properly speaking Constantine the Great is the real inventor
of the indiction, for he it was who fixed this epoch for calculating time
in September, a.d. 312, at the time of his victory over Maxentius.
There are however as many as three indictions between which a
distinction is to be made, the Constantinopolitan, the Imperial, and
the Roman: the Constantinopolitan indiction began on the first of
September, a.d. 312; the Imperial, which marks the year and the day
of the defeat of Maxentius, i.e. the beginning of the peace of the
Church, commences from September 24, a.d. 312; and lastly, the
Roman, which is used by the Roman Curia in the promulgation of
the Popes' Bulls, begins on the first day of January, a.d. 313,
according to the Julian computation; an acquaintance with this
divergence in the calculation of indictions is of no little help in the
understanding of ancient MSS. and documents.
A very easy way of finding the indiction is this: to the current
year of the Christian aera add three, and divide all this by fifteen;
the remainder which is over after this division will be the number of
the indiction; thus, e.g. the present current year of the Christian
sera is 1777; add three to this, which makes 1780; divide this by
fifteen: the result is 118, and 10 over: 10 therefore is the number
of the indiction for this year.
The Sunday letters, as we have said, were inserted in the kalendar
of the Christian Church in the place of the seven Nundinal letters
of the old Roman kalendar; and they are called Sunday, or Lord's
Day, letters (litera dominicales), as they are used for marking the
Sundays in the year.
The periodical cycle of Sunday letters comes round again every
eighteen years, for with that period of time the solar cycle is com-
mensurate; for if the Sunday letter this year is A, next year it will be
G, the last of the seven letters; then F, and so on up to A. For
as a year consists of fifty-two weeks and one day over, it follows that
a Sunday letter, e.g. A, marks also the first day of the fifty-third
week, which will be the last day of December and a Sunday. But
as the following day to this, i.e. the second day of the same fifty-third
week is also marked with the Sunday letter A, the Sunday follow-
ing, which falls on January 7, takes the letter G, which will be the
Sunday letter for that year. But in leap-year the order of the
Sunday letters is disturbed; for as the letter F, which falls on the
day preceding the intercalary day, is repeated twice, the letter E,
which is the Sunday letter of that year, does not correspond with a
Sunday, and therefore the letter D becomes the Sunday letter in a
year of this kind which has in it an intercalary day.
Such is the plan on which the cycle of Sunday letters is arranged \
which can only come round in the same order every eighteen years.
We must in the last place observe that the correction in the
kalendar which was made by Pope Gregory, in a certain sense in-
verted the order of the Sunday letters. For in a.d. 1582, which
was the first year of the corrected kalendar, G would naturally be
the Sunday letter; but as ten days were cut out, C became the
OF THE DIVISION OF THE YEAR. 305
Sunday letter that year: hence it came about that the Sunday letter
of the old kalendar preceded by four letters that of the corrected
one; we must therefore bear in mind that the letter A of the old
kalendar corresponds with our letter D.
We need not say more on the subject of the Sunday letters: more
may be seen by the reader in BlondePs History of the Kalendar.
§ 7. Of the Kalendar of the Latins and Greeks, and of the Civil
Kalendar of Christians.
The Christian Church, as we have said, has from very early times,
celebrated the festivals connected with our Saviour Christ, and
with the mysteries of our religion, and with the memory of our Mar-
tyrs; on everyday in the week such festivals were observed, and
from the very earliest times the order in which such days occurred
has been accurately marked down by the Church in her kalendar:
in the language of Tertullian,28 the Church has always had her own
fasti, or solemn days.
In the more ancient surviving records of such kalendars, however,
such as those of Bucherius and the African kalendar, we do not find
any division of days into ferioz, or week-days, such as we now have
in our ecclesiastical kalendars. For though Tertullian appears to
imply that the days of the week used to be designated by the name
of ferioz^ yet it is by no means clear that this designation had then
in his time a place in the arrangement of the kalendar: for the most
ancient monument of this use which is extant is in a Pontifical, the
author of which tells us that it was the wish of the Roman Pontiff
Sylvester that " the remaining days of the week should be called
by the name of ferice." And so in after times it became the custom
thus to describe them in the kalendar, as D.V. (Deo O. M. annuente),
we shall explain more fully in our work, "Delia Storia dtf Codici
Liturgici delta Chiesa Latina" in which we shall publish three ancient
kalendars of our Neapolitan Church, at present existing only in MS.
Of the distinction between feria and holidays we shall treat in the
following section; but it will be worth while in the present section
to sketch a very brief outline of old ecclesiastical kalendars.
We have already said that the kalendar of Bucherius is the most
ancient one of the Roman Church; and in it there are marked down
on the particular days memorials of Martyrs, and Depositions (so the
days of their death are called,) of the Roman Pontiffs. From this it
is quite evident, as the illustrious Fronto Duoeus well points out, that
28 L. de Corona Milit. c.13. [" Thou up, that these days may be observed in
art enrolled in the Book of Life . . . each Church; for he directs his clergy
thou hast thine own enrolment, thine to take note of such days, "utcomme-
own solemn days." More plainly Cy- morationes eorum inter memorias mar-
prian, Ep. 12 (Ox.), speaks of these tyrum celebrare possimus."]
kalendars: he implies it is the bishop's 29 L. adv. Psychic, c. 2. [Tertul-
duty to see that lists of the days on lian speaks of Wednesday and Friday
which Martyrs died be properly drawn as quart a and sexta fen a.]
X
306 POLITY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH.
this kalendar was the special one used by the city of Rome only : for
formerly, as is remarked by Sozomen,30 every little Church had its
own special kalendar and its own special saints'-days. Almost of
the same character is the Kalendar of the Church of Carthage, first
published by Mabillon,31 and with good reason supposed to belong
to the fifth century. Hence it will not surprise us that the Martyrs
recorded in kalendars of this kind are but few in number, since only
such saints; days were marked in them as were usually celebrated in
the titular churches [of some local saints] in the City itself, or in
churches which were attended by very crowded congregations: for
this reason we sometimes find there is put down in the kalendars a
festival of all the Martyrs of some particular city, as in the Cartha-
ginian kalendar we have the festival days of the Martyrs of Timida,
Petra, &c.; so that on one day would be kept a memorial festival
of all the Martyrs of some particular town.
Among Church kalendars we must mention also Greek firjvoXo^ia
or /urjvaia, menologia or mencza, as they are called; such is that one
which is found in the appendix of the Liber Liturgicus, called by
the Greeks Ho?'ologio?i \uopo\6^tov) or Prayer Book, which was
edited and brought out at Venice. In this menseon or kalendar,
after the names of the saints on their particular days follow some
very short antiphons. Appended to the same Horologium are also
two other very short kalendars, one composed as a compendium by
Patricius, Proconsul of Mitylene, the other in which festival days
are marked in a shorter way than is done in other kalendars.
Another menseum was published in 1535 by Antonius Contius,
which appears to be compiled out of a Greek and Latin kalendar, as
the saints' days are marked first in Latin, then afterwards in Greek.
Perhaps it belonged to some Church in which each language was in
use, or in which the Latin language came in and the Greek went
out, as has happened in our Churches and in those of Sicily. Another
menseum was published by Genebrard, which he prefixed to his
Commentaries on the Psalms. In it we find also the Kalendar of the
Syrians or of the Egyptian Copts. Lastly, Possevinus in his "Appa-
ratus Sacer" brought out the kalendar of the Rutheni, which was
used by all the churches of Muscovy and Russia, and which corres-
ponds in every point with the mensea used by the Greeks; though
in the menseon the days of the week are neither designated by num-
bers nor by the name of feriae, but by the seven letters from A to G,
which are prefixed to each day of the week.
It is well, before concluding this chapter, to remind the reader
that, so far as the State was concerned, the Church's kalendar did not
by any means come into general use as soon as peace was established
in the Church; as for a long time the civil kalendar in common use
among Christians contained very many references to subjects dis-
30 Hist. Eccl. 1. v. c. 3. [(lcK<xT€pa is speaking of the two Churches of Gaza
€KK\r)<rla Itila iirlaKOTrov koX n\?ipov and Constantia. ]
e^ft, nod iravnyvpfis fiaprvpcov, nal fxveias 31 Veter. Analector. T. III.
t&v -nap abrois y^vo/x^voou Up4wv;" he
OF THE DIVISION OF THE YEAR. 307
tinctly heathen in their character and origin; and hence we shall
have to distinguish between the ecclesiastical and the civil kalendars
of the Christian Commonwealth; the former, as we have said, marked
the festivals appointed to be observed on the different days; the
latter, though containing notices of the principal religious feasts of
the Church, were otherwise still distinctly heathen in their construc-
tion. We have the clearest proof of this in the civil calendar of
Polemius Silvius, edited by the Bollandists, which was compiled in
the consulship of Fl. Zeno and Posthumianus in the year 448 of the
Christian era: in this kalendar are noticed those Christian holidays
which are of the first class in importance, but on other days heathen
festivals take precedence of all other matters; and that this kalendar
was commonly adopted, and not withdrawn from general use among
Christians, may be inferred from its title-page, in which Polemius
Silvius dedicates it to the most blessed Lord Bishop Eucherius, who
probably presided over that church to which the author of the
kalendar belonged.
But that the reader may see more clearly for himself what this
kalendar was like, I subjoin the first six days in the month of Janu-
ary, taken from it.
"Januarius dies 31.
^ Vocatur apud Hebraeos Sebat, apud ^Egyptios Tibi, apud Athe-
nienses Poseideon, apud Graecos Andinaeus.
Kalendae airo -rod Ka\e?vf hoc est, a vocando, quia cum in Rostris
... ad conventionem populus vocabatur.
4. Non. Circus privatus. Auster interdum cum pluvia.
3. Dies auspicalium. Natalis Ciceronis. Ludi.
Prid. Ludi. Comitialis.
Nonae, dictse ideo, quia nonus dies eas discernit ab Idibus:
tempestatem significat.
8. Id. Epiphania, qua die, interpositis temporibus, et stella Magis
natum Dominum nuntiabat, et aqua vinum facta, vel in amne Jordanis
Salvator baptizatus est. Auster interdum, vel Favonius."
"January 31 days.
^ It is called by the Jews Sebat, by the Egyptians Tibi, by the Athe-
nians Poseideon, by the Greeks Andinaeus.
The Kalends, from the word < call/ because when in the Rostra
.... the people were called to an assembly.
Fourth day before the Nones. Private circus. Sometimes a south
wind and rain.
Third day before the Nones. Day for taking the auspices.
Cicero's birth-day. Games.
Day before the Nones. Games. Comitia assembly-day.
The Nones, so called because 'nine days' before the Ides. A
storm to be expected.
Eighth day before the Ides. Epiphany, on which day in past
ages both the star announced the Lord's birth to the Magi, and the
x 2
308 POLITY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH.
water was made wine, and the Saviour was baptized in the river
Jordan. Sometimes a south wind, or a west wind."
When we look at a civil Kalendar of this kind, we can understand
why sentences were passed against them by some old councils, and
why they forbid the observance of ferise and kalends, as we find in
the Council of Carthage, commonly called IV. can. 89, in the
Council of Trullo can. 62, and in the Council of Auxerre, can. 1.
And the fact that these kalendars which marked the heathen fes-
tivals were in common use, gave an excuse to some among the Chris-
tians for continuing the observance of them, if in their minds there
still lingered any of the spirit of heathenism : and there is no doubt
that these civil kalendars, which were long in the hands of Chris-
tians, were the cause why heathen festivals were to so late a period
kept up in the Church of Christ.
And here, besides the remarks we have already made, it is curious
to notice the custom of making forecasts of the weather, traces
of which remain in our Kalendars to the present day. That this was
a custom among the most ancient Romans is proved by an old
kalendar which Petavius has compiled from Columella, the Fasti of
Ovid, and Pliny, and which he has placed as an appendix to a book
of Ptolemy on "Oa<rei9 awXavwv £7rior)fjLaaLuv" i.e. on the appearances
and significations of the fixed stars; this book of Ptolemy's points
out the character of the weather and the temperature of each day,
and from it perhaps the writers of the kalendar copied their style of
entries on these subjects.
We need now say no more on the subject of the Kalendar.
CHAPTER II.
OF MARTYROLOGIES.
Some have thought that Martyrologies are of more modern date
than what are strictly called kalendars, or else that there was no dif-
ference between the two, that they were one and the same in former
times. But this is certainly a mistake; for between the kalendar
and the martyrology there are two essential points of difference; the
first is that martyrologies give a brief account both of the lives of
Martyrs and of other saints, and also tell us about the place of their
birth and the scene of their sufferings, while kalendars merely give
us their names. The second difference is that martyrologies embrace
the history of those saints whose festival days are kept by nearly all
Churches, while kalendars only mark those saints' days which are
observed 'in that particular Church to which they belonged. It is
evident, then, that there is a wide difference between the two.
OF MARTYROLOGIES. 309
§ i. Of the origin of the Martyrology.
In ancient times every Church kept written memoirs of the lives of
her own special Martyrs and Confessors,1 which were publicly read
on their festival days or birth-days, on which they had encountered
death for Christ's sake. We have the testimony of the Fathers of
the African Church2 to the antiquity of this custom, and to the fact
that it had been adopted in all Churches. It was observed in the
Roman Church, as we know from the letter sent by Hadrian I. to
Charlemagne,3 and from what we are told by John, a deacon of
the Church of Rome :4 in the French, as we know from the writings
of S. Csesarius,5 Bishop of Aries, and from those Cursus of the Gallican
liturgy, edited by Mabillon, among which are inserted the Acts of
the Martyrs: and in the Spanish, as we gather from Braulio's preface
to the life of S. ^Emilianus, and from the Contestationes of the ancient
Gallican and Mozarabic liturgy, which correspond with our Prefaces;
for the Gallican and Mozarabic liturgy had a special preface in the
mass, for commemorating each separate Martyr or Confessor; and
this preface was a sort of brief history of the acts of that saint who
was commemorated on that particular day. But the custom of com-
memorating the Martyrs in the different Churches increased and
spread because the Churches used to communicate with one another
in letters containing accounts drawn up of the lives of the Martyrs:
this is proved by letters of this kind which are still extant, those e.g.
from the Church of Smyrna on the sufferings of S. Polycarp; and of
the Churches of Lyons and Vienne to their brethren in Asia and
Phrygia.6 Hence as Martyrs to be commemorated multiplied, the
Churches, besides their kalendars, had also books containing brief
memoirs of the Acts of Martyrs and Confessors : each Church having
not only books of her own Martyrs, but of all those belonging to
other Churches; so that each could be commemorated on the par-
ticular day of his martyrdom. S. Gregory the Great is quite plain
on this point; for though in his Sacramentary there are but few
actual saints' days given, yet he tells us that at Rome the memory
of the Martyrs was kept up on separate and distinct days : his words
are,7 "We have collected together in one book the names of nearly
all Martyrs, with the passions marked for each day .... not that the
1 Cypr. Ep. 37, Rig. 12, Ox., ad 6 Ap. Euseb. Hist. Eccl. 1. iv. c. 15,
Presb. et Diacon. [quoted above. ] and 1. v. c. 1. [The first is a letter
2 V. Codic. Afric. can. 46, ap. Labb. from the Church of Smyrna to the
Concil. T. II. Churches of Pontus, describing the mar-
3 Ibid. Cone. T. VII. tyrdom of Polycarp their bishop. The
4 In Prasfat. Vit. S. Gregor. Magn. second gives the account of the martyrs
5 Serm. 300 in Append. Oper. S. of Lyons and Vienne. It is addressed,
August. ["Aut Passiones prolixse aut "The servants of Christ dwelling at
certe aliqua? lectiones longiores legun- Lyons and Vienne, in Gaul, to their
tur" ... but in Ep. 64, § 3, he cau- brethren in Asia and Phrygia."]
tions the presbyters of his diocese not 7 Epist 29, 1. viii., ["Pene omnium
to read anything in their churches but Martyrum, distinctis per singulos dies
canonical Scriptures.] passionibus, collecta in uno codice no-
3IQ POLITY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH.
manner of each one's martyrdom is indicated in the same volume,
but only the name, the locality, and the day of the passion." The
reader may see in this a very clear record of a martyrology which
used to be read out at Rome every day. From the origin of mar-
tyrologies we turn now to speak of the writers of them.
§ 2. Of the writers of Marty rologies, and of'the Martyrologies of
Eusebius and of Jerome, and of the Roman Martyrology.
It is abundantly evident, from the words of S. Gregory the Great
already quoted, that even in his time a martyrology had already been
long in use in the Church of Rome; and we have even a more
ancient record of the same fact in the writings of Walafridus Strabo,8
from whom we learn that a book of this kind was in use in the
Church of Cordova in the reign of the Emperor Theodosius. As to
who was the original author of this work, however, we have no
certain information; some have been of opinion that Eusebius,
Bishop of Csesarea in Palestine, was the original author of the Mar-
tyrology, and that it was translated into Latin by S. Jerome, at the
request of Heliodorus and Chromatius; and the conjecture that
Eusebius did bring out a work of this kind is probably only a fair
inference from his own history, where he tells us that he had brought
out a collection of lives of early Martyrs, 'Apxaitvv juaprvpwv avva-
7W71J1/. But whether this was a collection of the Acts of the Martyrs,
or a martyrology, must remain uncertain, as even in the sixth cen-
tury it was no longer in existence, either in the East or in the
libraries of Rome, as we know from S. Gregory's letter quoted above.
It was probably however a collection of Acts of Martyrs, as we may
infer both from its title and also from the title of another book of
the same character by Eusebius, which is called, "De Martyribus
Palestinae," " The Martyrs of Palestine," which is still extant, and
which is a book of selections from the Acts of the Martyrs of Pales-
tine, who died in the Diocletianic persecution. There was also pub-
lished in Latin by Vincentius Marinerius, from the library of his
Catholic Majesty, a book by Eusebius called "Acts of the Martyrs
of Nicomedia;" but this book is justly regarded by the Bollandists
as the work of a modern author, and as merely a compilation of
extracts from Eusebius's history. Some drew their conclusions on
the matter from the letters of Chromatius and Heliodorus [two
bishops], who persuaded S. Jerome to translate the martyrology of
Eusebius into Latin: but Baronius has shown plainly that these
letters are not genuine.9 Nor need we regard as of any weight the
authority of Bede when speaking of the martyrology which he says
mina habemus. . . . Non tamen in eo- the litanies of the saints are believed to
dem volumine quis qualiter sit passus have been taken into use after Jerome,
indicator, sedtantummodonomen, locus, following Eusebius, wrote a martyr-
dies passionis ponitur."] ology." The reference to the Church
8 L. de Reb. Eccl. c. 28. [Patr. Lat. of Cordova, cited by Walafrid, occurs in
CXIV. 962.] ["Walafrid Strabo,abbat S. Jerome's letter.]
of Reichenau, a.d. 842, tells us that 9 Praefat. in Martyrol. Roman.
OF MARTYROLOGIES. 311
took its title from Jerome, who put his name to it and wrote a
preface to it :10 Bede nowhere asserts that this martyrology was written
by Eusebius and translated by Jerome: he merely remarks that this
was said to be the case; for these reasons we may fairly infer that a
complete martyrology by Eusebius was never in existence, but that
what he wrote was a collection of the Acts of some of the Martyrs.
My own firm conviction is that Jerome was the first actual com-
piler of a martyrology, and that he drew his materials for it from the
Acts of Eusebius, and from his Ecclesiastical History: and this con-
viction is not in any way shaken by the over-cautious hesitation of
Bollandus in deciding the question. With people generally the
authority of the very learned Senator Cassiodorus will carry most
weight; and he mentions a martyrology,11 which he calls Jerome's,
while he quotes the letters of [the Bishops] Chromatius and Helio-
dorus; for how is it possible that the work of Jerome was not known
to so eminent a scholar, or that forged letters could have been
palmed off on him as genuine? We shall therefore be more correct
in saying that genuine letters of Chromatius and Heliodorus were
extant at the time, but that afterwards, when they were lost, forged
letters were substituted in their place, and that Jerome was the real
author of that martyrology which is circulated under his name, though
new additions were from time to time made to it, as in the lapse
of time would be the case with all church books published in those
days.
The martyrology then of Jerome, as it was in the sixth century,
was in use in the Roman Church: it is, as we said, mentioned by
Gregory the Great, and thenceforth it took its name from the Roman
Church, and was called the Roman Martyrology. For that the mar-
tyrology, which was in use in Gregory's time, passed in those days
under the name of Jerome, may be inferred from a book by S. Willi-
brord [the apostle of Friesland]. For Henry Rosweyd, of the Car-
thusian library at Treves, published a very ancient MS. of Jerome's
Martyrology, of which the title was, " Christe fave votis: Codex S.
Willibrordi" " Favourably hear our prayers, O Christ : A book by
S. Willibrord." This copy is also described by a certain monk of
the monastery of Epternach. But this latter martyrology has the
name of Willibrord on it, and it was brought over by him out of
England into some of the Churches of Ireland: and we know that
Augustine, a monk in the time of Gregory the Great, took with him
into England the martyrology of the Roman Church. Willibrord's
martyrology is then the same as the Roman, which at that time
passed under the name of Jerome, and is now known as the Roman
10 Retractation, in Act. Apost. c. 1, Heliodomm destinata procul dubio re-
[" Hieronymi nomine et prEefatione peritis qui per totum orbem ten-arum
attitulari."] floruere." Chromatius and Heliodorus
11 De Inst. Div. Lect. c. 32. [Patr. send Jerome a request from the Council
Lat.LXX. 1147, "Vitas Patrum, confes- of Milan that he will make inquiry for
siones fidelium, passiones martyrum le- the most famous feasts from the archives
gite constanter, quas inter alia in Epis- of Eusebius of Gjesarea, and thence send
tola S. Hieronymi ad Chromatium et them a list of the feasts of the Martyrs.]
312 POLITY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH.
Martyrology. These arguments are in no wise weakened or over-
thrown by what Henricus Valesius in his Dissertation on Martyr-
ologies says on the other side of the question.
§ 3. Of Martyrologies of the middle ages by Bede, Florus, Usuard,
Rhabanus, Wandelbert, Ado, Notker, and Dithmar.
Bede, a monk of the English Church, is said to have composed a
martyrology by his single effort, and one under his name is found
in the works of Bede, T. III., edited in Venice, a.d. 1563, and
published separately a.d. 1564, at the Plantin Press, [the printing-
office of Christopher Plantin, a well-known printer of Antwerp].
But doubts have, with good reason, been raised by the Bollandists
as to whether this martyrology is the genuine work of Bede, for
Usuard. tells us that Bede passed over many days without any
notice inhis martyrology,12 whereas in all the copies of this martyr-
ology which are extant, whether they are in type or MS., no single
day is passed by without notice of Martyrs and other saints in con-
nection with it.
I do not doubt, however, that the genuine martyrology of Bede
was extant as late as the time of Florus, deacon [or subdeacon] of
the Church of Lyons [a.d. 830]: for we know from history that
Florus, by command of Charlemagne, enlarged Bede's Martyrology;
and hence Bede's work passed under the name of Florus, because
the latter has taken special pains to give us a fuller account of the
short histories of some of the saints; but the Bollandists have
proved that among the martyrologies published under his name, not
one is the actual work of Florus.
Usuard, a monk of Paris [a.d. 875], of the order of S. Benedict,
composed his martyrology at the request of Charlemagne or Charles
the Bald (it is not certain which), to whom, as Sigebert13 tells us, it
was unsatisfactory, because "Jerome and Bede had studied brevity
too much, and so had passed by very many important matters, and
had left unnoticed a great number of the days in the calendar.
Hence Usuard, in compliance with Charles's request, undertook to
supply the deficiencies of an unfinished work, and noting down the
festivals of the saints, as they occurred, on their particular days in
the kalendar, he made a complete martyrology." But Usuard in the
dedicatory letter to Charles, which is prefixed to his martyrology,
confesses that he had but compiled it from various martyrologies of
Fathers of the Church, i.e., from those of Jerome, Bede, and
Florus.
The first edition of Usuard's Martyrology was published by Mola-
nus, a.d. 1568, and the second a.d. 1583. A large number of
editions were subsequently published, all which the reader will find
12 Prsefat. Epist. in ejus Martyrolog., rather than adorn them with a string of
["plures dies intactos reliquit." "He names without meaning."]
was content to leave many days vacant 13 L. de Script. Ecclesiast. cap. 85.
OF MARTYROLOGIES. 3l3
referred to in the Bollandists. Rhabanus Maurus, Abbat of Fulda,
and afterwards Archbishop of Mentz, who flourished in the reigns
of Louis the Pious and his son Lothair, was also the author of
another martyrology, which was published by Henricus Canisius, in
the sixth volume of his Antiques Lectiones.
In the same reign of Lothair, Wandelbert, monk of the order
of S. Benedict, of the monastery of Pruym [in the diocese of
Treves], brought out a novel and elaborate martyrology in verse,
which he dedicated to Otricus, a.d. 842, as appears from the dedi-
catory poem addressed to the Emperor Lothair, and composed in
anapaestic metre. This was first published with Bede's works, Vol. I.,
under the title of Ephemeridum Bed<z, "Bede's day-book." In a
subsequent edition of it by Molanus, it came out under the name of
Wandalbert, and was published with Usuard's martyrology.
During the same century another martyrology was composed in
prose by S. Ado, Bishop of the Church of Vienne in France, which
after the edition of Jacobus Mosander, was edited by Rosweyd, from
a collation of three different MSS.
In the course of the tenth century B. Notker Balbulus, a monk of
S. Gall [a.d. 900], who laboured among the Swiss, compiled a mar-
tyrology of his own, which is extant in the A?itiquce Lectiones of Cani-
sius; but the martyrology which Dithmar in his Chronicles, lib. vii.,
says that he wrote, is either hidden away in some library or is lost.
§ 4. Of more modern Martyrologies.
It may be well here to mention those modern Martyrologies and
Hagiologies which possess any weight as authorities in a history of the
lives of the saints.
I. u Elorarium Sanctoru?n, sive Pi'omptuarium" the author of which
is thought by the Bollandists to have been Antonius Gentius or
Joannes Gilemannus.
II. "Viola Sanctorum" published at Hagenau in Alsace, a.d.
1508.
III. "Pants Qiwtidianus" published at the same place the follow-
ing year.
IV. One edited by Franciscus Maurolycus, abbat of Messina, at
Venice, a.d. 1586, together with "Topographia Sanctorum" by
Primus, Bishop of Chalons, written in a.d. 1450.
V. "Martyrologicum Germanicum" This was published a.d.
1573, and its authorship is ascribed to Canisius by Matthseus Rad-
derus in his life.
VI. A Martyrology adapted to the use of the Holy Roman Church
for every day in the year, written and published a.d. 1577, by Petrus
Galesinius, perhaps at the earnest request of S. Charles Borromeo,
who was assisted by it in his work of restoring her own ancient
beauty to the Christian Church.
VII. "Martyrologium Lusitanum" published at Coimbra in Por-
tugal.
3*4 POLITY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH.
VIII. "Martyrologium Anglica?ium" which John Wilson edited
for the press, a.d. 1608.
IX. "Natales Molani et Indiculus SS. Belgii? Saints' birthdays
by Molanus, with a short catalogue of Belgian saints.
X. "Idea operis de vitis SS. Siculorum" Lives of the Sicilian
saints, brought out at Palermo, a.d. 1617, by Octavius Caietanus.
XI. "Kalendarium Scoticum Adami Regii" Scottish Kalendar, by
Adam Le Roy.
XII. "Martyrologium Gallicanum" Gallican martyrology, the very
careful work of Andre du Saussay.
The different orders of monks and friars have their own special
martyrologies, in which the saints of their own order are specially
commemorated; e.g., the Benedictine Martyrology, edited, in three
volumes, by Arnoldus Wion; that of the Lignum Viioz, a.d. 1595;
the Martyrologium Prcemonstratense, by John Chrysostom Vander
Sterre; Martyrologium Canonicorum jRegulariu??iy by Constantinus
Ghinius, a.d. 1621; Kalendarium Cisterciensis Ordinis, a.d. 1617;
Martyrologium Ordinis Prcedicatorum, a.d. 1616; Martyrologium
Franciscanum, by Arturas, a.d. 1732.
Besides these quoted, there are also extant some other modern
martyrologies which it would take too long to enumerate separately,
and they may all be read at length in the pages of the Bollandists.
We may remark, in conclusion, that anciently martyrologies were
read every day in the liturgy, but whether in the mystical liturgy or
in the service of psalmody is not clear from the more ancient
documents. For ancient councils speak of reading Acts of Martyrs
in the psalmody of Nocturns, but not of the reading of the mar-
tyrology. It is also uncertain when the custom began of reading
it at the hour of Prime; for the first author who mentions this rule
is the writer of a little work, " Or do qualiter age?idum sit monachis in
monasterio constitutis" which Menardus attributes to S. Benedict,
abbot of Aniane in France; but this abbot of Aniane flourished in
the ninth century, in the reign of Louis the Pious, and we may hence
with probability conjecture that it was in the same century that the
rule above referred to first came in.
CHAPTER III.
OF THE ACTS OF MARTYRS.
As in the preceding chapter we have often had occasion to men-
tion the Acts of the Martyrs, and as martyrologies themselves are, as
has been said, but an epitome of these Acts, this seems the right
place to speak about these Acts of the Martyrs.
Since Christians, during the first three centuries of the Christian era,
were regarded by the heathen emperors under whom they lived as
OF THE ACTS OF MARTYRS. 315
public enemies of religion,1 as soon therefore as any one of them
became known to the magistrates, he was immediately punished with
death, and not only that, but his death was either preceded or ac-
companied with cruel tortures. Tertullian is our authority on this
subject, among other apologists of those times. Every Christian,
therefore, who was impeached before a judge, or who was taken in
the act of performing any exercise of his religion, was brought to a
public trial. The judge would then question him on his religion,
and when he confessed to being a Christian, sentence would be given
that he should be put to death, either by the fire, or by the cross, or
by wild beasts, or by the axe. But the public notaries who were
associated with the judge, used to write records of all that passed at
the trial, accurately reporting both the questions of the magistrate
and the answers of the Martyrs.
These records make up those Acts of the Martyrs about which we
are going to speak in this chapter.
§ 1. By whom the Acts of the Marty>rs were W7'itten and certified.
Fallacy of DodwelVs argument for the fewness of the Martyrs.
Christians felt for the martyrs the very deepest reverence; their
blood was regarded as the very seed of the faith,2 for, as Theodoret3
expresses it, "The blood which flowed from the bodies of the slain,
watered, as it were, the new plants wrhich were to be raised in the
Church;" the greatest eagerness, therefore, was felt for possessing
the records of the Martyrs; and sometimes, by the influence of the
bishops, the public notaries were bribed to give up a copy of their
reports, or the notaries of their own accord presented such a tran-
script to the Church : and sometimes the notaries were themselves
secretly Christians, as notably that Genesius of Aries, concerning
whom see the Bollandists for August 25.
In these public trials the Christians generally mingled with the
crowd that thronged the court, so that they might either then write
down what they saw and heard, or might by that very expeditious
mode of shorthand writing, in which they excelled, secretly take
down the actual reports themselves. Thus it was that Nemesius and
other Christians of the African Church wrote down records of the
confession of S. Cyprian, though at the same time the deacon Pon-
tius had the proconsular reports of this Martyr's trial. It was for
this reason the Roman Pontiffs appointed seven Christian notaries at
Rome, that they might secretly write down the records of the trials
of the Martyrs. And these records were not kept of Martyrs only
who were men of eminence in the Church, but exactly the same
honour, as the same deacon Pontius before referred to tells us, was
1 Tertullian, Apolog. cap. 24, ["Ice- 3 Serm. 9 de Legib. ["Craor ille
sse publice religionis reis," "guilty of ccesorum corporum, irrigatio qusedam
sinning publicly against religion." erat novis in ecclesia emergendis plan-
2 Idem, Apol. c. 50, [''The blood of tis."]
the Christians is their harvest seed."]
3X6 POLITY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH.
paid to any who from among the common people or the catechu-
mens obtained the crown of martyrdom, and to whose memory a
martyrium was erected. Sometimes Martyrs themselves, who had
survived their tortures by wearing out the very cruelty of their
judges, gave a description in writing of all the circumstances of their
own confession; thus S. Felicitas, S. Saturninus, S. Flavianus, and
their companions in martyrdom, and Dionysius of Alexandria in his
letter to Germanus, have in this way given us in writing accounts of
their own sufferings. But among other Churches the Church of
Rome has certainly taken the lead in collecting together the Acts of
the Martyrs; for as we have said, S. Clement, the Roman Pontiff,
first deputed seven notaries to undertake this task, giving each one
of them, severally, charge over two of the fourteen districts into
which the city of Rome was then divided, with directions that each
should commit to writing the Acts of those Martyrs in his own district
who had made the most noble confessions of faith; and in the third
century the Roman Pontiff Fabian appointed seven subdeacons
over these notaries, to ensure greater accuracy in the performance of
the task assigned them. And further, the Acts thus written by the
notaries were submitted to the Pontiff for his review and approval
of them, and he deposited them in a place of safety in the church,
as we know from what the Pontifical tells us of S. Anterus.
From all this it is easy to see what diligence the Roman Church, as
the leader and mistress of other Churches, specially displayed in col-
lecting together the Acts of the Martyrs: for the notaries undertook
the work, the subdeacons most carefully went over what the notaries
had done, and finally, under the guidance of the Holy Spirit, as
Pope Pius I. says,4 the bishop gave his approval to these memoirs of
the Martyrs, the Church being naturally most careful and anxious
that no false tales should be palmed off as true upon her faithful
members. And further: after the bishop had given his approval to
these Acts, he used to send copies of them to other Churches, that
the deeds of the Martyrs might provoke others to emulation, and
confirm the faith of believers, and that the memorial of them might
be published far and wide through all the Churches; for, as we have
remarked in the preceding chapter, two letters of this kind are still
extant, one from the Church of Smyrna respecting the passion of S.
Poly carp, the other from the Churches of Lyons and Vienne, which
gives an account of the Martyrs in those Churches. Both these
letters are given in Eusebius. And one thing must here be specially
observed, viz., that almost all the Churches used before all things to
make a point of transmitting to Rome the Acts of their own Martyrs
respectively, as is shown by Andre' du Saussay,5 and as Eusebius
tells us was the case with the Church of Lyons.6
From the earliest ages commemorations of the Martyrs took place
4 In Epist. apud Sausaium in Martyr. fi Hist. Eccl. 1. v. c. 3 and 4, [''These
Gallic. Prcefat. letters they (the Martyrs) had written
5 Prsefat. in Martyrol. Gallican. while yet in prison, and addressed to
T j the brethren in Asia and Phrygia. And
OF THE ACTS OF MARTYRS. 317
when their birthdays (as the days of their martyrdom used to be
called) were celebrated.7 These commemorations consisted, as we
have said in the preceding chapter, of a public reading of the Acts of
the particular Martyr. Monks also were in the habit of reading a
portion of these Acts every day,8 and other Christians used to take
the greatest delight in reading them diligently in private,9 so that
they even took them with them on their journeys, that they might
never be without this kind of reading. Mabillon10 tells us that S.
Sigiranus was specially fond of doing this, and so also was S. Boni-
face, Bishop of Mentz, as we are told in the letter of Bugga [or
Eadburga, Abbess of Minster in the isle of ThanetJ amongst those of
Boniface, n. 35, given by Ruinart in his preface to the Acts.
As, therefore, Popes in public and Christians in private took so
much trouble to collect and to possess the Acts of the Martyrs, it
will not be surprising to any one that the Martyrs used to be com-
memorated in all the Churches from the very earliest times; but for
this very reason it will be a matter of surprise to the reader that so
few genuine Acts of the Martyrs have actually come down to our own
days. It only, however, requires an acquaintance with Church his-
tory to remove any doubts on the subject to which this fact may give
rise. It sometimes happened, e.g., that the prefects of the pro-
vinces would not allow the Acts of the Martyrs to be written in
public documents, either feeling shamed at the constancy of the
Martyrs, or being afraid at the disgrace which their martyrdom would
bring on the religion of heathenism.
Two very weighty testimonies to this are supplied by the Acts of
S. Vincent the Martyr and those of the Martyr S. Anastasius Fullo.
For these reasons those Christians were sentenced by them to death
if they were discovered while writing down the Acts of the Martyrs,
as is proved beyond doubt by the Acts of the Roman Pontiffs and
other Martyrs mentioned by the Bollandists and by Ruinart: besides
this, the Acts of a great number of Martyrs, and they the most illus-
trious, who had suffered in the reign of the Emperor Nero, were
committed to the flames during Domitian's persecution of the Chris-
tians, as Baronius has proved :n and lastly, in the case of those
Martyrs who perished in the fierce Diocletianic persecution in such
numbers as far to exceed all those who had suffered in past time, no
not only to those, but likewise to Eleu- 7 Cypr. Epist. 37, Rig. 12 Ox. ad
therms, who was then Bishop of Rome, Presbyt. et Diacon. [quoted above.]
negociating as it were for the peace of 8 V. Ferreoli Uticen. Regul. c. 18;
the churches." "These same Martyrs Aureliani, Episc. Arelaten.; Ordin. Psal-
recommending also Irenaeus, who was lendi et Caesarii Regul. ad Virgin, ap.
then a presbyter of the Church at Eolland. 13 Januar.
Lyons, to the Bishop of Rome before- 9 Ex Epist. 1, 1. iv. Nili ad Discipul.
mentioned, . . . wrote, * We pray and et ex Cassiodoro de Instit. Divin. li-
desire, father Eleutherius, that you may terar. c. 32 ; Acta S. Anastas. Monach.
rejoice in God in all things and al- Persce, Append, ad Synod. VII.
ways. We have requested our brother 10 Annal. S. Benedicti, seec. II.
and companion Irenasus to carry this n Ad Ann. Chr. 98, Domitiani 12.
epistle,'" &c]
3J8 POLITY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH.
Acts were written, for they were slain in heaps, even as the heaps of
slain in a war {jure belli), as Eusebius expresses it.
Thus may we account for the fewness of the Acts of the Martyrs;
and to these causes must be added the common fate which over-
takes ancient MSS., so that out of those Acts of the Martyrs which,
in those disturbed times, Christians were able to write, the larger
part has perhaps perished in the long lapse of time which has passed.
And^ these causes deserve our attention: otherwise we may be
deceived by a fallacy of Dodwell's, who argues that there were but
few martyrs, because their Acts are so few, and who therefore re-
gards as fictions and forgeries those names of illustrious Martyrs
which are recorded in ancient martyrologies. But the Christians
were undoubtedly in possession of the names of Martyrs whose Acts
they could not possibly possess; for as they carefully wrote down
their names from day to day in their martyrologies and kalendars, as
S. Cyprian relates, these at any rate had been preserved, even if the
Acts had been lost or had perished in the flames. Nor can I believe
that even the names of any among those heaps of slain Martyrs
above referred to were unknown to the Church, so jealous was her
care regarding them; for we know it was the custom of the Church
to have their names written down in those ecclesiastical registers, in
which the names of all Christians were entered at the time of their
baptism. No one, therefore, of sound judgment will feel that any
argument can thus be drawn either for the fewness of the Martyrs or
against the genuineness of the martyrologies, as Ruinart has shown
in those treatises which, with great learning, he has composed on
this subject, in opposition to the view taken by Dodwell of it.
§ 4. Of differe?it collectors of the Acts of the Martyrs in ancient, medi-
ceval, and 7?wdem times.
The first who undertook to make a collection of the acts of the
martyrs is said to have been Eusebius Pamphili, [who died a.d.
338.] But this is a mistake : for Dionysius, Bishop of the Church of
Alexandria in the third century, was really before Eusebius in under-
taking this task; the latter himself tells us that Dionysius wrote12
the Acts of those Martyrs who suffered death in Egypt in the reign of
the Emperor Decius. But the collection which Eusebius made was
a twofold one, a general and a special one: the former embraced
the Acts of all Martyrs who had perished under different princes and
in different places, as its title shows, for he called it 'Apxo-i&v fxap-rvpivv
ovvarywojrj, a Collection of Ancient Martyrs, and this was a work which
Eusebius might do with little trouble to himself, for he had examined
almost all the libraries of the chief cities and the registers of almost
all the Churches; the latter was a selection of the Acts of the Martyrs
of Palestine. The first of these two collections had already perished
12 Hist. Eccl. lib. vi. c. 41, 42. counts of Martyrs written by Diony-
[These chapters are quotations of ac- sius.]
OF THE ACTS OF MARTYRS. 319
in very early times; for, as we have said, even in the sixth century
it was neither to be found at Rome nor in the libraries of the East,
as we know from a letter which Gregory the Great wrote to Eulogius,
Patriarch of Alexandria.13
But it was chiefly when the Barbarians assailed the Roman Em-
pire, and destroyed the most ancient libraries, that the collections of
the ancient Acts of the Martyrs utterly perished, however numerous
such collections had been; so much so that some scholars in the
middle ages, the most illustrious of their day, made it their study to
collect such Acts as they could find. Of these collectors in the
seventh century, Ceranius, or Ceraunius, Bishop of Paris, was one of
the most industrious, as we know from the testimony of Warnerius
in a letter in the Bollandists for January 17. After him came An-
astasius the Librarian, in the ninth century; he translated some of the
Acts of the Martyrs from Greek into Latin, and besides in the same
century some Acts were in the same way collected by John, a deacon
of the Roman Church, as appears from a letter of Gaudericus,
Bishop of Velletri, to Pope John VIII., given in Mabillon.14 Among
these writers must be reckoned also Flodoard, who in the ninth cen-
tury wrote memoirs of the martyrs in verse, in fifteen books, De
Triumphis Italicis Martyrum et Confessorum, of which Bunderus
makes mention in the sixteenth century in his "Indiculus maiiu-
scriptoni7?i codicum" Index of MSS. extant in Belgium; Mabillon15
has published the last part of the twelfth Book of the De T?'iu7nphis
Italicis; but that is the only portion of the treatise which up to the
present time has appeared in print.
Towards the beginning of the tenth century Simeon Metaphrastes,
a Greek by nation, and one who held the office of Logothete [or
chancellor of the empire], in the imperial court, was the first who
brought out at Constantinople a complete collection of the Acts of
the Martyrs. For this he was easily able to do, being a man of
manifold learning and illustrious for the dignity of his high office,
and having access to all the libraries of the East. He then made an
absolutely exhaustive collection compiled from all the Acts of the
Martyrs which came into his hands, and the Church owes him a
deep debt of gratitude, for by his labours very many Acts have come
down even to our own days, the originals of which have now long
since perished. It is, therefore, much to be regretted that Bellar-
mine in his book on Church Writers should have dealt somewhat
unfairly with so eminent a writer, charging him with [giving too
much play to his imagination, and with] making interpolations in all
the ancient Acts of the Martyrs. For though we must admit that
Metaphrastes has made many additions, from a wish perhaps to give
13 Gregorii M. Epist. lib. viii. Ep. a request from Eulogius of Alexandria
29, [" Prseter ilia quae in Eusebii libris for Eusebius's collection of Acts of Mar-
dc gestis sanctorum Martyrum conti- tyrs, which could not be found.]
nentur, nulla in archivo hujus nostra? 14 Mus. Ital. T. I. p. 78.
ecclesiae, vel in Romanse urbis biblio- 15 Annal. Ord. S. Bened. srec. III.
thecis." Gregory's letter is a reply to part 2.
320 POLITY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH.
a polish to the simplicity of the ancient style of writing, yet nowhere
can it be proved that he has embellished from his own fancy the
histories or the Acts with any fictions. But on the other hand,
every impartial historian must admit that too much credit has been
attributed to Metaphrastes by the Bollandists, who on this subject
take a view diametrically opposed to that of Bellarmine. The
works of Metaphrastes were translated into the Latin language by
some learned Greek scholars, and were published under the editor-
ship of Molanus in the sixteenth century.
In the same sixteenth century a collection of the acts of martyrs
and other confessors was brought out by Lipomanus, and it was in
the same century that Laurentius Surius, a Carthusian monk, began
a most complete edition of all former collections, arranging the Acts
of the Martyrs and Saints in a regular order of months and days.
He made some additions and alterations, and sometimes drew his
information from sources which were by no means pure fountains of
truth; but Junius Mombritius, who first edited the collection made
by Surius, most carefully reviewed the acts of the saints by a colla-
tion of all the most trustworthy MSS., so much so that to a certain
extent he amended and corrected those faults which had crept into
the work of Surius.
After the death of Surius the work which he left was largely in-
creased by additions made to it by Jacobus Musander, who added
three more volumes to it, together with the martyrology of Ado.
Afterwards a third and enlarged edition in twelve volumes was
brought out in a.d. 1618, edited by Joannes Krepsius and Her-
mannus Milius. But all writers down to Surius, as many as have
helped in the work of these collections, have by their additions and
alterations, and by their jumbling together what was genuine and
what was spurious, undoubtedly spoiled the character of the ancient
Acts of the Martyrs.
After this, towards the end of the seventeenth century, Thierry
Ruinart, a monk of the congregation of S. Maur, first published
his collection of the Acts of the Martyrs, which he justly and
fairly entitled Acta Martyrum Sincera, "Genuine Acts of Martyrs,"
for he added nothing from his own fancy, but brought out a work
which corresponded word for word to the best MSS.
Besides the Acts of the Martyrs, the lives of holy Confessors have
been written by some very illustrious Church writers who have
specially turned their attention to the subject, as e.g., Jerome, Cyril,
Eusebius, Gregory Theologus, Gregory of Tours, Athanasius, Theo-
doret, Fortunatus, Hilary of Aries, and others.
Lastly, in the thirteenth century Jacobus de Voragine, Bishop of
the Church of Genua, a.d. 1291, made a collection of various Lives
of the Saints in his Lege?ida Aurea, "Golden Readings." Louis
Vives has found fault with him as an ignorant and unskilful writer,16
but the Bollandists strongly defend him, considering that the childish
16 De Causis Corrupt. Ant. 1. ii.
OF FESTIVAL DAYS. 321
little prefaces in his book are the work of ignorant amanuenses and
not of the author himself.
About Bollandus and his disciples I may make this concluding
remark: they have at the cost of vast labour brought out of obscure
libraries, where they were completely hidden away, those Acts of the
Martyrs and Lives of the Saints which they published; they have
examined these MSS. with a most sifting and searching criticism,
and have given us a work which is completely exhaustive in its treat-
ment of the subject, and with which no other work of the kind can
be compared.
As to other collections of Lives of the Saints which some writers
have published in the vulgar tongue of different countries, in Italian,
French, and German, they have mostly been written by men of the
monastic class with a view of stirring up the piety of the faithful;
but time would fail me to give a description of these works, nor
would such a description have much interest for the reader.
SECTION II.
OF FESTIVAL DAYS.
A day was called a festival {festus) among the Romans in a four-
fold sense; on it sacrifices were offered : or there were feasts in honour
of the gods and goddesses, or public games; or lastly the entire day
was dedicated to the worship of the gods, and on it all business
ceased; therefore it was called a holiday, dies feriatus.1 In this
respect the feria corresponded to a certain extent with the dies
nefasti, since on them the public law courts were not opened, and it
was unlawful for a judge to pronounce those three words, "do, dico,
addico."
But that I may not seem in the discussion of the meaning of the
word to follow too closely the expositors of law, I will explain in a
few words the difference between festus and feria. Among the
Romans every dies festus could not be called a feria, but only that
day on which work ceased could be so called; wherefore festus was
a generic name, but feria marked a special kind of dies festus. In
ancient times the Christian Commonwealth also maintained this kind
of distinction between the days so named (between festivals and
ferial days), though in a certain sense the old distinction has been
inverted by the Church, as every festival (dies festus) ought generally
also to be a ferial (feriatus) • hence what had been called amono-
the Romans "dies feriatus,"* began to be called by the Church "dies
festus;' and so in the Theodosian Code3 days of prayer (devotionum
1 Ap. Ulpian. in 1. ii. ff. de feriis. 3 L. ult. de Naviculariis.
2 V. 1. ii. c. de Statuis et Imag.
322 POLITY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH.
dies) are called dies festi. But the expression ferial days came by
degrees to have less significance in the Christian Church than it had
among the Romans, though it is by no means clear what was the
exact significance of the phrase ferial among our ancestors in the
first ages of the Church. Cujacius,4 Thomassinus,5 and other writers
are of opinion that in former times Christians gave this name to the
days of the week, because they began the year with Easter; and as
they had religious services on each day in Easter week, all the days
in that week were (feriali) ferial or holidays, and from hence origi-
nated the custom of calling the days in every week ferice, or ferial
days, those i.e., which followed the Lord's Day, though in point of fact
they were not in any sense ferial days or holidays. Hence in Ter-
tullian days of the week are called by this name of fence* Others
are persuaded that the daily duty of the clergy is referred to in
this word ferice or holidays, since on every day they were obliged to
take a holiday (feriari) from secular business, and to devote them-
selves to religious duties: but we can only regard this explanation as
the invention of mystics. S. Isidore,7 on the other hand, defines
dies festi as those on which all had leisure to attend to religious
duties, but "dies feriati" or ferice, he defines to be those days on
which there was a cessation from civil work, that is from the work of
the public law courts. But this distinction does not seem to me to
throw any light on the question now under our discussion, explaining
as it does only the ferice of the State, but not those of the Church.
I should therefore be rather disposed to agree with the opinion of
Cujacius and Thomassinus, since no one has doubted that as early as
the fourth century during the whole of Easter week all secular busi-
ness was laid aside,8 or that the ecclesiastical year, even from the
first ages, had begun with Easter Day, and hence it easily came
about that the days of every week which came after each Lord's Day
took the name of'ferice, as every Lord's Day in the year was esteemed
in a certain sense as an Easter Day, because taking its meaning
from the resurrection of Christ, which is commemorated on every
Lord's Day; for this reason both among the Latins and among the
Greeks every Lord's Day is called the Day of the Resurrection, (dies
resurrectionist) and ava<naaifio^ y/uepa.10 But as we have already said,
it was much later on that the term ferice was found in ecclesiastical
kalendars.
From the beginning of the Church the Lord's Day has been
reckoned among the weekly festivals. We will therefore speak about
it first, and then about other movable and immovable feasts. By
the movable feasts of the Church are meant those which do not
4 In cap. 2, 1. ii. Decretal. Tit. ix. vel humano officio fari; sed ex iis festi
5 Tract, de Festis, 1. i. dies hominum causa instituti sunt, fe-
6 L. de Jejun. c. 2. [He speaks of riati causa divinorum sacrorum."]
Wednesday and Friday as quarto, and 8 V. Basil. L. de Spir. S. c. 17.
sexta feria.~\ 9 Ab Amalario in Opusc. apud Ma-
7 Origin. 1. v. c. 30, ["A fando bill. Analect. T. II.
feria nuncupate sunt, quod in eis nobis 10 V. Suicer. in hac voce and Meurs. in
sit tempus dictionis, id est, in divino, Glossar.
OF THE OBSERVANCE OF THE LORDS DAY. 323
always fall on a fixed day of the year, but change with the periodical
changes of the year: the immovable feasts, on the contrary, are
those which are always celebrated on the same fixed day. These
latter, perhaps ever since the thirteenth century, are found in a table
of them which is prefixed to Church kalendars.
CHAPTER I.
OF THE OBSERVANCE OF THE LORD'S DAY.
Among the Jews the principal day of the week was the Sabbath;
but on the day following the Sabbath Christ rose from the dead,
as we know from the testimony of the New Testament Scriptures;
i.e. He rose " early," "on the first day of the week;" for this reason
the Apostles themselves called this day Dominica, the Lord's Day -}
and they began to observe it even during the time that their Lord
was still among them : for on the eighth day after the resurrection,
i.e. on the Lord's Day following the Lord's Day of the resurrection,
the Apostles "were within?* that they might be able to join in
united prayer. Therefore after Christ's ascension into heaven, they
kept up the same discipline; for it was on the first day of the week,
una Sabbati, that all the Apostles and their disciples assembled toge-
ther "to break bread,"3 and to give attention to those collections,4
about which we have spoken in the preceding Book. The Fathers
of the Christian Church, in the intervals of persecution, followed in
the footsteps of those Apostles whose successors they were, so much
so that to omit the observance of a Lord's Day would be regarded
by the faithful as a sin, as martyrs used then to say, for they were
persuaded that the Lord's Day ought to be observed, because the
law thus commanded, and the law thus taught them.5 Hence Justin
Martyr, a most celebrated Apologist for the doctrines of Chris-
tianity, explains to the heathen the reasons for observing the Lord's
Day.6 "We have meetings together," he says, "on the Sun-day" (he
uses that name for the day that he may be more readily understood
by the heathen) "because on this day God first created the world,
having dispersed the darkness, and having formed matter." Observe,
this is the first reason he gives; but then he adds a second, as fol-
lows; "Jesus Christ our Saviour also rose on this same day from
the dead."
This first day of the week is, therefore, called the Lord's Day
1 Apocalyps. c. 1, v. 10. 5 V. Acta Martyr, apud Baron, ad
2 Joann. c. 20, v. 26. An. 303, n. 34, 43, 45, 46, ['' Lege sic
3 Actor, c. 20, v. 7. jubente, lege sic docente."]
4 Paul. I. ad Corinth, c. 16, vv. 1 6 Apolog. i. n. 67.
and 2.
324 POLITY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH.
even by the Apostles themselves, as we know from S. John's use of
the expression in the Apocalypse :7 or it is called in Greek jm/a aa/3-
fiaTivv, una Sabbatorum, or 7rpwTa Gafifian»vy prima Sabbatorum* the
first day of the week, by S. Luke. But thenceforward the Chris-
tians ceased to call it by this latter name, content with that of
"Dominica dies? KvpiaKrj y/mepa, the Lord's Day.9 But though it
was called in heathen Kalendars the Day of the Sun (dies so/is), the
Christians had no fear about using that name for it, as Justin in the
same passage above referred to, and as Tertullian also,10 have both
done: though when doing so they have to a certain extent used the
name in its mystical sense, meaning that on that day, to use the
language of Ambrose,11 "the Saviour, as the rising sun, dispersed
the darkness of the lower world, and shone forth in the light of His
Resurrection." Therefore it is that Tertullian, in the chapter of his
Apology before referred to, blames the error of the heathen who
thought that the sun was the god of the Christians, because they
made Sunday a day of joy; they keep it, he says, for a widely dif-
ferent reason than because they worship the sun—referring them to
that explanation of the term, which, as we said, Ambrose has
given us.
The eighth day is also a name which we find given to the Lord's
Day in the first centuries by Justin Martyr in the same place,* and
by Ignatius Martyr,12 and by Irenseus.13
From what we have said we desire to draw the reader's attention
specially to this fact, viz. that long before the time of Constantine,
even from the beginning of the Church, this first day of the week
was certainly called by the Apostles themselves "the Lord's Day,"
(dies Dominica, y/mepa Kvpiaierj, or simply Kvpiatcrj). Hence after-
wards came in the name given by the Greeks to Easter Day, which
they called the Great Lord's Day (magnum Domintcum), fxe^aXrj
Kvpiaicri, in Suidas). The Latins also sometimes called it by this
name, as Diaconus says of Leo, son of Constantine, quoted by
Meursius in his glossary, "When namely the Great Lord's Day
(magnus Dominicus dies) of Easter was celebrated."
7-Apocalyps. c. I, v. 10. (fir&rogativa), because illuminated by
8 Lucse c. 24, v. 1; and Joann. c. the rising of the sun of righteousness,"
20, v. 1. &c]
9 Ignat. Mart. ep. ad Magnes. c. 9. * [Dial, with Trypho, sect. 19. He
[In this celebrated passage Ignatius makes circumcision on the eighth day
says, "/jlt)K€ti (rafi^art^ovTes a\\a Kara a type of the true circumcision of the
KvpiaK7)U t&VTes, eV r\ teal r\ fa>7? rifxwv heart received through the resurrection
avirsiXev di' avrov."] of our Lord on the first day, which is
10 Apologet. c. 16, ["We give up to also the eighth after the completion of
rejoicing the day of the sun, for a cause the cycle of the days of the week. S.
far different from the worship of the Augustine takes up the same idea,
sun."] (Serm. de Script, clxix.)]
11 Serm. 61, [on Ps. xlii. he says, 12 Epist. ad Magnes. c. 9.
"The Lord's Day is 'the day which 13 Libro deperdito de Ogdoade apud
the Lord hath made,' (Ps. cxviii.) of Fabric. Bibliogr. Antiq. p. 325, ed.
all the days on which God works sec.
mighty works it has the leadership
OF THE OBSERVANCE OF THE LORDS DAY. 325
§ i. Of the way in which Christians kept the Lord's Day.
From what has already been said it is plain that from the very-
beginning of the Church the Lord's Day has been regarded by Chris-
tians as a sacred day and a feast day, as having been consecrated by
our Saviour Christ in many different ways. Wherefore Christians
used to assemble together on that day to offer up thanksgivings to
Almighty God, as we are told by the ancient author of the Apos-
tolical Constitutions,14 who writes, " On the day of the Lord's Re-
surrection," (so as we said every Lord's Day was called,) "which we
call the Lord's Day, assemble [yourselves] together without any
intermission of such assemblies, to render thanks to God for the
mercies, which, through Christ, He has bestowed upon you." This
assembly, then, or assemblage, is called a avvovola by Justin : in his
time it was held on the Lord's Day without intermission during the
entire day. On all these points the early Fathers make most plain
and distinct assertions.15
The Christians began their observance of the Lord's Day from
the evening of the Sabbath; in which matter they seem studiously
to have differed from the public services of the heathens, who used
to reckon16 their festival days to commence at midnight. And so
the Lord's Day used to be kept holy from the evening of the Sab-
bath until the evening of the Lord's Day.17 The Christians there-
fore began the festival with attending the Sabbath even-song, then
they took their part in the nocturn services, and in that one called
matins or lauds; and afterwards in the morning they were present
at the Sacrifice, no one except from a just cause failing to attend:
"Let no one," says the unknown author quoted above, when speak-
ing of the Lord's Day, "separate himself from the celebration of
sacred masses, nor let any one remain at home, when others are
going to church." Lastly, they went again to church on the evening
of the same day, that they might conclude the festival with psalmody.
14 L. vii. c. 30, [avvepxeo-de aSiaAefor- the apostles and prophets are read to
tojs; so 1. v. c. 20. "Every Lord's them," &c] Origen. in Exod. Homil.
Day hold your solemn assemblies and 27; Hieronym. in c. 4 Epist. ad Ga-
rejoice."] latas, &c. ["Nobis licet vel jejunare
15 V. Barnabae Epist. inter Patr. semper, vel semper orare, et diem Do-
Apostolic. Coteler. T. I.; ["5*5 k<x\ minicam accepto Domini corpore inde-
Hyojxev tV r)/j.€pav tV 0780V els sixppo- sinenter celebrare gaudentibus."]
avvrjv, iv rj 'Iriaovs <Wo-t?7," &c] Ter- 16 V. Anton. August. 1. iv. de Emend,
tull. de Cor. Mil. c. 3: [Alluding to Grat. c. 23.
standing at prayer in memory of the 17 Incertus Auctor Augustini nom.
resurrection, he says, "On the Lord's Serai. 231 ; in appendice novae edit.
Day we account it unlawful to fast or to p. 280 (?) [The 21st canon of the
worship upon the knees." So Tertull. Council of Francfort, a.d. 794, orders
de Fuga xiv. says, "Quomodo Dominica that the observance of the Sunday shall
solemnia celebrabimus?" And Justin commence at Vespers on Saturday.
Martyr (Apol. I.) says, "On the day "Dies Dominica a vespere usque in
called Sunday, all that live in city or vesperam servetur." Upwards of 300
country meet together (eVl to avrb aw- bishops were present, from Gaul, Spain,
(kcvcris yivcrai) and the writings of Germany, England, and Italy.]
326 POLITY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH.
Such in the first ages was the character of the Christian religion
in the matter of the observance of this day. But a change in this
matter first began when the laity absented themselves from the public
service of psalmody, as we have explained in our second Book; for
then the old custom of keeping the Lord's Day from evening to
evening was left to the ministers of the Church only to maintain,
and the laity were present only at the offering of the Holy Sacrifice
in the morning. But neither did the matter rest here; for already
by the fourth century some of the laity began to leave off the ob-
servance of this office too; wherefore even in those early days
councils threatened penalties against such offenders as should absent
themselves from the liturgy on Lord's Days. Thus the Fathers of
the Council of Elvira18 decreed that any one, who, living in a city,
should neglect to attend church for three Sundays should be excom-
municated till he had repented of his sin; and this decree received
the sanction of the Council of Sardica19 in the same century; and
that the same discipline was maintained in the Greek Church is plain
from a canon of the Quinisext Council.20 But in the fifth century
the laity used even to neglect to attend the liturgy of the mass on
the Lord's Day, or they used to refuse to be present at the whole
of that service, so that it was found necessary for councils to threaten
penalties not only against those who should absent themselves from
the liturgy, but against laymen who went out of a church before the
priest had given the blessing. Further; the Fathers assembled at
the Council of Agde in the province of Narbonne, in the course of
the sixth century, passed a rule about it in canon 47 as follows;
"We enjoin by a special injunction that on the Lord's Day the laity
shall be obliged to be present during the whole celebration of the
mass, so that the people do not presume to go out of church before
the priest has given the benediction: if any people do so leave the
church let them be put to open shame by the bishop."21 Like canons
may be read among those passed in the first Council at Orleans,
c. 26, a.d. 511 ; and in the third Council held there, c. 29, a.d. 538.*
But though this penalty against transgressors who failed in this
duty of attending public worship has not since been repealed,
18 Can. 21, An. 305; [" Si quis in 21 Can. 47, An. 506; [" Ut ante
civitate positus tres dominicas ad eccle- missam expletam egredi populus non
siam non accesserit, pauco tempore prsesumat," is the title of the canon.
abstineat[ur], ut correptus esse videa- So by Cone. Carth. IV. c. 24, if any
tur."] one left the church whilst the bishop
19 Can. 11, An. 347; [" tf tls Aa'tubs was preaching he was liable to excom-
eV ir6\€i didyeov rpels Kvpiaicas rj/ucpas munication, '' Sacerdote verbum fa-
eu rpiaXv efido/xden jxrj (rvvepxoiTo, cltto- ciente in ecclesia, qui egressus de audi-
kivoIto TTJs Koivoovias" (quoting the torio fuerit, excommunicetur."]
former canon with approval.)] * [These canons forbid people to
20 Can. 80, An. 691 ; [Excommuni- leave church during mass before its
cates any bishop, presbyter, deacon, or conclusion (or before the end of the
cleric, who is absent from his own Lord's Prayer) ; or, if a bishop be pre-
church for three Lord's Days without sent, before he has given the blessing.]
weighty reason.]
OF THE OBSERVANCE OF THE LORD'S DAY. 327
councils in succeeding ages have made constant changes in the law,
and in some places, where the zeal of Christians had altogether
cooled down, a money penalty was inflicted in addition to the ca-
nonical one: thus in the thirteenth century we find this canon passed
in the Council of Toulouse, cap. 7, "That those who refused to
obey were to be compelled to pay a fine of twelve demers of Tours
coinage f and in the last age councils made a vigorous effort to
enforce Church discipline more strictly; about the fourteenth cen-
tury they made some canons on this subject, which have been col-
lected by Binius ;23 and certainly since the time of the Council of
Trent no Christian can think that he is not to blame if he absents
himself from the sacrifice of the mass on the Lord's Day. But we
must here in fairness remark that even in the middle ages the
faithful did not by any means properly comply with the requirements
of the canons which had been passed by councils on the subject of
public worship, being satisfied, as they sometimes were, with attend-
ing private masses, which were either said in chapels or by monks;
for it is about a public mass, which was musically rendered in a
man's own parish church, with all the usual ornate ritual, that councils
so constantly speak in their canons, as is shown by Martene de
Antiq. Eccl. Ritib. 1. i. c. 3, art. 9, §§ 3, 4, 5, and 6. But as parish
priests about the twelfth century had grown careless in this matter,
not taking proper pains about the high (solemniori) celebration of
the liturgy of the mass on the Lord's Day, the laity on that day
also satisfied the requirements of the canons by attending merely
private masses. For already in those times the parish priests, as
the sacred words of the liturgy itself might not have been heard by
the congregation, began to have prayers for the faithful at Vespers
[of the Lord's Day], and this custom is even now still kept up in
some parts of Europe.
But it is plainly evident, not only from what we have now said,
but from what we read in the early Fathers, how widely the disci-
pline observed by Christians in the first ages of the Church, in this
matter of Sunday observance, differed from that of our own day;
for although our ancestors in former times did, as Tertullian tells
us,23 give themselves up to joy on that day, and for that reason never
fasted upon it, yet this joy was most assuredly not the joy of what
we call pleasure, but was the effect of their religion itself, since they
spent the day, not in banquetings and comic amusements, as is
customary among us, but in the reading of the Scriptures, the sing-
ing of Psalms, assembling for worship, and liturgical offices. This
most holy discipline the Church for a long time kept up in this
matter; so much so that by imperial edicts plays and games were
forbidden on the Lord's Day; especially by the following law of the
Emperor Leo :24 "Not wishing to relax the discipline of the leisure
hours of so holy a day, we suffer no one to be occupied with obscene
22 Notis ad Concil. Agathen. Novrc 23 Apologet. c. 16, [quoted above.]
Edit, in supplem. ad Canon. 47- 24 CocUc- Tlieod- L ult- c- de sPect-
328 POLITY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH.
pleasures; on this day let not the attractions of the stage or of the
theatre, or of the contests in the circus, or of the lamentable spec-
tacles of wild beasts, have any claims upon us." And that this law
might be the more strictly observed, he determined that even if any
of the emperors' birthdays fell on a Sunday, on which days the
people were accustomed to be treated to games and theatrical diver-
sions, he preferred that on such occasions the observation of their
birthday should be put off. Hence it was that in the middle ages
the ancient custom that no one should eat or drink before he had
attended mass, was kept up in its full force :25 for this reason "it
was forbidden, on the Lord's Days, to open taverns or to sell wine
before the hour of prime, that gluttons might not be kept away
from hearing masses, which ought only to be heard on those days
while the stomach is empty."26 For the same reasons weddings were
seldom allowed to be celebrated on the Lord's Day, as we read in
the 19th canon of the Council of Tribur, and in the 17th canon of
the Council of Aix-la-Chapelle.
We may, in conclusion, make this one brief remark, that the early
Christians were not allowed to kneel in prayer on the Lord's Day.
Even from the first ages Christians were never under any circum-
stances in the habit of worshipping on their knees on the Lord's
Day, for they used to pray standing in memory of our Lord's Resur-
rection, as we know from those words of Tertullian, "From Easter
to Pentecost we enjoy the same exemption," i.e. from kneeling; the
reason being that during those days the Church celebrated the feast
of the resurrection by a continuous and special commemoration.27
Therefore the Fathers of the Council of Nice made this point of
discipline firmly binding on the Church,* in words expressly directed
against Quartodeciman heretics, who refused to believe in Christ's
Resurrection, and for this reason used to bend the knee when pray-
ing, not only on Sundays, but also on every day between Easter and
Pentecost. This same rule of Church discipline was observed in
the times of Augustine28 and Ambrose,29 and it seems to have been
in force through the whole of the Eastern Church down to the
twelfth century, though in our day it survives in some only of the
Greek Churches ;30 in the Western Church it seems altogether to
have fallen into disuse after the seventh century.0"1
r 31
25 Capitular. Theodulph. Aurel. c. standing." For full meaning of this,
46 ; and Vit. S. Walarici, c. 15, ap. see B right's Notes on Canons of First
Martene ib. Four General Councils, pp. 72—78.
26 Statuta Arduini Episc. Andegav. There seems some mistake in Pelliccia
ap. Martene in Thesauro. here.]
27 Tertull. de Coron. Milit. 3, [quoted 28 Epist. 119, c. 15, [lv. ed. Migne,
above.] "Stantes oramus, quod est signum re-
* [Can. 20, "Whereas there are surrectionis."]
some who kneel on the Lord's Day, 29 Serm. 61 de Pentecost,
and even in the days of Pentecost; that 30 Balsam, in c. 96, Synod. VI.
all observances in every parish may be 31 Isidor. Hispal. de Eccl. Offic. i.
uniform, it seems good to the holy Sy- 34. ["In his diebus (between Easter
nod that the prayers be offered to God and Pentecost) nee genua in oratione
OF THE'OBSERVANCE OF THE LORD'S DAY. 329
§ 2. There was a cessation of business among the ancients on the
Lord's Day,
The transaction of public business on the Lord's Day was for-
bidden by a law of Constantine the Great, which also enjoined that
all men should take a holiday (feriari) on that day: this we learn
from Eusebius.32 By this law Constantine extended an ancient
Apostolic custom, by which from the very beginning of the Church
all work used to cease on the Lord's Day, into a rule which regu-
lated public business, and what was an Apostolical institution became
one of the laws of the empire. Hence we read in the Theodosian
Code the following: " On Sunday, which our ancestors rightly called
the Lord's Day, let no attention be given to any law-suits or business
matters: let all such business stand still.''33 The same law was re-
newed by Valentinian, Theodosius and Arcadius,34 and finally by the
Emperor Leo ;35 but the law of Theodosius, by which his sanction
is given to the rule about Sunday, is attributed by Accursius and
Gothofredus to Theodoric, King of the Goths. After this, provision
was also made by the laws of the empire that no condemned male-
factors should suffer capital punishment on the Lord's Day, as
among the heathen no punishment of any kind could be inflicted on
a criminal on days sacred or religious.36 Lastly, Christians were
forbidden by councils to meet together in general assemblies {ad
placita conveiiire) to go into court before the judges,37 or to commence
law-suits.
But we must now explain what was the rule observed by the
early Christians on the Lord's Day as regards their own private
business.
The rule by which work ceased on the Lord's Day was by no
means borrowed by Christians from the Jewish rest on the Sabbath;
the very nature of their religious services in which they were en-
gaged on the Lord's Day was already in itself sufficient to keep
flectuntur, quia inflexio genuum poeni- cant, run tarn en positi agrorum cultune
tentiae et Rictus indicium est: Eandem libere licenterque inserviant," &c]
solemnitatem, quam die Dominica cus- 33 L. "Solis," 13, c. de feriis. [Cod.
todimus, in qua majores nostri nee je- Theod. viii. tit. 8, 2.] ["Solis die,
junium agendum, nee genua esse flee- quern Dominicum rite dixere majores,
tenda, ob reverentiam resurrectionis omnium omnino litium et negotiorum
dominicae, tradiderunt."] quiescat intentio." An infringer of this
32 De Vita Constant. 1. iv. c. 18. law is branded as "non modo notabilis,
[Two laws were made by Constantine verum etiam sacrilegus."]
relating to the army: That Christian 34 L. "Omnes," 7, ibid,
soldiers should rest from all military 35 L. ult. Codic. eod. tit.
exercise, and be diligent in attendance 36 Cfr. Sueton. Tiber. 61, intpp. ad
at church : That heathen soldiers should Octavian. cap. 57, et ad Plat. Phsedon.
in the open fields offer to God a prayer, cap. 1.
composed or authorised by the Empe- 3' V. Cone. Rhemen. c. 35 ; Cone,
ror. His previous edict was, "Omnes Emerit. c. 14, An. 666; and Concilium
judices urbanaeque plebes et cunctarum Compendiense, An. 833, c. 2. (?)
artium ofheia venerabili die solis quies-
33° POLITY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH.
them from servile work, [before any rule was passed on the subject].
Was it possible that men, whose attention was engaged from evening
to evening, at one time in Psalmody, at another on the Mystical
Liturgy, at another on listening to a bishop's sermon, could have
time even for private business? But the rest which Christians took
on the Lord's Day was widely different from that rest which Jews
took on the Sabbath; and therefore the Council of Laodicea38 blames
those Christians who thought that that day should be passed in
Jewish idleness. Gregory the Great39 mentions Christians who held
views such as that; Judaizing men who would not even take a bath
on the Lord's Day. The leisure which the Christian religion,
then, required men to take on that day turned on this: they
should abstain from servile work, which for that reason is called
unlawful wo7'k: but they might engage in any work which they
could not leave undone without inflicting injury on themselves.
And this seems to have been the view which the old Romans
took on the manner of keeping their holidays, as Macrobius im-
plies.40
But though, as Cicero tells us,41 all servile work was forbidden
among the Romans on the festivals by a law of the Pontifex, yet
agricultural work was allowed both on days which were consecrated
to some deity, and on public holidays (festis et feriatis). Wherefore
Constantine the Great followed in this matter the old Roman legis-
lation, and, made this concession to it according as circumstances
required, if a case of actual ?iecessity should arise. He assigned the
following reason: "Because it often happens that on no other day
is there more suitable time for the sowing of seed in the furrows, or
for planting vines in the trenches; and a favourable opportunity
given us by a heavenly providence must not be lost by letting slip
the right moment for using it."42 The same intention seems to be
implied in the following words of the Council of Laodicea :43 "De-
clares that Christians, preferring the Lord's Day in honour, are to
rest on it, i.e. if it is in any way possible for them to do so (ei'^e
hvvaivro), i.e. unless any man has been obliged to work by poverty
or any other necessity," as Balsamon explains it in his commentary
on this canon. Nor can we say, strictly speaking, that Leo the
Wise altogether abrogated the law of Constantine in his novel con-
38 Can. 29. [Forbids Christians to enjoy them, their toils being remitted,
Judaize by being idle on the Sabbath for therefore they were appointed at
(Saturday); bids them work on that certain seasons."]
day, but honour in preference the 42 L. iii. Cod. Just. Tit. 12, 1. 3,
Lord's Day, resting, if possible, on it.] [" Frequenter evenit, ut non aptius alio
39 L. xiii. Ep. 1. [He writes that it die frumenta sulcis aut vineae scrobibus
is sufficient if "a labore terreno cessan- mandentur; ne occasione momenti pe-
dum est, atque omni modo orationibus reat commoditas ccelesti provisione con-
insistendum."] cessa."]
40 Saturnal. 1. i. c. 16. 4d Can. 29, ["Ov 8e? Xpicrriavovs.. .
41 De Legib. ii. 8, [" Let men put eV t£ aafifidra) <rx°^c*£€LJ/ • • • TV $* KVm
aside all contentions of every kind on pian^v TrpoTLfMcopras eiye dvvaivro <fx°~
the sacred festivals, and let servants \<i$eiv ws Xpi(rrmj/o£."]
OF THE OBSERVANCE OF THE LORD'S DAY. 331
stitution ;u for though he intended all agricultural work to cease
on the Lord's Day, yet his law was directed against farmers who
from a covetous love of money, and not from any actual necessity,
used to cultivate their farms on the Lord's Day.
The same opinions were, it seems to me, expressed by those
Councils held in the 6th, 7th, 8th, and 9th centuries, which forbid
engaging in farm work; as, e.g. the Council of Orleans,45 while con-
demning the Judaizing of the Lord's Day by certain persons, says:
"Nevertheless as regards farm work, i.e. ploughing or vine-dressing,
or cutting, reaping, winnowing and working at ploughed land (exar-
tum) or at hedges, we are of opinion that from all such work men
should abstain, that so they may more easily come to church, and
have leisure for prayer as a means of grace." "Exartum" is wrongly
interpreted by Thomassinus to mean " digging up the earth," for it
is more correctly explained to refer to the planting of vines and trees.
Similar enactments were prescribed by the first canon of the Council
of Macon, a.d. 585; the fourth canon of the Council of Narbonne,
a.d. 589; the eighteenth canon of the Council of Chalons sur Saone,
a.d. 650, and the seventy-seventh canon of the Council of Meaux,
a.d. 845.* Besides these rules and definitions of Councils there
was also passed a decree of a Synod of the Western Empire, which
ran in the following words, in the Capitularies of the Kings of
France :46 " Let not men be engaged in any field work, or in building
houses, or in working upon rocks; let not women in like manner do
any woven work, or any sewing; and let them not think it lawful
to card wool, or to beat flax, or wash clothes in public, or to shear
sheep." But all these laws together cannot abolish the ancient
custom of doing work in the country when some necessity requires
it: we must suppose, therefore, that they are only aimed at forbid-
ding work about which there is no urgent necessity.
44 Const. 54, An. 884. ["Leo re- are near a church hasten there . . . let
fers to the old edict of Constantine as hands and eyes be raised to God dur-
too lax in its exemptions, and declares ing the whole day." Contempt of these
absolute rest from labour, as decreed by spiritual exhortations will expose dif-
the Holy Spirit and the Apostles ferent offenders to different punish-
taught of Him; arguing that if the ments: a pleader is to be non-suited; a
Jews honoured their Sabbath which was peasant flogged; a cleric excommuni-
but a shadow of ours, how much more cated for six months. The fourth canon
should we honour the day which the of the Council of Narbonne inflicts a
Lord hath honoured, and on it deli- heavy fine upon a freeman doing any
vered us from dishonour and death."] servile work on the Lord's Day, and
45 Can. 28, An. 538. if a slave, sentences him to receive a
* [Cone. Matisc. c. 1, An. 585, &c. hundred lashes. The Council of Cha-
This first Canon of the Council of Ions confirms former statutes, and for-
Macon says, after declaring itself driven bids all field work under heavy penal-
to legislation on the subject, "Keep ye ties. To the canons of the Council of
the Lord's Day, which gave to us a Meaux the consent of the crown does
second birth and freed us from all sin: not appear to have been given, as it
let no one engage in law pleas or put was in the other cases.]
the yoke upon his beasts ; let all be ab- 46 Concil. Gallic. T. II.; Capitulare
sorbed, in body and mind, in hymns ad Aquas Sextias.
and in praising God: let those who
332 POLITY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH.
But in other matters than these, our ancestors, both on the Lord's
Day and on other holidays, were most strict in their religious be-
haviour. On this subject we have the clearest proof in the writings
of Theodore, [Arch]bishop of Canterbury, a prelate who had very
extensive knowledge of men both in the Eastern and Western
Church. We are told by him that the Greeks and Romans never
went on a voyage or on horseback on the Lord's Day, that they
never on that day made bread, or drove anywhere in a chariot
except to Church only, [or went to the baths,] and that besides this
the Greeks did not ever on that day carry on any public correspon-
dence, [and only wrote private letters in cases of necessity].4? From
this we must infer that any business beyond that which the neces-
sities of life required, was unlawful on the Lord's Day. And there
is no doubt that this was the discipline prescribed by S. Bonaventura
for monks who followed his rule.48 "There are," he says, "certain
other things which can be put off to another day, as writing in a
book, in quatemo* cleaning your coat by beating it, washing your
head, and doing other things which used not to be done on the
Lord's Day." Moreover, in Oriental law,49 it was forbidden to
travel, itinera facere, though we are told by Thomassin50 that this was
allowable in the West. Hence John XXII., in the fourteenth cen-
tury, writing to Philip, King of France, complains that in his French
dominions, on the Lord's Day, men employed themselves in shaving
beards and cutting hair. to
Such was the religious observance of festival days even down to
the fourteenth century, since which period down to our own times
Christians have been falling away in no slight degree from ancient
strictness. I may conclude by quoting a sentiment expressed by the
illustrious Gerson, it may help to show to some who would not other-
wise have observed it, the character of the rules made on this subject.
He says, "Rules for not doing servile work on the Lord's Days
and on feast days are more frequently determined by the cus-
toms of places and habits of persons than by any written law,
when such local customs are at the same time sanctioned by the
bishops."51
We must also repeat the remark that our ancestors observed Sun-
days and feast days from evening to evening, and that not only in
the first ages, but also in mediaeval times, as is proved by the capitu-
47 Capitular. 4 in D'Acherii Spicileg. 48 In Speculo Discipl. ad Novit. part
T. IX. [Capitul. Theodori Cantuar. 1, c. 22.
Archiep. de operibus Diei Dominici.] * [" Quaternum," according to Du
["Greed et Romani in die Dominica Cange, means "chartae compactse,"
navigant et equitant; panem non fa- (bound up,) "Quatuor charfce seu octo
ciunt, nee in curru ambulant, nisi ad folia."]
ecclesiam tantum, nee balneant .... 49 Lib. iii. 1. 2, [de jure Orien-
Graeci non scribunt publice, tamen pro tali (?)]
necessitate seorsum in domo scribunt." 60 Tract, de Fest. 1. iii.
It would seem that they did ride and go 51 Oper. T. II. p. 27, apud Thomas,
on a voyage, according to this reading ib.
of the Capitular.]
OF THE CHIEF FEASTS OF THE YEAR. 333
laries of the French kings,52 and by the canons of the Councils of
Tribur, and Meaux, and Coyaco in Spain in the eleventh century;
and this rule was therefore observed even down to the end of the
eleventh century, and in some places as late as the twelfth; at which
period it became customary in churches to recite the Psalms proper
for the hour of vespers long before the evening hour had actually
come; the result of which was, that the old custom of reckoning
the Lord's Day from evening to evening passed in time entirely
away.
CHAPTER II.
OF THE CHIEF FEASTS OF THE YEAR.
I have no intention of treating here of all the feast days which
are kept in the Christian Church, spreading, as she does, far and
wide throughout all the world, for such an intention would be foreign
altogether to the plan of this work; but I propose to speak only of
the principal feasts, both movable and immovable; and to do this
I shall begin with the month of January, and so go through, in
order, the greater feasts of the year • and I shall then speak of the
movable feasts of Easter, Ascension, and Pentecost.
§ 1. Of the Feast Days in Jamiary.
On the first day of January there is a remembrance kept up of
the solemnities connected with the Circumcision of our Saviour
Christ, according to an ancient custom, of which mention is made
by the Council of Tours1 in the sixth century. In the more ancient
kalendars this feast is appointed to be kept on the first day of this
month, as in Selden's3 Church Kalendar, in the marble kalendar of
our own Church of Naples, and in others. It is also set down for
this day in the martyrology of Jerome, which, as we have said, was
published by Rosweyd. But in the martyrology which bears the
name of Ado on it, and in the Sacramentary of Gregory, the direc-
tion for the observance of this festival is marked as follows, "In
Octavis Domini" &c, by which is clearly meant the Circumcision,
to which Christ submitted on the eighth day after His birth. We
know from the Mass in that Sacramentary, which is one for the Cir-
cumcision, that this must be so. In the martyrologies of Bede and
52 L. vi. c. 186. nias, ut in ecclesiis psallatur et hora
1 An. 567, can. 18, ap. Binium, in octava in ipsis Kalendis Circumcisionis
aliis Collect, can. 17. ["Excipitur tri- missa Deo propitio celebretur."]
duum illud quo ad calcandam gentilium 2 De Synedr. Hebr. T. II. 1. iii. c.
consuetudinem patres nostri statuerunt 15.
privatas in Kalendis Januarii fieri lita-
334 POLITY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH.
Usuard the entry for this day is, "The Circumcision in His flesh of
our Lord Jesus Christ."
But the fact is that the Church fixed the feast of the Circumcision
on this day to counteract the Pagan superstition of which the traces
still survived on it even to so recent times, (as I shall more fully
treat of in my Dissertation on the Superstitions of Christians in the
middle ages): therefore in the old missals two masses are appointed
for this day, one for the feast of the Circumcision, another, which
has these words inscribed in the rubric for it, "A Mass for the pre-
vention of Idolatry," which was chiefly instituted for the repression
of Pagan superstitions connected with the day, as Martene says
when he is giving a list of old MSS. of missals in which this mass
is found.3 But [to quote the words of the Ordo Romanus] because
ignorant men, according to the "mad folly of the heathen, who so
named this first of January after their prince Janus, whom they
worshipped as a god, had desecrated the day with many diabolical
obscenities, the Catholic Church appointed a public fast to be
observed on this day, that so the great Author of our being might
put a stop to such calamities."4 Mention of this fast is made by the
Council of Tours, above referred to, in the sixth century, as-if then
it had been as it were an old established custom in the Church: for
this reason on this day a mass used to be celebrated two hours after
noon, [hora octava, as the Council of Tours directs,] but at what
time this fast ceased to be observed it is impossible to say. It is
mentioned by the Fathers of the fourth Council of Toledo5 in the
same sixth century, and lastly by an author generally known as
Alcuinus, in his book on the Divine Offices,6 a work which is, how-
ever, more modern than Alcuinus.
For these reasons I am of opinion that the fast on the first of
January was observed down to the ninth century.
On the sixth day of the same month is kept another festival of
our Lord's, the Epiphany, as the Manifestation of Christ is com-
monly called; for when He was receiving baptism from John in the
Jordan, His Father in the clearest words bore testimony7 that He
was His Son. The eminent [Cardinal] Enrico Noris8 is of opinion that
this day was called the Epiphany by the early Church not because of the
manifestation of Christ on that day, but because of the manifestation
of the presence of the Eternal Father, Who spoke then. He shows
by many arguments that the Greek word Epiphany signifies the
presence, and this is also the opinion of Ezekiel Spanhemius, given
3 De Antiq. Eccl. Discipl. c. 13, n. cantabitur, in quibus etiam prseter pis-
15.
cem et olus . . . ceteris carnibus absti-
4 Ordo Roman. Bibl. Patr. T. XIII. netur," &c]
["Statuit universalis ecclesia jejunium 6 Alcuin. cap. 4. [" Quia his atque
publicum in isto die fieri, quatenus his aliis miseriis mundus universus repletus
calamitatibus Auctor vitae finem impo- erat, statuit universalis ecclesia jeju-
neret."] nium publicum," &c]
5 Can. 11, A.D. 633, ["In kalendis 7 Matth. iii. 17.
Januariis, quse propter errorem genti- 8 Dissert. 2, de Epoch. Syro-Mace-
lium aguntur, omnino alleluja non de- don. c. 4.
• OF THE CHIEF FEASTS OF THE YEAR. 335
in his explanation of the word e-n-Kpavrj^.^ But whatever may be
determined as to the primary meaning of this word, the opinion of
the early Fathers about this matter seems to me to carry more
weight • and they certainly understand by the word a manifestation,
an illustration of Christ, as is quite evident from their homilies read
on this day.10 But that Christ was on this day baptized, is almost
the unanimous testimony of tradition, proofs of which, as early as
the second century, are to be found in the writings of Clement of
Alexandria,11 though one or two of the early Fathers seem to have
had doubts on this matter.12 Hence the Church, both Eastern and
Western, has appointed the sixth of January to be kept every year
as the day of Christ's Baptism, and has honoured the day with
high and costly ritual, as besides the testimonies of the Fathers,13 we
may gather from the Constitutions of the Emperors Valens, Theo-
dosius, and Arcadius.14
There is celebrated on the same day the coming of the Magi,
who presented gifts to Christ,15 and the marriage in Cana of Galilee.
We have the authority of S. Paulinus16 for saying that since the
fourth century the Church has commemorated these three events on
this day; while at Rome, on the same day, in the middle ages, there
used to be a commemoration of the miracle worked by Christ of
feeding the multitudes, as we learn from the Roman Ordo in the
Library of the Fathers, and from Alcuinus, as he is commonly
called.17
On this feast-day, as early perhaps as the fourth or fifth century,
solemn baptism was administered to catechumens both in the
Eastern and Western Church.18 Moreover in the Eastern Church
Christians used at midnight to draw water from a fountain, which
9 De Usu et Praestant. Numismat. took place on that day at the Jordan.]
Diss. 5. Acta Mart, sincera Ruinart. in Pass. S.
10 V. Chrys. Horn, de S. Philogon.; Phil., and pag. 694. [Philip, Bishop
August, varias homilias, T. X., Nov. of Heraclea, suffered early in the fourth
edit; S. Maxim. T. VI. Bibl. Patr. century.]
aliosque. 14 Cod. Justin, lib. iii. Tit. xii. de
11 Stromat. I. p. 340, Potter, [1. i. Feriis 1. vii., [Cod. Theodos. lib. xv.
c. 21.] [In allusion to the annual com- Tit. v. lex 5: forbid legal business and
memoration of our Lord's Baptism by public games on this day. The last
the Basilidians.] alludes to our Lord's Baptism on this
12 V. Tillemont. in vita Jesu Christi, day.]
Art. 5, not. 3. i5 V. Tertull. ap. Tillemont. ibid.;
13 V. Constit. Apost. 1. v. c. 13, S. Leo I. R. P. Senn. 33, de Epiph.
["Let the Nativity be celebrated by aliosque, ["auro honorantes personam
you on the 25th day of the ninth regiam, myrrha humanam, thure divi-
month. After this let the Epiphany nam," i. e., "Christum tanquam Deum,
be very greatly honoured in your eyes, tanquam regem," &c]
on which the Lord manifested to you l6 Carm. ix. de S. Felice.
His own Godhead: let this be held on 17 De Div. Offic. c. 6.
the sixth day of the tenth month/' So 1S Greg. Nyssen. Orat. in S. Lum.
Christmas and Epiphany are distin- T. III.; Leo I. R. P. Epist. 16, c. 1,
guished in Const. Apost. viii. 33: masters &c. [The manifestation of Christ at
are enjoined to let their servants rest on His Baptism (S. John i. 31,) is the pre-
Epiphany, because of the great mani- vailing idea connected with Epiphany
festation of Christ to the world, which in the Eastern Church.]
336 POLITY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH.
they used to preserve incorrupt during a whole year; Chrysostom
tells us that this was a custom among the Greeks,19 and Epiphanius
tells us of others20 performing the same ceremony in memory of
the miracle at the marriage in Cana of Galilee.
§ 2. Of the Feast Days in February,
On the second day of this month we celebrate the Festival of the
Purification; in the martyrologies of the Latins, it is generally called
by this name, "Purificatio S. Maria Virginis," "The Purification
of S. Mary the Virgin :"21 to which in some martyrologies there is
added the further title, "Hyp ap ante Domini" i.e., "The Lord's meet-
ing" [with Simeon and Anna in the temple, Luke ii. 27—38]: in the
old Roman it is called "The Purification of the Blessed Virgin
Mary and the Meeting of our Lord," for the Greeks gave this
additional name to the festival to commemorate the meeting of
Simeon and Christ, the Greek word Hypapante meaning the same
as the Latin Occursus, or " meeting."
^ The institution of this day's festival may be traced to a date of
high antiquity in the Latin and in the Greek branches of the Church,
for it is referred to by S. Gregory of Nyssa22 in the fourth century,
and by other ancient Fathers, mentioned by the Bollandists,23 though
both these homilies of Gregory, and others which are highly spoken
of by the Bollandists, are supposed by critics, especially by Tille-
mont in his life of Christ, Art. 3, n. 2, not to be genuine. The
latter is of the same opinion as Baronius, though he thinks that
some trace of the festival does exist which is older than the fifth
century. As to the authorship of the form of prayer which is used
on this day, learned men also take views entirely opposite to one
another; for Baronius thinks24 that it was drawn up by Gelasius,
Bishop of Rome, and he is followed in this view by Edmund Mar-
tene,25 who thinks that the Pope appointed it to be used in hopes of
so putting down the festivals of the Lupercalia, which were still even
then kept up among the Romans. But in the opinion of others the
service is a more ancient one than this, because Cyril of Jerusalem
19 Horn. 23, ad Popul. Antioch. V. sundry fountains and rivers, (among
Casaub. Exercit. 13, § 10. [S. Chry- others the Nile,) were changed into
sostom says, "This (the Epiphany) is wine on the anniversary of the miracle,
the day on which Christ was bap- He says that the Egyptians and many
tized and hallowed the element of others drew water and preserved it on
water. Wherefore at midnight on this this day.]
feast, all draw of the waters and store 21 Ap. Bolland. die 2 Febr. § 4.
them up at home, because on this day 22 Horn, de Occursu Domini, Oper.
the waters were consecrated. And a T. III.
manifest miracle takes place, in that 23 Bolland. 1. c.
the nature of those waters is not cor- 21 Ad An. 496, n. 30. [Baronius
rupted by length of time." (Horn, de thinks that no Sermon on the Occur-
Bapt. Christi, § 2.)] sus, by any Greek or Latin Father
20 Hser. 51, c. 30, [Epiphanius here before Justinian, a.d. 541, has come
speaks of the miracle as having hap- down to us.]
pened about Tybi 11, i.e., Jan. 6, and 25 De Ant. Eccl. Disc. c. 51. n. 2.
adds, apparently in good faith, that
OF THE CHIEF FEASTS OF THE YEAR. 337
plainly speaks of it in the fourth century as follows: "Let us Gen-
tiles, and children of Sion, go forth to meet Him with torches in
our hands."26 Among those who hold this view may also be reckoned
our countryman Sabatinius, Bishop of the Church of Aquila, who has
lately died, in his comments on the kalendar of the Neapolitan
Church. But all these critics have been taken in by a homily of
Cyril's, which is not genuine. One fact is at any rate undoubtedly
certain, viz., that in the seventh century this service was already in
use among the Latins, whoever was the compiler of it. This is
evident from a homily of Ildephonsus, Bishop of Toledo,27 and he
explains why the service was used, as follows: "This festival is
celebrated in the month of February, which the Romans, when they
were still Pagans, so named from Februus, i.e., Pluto, whom they
thought the god who presided over purification; for the word
februare means to purify. On this month the State used to be
purified. And this [old heathen] custom of ceremoniously purifying
the State has been properly and piously changed by the Christian
religion, for in the same month, i.e., on this very day, in honour of
God our Father, and of the ever-Virgin Mary, not only the clergy
but all the people go round to the localities of the different churches
carrying lighted candles and singing various purificatory hymns, no
longer now for a remembrance every five years of a kingdom of this
world, but for the eternal remembrance of the kingdom of heaven."
In the passage cited from Martene are found various formularies of
prayers, which in former times the Churches used at the benediction
of candles.
On the 22nd day of this month is celebrated the festival of S.
Peter's Chair at Antioch, which in old kalendars of medieval times
is set down as falling on the 12th day of the same month. In the
Gregorian Sacramentary it is mentioned as being observed on
the 17th of February,28 and the same day is mentioned by the
second Council of Tours in the sixth century.29 This festival, says
Martene,30 was formerly celebrated at Cologne, Munster, Utrecht,
Minden, Osnaburg, Liege, Trier, Verdun, Toul, Metz, Wormsi
Rheims, Pans, York, Maintz, (some parts of it) Bamberg, (some
parts), Constance, Gran, Lucerne, S. Gall, as Scultingius writes. In
our own marble kalendar also it is said to fall on the 12th day of
February. And we may here remark, that the Sermon of Augustine,
which in the Roman Breviary is read on this festival day, is put by
the Fathers of S. Maur31 among the spurious works of Augustine.
26 F*onJ' de 0ccursu Dom. Bibl. toli cibos mortuis offerunt, et post mis-
lair-T- IV. sas redeuntes ad domos proprias ad
Bibl. Fatr. T. XII., ["Fleury and gentilium revertuntur errores et post
the great majority of authorities con- corpus Domini sacratas dzemoni escas
sider Justinian to have first established accipunt," &c.j
the festival as obligatory, a.d. 541. 30 Ibid c 31
(H4st« Eccl liy^xxxiu. 7.)"] ttt 31 Oper. S. August. T. V., [Serin.
29 ?per" S' ^eg. Magn T. III. 190-192 in Append. Its origin is
tf Can. 22, An. 563, ["Sunt qui in variously explained: (1) It commemo-
festivitate cathedrae domni Petri Apos- rates S. Peter's two several episcopates
Z
338 POLITY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH.
they were satisfied that in the time of Augustine this festival was not
among those celebrated in the African Churches.
§ 3. Of the Feast-Days in March.
On the 25th day of March we observe the solemn Festival of the
Annunciation of the B. V. Mary. Among the ancients this festival
was called by different names, being called, e.g., by some, "the
Conception of Christ," by others, "the Annunciation of Christ,"
"the Annunciation of our Lord," "the Beginning of our Redemp-
tion/' "the Annunciation of Christ in the Virgin Mary," "the
Annunciation of the Blessed Mary," "the Denunciation of the
Blessed Mary, and the Passion of Christ."32 In the Sacramentary
of Gregory we find it thus: "March 25th, the Annunciation of the
Angel to Mary."
The Bollandists33 hold the view that the Apostles themselves
appointed the observance of this festival, applying to it the saying
of Augustine, "It is with good reason believed that any observance
which the whole Church keeps, which was not appointed by any
councils, and yet has always been kept up, could not have been
handed down to us on any other authority except that of the
Apostles."34 But those who hold this view must first of all show that
the Church has always kept up the observance of this festival; and
they cannot prove this, as they attempt to do, from the homilies of
S. _ Gregory Thaumaturgus, and other early Fathers, for more cautious
critics have with good reason thrown doubts on the genuineness of
those homilies which they adduce as proving their opinions.35 The
opinion of Martene36 is that Augustine was the very first to speak of
this festival in his fourth book on the Trinity, chap. v.; but in that
passage Augustine seems to be speaking rather of the tradition of
the Church as to the day on which Christ was conceived than of a
particular festival: and S. Augustine's sermon " On the Annuncia-
tion of Mary," which is read on the day of the Nativity of the Virgin
Mary in the Roman Breviary, is reckoned among his spurious
works by the Fathers of S. Maur.37 But genuine and more ancient
documentary evidences are extant on the subject of this festival.
We have, e.g., the testimony of the Fathers of the Council of
Laodicea in the fourth century, in the fifty-first canon.* Theodoret
at Rome and Antioch, (see Leo, Ep. turn recte creditur," and in de Trin.
119.) (2) His confession of Christ, iv. 5, (quoted below,) S. Augustine
(Matt.xvi.16, &c. (3) It was designed speaks of March 25 as the date of
to counteract an old heathen custom of Christ's conception, and Dec. 25 of
people placing a feast on their parents' His birth.]
graves on that day of which S. Augus- 35 V. Natal. Alex. Hist. Eccl. T.
tine speaks in the place here cited.] III. Sect. 3, c. 4; and Thomassin. de
32 Martene, ib. c. 31. Fest. 1. ii. c. 12.
33 Martii 25, T. XIII. n. 24. 36 De Antiqua Eccl. Discipl. c. 31.
34 L. iv. de Bapt. c. 24, ["Quod 37 In Append. T. V. Serm. 193.
universa tenet ecclesia, nee Conciliis # [There is no actual mention of the
institutum, sed semper retentum est, Annunciation in this 51st canon of the
nonnisi auctoritate Apostolica tradi- Council of Laodicea, which only directs
OF THE CHIEF FEASTS OF THE YEAR. 339
also, writing in the fifth century, speaks of the day as follows: "At
this season let all the earth and sea, let all cities and villages cele-
brate the memorial of the good gifts they then received, though
they cannot see the good Giver of them with their eyes."38 Similar is
the testimony of the Fathers of the Quinisext Council39 about this
festival, while as regards the Western Churches it was ordered by the
tenth Council of Toledo40 that the Feast of the Annunciation should
[in future] be kept on the 18th of December, [proving that council's
recognition of the festival.]
Since the fourth century, then, the day of the Annunciation has
been kept as a festival by the Greek Church, and though falling in
Lent, it was kept even as a Lord's Day in Lent was, as was directed
by the Council of Laodicea, so that although it fell on Thursday
in Holy Week or on Good Friday, it was lawful to take fish and
wine, as we are told by the Patriarch Nicephorus.41 How far and
wide the observance of this festival extended among all the Churches
of the East and of the West, may be seen by a reference to the
writings of the Bollandists.42
§ 4. Of the Feast-Days in April a?id May.
The festivals which are kept in the month of April are movable
feasts. There are, in this month, no immovable feasts of the first
rank. I have therefore thought it best to put off the mention of
these days to the end of this chapter, as I have already said.
On the 3rd day of May there is the Festival of the Finding of the
Holy^ Cross. It first occurs in the Sacramentary of Gregory and also
in his Antiphonary.43 These are the earliest recorded notices of
this festival. For though it is found in Jerome's martyrology, it is
an addition by a later hand, as is rightly pointed out by Papebroch44
and Fronto Ducaeus,45 who have scarcely been able to discover any
that no martyrs' birth-days be observed ayias tov evayyeXurfiov rj/xepas, yiveadco
in Lent except on Saturdays and Sun- 7) rcoy Trpotiyiao-fxhw iepa Xtirovpyia."']
days, "Ov del Jv TevaapaKoarrj ^aprv- 40 Cap. I, 11. 4, An. 656. [This
p<av yeveOXiov iiriT€\e7uy aAAa ruv ayicov council declares that whereas the Feast
Haprupw [xvelav ttokTlv iv ro7s aaPPdrois of the Annunciation was kept at dif-
Kal KupiaKcus." But it is to this old La- ferent times in different places in Spain,
odicean canon that the Council of To- and could not be kept in Lent without
ledo refers, a.d. 656, when it says (in transgressing the (Laodicean) rule of
canon 4,) that to celebrate the Feast of antiquity, it should in future be ob-
the Annunciation in Lent would trans- served on the octave before Christmas
gress a rule of antiquity.'] Day, i.e., on the 18th of December.!
Ep. 25, Oper. T II. ■» jur. Orient. Tit. vi. ap. Joan.
d9 Can. 52, a.d. 692, [This canon Leuncl. T. I.
allows a consecration of the Eucharist 42 Ibid. § 2, n. 12.
on Saturdays and Sundays in Lent, and Ai Oper. S.'Gregor. T. Ill [Patrol
on the Feast of the Annunciation, LXXVIII. 101, 6S7.J
though it falls in Lent; for on other 44 Maii die 3, c. 3, n. 25 [Patrol
days of the fast there must be the Mass XXX. 435; Acta Sanctorum, May Vol'
of the Prsesanctified. The words of i. p. 369. Papebroch thinks a.d. 720
the canon are "iv iraaais ttjs ayias rea- may have been the date of the general
o-apaKoa-rr}* t&v vt)(TtclS>v rjfxepais, irap- recognition of the festival.]
ctcrbs aa^drov aaX nvpiaKr\s na\ ttjs 45 In Not. ad Kal. Rom.
Z 2
340 POLITY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH.
trace of this festival in the more ancient MSS. of this martyrology.
The fair conclusion seems to be that it was first celebrated at Rome
in the time of Gregory the Great, if we may credit the Sacramentary
of Gregory; and for reasons which I shall state at length in my
work, "Delia Storia de* Co did Liturgici della Chiesa Latina" in
which I shall show at large how much is ancient and how much is
modern in Gregory's Sacramentary, as edited by Menardus, we must,
I think, conjecture that the festival is a modern one, and a recent
addition to the kalendar. For I quite agree with Papebroch that the
festival was only in the eighth century admitted into the kalendars
of those Western Churches, which borrowed it from the Roman
Church, and that it afterwards was admitted into the Eastern
Churches, as their more ancient documents, in which these feasts
are treated of, such as the Constitution of Manuel Comnenus, in
Balsamon,46 are evidently silent about this holiday.
But it may be worth while here to say a word in passing as to the
history of this finding of the Holy Cross, as Rivetus and other
heretical writers regard it as an absolute fiction. We will indeed
admit that the history of the Invention of the Cross, as it is given
by the Bollandists47 under the Acts of S. Judas Quiriacensis, may
well be rejected as fabulous; but that the mother of Constantine
discovered the Cross, making allowance for all adjuncts to this
incident, no sober-minded person will deny, since the plainest pos-
sible proofs of this as an historical fact are to be found in the writ-
ings of Socrates,48 Sozomenus,49 Ambrose,50 Theodoret,51 and others.
Hence in the time of Cyril, Bishop of Jerusalem, in the fourth cen-
tury, the wood of the Cross was to be found in all parts of the whole
world, as Cyril himself52 says. And this was proved by the miracle
of this holy wood, which is mentioned by S. Paulinus in the same cen-
tury.53 In the kalendar of our Church this festival of the finding of the
Holy Cross is put down as occurring on this day, the 3rd of May.*
46 In Nomocan. Tit. vii. 51 Hist. Eccl. 1. i. c. 18.
47 Maii die 1, [By the aid of a Jew, 52 Cateches. iv. 10, ["Cruris ligno
one Judas, afterwards baptized as Qui- universus terrarum orbis per partes re-
riacus, the spot was discovered, accord- pletus erat." So also Catech. x. 19,
ing to Greg. Turon. lib. mirac. i. 5, &c] xiii. 4. In his letter written to Con-
48 Hist. Eccl. 1. i. c. 17, [The writers stantius, the son of Constantine, de-
quoted in the text, like others, take the scribing a luminous cross appearing in
truth of the narrative for granted, agree- the sky over Jerusalem, S. Cyril alludes
ing in the main points, though differing to the story of Helena finding our
a little in details.] Lord's Cross as to an event which had
49 Hist. Eccl. 1. ii. c. i. undoubtedly happened. (Ep. ad Const.
50 Orat. de Obitu Theodos. Imper. c. 3,)]
cc# 43—48. ["Infudit Helense Spiritus 63 Natal. S. Felic. X. [Ep. ad Sever,
ut lignum crucis requireret: accessit ad 31. Paulinus says, however much might
Golgotha, et ait: Ecce locus pugnae, thus be cut away from the Cross, the
ubi est victoria? Qusero vexillum sa- bulk of the wood miraculously remained
lutis, et non invenio," &c. Then fol- undiminished.]
lows the well known story. In S. Am- * [For difficulties in the way of believ-
brose's version of it the inscription is ing the story, see Church Quarterly Re-
found adhering to the Cross, and so view, July, 1881, p. 560, and Bright's
"titulo crux patuit salutaris."] History of the Church, pp. 29, 30.]
OF THE CHIEF FEASTS OF THE YEAR. 341
I will bring these remarks on this month of May to a conclusion
by adding to them what I trust will not prove unacceptable to my
readers, I mean a brief history of the day kept as a festival in
honour of the Emperor Constantine. In some kalendars, both
Greek and Roman, and in some martyrologies, this day is marked
down, and generally it is thus entitled: "In memory of those glori-
ous Saints, crowned by God and equal to the Apostles, the Emperors
Constantine and Helena."54 For the Greeks generally coupled the
honour paid to the memory of Constantine with that paid to his
mother, in accordance with what was decreed in the Constitution of
Manuel Comnenus, which may be read in the Nomocanon, Tit. vii.
c. 1, above referred to. Constantine and his mother Helena are here
spoken of as "crowned by God," after the manner of the Orientals,
who call all emperors Oeoareinoi (crowned by God). This expression
as applied to them was also used by the Latins in the middle ages,
as appears from the State papers of the Carolingian sovereigns, and
from what we have said in our historical preface to a liturgical disser-
tation, udelta Pi-eghiera pel sovrano" &c. They are also called " equal
to the Apostles," for in the Menaea of the Greeks and the Typicum of
S. Sabas, Constantine is constantly called /o-aTroVroXo?,55 which means
in Latin "equal to the Apostles." In former times, therefore, a
festival day used to be kept in honour of Constantine, both among
members of the Eastern and the Western Church; and so also it is
marked in the marble kalendar of our own Church [of Naples] on
May 21st as Memoria Constantini Imperatorisy in memory of the
Emperor Constantine. And in the passage cited below the Bolland-
ists tell us that even at the present day also this feast-day is kept in
some churches of Bohemia, Flanders, and Russia; while in a remote
part of Magna Grsecia, or Calabria, as we call it, there is a village
called the village of S. Constantine, somewhere in the diocese of
Mileto, where on the 2nd day of May a festival is kept in honour of
the Emperor Constantine, with the office from the Common of a
Confessor not a Bishop.56 But our Sabatinius in his notes on the
Neapolitan Kalendar tells us that he himself in further Calabria was
present on the festival day of Constantine and Helena, which day is
kept as a Double feast in the village of S. Constantine in the diocese
of Anglona. To our own day among the Epirotes, who live in dif-
ferent villages in the kingdom of Naples, the 21st of May is dedicated
to SS. Constantine and Helena.
§ 5. Of the Feast-Days in J^une.
The Nativity* of S. John the Baptist is kept on the 24th day of
this month of June. The institution of this festival is with reason
54 Ap. Bolland. Maii die 21, c. 1. only saint whose actual birthday was
55 Vales, ad Euseb. de Vita Con- kept, as if the Church would give him
stant. ib. 4, c. 50. a share of the honour paid only to our
66 Bolland. ibid. Lord. In the case of all other saints the
* [S. John Baptist was anciently the days of their martyrdom, not of their
342 POLITY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH.
thought to be of the highest antiquity, for there are no documents
extant by which its origin can be traced. Augustine in his Sermon
No. 59, de diver sis, [al. 197 in Append.,] speaks of the Feast of S.
John as the most ancient of all festivals, though that sermon, which
is given in the Roman Breviary, has been adjudged by the Fathers
of S. Maur, (Appendix, T. X.,) to be the work of Csesarius, Bishop
of Aries; and besides this, all the surviving kalendars of ancient
date, and all the martyrologies of the Eastern and Western Church,
make mention of this feast day. Hence it was that three masses
used to be said on this day at Rome in the ninth century,57 and
Amalarius tells us that the same was done by other Churches.58 In
the Gallican Churches there was a solemn baptism of catechumens
on this day, as we learn from Gregory of Tours.59 About some
superstitions connected by Christians with this day, I shall speak in
a separate Dissertation on the subject.
Among feast days observed in the Christian Church in the first
ages must certainly be reckoned that kept in honour of SS. Peter
and Paul. In ancient times this festival was celebrated twice, for
the 29th of June was S. Peter's day and June 30th was S. Paul's.
Micrologus, a writer of the eleventh century, tells us that it was by
S. Gregory the Great that the festival of the two Apostles first began
to be observed on one and the same day, i.e., on June 29 :60 he
was perhaps misled by the Sacramentary of Gregory [to make this
assertion], for in it, in his time, each festival was set down for the
29th of June, as it is also at the present day in the Sacramentary of
Menardus; but it was later that the addition seems to have been
made to the Gregorian Sacramentary, possibly about the tenth
century, as I shall show in the History of the Liturgical MSS. of
the Latin Church; for in the ninth century in our marble kalendar
the old method was retained, for there the 29th of June is the
Nativity of the Apostle S. Peter, and the 30th the Nativity of the
Apostle S. Paul. And so about the tenth century each festival was
kept on the 29th June, the commemoration of the Apostle S. Paul
being transferred to the second of those two days.
To my mind the rule of keeping both these saints in memory on
one and the same day seems the preferable one \ for on one and the
same day they both received the crown of martyrdom, as Eusebius
tells us on the authority of Dionysius, Bishop of Corinth.61 This
nativity, were observed. So S. Augus- 60 De Eccl. Observat. c. 42.
tine remarks, "Solos duos natales cele- 61 Hist. Eccl. 1. ii. c. 25. [The
brat ecclesia, Johannis et Christi." words of Eusebius are, "That both [S.
(Serm. 287, quoted in Smith's Diet. p. Peter and S. Paul] suffered martyrdom
88i.)l at the same time, Dionysius, Bishop of
57 ExOrd. Rom. Bibl.Patr.T. XIII. Corinth, [a.d. 165] bears the following
58 De Eccl. Offic. 1. iii. c. 37. testimony [in an Epistle written to the
59 Hist. Franc. 1. viii. c. 9, ["De- Roman Church] : 'Therefore, you also
precati sunt ut ad festivitatem sancti have by such admonition joined in close
Johannis (baptismus) exhiberetur." union [the churches] that were planted
Christmas Day, and Easter Day, and by Peter and Paul, that of the Romans
S. John's Day are mentioned.] and that of the Corinthians: for both
OF THE CHIEF FEASTS OF THE YEAR.
343
event happened on June 29th, in the reign of Nero, in the consul-
ship of Tuscus and Bassus [?], as has been proved by the Bollandists
most plainly, June 29th, § 5 and 20, when arguing against Pearson
on the point.*
At Rome as early as the second century there was an annual
festival in honour of these two chiefs of the Apostles, as is proved
by Eusebius62 on the authority of Caius, who lived during the Pon-
tificate of Zephyrinus. Hence that couplet of Prudentius :63
"See! the city of Romulus pours along through two diverging streets;
Upon two saints' days one light is kindled."
On this annual occasion Christians used to flock to Rome from
the most distant parts of the world, as Paullinus64 writes in the fourth
century, and Ambrose, in his hymn given in Baronius,65 says,
"Through so great a city's circuit,
Dense crowds of people make their way:
In three streets is celebrated
Two holy martyrs' festival."
In this stanza Menardus66 rightly thinks the reading should be,
"Bints celebratur mi's" in two streets. The meaning is, that on this
same day, after the conclusion of the sacrifice in the church of S.
of them went to our Corinth, and taught
us in the same way as they taught you
when they went to Italy, and having
taught you, they suffered martyrdom
at the same time, (/cara rbv avrbv
KaipSv.y "]
* [The earliest tradition makes the
Apostles die on the same day of the
month, but S. Paul a year later than S.
Peter. See Prudent. Peristeph. xii. 5;
and S. August. Serm. 28.]
62 Hist. Eccl. ibid. ["A certain ec-
clesiastical writer, Caius by name, makes
the following statement respecting the
places where the earthly tabernacles
of S. Peter and S. Paul were buried.
'I can show you, he says, the trophies
of the Apostles. For if you will go
to the Vatican, or to the Ostian road,
you will find the trophies of those
who have laid the foimdation of the
Church.'"]
63 Stephan. Carm. 12,
[" Aspice per bifidas urbs Romula fun-
ditur plateas,
Lux in duabus fervet una festis."
The first four lines, (quoted in Smith's
Diet.,) are even more plain:
1' Plus solito coeunt ad gaudia: die,
amice, quid sit:
Romam per omnem cursitant ovant-
que:
Festus apostolici nobis redit hie dies
triumph!
Pauli atque Petri nobilis cruore."]
64 Epist. 16, ad Delphin.
65 In Martyrol. Not. ad Sacrament.
Gregor. hac die. [Hymn 71 among
Hymns attributed to S. Ambrose, Pa-
trol. XVII.
'' Tantae per urbis ambitum
Stipata tendunt agmina:
Trinis celebratur viis
Festum Sanctorum Martyrum."
This Hymn begins:
'' Apostolorum passio
Diem sacravit sceculis,
Petri triumphum nobilem,
Pauli coronam prceferens.
"Conjunxit asqualis viros
Cruor triumphalis necis,
Deum secutos prsesulem,
Cliristi coronavit fides.
"Primus Petrus Apostolus,
Nee Paulus impar gratia,
Electionis vas sacrse
Petri adsequavit fidem," &c]
66 In Not. ad Sacrament. Gregor.
hac die.
344 POLITY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH.
Peter, the Pontiff used to have another celebration in the church of
S. Paul, as the same Prudentius implies in the passage cited:
"Transtiberina prius solvit sacra pervigil sacerdos,
Mox hac recurrit, duplicatque vota."
§ 6. Of the Feast-Days falling in yuly and August.
On the 26th day of July, or on the 25th, as it was formerly, is
celebrated, both by Latins and Greeks alike, the festival of S. Anne.
By the Greeks, as we find it in the Menologium of Ughelli,67 and
in other kalendars of the Greek Church given in the Bollandists,68
the festival of S. Joachim and S. Anne is kept on the 9th day of
September, the day following that of 'the Nativity of the B. V. Mary.
But it was not till later that the Festival of S. Joachim was admitted
into the Latin Churches, as the Bollandists in the same place inform
us : and among the more ancient proofs as to the admission of the
day into the Latin Church, we may justly reckon that of our own
Neapolitan marble kalendar of the ninth century, in which we find
S. Joachim's day kept on September 9. But all that we read in the
Menologium of the Greeks of the history of S. Anne is altogether
fabulous, resting only on the authority of the author of a book, Be
Ortu Domini, and the names of the parents of the Blessed Virgin
do not appear to be any older than the seventh century, since we
first meet with them in the Paschal Chronicle,69 which is considered
by the learned to be a work of the seventh century. In the Greek
kalendar, edited by Genebrardus, this 25th day of July is thus
called, "Dormitio S. Annce Deiparce Genetricis: Memoria Sanctarum
Mulierum Olympiadis et Eupraxice" "The sleep of S. Anne,
Mother of the Mother of God : in memory of those holy women,
Olympias and Eupraxias." And S. Anne's festival is coupled with
that of S. Eupraxias in our marble kalendar, also both falling on the
25th day of July.
On the 6th day of August the Feast of the Transfiguration of our
Lord Jesus Christ is celebrated by us. This was instituted by the
Roman Pontiff Callixtus III., (as Baronius70 proves from the testi-
mony of Platina,) certainly in the fifteenth century. But that Baro-
nius was deceived by the authority of Platina, or that he did not
quite accurately comprehend the views of Platina, is plainly proved
by more ancient records of this festival given us by Martene and by
the testimony of Bishop Ildephonsus, who states that three masses
were celebrated on that day in the Spanish Churches, as well as by
the martyrologies of Wandalbert and the old missals of the Church
of Tours, which were written earlier than a.d. ]ioo. A memorial
record moreover of this festival is preserved in the old Menologium
67 Ital. Sacr. in Append. tinian I. had a temple built in honour
68 Martii die 6, § 1. of S. Anne, which is described by Pro-
69 Biblioth. Patr. T. XII. [" About copius."]
the beginning of the sixth century Jus- 7° In Martyrol. hac die.
OF THE CHIEF FEASTS OF THE YEAR. 345
of the Greeks, edited by Henricus Canisius,71 and in the Constitu-
tion of Manuel Comnenus, which is given in the appendix to the
book entitled "De Feriis" We conclude, then, that Callixtus only
drew up an Office for the Feast of the Transfiguration, or else, as
Odericus Rainaldus72 thinks, that it was he who appointed it a feast
of universal obligation on the whole Church.
Next to this, on the 15th day of August, there falls the very
ancient and holy Feast of the Assumption of the B. V. Mary. In
former times this feast used to be kept in the month of January, as
is proved by the more ancient records given by Mabillon73 and
Florentines.74 This festival is mentioned in the old martyrology of
Jerome and of Lugo, in a kalendar of Corbey, and an old one of
Fleury on Loire, given in Martene in the same place. But this 15th
day of August was also celebrated in other places besides these in
former times, as we learn from Jerome's Martyrology by Rosweyd,
and from Constantine, Bishop of Constantia, in Cyprus, and from
the fourth act of the seventh (Ecumenical Council, and from our
own marble kalendar of the ninth century. At Naples, therefore, this
festival is called in old documents, S. Mary of the month of August,
or festibitas, (i.e., festivitas,) S. Maria de Augusto Mense in Saba-
tinius in his notes on the Neapolitan Calendar for this day. Floren-
tines in his martyrology proves by several arguments that in the
sixth century this festival was transferred to the month of August by
the Emperor Maurice [according to Nicephorus Callistus (Hist.
Eccl. lib. xvii. c. 28), it was first instituted by him].
But no documentary record of the first institution of this feast day
is in our possession: it may then justly be reckoned among the
more ancient festivals, as it is found in the older martyrologies, and
modern writers are greatly mistaken in thinking that it is of more
recent date than the eighth century. Their mistake is clearly
proved by what we know on the authority of Gregory of Tours* on
the celebration of this festival in the Gallic Churches, and by the
testimony of Bishop Constantinus quoted above, and by the state-
ments of Anastasius the Librarian in his life of Sergius L, who lived
in the seventh century.
§ 7. On the Feast-Days of September.
On the 8th day of this month the Church keeps the Feast of
the Nativity of the B. V. Mary, and has done so perhaps since the
seventh century, as the oldest documentary records of it are of that
date. These are principally two: we have first the authority of
71 Antiq. Lection. T. III. as the Abbe Migne points out in a note,
72 Ad An. 1457, n. 73. "He drew from the Pseudo-Melito's
73 Curs. Gallic. 1. 11. Liber de Transitu B. Marise, which is
74 Not. ad Martyrol. die 18 Januar. classed among apocryphal books by
* [Greg. Turon. de Glor. Mart. i. 4. Pope Gelasius." (See Smith's Diet, of
He relates, and believes, the well Antiq. p. 1143.)]
known story of the Assumption, which,
34$ POLITY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH.
Anastasius the Librarian, who writing in the time of Sergius I., i.e.
in the seventh century, tells us that this festival was even in his day-
celebrated at Rome; and we have also the old or Roman Ordo,
which is thought by William Cave75 to be a work of the eighth cen-
tury. From these two documents it would appear that Thomassin76
is mistaken in supposing that this festival was not instituted till after
the ninth century. And to guard the reader against being deceived
by the sermon of S. Augustine, which is read on this festival from
the Roman Breviary, we must again remark, as we have already done,
that the Fathers of S. Maur have adjudged this homily not to be
the work of S. Augustine, and have classified it among his spurious
works at the end of their fifth volume; for some have been misled
by this sermon into supposing that the festival is nearly as old as
the time of S. Augustine, or even of a date older still than that.
On the 14th day of September is kept the holiday of the "Ex-
altation of the Holy Cross :" it is found both in the Latin Ka-
lendars and Martyrologies, and in the Mensea of the Greeks. It
is a question what is the exact meaning of the word Exaltation. I
am disposed myself to agree with the opinion of those who think
that this festival was instituted in memory of Constantine's vision,
that vision which he had when the Cross appeared to him. This
day's festival is mentioned by writers of the fourth century, amongst
others by Chrysostom,77 who tells us that in his time this 14th
of September was observed as a commemoration day of the Cross.
To this testimony of Chrysostom must be added that of the author
of a life of S. Euthymius, Patriarch of Constantinople in the sixth
century, who makes mention of it.78 Amongst Latin documentary
records of it we must reckon Jerome's ancient martyrology, and
the Sacramentaries of Gregory and Gelasius, in which this feast
day is distinctly mentioned: and hence in former times on this day
there used to be the service of the Adoration of the Cross, a service
almost exactly like the one we have now on Good Friday.
See more on this subject in Martene, who has fully described the
services for this day's festival in his work De Antiquis Eccles. Ritib.
1. iv. c. 34.
Lastly, the 29th of this month is kept as the Feast of the Dedi-
cation of S. Michael the Archangel, i.e. of the temple in Monte
Gargano; this festival is mentioned in the more ancient Martyr-
ologies, that of Jerome, the small one of Rosweyd and Floren-
tines, in the old Roman, and in two others, those of Ado and
Usuard, as it is also in the Sacramentary of Gregory for the same
day. We are told in the Martyrology of Ado that it was Pope Boni-
face who dedicated the church on Mount Garganus, [probably mean-
ing Boniface II., about a.d. 530]. But there is a difference of
opinion among learned men as to how early a date should be as-
?5 De Script. Ecclesiast. de Ord. 77 Horn. 51 ap. Ruinart. Act. Mart.
Rom. in Act. SS. Mart. Domuinre, &c.
76 De Festis, 1. ii. c. 20. 78 Apud Bolland. die vi. April, c. 7.
OF THE CHIEF FEASTS OF THE YEAR. 347
signed to that event; my own opinion is that it most properly corres-
ponds with the feast-day of the Apparition: for when the archangel
appeared at Siponto [in a vision to the Bishop of that place,*
telling him that worship should be offered to God there in memory
of S. Michael and All Angels] they dedicated a church to him there
on the Gargan Mount. And as no documentary records of the
Apparition are extant older than the ninth century, we may safely
say that the feast day of the dedication was instituted at that time.
The first genuine monument of the Apparition is the mention of it
in our Marble Kalendar, for the History of the Apparition, which is
commonly read, savours altogether of fables, especially as to the
particular epoch of the occurrence.
§ 8. On the Feast-Days of October and November.
As we only purpose to treat of feast-days which are of the first
rank and importance, and which are of the greatest antiquity, it will
not surprise our readers that we pass by without any notice the month
of October, as there are in that month no feasts either of great
importance or of great antiquity. Let us then pass on to the next
month.
On the 1 st day of November is the solemn festival of All Saints'
Day. [In the Eastern Church a particular Sunday, the first after
Pentecost, (Trinity Sunday in the English Church,) was in ancient
times, and is still, appropriated to the commemoration of All Mar-
tyrs: S. Chrysostom has left us a homily preached on that day; and
it is now marked in the kalendar of the Greek Menologion as KvpiaKTj
7ibv 'A^twv iravTwv. But in the Western Church the appointment
of the special festival of All Saints' Day was a more recent date.]
It was first instituted at Rome in the seventh century by Pope Boni-
face IV. [in connexion with his dedication to God of the old heathen
Pantheon.] For that Pontiff, after having dedicated to Almighty
God, the B. V. Mary, and to all holy Martyrs and Confessors, that
most ancient and illustrious monument of the Pagan religion, the Pan-
theon, a temple in former times sacred to all the gods and goddesses,
appointed a day on which the feast of that dedication should be
kept with all solemnity, which for that reason was called the Festival
of All Saints. Yet till the ninth century this festival was peculiar to
the Roman Church, not being kept by any other [Churches in the
West]; then, for the first time, at the suggestion of Gregory IV.,
the Emperor Louis the Pious, a.d. 835, commanded that the Fes-
tival of All Saints should be kept on the 1st of November79 in
* [There are other legends of such 79 Sigebert. in Chron. ad An. 835,
appearances of the Archangel Michael [in Pistorius, Script. Germ. Tom. I.
in different parts of Christendom, which "Monente Gregorio Papa, et omnibus
together with the one here referred to, episcopis assentientibus" Ludovicus Im-
may be found in Smith's Diet, of Antiq. perator statuit, ut in Gallia et Germania
Art. Michael the Archangel.] festivitas celebraretur."]
34-8 POLITY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH.
France and in Germany. Hence by degrees this feast-day came to
be observed by all the other Churches of the West, and at length, in
the fifteenth century, Sixtus IV., a.d. 1480, appointed also the octave
of this feast to be observed.80
On the second day of the same month the Church observes a com-
memoration of all the dead, i.e. of all those who, as Cyprian ex-
presses it, have departed in the communion of the Body and Blood
of the Lord. There can be no doubt that in the writings of the
very early Fathers there are to be found very ancient traces of this
commemoration, on a fixed day, of all those who had departed this
life. Thus Tertullian says: "We offer on one day every year ob-
lations for the dead as birth-day honours, by a tradition come down
to us from our ancestors."81 Let us dwell for a moment on these
words of Tertullian: "A tradition come down from our ancestors/'
can only mean, in the mouth of Tertullian, who wrote in the second
century, an Apostolical tradition; and the expression "We offer ob-
lations" (facimus) is the same as " we sacrifice;" it is a form of speech
which that writer constantly makes use of. It appears, then, that
as early as the second century, in obedience to an Apostolical tra-
dition, the Church used to offer the Sacrifice, on a stated day in the
year, on behalf of the dead. Of this same universal and annually-
recurring commemoration of the dead Augustine seems to speak ;82
and that in the fourth century it was observed in the Eastern
Churches, perhaps on Good Friday, we may conjecture from a
homily of S. John Chrysostom, which he delivered on that day in
a certain cemetery of the Church at Antioch—Serm. No. 57 in
Montfaucon's new edition.
But though we may gather from these considerations that our
ancestors consecrated a day to the commemoration of the dead,
nevertheless down to the tenth century, neither in the kalendars nor
in the martyrologies, does there appear a single trace of this com-
memoration. Perhaps, according to circumstances, the Bishop used
to intimate that this commemoration would be held on any day
according to his discretion; but in the tenth century, S. Odilo,
Abbat of Clugny, first formally decreed that it should be held
among his monks on the 2nd day in November.83 Among the
80 V. Rainald. An. 1480, n. 29. ad ista desunt parentes aut filii, aut qui-
81 L. de Cor. Milit. c. 3, ["Obla- cunque cognati vel amici, ab una eis
tiones pro defunctis annua die facimus," exhibeantur pia matre communi."]
&c, (compare De Monogam. c. 10,) and 83 Ex S. Petr. Damiani in vita Odi-
De Exhort. Castitatis, c. 11, where he lonis, [Opp. II. 410,] tenth cent. ["Per
also speaks of annual offerings for the omnia monasteria sua constituit gene-
souls of the departed.] rale decretum, utsicut primodie mensis
82 L. de Cura pro Mort. c. 4, [" Non Novembris juxta universalis Ecclesise
sunt prsetermittendse supplicationes pro regulam omnium sanctorum solemnitas
spiritibus mortuorum; quas faciendas agitur; ita sequente die in psalmis,
pro omnibus in Christiana et catho- eleemosynis et prsecipue Missarum so-
lica societate defunctis etiam tacitis lemniis, omnium in Christo quiescen-
nominibus eorum sub generali comme- tium memoria celebraretur."]
moratione suscepit Ecclesia: ut quibus
OF THE CHIEF FEASTS OF THE YEAR. 349
Orientals a panegyric commemoration of [departed] souls used to
be kept twice in the year, on the Saturday before Carnisprivium*
(Quinquagesima) Sunday, and on the Saturday before Pentecost, as
we learn from the testimony of Gennadius, a Patriarch of Constan-
tinople in the fifteenth century.84
Beside these days, the 21st day of November is kept sacred
in memory of the Presentation of the B. V. Mary. This is the
name, as Baronius85 thinks, by which formerly in old kalendars, the
feast-day of the Purification is called, when the most blessed Virgin
presented the Child Jesus to Simeon.f After, perhaps, the four-
teenth century, as copies of more recent kalendars lead me to
think, the Church used, under this title, to celebrate the memory of
the B. V. Mary, who as a little girl dedicated herself to God, and
presented herself for His service in the temple. For the first men-
tion of this feast day occurs in that Constitution of Manuel Com-
nenus, which we have so often referred to. The festival was first
introduced from the East into the Churches of the West by the
Chancellor of Charles V., King of the French, as we know from a
letter which that monarch wrote to the College of Navarre, a.d.
1375 ;86 for that chancellor, when at Rome he filled the office of
Nuncio to the King of Cyprus and Jerusalem, presented to the
Roman Pontiff the office for that feast-day which was in use in the
Eastern Church [perhaps since a.d. 730, but certainly since a.d.
1150 ;] and Gregory XI., who was Pope at that time, submitted the
office for approval to those cardinals to whom he had entrusted the
task of adjudicating upon it, and then, with their approbation, he
introduced both the office and the festival into the European
Churches.
This is the history of the adoption of this festival in the Western
Church.
§ 9. On the Feast-Days of December.
On the 8th day of December there falls the annual festival of
the Conception of the B. V. Mary. Some have supposed that the
most ancient monument of this feast is to be found in the Constitutio
de festis, by Manuel Comnenus, and so have concluded that its
first institution took place in the twelfth century. There is no
doubt, however, that these are mistaken; because as early as the
eleventh century the feast had been instituted in the Anglican
* [Carnisprivium Sunday = the last now and then in the Fathers them-
day on which it was permitted to eat selves.]
flesh, Lent beginning on the day fol- S6 Ap. Launoium in Histor. Colleg.
lowing.] T. I. 1. i. c. 10. [Launoius, Regii Na-
84 L. de Purgat. Apolog. Cone. Flo- varne Gymnasii Parisiensis Historia, pt.
rent. i. c. 10, p. 77, Paris, 1677: "It was
85 In Not. Martyrol. Rom. hac die. withdrawn from the Roman kalendar
f [" Circumcidendum" is added in by Pius V., but restored by Sixtus V.
the text; an evident lapsus as to on the prayer of Turrianus." (Smith's
"Gospel Harmony," such as we find Diet., p. 1144.)]
35° POLITY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH.
Church, notably in the Church of Canterbury, by Archbishop An-
selm, as we know from the testimony of the Council of London held
a.d. 1328.* But there is extant a far more ancient vestige of the
observance of this feast in the laws of the Visigoths, amongst which
occurs a law of King Erviga, which is couched in the following
words,8? ^ " The Feast of the Holy Virgin Mary, when we celebrate
her glorious Conception who was the Lord's Mother;" (Festum
S. Virginis Marice^ quo gloriosa Conceptio ejusdem genetricis Domini
celebratur.) This is, to my mind, a most ancient and most plain
documentary record of this feast day. And hence I am surprised
at the interpretation put upon it by Thomassin, who maintains that
the law is to be understood to speak of the feast day of the Concep-
tion of Christ by the B. Virgin, of which day some traces are met
with in ancient kalendars. But by what means is it possible to give
such an interpretation to the words, "Conceptio ejusdem Genetricis
Domini? "The Conception of the same Mother of the Lord?"
words which most plainly declare the actual Conception of the
Blessed Virgin. Nor am I disposed to agree with another opinion
which the same writer Thomassin has expressed, viz. that the Roman
Church did not keep this feast till after the time of Innocent III.;
for the words of the Council of Basle88 manifestly prove that it was
in accordance with an ancient custom that this feast had been cele-
brated at Rome [and that it could not have been a recent institu-
tion]. About this feast the words of the Council are : "This festival,
in accordance with an ancient and praiseworthy custom, has been
celebrated on the 8th of December, both in the Roman, and in
other Churches." The Fathers of the Council of Basle would never
have applied the expression, "an ancient custom," to an institution
two centuries old, which is about the time which elapsed between
the time of Innocent and the meeting of the Council. We may con-
clude, then, that the observance of this feast at Rome is of greater
antiquity than that. We have the testimony of a Patriarch of Ar-
menia, quoted by Matthew Paris, a.d. 1226, that in the thirteenth
century it was observed in almost all the Churches of the East.
* [Cone. Londin. c. 2, An. 1328, 88 Sess. 36, An. 1439. [This Coun-
''That the memory of the B. V. Mary cil of Basle lasted twelve years, from
may be oftener and more solemnly cele- a.d. 1431 to a.d. 1443; there were in
brated . . . following the steps of our all forty-five sessions: the Council is
venerable predecessor Anselm, who regarded as QEcumenical by the Gal-
after other more ancient solemnities of lican. Church to the end of the twenty-
the B. V. Mary, thought fit to add that fifth session, but the Roman Church
of her Conception, we ordain and firmly generally rejects it altogether. In the
command that the Feast of the Con- thirty-sixth session it was ordered that
ception be solemnly celebrated for the the Festival of the Conception of the
future in all the churches of the pro- B. V. Mary should be celebrated on
vince." In the preamble to this canon the 8th of December; and the doc-
no allusion to the doctrine of the Im- trine of the Immaculate Conception
maculate Conception is expressed or was declared to be a pious and Ca-
implied.] tholic one. (Landon's Manual of Coun-
87 In Leg. Wisig. 1. xii. c. 7, ap. cils.)]
Thomassin. de Fest.
OF THE CHIEF FEASTS OF THE YEAR. 351
But on the 25th day of December we keep a more solemn
feast, that of the Nativity of our Lord and Saviour, Christ. For
a tradition of the Church of the very highest antiquity tells us
that it was on this 25th day of the month of December that
Christ began to shine forth upon the world.89 Hence in the
Kalendar of Bucherius, the oldest in the Roman Church, [dating
from about a.d. 350,] the Feast of our Lord's Nativity is entered
on that day, [which is marked as "Natus Christus in Bethlehem
Judae,"] and Chrysostom, (as cited below,) tells us that in his time
this day was kept as the Feast of the Nativity both among Eastern
and Western Churches, and also in the Church of Rome.
It must be confessed, however, that some early Fathers of the
Church have not held a similar view on this matter of the day of
Christ's Nativity: among these must be reckoned Epiphanius,90
who holds that Christ was born on January 6, and others mentioned
by Clement of Alexandria, who fixed Christ's birth-day for the
19th or 20th of April [or April 21 or 22]; or the 20th of May.91
Hence some Churches of Asia are not unanimously agreed in deter-
mining the day of this festival, as is shown by Tillemont in his Life
of Jesus Christ,92 where he has reviewed the opinions of the Fathers
both as to the day and year of the Birth of Christ, and as to the
day of the festival itself. But it seems to be no part of our plan to
examine a question involved in so many and so great points of
doubtfulness.
We may here notice an opinion of some that this feast of Decem-
ber 25 was of earlier antiquity in the Western than in the Eastern
Church, and that the latter borrowed it from the former about the
fourth century. In support of this view they cite the testimony of
Chrysostom in a homily for the day of the Nativity,93 [delivered on
December 25, 386 ;] when, addressing the people of Antioch, he
says, that ten years before, our Lord's Birth-day had become known
89 August. 1. iv. de Trinit. c. 5; followers of Basilides say He was bom
["Natus traditur octavo Kalendas Ja- on the 24th or 25th of Pharmuthi (i.e.
nuarias:" in the next chapter S. Augus- on April 21 or 22.)"]
tine insists on the strong authority which 92 Art. 1. Not. 3.
he has for all the dates which he gives 93 Horn. 31, T. V. [Vol. II. p. 354,
—that of reason, Scripture, and tradi- ed. Montfaucon. "It is not yet the
tion.] Chrysost. Horn. 33. T. V. tenth year since this day has been made
90 Hseres. li. c. 24, [" Cum enim Ja- manifest and plain to us." "This day
nuario mense (Christus) natus esset, was known from the beginning to those
viii. Id. Jan. qui est apud Romanos who inhabit the West, but was brought
Januarii dies," &c. So he says more to us not many years ago." "From
plainly in Expos. Fid. c. 22, "Neque those who have an accurate knowledge
Epiphaniorum die, quo Dominus secun- of these things and inhabit that city
dum carnem natus est, jejunare licet."] (Rome) have we received this day. For
91 Stromat. 1. i. c. 6, p. 340; Potter, they who dwell there, observing it from
[Al. c. 21, p. 407, "There are some the beginning and by old tradition, them-
who over-curiously assign not only the selves sent to us now the knowledge of
year but even the day of the birth of it." S. Chrysostom also speaks of the
our Saviour, which they say was in opposition which the change of day at
the 28th year of Augustus on the 25th first met with.]
of Pachon, (i.e. May 20.) Some of the
352 POLITY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH.
to them (<y€ve$\iov rjfxepav); then discussing further and at length
as to the day on which Christ was born, he proves that the Roman
Church could very well have certain knowledge on that point; and
he concludes by saying that that festival had been introduced into
the Eastern Church from the Church of Rome.
But my opinion is that in the Eastern Church the Feast of the
Nativity had from the earliest ages been celebrated at the same time
with that of the Epiphany. For generally among the Eastern Fathers
the Feast of the Epiphany is called the Theophany ;94 and, according
to the authority of Gregory Nazianzen,95 this was the name by which
Christ's Nativity was called: for he tells us that the Nativity was
called Theophania^ i.e. the appearance of God. For if we agree
with this conjecture, we shall feel no surprise, that in ancient times
there was no special day kept as the Feast of the Nativity among
Oriental Churches, as they kept each of the two festivals on the
same day. And this is the testimony which Cassian actually bears
respecting the Churches of Egypt: he brings this forward as the
difference between Eastern and Western Churches on this particular
point—viz. that the latter separate the two feast-days, while the
former observed96 the Feast of the Epiphany and that of Christ's
Nativity conjointly on the 6th of January. But we give the greater
weight to this conjecture, since Epiphanius, when fixing the 6th of
January as the day of our Lord's Nativity, gives no other reason for
doing so except a tradition of the Churches of the East, which cele-
brated the Feast of the Nativity on that day; for which reason he
called the Nativity both the "Epiphany," and the "Theophany."97
From these considerations, then, I think two inferences must be
gathered; first, it would seem that the Feast of the Nativity men-
tioned in the Apostolical Constitutions, Bk. viii. ch. 33, [quoted
above in this chap. § 1, note 13,] is not the addition of a later hand;
for though there is no trace to be found of its being formerly called
by that name in the Eastern Church, yet it could easily have hap-
pened that this festival began in the first age to be called the Feast of
the Nativity, and then that of the Epiphany or Theophany: so when
the old name had at length died out, the more modern name came
generally into use. Nor can it be said, in reply, that in the very
same Book of the Constitutions there is a sermon introduced called
a sermon "on the Epiphany;" for perhaps in that Church at least,
from which issued forth that Book of the Apostolic Constitutions
94 Isidor. Pelus. 1. iii. Ep. no, sacerdotes vel Dominici Baptismi, vel
[" '6rav ra ®€o<pdvia ?i rj rod ^carrjpos secundum carnem Nativitatis esse defi-
Kara adpica yevvrfcris cv KvpiaKfj airavrr)- niunt, et idcirco utriusque sacramenti
<T€Le, Troiel SnrXriv tV Travfjyvpiv, oiovel, solemnitatem non bifarie ut in Occiduis
eopr^u eV eo^f?."] provinciis, sed unadiei hujus festivitate
95 Horn. 38, ["in Theophaniam sive concelebrant," &c]
Natalem Christi."] 97 Epiphan. Hser. li. c. 29, ["tire
96 Collat. x. cap. 2, [Patrol. XLIX. a\-qBu>5 to. eeocpdvia iyevtro :" "on this
820, "Intra ^Egypti regionem mos iste day the Theophanies actually took
antiqua traditione servatur, ut peracto place."]
Epiphaniorum die quern provincise illius
OF THE CHIEF FEASTS OF THE YEAR. 353
which has come down to us, each of the two feasts was kept on
separate days; for except the case of the Church of Cyprus and the
Church of Egypt, and some other peculiar Churches of the East, no
argument can be advanced sufficient to prove that the Feast of the
Nativity was either not observed at all by the other Churches of
Asia, or that it was observed conjointly with the Feast of the Epi-
phany: and Usher's attempt to establish such a proof in his Prole-
gomena to the Epistles of Ignatius has altogether failed, as Tillemont
in the passage cited above clearly shows by a variety of proofs.
Nor are our arguments opposed to the words of Chrysostom, who,
as we said, tells us that the Church of Antioch borrowed the observ-
ance of this feast from the Church of Rome: for he is speaking of
the day, not of the feast itself; and it is quite true that the custom
of keeping the festival on the 25th day of December was introduced
into the Eastern Churches from the West.
Secondly, by this method of interpretation we shall be able to
explain the opinion of Augustine, which puzzles the minds of our
learned men, and which seems to be an authority against us. That
Father in his Epist. 118, ch. i. [al. 54 § 1], when speaking of the
feast-days which were observed universally in the Churches, is silent
respecting this particular feast [of the Nativity]. Tillemont thinks
that Augustine is only speaking of some feast-days, not of all of them.
But my method of interpretation has the advantage of all others (as
appears from the following consideration). Augustine is speaking in
that place of movable, but not of i?nmovable feasts, as is plain to any
reader of that epistle: for he enumerates four festivals, that of the
Passion, of the Resurrection, of the Ascension, and that of Pente-
cost, which are movable feasts, from which circumstance we feel
no surprise that he has altogether passed over the mention of the
Feast of our Lord's Nativity, which the Church reckoned among
the immovable feasts; this point we can show even more clearly
from the testimony of Augustine himself: for in his 119th Epistle
he speaks of the Festival of the Nativity, and tells us that it was pre-
ceded by a solemn fast.
It has seemed well thus to touch on these arguments: when the
occasion requires us to do so we shall enter more fully into them:
for the plan we set ourselves in this present work does not admit of
our here lingering longer over, or multiplying, critical arguments.
The Church observed the Festival of Christ's Nativity with a
service of unusual solemnity and magnificence. Since the time of
Augustine the Liturgy for it used to begin on the night preceding
the 25th of December; on that night all the faithful were bound to
be at church,98 nor was it lawful for Christians to perform the service
in private or country chapels, but by an ecclesiastical law they were
98 Cone. Epaon. cap. 35, An. 517, Christmas and Easter: "Ut cives su-
[Enjoins all Christian persons of rank perioram natalium nocte paschee, ac
to go (to church) and receive the bless- nativitatis Domini solemnitate, episco-
ing of their bishop on the nights of pos, nee interest in quibus civitatibus
A A
354 POLITY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH.
obliged to assemble themselves in the principal church of the city, and
so to be present at the bishop's celebration;" the penalty for those
who violated this rule was three years' excommunication.100 Hence, as
the Liturgy generally began after midnight, the faithful were for-
bidden to drink anything after midnight,101 the duty of communi-
cating in the Eucharistic elements on the day of the Nativity being
binding upon all, as Martene in the same place shows by a great
number of proofs.
The more ancient Sacramentaries of the Roman Church which
are extant have three masses for this day, especially the Gelasian
and the Gregorian: Gregory the Great himself bears witness to this
in the sixth century.103 But in the Gallican and Mozarabic, and in
the older Spanish Liturgies, there is only one mass for this day.
And according to the Ambrosian Missale in Pamelius there appears
to have been but one also celebrated in the Ambrosian Church.
But in the Gallican Churches it was customary in the time of Gre-
gory of Tours in the sixth century, to have at least two masses.103 In
the Spanish Churches the custom of having three masses had been
introduced as early as the fourteenth century, according to a treatise
of Eldephonsus,104 and in the Church of Milan the custom was
adopted perhaps subsequently to the fifteenth century.
§ 10. On the Year of Christ's Nativity.
My readers will not take it amiss to find that I have here set down
a few facts and inferences which I have collected on the subject of
the exact year in which Christ was born.
positos, accipiendse benedictionis desi- phany: and any presbyter or deacon
derio noverint expetendos."] Toletan. who is absent three weeks from his pa-
XIII. c. 8, An. 683, [Any bishop to be rish.]
excommunicated who fails to celebrate 101 Cone. Autissiodor. c. 11, An. 578,
on the great festivals of Easter, Pente- ["Non licet in vigilia paschse ante ho-
cost, and Christmas, when required by ram secundam noctis vigilias perex-
his sovereign or his metropolitan to do plere, quia in ilia nocte non licet post
so.]
mediam noctem bibere, nee in natali
99 Cone. Aurel. I. c. 25, An. 511. Domini nee in reliquis solemnitati-
[Forbids celebrating the greater festi- bus '']
vals in private chapels except in case of 102 Horn. 8 in Evang. Matth.
sickness: "Nulli civium Paschse, Na- 103 V. L. ii. de Mir. S. Mart. c. 25;
talis Domini, vel Quinquagesimse solem- and L. de Vit. Patr. vin. II. [In each
nitatem in villa liceat celebrare, nisi of these references but one mass is men-
quern infirmitas probabitur tenuisse."] tioned, but preceded by a Vigil, "Hora
100 Cone. Agath. c. 63, An. 506, tertia, cum populus ad missarum solem-
l""Ut cives qui superiorum solemni- nia conveniret." And the Benedictine
tatum id est Paschse ac Natalis Domini note says but one mass was usual on
vel Pentecostes festivitatibus cum epis- Christmas Day in the Gallican Church.]
copis interesse neglexerint, cum in civi- ™ Ap. Martene, T VI Thesaur.
tatibus communionis vel benedictionis Monum. [Patrol. CVI. 888. He al-
accipiendse causa se nosse debeant, tri- hides to there being a triple mass in
ennio a communione priventur eccle- Spain on the Nativity, Easter Pente-
sise." The 64th canon also suspends cost and the Transfiguration : he wrote
fov three years any clerk absent from A.D. 845.]
his church on these festivals or on Epi-
OF THE CHIEF FEASTS OF THE YEAR. 355
This fact certainly cannot be called in question, that Christ was
born in the reign of Herod, who is commonly called the Great.
Herod died in the 750th year of the building of the city of Rome,
and in the forty-second year of the Julian era. The birth of Christ,
then, (who was baptized in the fifteenth year of Tiberius when, ac-
cording to S. Luke,105 He was thirty years old,) must have taken
place in the twenty-seventh year after the battle of Actium, a.u.c. 749,
the forty-first of the Julian period; in the fourth year of the 193rd
Olympiad; according to the Julian period in the year of the world
4709, or, according to Usher's chronology, in the year 4000; in
which year Augustus was Consul for the twelfth time, together with
L. Sulla.
Such is the epoch of our Lord's Nativity, as determined by those
celebrated chronologists, whom we have taken as our authorities on
the subject.
§ 11. Of the Feast-Days of S. Stephen, S. yoJui, and the Holy
Innocents.
On the next day after the Nativity, the 26th of December, we
celebrate the commemoration of the first martyr S. Stephen; and
this day was kept sacred as early as the fourth century.106
The following day, December 27, is kept as the Feast of the Apostle
S. John, as we find in almost all the more ancient Kalendars and
Martyrologies. In every part of the Church there used to be a
double mass on this day, as is directed in the old MS. Missals of
Corbey, Lyons, and Moissac, in Martene, ib. c. 13. And this
custom was certainly kept up to the time of Durandus as late as the
thirteenth century.107
On the third day after the Nativity we keep the Feast of the Holy
Innocents: the number of these is nearly 14000 in the Menolo^ium
of the Greeks, and in the Liturgy of the Ethiopians,108 which must
be set down as Greek fables.
This feast in old times, i.e. the middle ages, was kept up with
certain marks of sorrow, as we learn from some Sacramentaries men-
tioned in Martene as quoted above; in the Liturgy for that day the
Te Deum, and the Alleluia, and the Gloria Patri, and the Gloria in
excelsis, are all omitted; and at Rome on this day they did not eat
flesh or fat, except it happened to fall on a Lord's Day, as we are
told by Benedictus, Canon of S. Peter's, in his Ordinarium. But this
was not the custom in all the Churches of the West, as appears from
very many Liturgies, as the Ambrosian, that of Limoges, and that of
Rouen.
105 C. 3. it is also ordered in the Apostolical
106 Ex Horn. S. Greg. Nysseni de S. Constitutions, viii. 33, to be kept by
Steph. [Patrol. Gr.XLVI. 701. In two servants as a holiday.]
sermons of his we are told S. Stephen's 107 Rat. 1. vii. c. 13 [42?]
Day fell on the day after Christmas; l08 V. Jansen. in Matt. ii. 18.
these were preached about a.d. 390:
A A 2
35^ POLITY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH.
But we must not omit to mention here a ridiculous custom which
prevailed in some Churches in connexion with this day. Boys, on
this day, wearing the sacred vestments, used to form themselves into
a choir with their own precentor, one of them being arrayed in the
pontifical robes and ornaments, sitting in the bishop's chair, and
taking the name of the Boy Bishop (Puer Episcopellus) as he is called
by Bishop Lucas Cosentinus in his Ordinary. The Council of Basle
made strenuous efforts to do away with this abuse ;109 but it still
continued in some Churches notwithstanding, as e.g. in the Church
of Bourges, where it was kept up to the sixteenth century: and Mar-
tene in the passage before cited tells us that in his time the custom
was kept up in Lyons and other Churches.
We have now said as much about the chief Immovable feasts of
the year as the brevity we have imposed on ourselves will admit of:
we pass now to speak of those feasts which are called Movable.
CHAPTER III.
OF MOVABLE FEAST-DAYS.
We may begin with the Feast of Easter; and, since this is pre-
ceded by Lent, it will be worth while briefly to touch on some points
connected with the observance of this latter season, though we shall
reserve what we have to say on fasting for a subsequent chapter.
§ i. Of Lent and its Lord's Days,
From the beginning of Lent, in most of the Latin Churches, and
universally among the Greeks, the Church used to leave out the
joyful word "Alleluia" in singing the services of psalmody, and
the mystical offices. S. Gregory the Great is indeed reported ^ to
have required that the word should be omitted from the beginning
of Septuagesima: this was in the sixth century; but others think, as
e.g. Andrew of Ratisbon in his Chronicle,1 that Alexander II. was
the author of that decree.2 But it seems to me impossible that
Alexander could have been the author of this rule: for he was,
rather, the first who desired that the varying uses of the Churches
should be reduced to one uniform use; for, in his time, in one place
the word used to be omitted from the mystical Liturgy of Septua-
gesima, in another place from the evensong following Septuagesima
Sunday; and hence Alexander decreed that the Alleluia should be
everywhere omitted at the first evensong in Septuagesima.
109 Sess. 21. [For a full account of i Anecdotor. Bernardi Petitii. T. IV.
this curious custom see Brand's Anti- 2 V. Durand. Rat. 1. vi. c. 42; Mi-
quities. It is forbidden by the Council crol. c. 47.
of Sens, 1485.]
OF MOVABLE FEAST-DAYS. 357
In ancient times after the first Lord's Day in Lent, both the
Cross, and other images of the Saints, used to be veiled: but after
the fifteenth century this veiling of the Cross began to be put off till
Passion Sunday. On the second Lord's Day nothing worthy of
notice occurs. But on the third among the Greeks, there is the
solemn service of the adoration of the Cross, a rite which other
Churches borrowed from the Church of Constantinople. There used
to be indeed on this occasion a solemn Litany in the palace of the em-
peror, during which a cross, with a piece of the holy wood of the actual
Cross of Christ attached to it, used to be carried from the chapel
of the palace to the great dining-room of the emperor, and there he
used to adore the Cross.3 This Service and Liturgy of the Adora-
tion of the Cross were afterwards in common use among almost all
the Churches of the East, and they are mentioned in the Triodion
and Typicon of S. Sabas. It was on this Lord's Day in the Western
Church, and especially at Rome, that those examinations, scrutinia^
began which we have described in our First Book: and in some
Churches in France there were, in the middle ages, two celebrations
on the Thursday in this third week in Lent.5
The fourth Lord's Day in Lent was celebrated at Rome in the
middle ages for the service of the Golden Rose held on that day. At
the end of the Liturgy on that day the Pope used to bless with
solemn prayer, this rose, which had been filled with musk and balsam,
and then with his own hand he used to present it to the sovereign.
This service is mentioned by Fulk,6 Count of Anjou, in the
eleventh century, and by Durandus7 in the thirteenth; hence the
writer of the Life of Pope Innocent IV.8 is mistaken when he tells
us that that Pontiff was the original inventor of the ceremony: but
perhaps he is speaking of the form of benediction, and of the par-
ticular prayers which were used, which are undoubtedly to be traced
to Innocent : for in former times no benediction was pronounced
over this Golden Rose by the Pope, as I shall show in my history of
the MS. Liturgies of the Latin Church, in which I shall devote a
special book to a dissertation on those ceremonies which were
used at Rome, Milan, and other Churches, both at the anointing of
emperors, kings and queens, and at a celebration of the Liturgy
itself, when an emperor or king was present at it.
On the Wednesday in this week the Scrutinia used also to be held
in the Western Church.
The fifth Lord's Day is called Passion Sunday [as "the time be-
tween that day until Easter is designated Christ's Passion-tide"].*
It was kept in the same way as the other Sundays: on the Saturday
3 V. Codin. de Offic. Eccl. et Aulas 8 Ap. Labbeum.
Constantinopolit. c 9- * [An Anglo-Saxon Homily, (quoted
* V. Sacr. Gelas. ap. Thomasium. from Wheatly, in Smith's Diet of
5 V. Missale Colbertin. ap. Martene, Antiq., p. 1564,) for the Fifth Sunday
lb- c- x9- in Lent commences by stating that from
6 In Fragmento Hist. Andegav. in that day until Easter the time is desicr-
D'Acherii Spicil. T. X. nated "Christ's Passion-tide." 1 **
7 Ration. 1. vi. c. 53.
35$ POLITY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH.
in that week the Creed used to be recited to the catechumens in the
Church of Milan.
The sixth Lord's Day in Lent [was the first day of what was called
the Great Week, or Holy Week, "the observance of which may be
said to have commenced with the preceding Saturday, when, with
reference to John xii. i—9, the Church commemorated the raising
of Lazarus."] It is called in the middle ages by a variety of names;
as e.g. Hosanna? Pascha Petitum, or Competentium (Candidates'
Sunday), as on that day almost all Churches used to recite the
creed to the Competentes1^ (Baptismal Candidates), [as directed by
the thirteenth canon of the Council of Agde]; Pascha [or Dominica']
Palmarum}1 (Palm Sunday;) and Capitilavium, (Head-washing Sun-
day,) as the heads of children who were to be anointed at Baptism
were washed on this day.13 [In the Gallican Liturgies it was known
as Dominica Lazari, the raising of Lazarus being commemorated on
this day, not on the preceding Saturday.]
But at what age that Benediction of Palms, which takes place on
this Lord's Day, first originated we have no positive information:
for the more ancient liturgical documents are entirely silent on the
subject; as e.g. the Sacramentaries of Gelasius and of Gregory,
the old Gothic Missal of Thomasius, and even Isidore of Seville.
[In the Sacramentary of Gregory the name Dominica Palmarum, or
Ramorum, occurs : but nothing is said of any benedictions or pro-
cessions on that day.] The Benediction of the Palms is first men-
tioned by Amalarius, a writer of the ninth century.13 In the middle
ages, however, there were two processional Litanies (supplicatio) on
this day, one at the beginning of the mass as usual, the other a
special one of palms, in which the Cross unveiled and a Book of
the Gospels were also carried ;14 moreover in England the Eucharist
used also to be carried, as Matthew Paris15 tells us.
The ritual of the Greek Church does not differ much in this
9 Ap. Fulcon. Andegav. ib. statuitur in ecclesia ante aram, .unde
10 Ap. Ekkerd. De Casib. S. Galli. clerus processurus est. Deinde (after
c. 1, in Thesaur. Monum. T. VI. the blessing of the palms) suscipiunt
11 In Vita S. Uldar. ap. Mabill. scec. diaconi suprascriptum portatorium cum
V. An. Ord. S. Bened. evangelic-, bajulantes, &c. . . . Respon-
12 Isidor. de Div. Offic. 1. i. c. 28, det chorus aspiciens seu inclinans se ad
["Hoc die symbolum competentibus suprascriptum sanctum evangelium,"
traditur. . . . Vulgus ideo eum diem ca- &c] Cenci. Carrier, in Ordine Rom.
pitilavium vocant, quia tunc moris est c. 9.
lavandi capita infantium qui unguendi Vo In Vit. Abbatum Monast. S. Al-
sunt, ne forte observatione Quadrage- bani in vita Abb. Simeon. ["Thejubi-
simse sordidata ad unctionem accede- lant processions so characteristic a part
rent."] of the ritual of Palm Sunday in East
13 De Div. Offic. 1. i. c. 10, [An. and West, are mentioned by Gregory
812; he mentions olive branches being Nyssen." (Horn. 3 de Resur. Vol. III.
earned.] 420.) He was Bishop of Nyssa from
14 V. Vulgat. Alcuin. de Div. Offic. a.d. 372 to 396. "These processions
de Dom. Palmar., [" Iiodie prsepa- were almost universal in the East and
ratur quoddam portatorium honestissi- West by the end of the seventh cen-
me, in quo intromittitur sanctum evan- tury."]
gelium, quod intelligitur Christus, et
OF MOVABLE FEAST-DAYS. 359
matter from that of the Latin; as may be seen by referring to the
Typicum of S. Saba and the Euchologium.
As regards the reading of the Passion of Christ, which we have on
that day out of S. Matthew's Gospel, we may remark that it anciently
formed no part of the Mozarabic, Ambrosian, or Gallican Liturgy,
but was peculiar to the Roman Liturgy only, as used on this day;
for in private celebrations of masses almost down to the fifteenth
century the Passion used not to be read, but another chapter of the
Evangelist: while in the Mozarabic and Ambrosian Liturgy the Pas-
sion of Christ used to be read only on Maundy Thursday (Ccena
Domini), and in the Gallican Church only on Good Friday.
§2. Of the Great Week [or Holy Week\
Though Christians practised fastings and other chastisements of
the body during the whole of Lent, yet on this last week they used
to observe a fast which lasted for six days, from the Monday till the
Friday or Saturday, abstaining during these days from wine,16 &c,
and allowing only bread and water, salt and vegetables, to be laid
on their tables at meals. Epiphanius says that in his time all people
used during those days to live on xerophagy, i.e. on dry food, though
some, as he says, continued to fast for only two or three or four
days.17 S. Dionysius of Alexandria in a letter to Basil, in Eusebius,18
bears the same testimony. But in ancient times among the Latins
the use of xerophagy was practised both during the Great Week
and also during the preceding Passion Week, as Tertullian informs
us.19 All the days of the Great Week were holidays not only in the
Church but also in the State: we find proofs of this in the Apos-
tolical Constitutions,20 and in Chrysostom,31 who says that on those
16 Constit. Apost. 1. v. c. 18, [" Do ls Hist. Eccl. 1. v. c. 24, [Irenseus
you therefore fast on the days of the (Ep. ad Victor.) as quoted here by Eu-
Passover beginning from the second sebius says, "Some think they ought
day of the week until the Preparation to fast for one day, others for two days,
(Good Friday) and the Sabbath, six and others even for several, while others
days, making use of only bread, and reckon forty hours both of day and
salt and herbs, and water for your night to their day," (compute the fast
drink; abstaining on these days from as lasting forty hours). He goes on to
wine and flesh. ... If any one is not say that this variety is not merely a
able to join them both together, at least thing of his own time, but of much
let him observe the Sabbath day; for older date (ttoXv irpSrepoi/) ; an impor-
the Lord says somewhere speaking of tant statement, (remarks Smith's Diet.
Himself, 'When the bridegroom shall Antiq.,) as carrying back the existence
be taken away from them, in those days of the fast practically up to Apostolic
shall they fast.'" This last application times.]
of our Lord's words occurs also in 19 Tert. 1. de Jejun. adv. Psychic.
Epiphanius, Expos. Fid. c. 22, and in c. 2.
Tertull. de Jejun. c. 2.] 20 L. viii. c. 33, [" Let slaves rest
17 In Expos. Fidei, c. 22, [" Sex illos from their work all the Great Week,
Paschatis dies xerophagia, hoc est arido and that which follows it: for the one
victu, transigunt populi omnes, hoc in memory of the Passion, and the other
est panem duntaxat cum sale et aqua of the Resurrection; let them have rest
sub vesperam adhibent. Imo vero non- from their work on the Ascension ....
nulli ad biduum vel triduum vel qua- let them rest at Pentecost."]
triduum usque jejunia prorogant."] 21 Horn. 30 in Genes. [Chrys. Orat.
3^° POLITY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH.
days criminals were let out of prison in the East, which was the
custom in the West also.22
Such was the ancient discipline of the Church generally on the
days of this Great Week: but the more solemn services began for
the most part on the Maundy Thursday, which day we are now
going to speak of.
The celebration of the Liturgy on the Thursday in Holy Week
used in the first ages to begin before midnight, for the early Chris-
tians were careful to keep holy vigils during the nights of Thursday,
Friday, and Saturday of this week; a discipline which seems to have
been maintained in the West to the seventh and almost to the eighth
century.23 By degrees, after the tenth century, when the old reli-
gious fervour grew cold, the Liturgy used to begin at the eighth
hour of the night i24 and after the fourteenth century not a single trace
of the ancient vigil of this day survived, but the Liturgy began in
the morning, and the singing of the psalms for that night began after
vespers, as is the custom at this day. On that night all the lamps
in a church were lighted, besides a certain definite number of can-
dles, which was not everywhere the same, but varied in different
churches ;25 but nowhere were there less than six wax candles
lighted, one of which was extinguished at each lection.26 It used to
be the custom on that and the following nights to recite the Psalms
in a low voice, as Martene proves from the ancient Ordines. The
lections were anciently the same as those which we still read in our
Breviary, as appears from the old Roman Ordo: and in the
middle ages it became the custom for them to be sung in a dolor-
ous voice (lacry?nabili), while at the end of them those words were
added, "Uierusalem, Hierusalem, convertere" &c, "Jerusalem, Jeru-
salem, turn thyself," &c, for about both these matters the older liturgies
are silent. This service of nocturns was followed by lauds, after
which, in the middle ages, all strangers and children were put out
of church, and then all the lamps and candles, except one, were ex-
tinguished, and that last one was concealed by the verger of the
church [behind the altar during the Benedictus]. Therefore the
Service of Psalmody for this night is called the Office of Tenebrce, in
the office books of the middle ages. At last, on the conclusion of
the Miserere, the choir-stall was struck twice or thrice, as a signal
that the verger should bring back the light which was concealed,
6, ad Pop. Ant.; Greg. Nyss. Orat. 3, severitate mollita, multaram culparum
de Resurrec] reos faciunt relaxari," &c]
22 Ambros. Epist. [20, al. 33] ad 23 Ex Ordine Rom. Antiquo, edit, a
Marcellinam, [" Sanctis diebus hebdo- Mabill. Mus. Ital. T. II. p. 19.
madis ultimse, quibus solebant debi- 24 Exvulgato Ord. Rom.; and Alcuin
torum laxari vincula, stridunt catenae," in c. xvi. de Feria 5 Ccenae Domini,
&c] S. Leo R. P. Serm. 11 [al. 40] [" In hac sacra festivitate diversa gesta
de Quadrag. c. 5. [Leo says, "Ro- sunt, et geruntur rjjsurgendum est enim
mani orbis piissimi imperatores ... in ad vigilias hora noctis octava."]
honorem Dominica? Passionis et Resur- 26 Ord. Rom. Ant. ap. Mabil. ; and
rectionis altitudinem suae potestatis in- Alcuin. ib.
clinant . . . et constitutionum suarum 26 Durand. Rat. 1. vi. c. 72.
OF MOVABLE FEAST-DAYS. 361
[this bringing back of the light being typical of Christ's resur-
rection].27 From this we can understand that it was for no mys-
tical reason that the choir-stall was struck upon, as some writers,
more zealous for piety than truth have explained it, but that accord-
ing to an ancient custom this used to be done to admonish the
verger of the church that he should bring back the light.
The celebration of the Mystical Liturgy began in the morning.
In ancient times the bishop used to celebrate three masses on this
day; the first, for the reconciliation of penitents, (which was per-
formed with that solemn ritual which we shall describe in another
Book); the second, for the consecration of the oil; for at Rome
ever since the fifth century, and in other Churches of the West ever
since the ninth century, as we have described in our first Book, the
consecration of the chrism, the oil for the catechumens and for the
sick, took place on this day, as at last became the custom among
the Greeks also. Cyprian in his 70th Epistle, and Optatus of Mi-
levis, Book vii. against Parmenianus, tell us that anciently the oil
for the chrism was consecrated in the name of Christ on the altar
itself, and with much solemnity. Anciently also at this mass all
the clergy were present, though after the ninth century the bishops
were satisfied if twelve presbyters attended ;28 for this liturgy the
bishop used to consecrate the oil for the sick after the Lord's
Prayer; and after the choir had sung the Agnus Dei, he consecrated
first the oil for the chrism and then that for the catechumens. If
any of the old oil was left from the preceding year, it was either
mixed with the new, or was poured into the lamps of the church,
and so consumed by burning.29 The bishop then distributed the
consecrated oil to the parish priests, either with his own hands,
or through the archdeacon; and to those who were absent he
sent it by the hands of the presbyters, for it was forbidden by
edicts of Councils to deliver it into the hands of the minor
clergy.30
When this second Liturgy was over a third celebration followed,
one peculiar to the day. This celebration was accompanied with
high ritual, with the hymn Gloria in Excelsis, the Gloria Patri, &c.
with psalms, and with the recitation of the Creed.31 The Bishop,
27 Ex antiquo Ordine Eccl. Remens. 398, "Presbyteri, qui per dioeceses ec-
ap. Mart. ib. c. 22. clesias regunt, non a quibuslibet epis-
28 Ex Sacram. Sylvanect; Mogunt.; copis, sed a suis, nee per juniorem
Constantinopolitano; and Cone. Roto- clericum, sed aut per seipsos aut per
mag. c. 1, An. 1072. [The Council of ilium, qui sacrarium tenet ante paschce
Rouen, A.D. 1072, orders the bishop to solemnitatem chrisma petant."] Tolet.
consecrate the holy oil at the proper I. c. 20, An. 400, [Restricts the con-
time, in the presence of twelve priests secration of the chrism to the bishops •
in their vestments. The only vestige orders all priests to send a deacon or
of this old rite retained in the English subdeacon to the bishop at Easter in
Church is the consecration of oil for the order to receive it.]
coronation of the sovereign.] 31 V. Sacrament. Gelasian.; and Nic
29 Ex Pontifical. Apamien. ; andDu- I. R. P. Epist. 19, ad Rudolph. Bi-
rand. ib. turig. Episc.
30 Cone. Carthag. IV. c. 36, An.
3^2 POLITY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH.
however, omitted the usual salutation of the people, Dominus vobis-
cum, "The Lord be with you," instead of which the deacon said the
Flectamus genua, "Let us kneel down," and the subdeacon, the
Levate, "Rise up," as we see in the Sacramentaries of Gelasius, of
Rheims and others. Anciently also the usual kiss was given at this
celebration, but since the eleventh century this custom was gradually
discontinued also.32 In ancient times at this mass all [present] both
clergy and Christian people used to partake of the sacred elements;
and this was universally the rule among the Latins down to the
tenth century ;33 and it is still the rule among the Greeks, with
whom it is usual for those who are forbidden to communicate to
receive from the hand of the presbyter at least a spoonful of holy
water.34 At this third mass also the bishop used to consecrate
the Eucharist for the following day, which at the end of the cele-
bration he used to reserve either on the altar itself, or usually in
"some other decent place;" in the Spanish Churches he used to
wrap it up in linen sealed with a double seal, and it was used at the
mass of the Presanctifted, which was the name given to that celebra-
tion which took place on the following day of Good Friday. On
this same day also the Greeks are accustomed to solemnly con-
secrate the Eucharistic Bread, which they use during the whole of
the year following at communions for the sick, as we shall describe
at length in our Dissertation I. Vol. III.* Lastly, the service of the
Benediction of the Fire was performed by the bishop, according to
"a custom instituted by our holy fathers," as Pope Zacharias says:
this fire was kept burning till Easter Eve (Holy Saturday), that the
candles might be lighted from it.
To these three celebrations of masses a fourth was added by the
Sicilian Use, and by an ancient Regius Ordo given in Martene,
who supposes that this fourth celebration of the Liturgy used to
take place in some churches in connection with the holding of the
examinations of catechumens (scrutinid),
32 V. Alcuin. ib. c. xvi. ["A pads it is then broken into particles called
osculo sine salutatione abstinetur .... Margarita, or pearls, which (' when
ad vitandam salutationem pestiferam dried in a small dish under a pan of
qualem Judas proditor exercuit."] Or- coals') are put into a pyx to be reserved
din. saec. XI. XII. et XIII. ap. Mar- till Maundy Thursday next year; with
tene. one of these particles softened with
33 V. Capitular. Theodul. Aurelia- wine brought by the priest for the pur-
nen. and Capitul. Waited apud Mart. pose, the sick man is communicated."
in Thesauro Monum. T. V. Traces of this mode of communicating
34 Ex Allatio de Consens. utriusque the sick are found in the Western
Eccl. 1. iii. c. 17, n. 7. Church also down to the end of the
# [In the Churches of the East the eleventh century. Thus a Council of
laity receive the Holy Communion in Tours (a.d. 813?) orders the oblation
both kinds at once; i.e. a particle of reserved for the sick to be "steeped in
the "Body" steeped in the " Blood" is the Blood of Christ, that the presbyter
administered in a spoon. And thus it may be able truthfully to say, The Body
is reserved in both kinds for the sick. and Blood of the Lord," &c. And the
Pelliccia, in his Dissertation referred rite of Commixture in the Roman Mis-
to, describes how this is done on Maun- sal is most probably a survival of the
dy Thursday. "Each consecrated loaf same usage. Cf. Maldonatus, de Cae-
is intinged with the consecrated wine: rem. Disp. II. xxii. 3.]
OF MOVABLE FEAST-DAYS. 363
According to the more ancient Church custom, two masses used
to be celebrated on this day, one early in the morning, the other
late in the day: for this reason the third Council of Carthage, (can.
29>)* gave leave to presbyters to celebrate this second mass without
fasting. Augustine mentions this double celebration;35 though in
the Gregorian missal only one occurs. But that these two celebra-
tions were customary among the Greeks also is clear from a decree
of the Council in Trullo, a.d. 692, which [with special reference to
the above mentioned Council of Carthage] forbad the second mass
which used to be celebrated by presbyters after they had dined.36
According to the more ancient rituals Vespers followed imme-
diately on the conclusion of the Mystical Liturgy. But at what
period the custom began of stripping the altars on this day, is un-
certain. On the stripping of the altars the Sacramentaries of Gela-
sius and Gregory are both silent; the first mention of it occurs in
an old Roman Ordo in Mabillon; we may therefore suppose that
this custom came in about the seventh or eighth century; for
documents after that date make constant mention of it.
Among all the liturgical writers which I have read I have found
no rational explanation of this stripping of the altar, nothing but
mystical reasons for it. But the true origin of this piece of ritual
appears to be pointed out by Isidore of Seville very plainly; for he
writes that on this day the altars, the walls, and the floors of the
church are washed, and the vessels which are consecrated to God
are purified.37 If the altars were to be washed, it would be necessary
for them first to be stripped: hence when at length the washing of
them had been discontinued, the custom of stripping them was still
kept up.
Evensong being over, as also the stripping and washing of the
altars, the entire service of this day was concluded by what we call
the Maundy (i.e. Mandatum, commandment). Mandatum, the word
used in the Gospels for commandment [John xiii. 34; xiii. 14—16;
* [Cone. Carth. III. c. 29, An. 397, Sacrament, the Body of the Lord
"Ut sacramenta altaris non nisi a jeju- should pass the Christian's lips before
nis hominibus celebrentur, excepto uno other food: for it is on that account
die anniversario, quo coena Domini ce- that that custom is observed throughout
lebratur. Nam si. . . defunctorum . .. the whole world." S. Isidore of Seville
commendatio facienda est, solis ora- says exactly the same as S. Augustine
tionibus fiat, si illi qui faciunt jam on this subject, using the very same
pransi inveniantur."] words. (De Ecc. Off. i. 18.)]
35 Epist. ad Januar. 54. [In the 36 Can. 29. [" M$) 5eT iv rf} recr-
morning for the sake of those who dine, aapaKoarrj tt? varcpaia IjSSo/xaSi tV
not able to fast: in the evening for the ire/jLTTTriv Kvew /ecu '6\i]v r^v T€(rarapa-
sake of those who fast (till then). He kovt^v aTi/nd^Giv."]
says, in the same letter, "It is beyond 3; De Eccl. Offic. 1. i. c. 29, ["Eo
dispute that when the disciples first re- die (ccena Domini) Salvator pedes dis-
ceived the Body and Blood of the cipulorum lavit Hinc est quod
Lord, they did not receive fasting. eodem die altaria templique parie-
Are we therefore to blame the whole tes et pavimenta lavantur, vasaque
Church because every one does receive purificantur, quse sunt Domino conse-
fasting? No; for it pleased the Holy crata."]
Spirit that, in honour of so mighty a
364 POLITY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH.
and perhapsLuke xxii. 19] is the name given in medieval liturgies
to that washing of the feet of some poor persons, which was done in
those times by the bishop with his own hands, and in the church.38
At Constantinople this ceremony was performed with very solemn
ritual :^ for there in the hall of the imperial palace, the emperor him-
self, with his own hands used to wash the feet of twelve poor men,
as is described at length by Codinus.39
Such were the services of Maundy Thursday: we now pass to
describe those of Good Friday.
^ On the eve of Good Friday also Christians used to keep sacred
vigils from the hour of midnight, according to an old Roman Ordinal.
But this vigil was kept without any lights: for in the middle ages
care was taken that no lights should be burning in the church from
the conclusion of the Liturgy on Maundy Thursday until Easter
Eve; of this fact we have the plainest documentary proofs in almost
all the rituals of the middle ages. And in the sixteenth century this
rule is mentioned by S. Gregory of Tours, on the Glory of the
Martyrs, bk. i. ch. v.; the Church of Milan was the one exception; in
this Church the lights were put out one by one on the morning of
Good Friday, during the reading of the Passion of Christ, at the
words in which the death of our Saviour is described.
But on this night, even to mediaeval times, the Psalms were not
read in the usual order of the office, but the whole Psalter used to be
recited in order.40
On the morning of Good Friday was said the Mass of the Prce-
sanctified, so called because the elements had been sanctified [by
consecration] on the preceding day; for in this day's liturgy there was
never a consecration of the elements, though the liturgical office
included everything else. Since the fifth century, Socrates41 tells
us, this kind of masses became common in the Greek Churches;
and they are in use among the Greeks on every day in Lent, except
Saturdays, Sundays, and the day of the Annunciation: on other
38 Cone. Tolet. XVII. cap. 3, An. raxov rrjs oIkov/jl4vt)s 'EkkXtjo-icoj/ eV rj-
694. [Orders that bishops, following \xkpa ^aPfidrccv, Kara -naaav kfitiofxaSos
the example of our Lord, shall observe irepiofioi/ eTriTeXovcrwv ?a /xuo-rrjpia, ol eV
the ceremony of washing the feet of the 'AKetavdpela nal ol eV 'Pcofiy e/c twos
poor on Maundy Thursday. "Pedes apxalas Trapa86(rea>s touto -kouIv -napri-
unusquisque pontificum seu sacerdo- vfaavro" &c, at Alexandria and at
turn, secundum hoc sacrosanctum ex- Rome, in accordance with ancient tra-
emplum, suorum lavare studeat subdi- dition, there were no celebrations on
torum."] Saturdays, though there were in all
39 De Offic. Eccl. et Aul. Constan- Churches in the world except those two.
tinopolit. [Some early Councils forbid He adds, there were sermons, but no
Jews to mix with Christians from this celebrations, on Wednesdays and Fri-
day {die ccence Do7?iini) till Easter Day, days, and that on Saturdays the Egyp-
or Easter Monday. (Cone. Aurel. c. tians and inhabitants of the Thebaid
30, An. 538; Cone. Matisc. c. 14, An. had evening Communions, and that too
581.)] after a full meal, such Communions be-
40 V. Ritual. Lucse Cosent. ap. Mart.; ing contrary to the custom of other
and Vit. S. Uldarici Augustod. c. 4- Christians, "ovx &s edos Xpiomavois
41 Hist. Eccl. 1. v. c. 22, [i( T&v -nav■ twv fxv(TTr)ploov /LteTaA.a^a^ou(n."]
OF MOVABLE FEAST-DAYS. 2>^S
^^mmmmm.
days, except these, they celebrate mass with elements consecrated on
the previous Lord's Day.
But there is no proof that this kind of celebration is of any
antiquity in the Church : for this fact only is beyond question certain,
that anciently in the first ages of the Church the faithful abstained
from the Sacrifice on Good Friday, as Pope Innocent I. tells us.42
But although the Greeks follow the same ancient rule, yet if the
Feast of the Annunciation happens to fall on Good Friday, their
custom is to have the Mass of the feast on that day.43
A greater number of collects (prationes) than usual are also said
on this day, which are of a certain antiquity in the Church, as the
same prayers are found in the Gelasian and Gregorian Sacramen-
taries. [" At Rome the Pontiff came before the altar and recited a
series of eighteen prayers, a portion of which form the basis of the
Good Friday collects of the Church of England."] From ancient
times also the Adoration of the Cross took place on this day: this
service, [properly called " creeping to the Cross,"] the faithful in the
middle ages performed bare-footed, and with bodies prostrate on the
ground.44 In ancient times when the adoration of the Cross was
over, the Body of Christ was carried to the altar from the place
where it had been reserved on the previous day. In mediaeval times
it used to be carried, with solemn processional litany, from a certain
altar, where on the preceding day it had been exposed to the public
veneration of the faithful; and this altar is called, to the present
day, the Sepulchre. Of this Sepulchre I have found no earlier men-
tion than one which occurs in the eleventh century. In that century
it is mentioned in an office-book of the Church of Bayeux in Martene,
and by an author of the life of S. Udalric, Bishop of Augsburg.*
Mass was then concluded by the reciting of the Lord's Prayer, and
of the prayer "Libera nos qucesumus" &c, (Deliver us, we beseech
Thee): and finally after these there followed, in almost all the
Churches of the West, a general communion of the faithful. This
is plainly asserted in the old Liturgical office-books of Gellone, of
Noyon, of Auxerre, and of S. Gall, in Martene, the rules of which
office-books are given by Amalarius,45 by Rabanus Maurus,46 and by
42 Epist. ad Decent, c. 4, [Innocent ment of Paulinus (Ep. 31, Patrol. LXI.
says, that " on the Friday and the Sab- 329) shows that this service was ob-
bath in Holy Week, no Sacraments served at Jerusalem in the fourth cen-
were to be celebrated, because those tury. Alcuin says, "Quando hanc cm-
two days of the first Holy Week were cem adoramus, omne corpus nostrum
spent by the Apostles in grief and ter- hrereat terras . . . prosternimur corpore
ror." "Isto biduo (Good Friday and ante crucem, mente ante Dominum,"
Easter Eve) Sacramenta penitus non (de Div. Offic. c. 18). Alcuin also says
celebrari, quia percussus est pastor, et that in the Roman Church, in memory
oves dissipate: seu quod Apostolos,quos of the sun having been darkened from
imitari debemus, isto biduo in tristitia the sixth to the ninth hour, during
et meerore fuisse, credimus." (Quoted those three hours "exstinguitur totus
by Alcuin de Div. Offic. c. 18.)] ignis," all lights are extinguished.]
43 V. Typic. S. Sabce. * [Called by mistake in the text and in
44 Amal. de Eccl. Off. 1. i. c. 14, the notes " Uldaric, Bishop of Autun."]
[" Pneparatur crux ante altare, quam 4b Ibid. 1. i.e. 15.
salutant et osculantur omnes." A state- 46 De Instit. Cleric. 1. ii. c. 37.
366 POLITY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH.
^*mmmm
the writer known as Alcuin,* from whence we infer that towards the
eleventh century this custom was almost universal in the Churches,
with the exception of the Church of Rome,47 and some other
Churches in Spain and Gaul, [which did not depart from the primi-
tive custom of having no celebration on Good Friday].
These services being over, evensong was immediately said in
silence {cum silentio), as Rabanus says in the book cited above, i.e.,
in a low voice. [" All the congregation remained in perfect silence
and tranquillity awaiting the hour of the resurrection, uniting from
time to time in prayer and psalmody."] There was the same even-
song and the same prayer as had been recited on the previous day.
But at Rome, and in some other Churches, they were said in private,
outside the choir.
Such were the services for Good Friday. We may add, in con-
clusion, that according to an old custom the Greeks continued the
fast of Good Friday up to the midnight of the Great Sabbath [Easter
Eve], and this rule seems to have been confirmed by the Fathers of
the Quini-sext Council.48
On the night of the Holy Sabbath (Easter Eve), the lections from
Scripture, at which the catechumens were present, used to begin.
When these were ended, there followed, in former times, the Benedic-
tion of the [newly-kindled] Fire, which is mentioned by S. Leo IV.,49
the Roman Pontiff [in the ninth century]. Yet at Rome in the
eighth century there was no benediction of the newly-kindled fire:
but on this Easter Eve the fire [for the lighting of the baptismal
tapers] was taken from lamps which had been [set alight] in some
hidden spot [in the church] on the Maundy Thursday: for to this
* [DeDiv. Offic. c. 18. According to was a wide-spread custom to keep the
Alcuin, all communicated in silence, doors of the churches closed on Good
and, virtually, in one kind, the bread Friday, and to have no service; this
only being properly consecrated. "Pon- canon, therefore, orders that the Pas-
tifex sumit de pane sancto, et ponit sion ("mysterium cruris") should be
in calicem silendo Sanctili- preached on that day, and that the people
catur autem vinum non consecratum should, in an audible voice, ask forgive-
per sanctificatum panem. Tunc com- ness of their sins, (" indulgentiam cri-
municant omnes cum silentio." The minum clara voce omnem populum pos-
note on this passage in Alcuin (Migne, tulare,") that so they may worthily cele-
Patrol. CI.) remarks that the wine did brate the venerable festival of Easter,
not become the Blood of Christ by and partake of the blessed Sacrament
having the consecrated bread put into cleansed from sin :] et Ordinibus ap.
it, but only "sanctificationem quam- Martene.
dam exteriorem percipit." At the pre- ™ C. 89, ["xp^robs tthttovs ircpl
sent day in the Roman Church the /xtaasrTJs -rreplrb fxeya o-dpfBarov vvtcrbs
priest alone communicates on Good &pas airovnari^o-dai/' The Apostolical
Friday, and in one kind only.J Constitutions (v. 18) enjoin fasting till
47 Ex Alcuin. in Feria v. c. 16, cockcrow: Cone. Austin. 578, c. 11,
["Sunt qui quotidie eucharistiam vo- forbids breaking the fast till "the
lunt sumere: et quia in Parasceve non second hour of the night." See below,
conficitur corpus Domini, necesse est note 62.]
ut hi, quibus est voluntas communi- 49 Horn, de Cura Past. c. 7, ["In
candi'habeant sacrificium ex priori die, sabbato paschse extincto veteri novus
quod'tamen Romani non faciunt:"] ignis benedicatur et per populum divi-
Conc. Tolet. IV. c. 7, (An. 633,) [It datur."]
OF MOVABLE FEAST-DAYS. 367
^^mmm
effect Pope Zacharias writes to S. Boniface, from which letter we
also gather that in the same century the custom prevailed in the
French Churches of striking new fire from flint or crystal. From
the fire which had been blessed the faithful used to take some for
the kindling of new fire in their own homes also, a custom which
was kept up till the eleventh century.50 After the Benediction of
the Fire there followed another of the Lighted Taper, and then that
solemn Benediction of the Paschal Taper which we call the Exultet,
a name taken from the first word with which the service begins.
The author of the service for the Benediction of the Taper is not
certainly known. Some ascribe it to Prudentius, for a Hymn of his
is extant called "Ad Incensum Cerei Paschalis" (for the lighting of
the Paschal taper.) But both Menardus51 and Heinsius, in a new
edition of Prudentius, tell us that in the more ancient MSS. of this
author the title prefixed to the hymn is "Ad incensum Lucerne? (for
the lighting of the lamp,) [as if it were intended for the daily use at
vespers, when the candles used to be solemnly lighted.] Others, on
the authority of Amalarius52 and Alcuin (as above), think that Pope
Zosimus in the fifth century composed the Service for the Benedic-
tion of the Taper. And in very ancient MSS. of liturgies, especially
in the Gothico-Gallican Missal, which Thomasius edited from a
MS. written 1,000 years before, and in a Gallican Missal of the
Monastery of Bobio, of almost equal antiquity, mentioned in Ma-
billon, there is found the service called the Exultet** to which this
inscription is prefixed, "Be?iedictio cerce B. Augustini Episcopi. . . .
Exultet" &c. To this testimony may, it seems, be added the autho-
rity of Augustine himself, who in Book xv. De Civitate Dei, c. 22,
writes: "In a sort of praise of the (Paschal) taper, I have briefly
said some words in verse:
"Hccc tua sunt, bona sunt, quia tu bonus ista creasti.
Nil nostrum est in eis, nisi quod peccamus amantes," &c.
"These are Thy works, they are good, for Thou who art good didst create them:
There is nothing of ours in them, except that we sin when we love," &c.
50 Ex Ord. Lucas Cosent. ap. Mar- nediction of the taper, (Hymn v. ad
tene. [Gregory Nazianzen (Orat. 42, Incensum,) we learn that the church
de Pasch.) speaks of persons of all was illuminated with lamps depending
classes, even magistrates and ladies of from the roof. From Alcuin, (de Div!
rank, carrying lamps and setting up Offic. c. 21,) we learn that the Paschal
tapers, both at home and in the churches, taper was carried daily in Easter week
thus turning night into day. Eusebius before the newly baptized as they went
tells us that Constantine set up huge in procession to' church, to remind them
waxen tapers as big as columns through that they were now guided by Him who
the whole city, turning the darkness of led the Israelites in a pillar of fire after
Easter Eve into the light of day, (de their baptism in the Red Sea, "ducun-
Vit. Const, iv. 22.) See these and tur quotidie ad ecclesiam, columna cerei
other references in Smith's Diet. p. 595. illuminata prsecedente eos."]
The eve and the festival of Easter were 52 Ibid. 1. i. c. iS. [Alcuin says (c
one continuous day without any interval 18), "Quod a nobis cereus benedictus
of darkness.] Zosimus papa instituit."]
51 Observ. ad Concord. Regular, c. 53 Mus. Ital. T. I. p. 321. [The
14. [From this poem of Prudentius Exultet, sung now at this Easter Eve
commonly sung at the office of the be- service of the Benediction of the Taper
368 POLITY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH.
Though these verses are wanting in the Exultet of our missals, yet
Martene remarks that the Exultet of Augustine was correct, as it is
found in an ancient Pontifical of the Church of Poitiers of the
eighth century. But whatever conclusion we come to as to the
authorship of this Benediction which occurs in all the older rituals, it
is beyond question certain that " in accordance with ancient tradition"
the taper was blessed by the bishop on this day, as we know from
the testimony of S. Gregory the Great.54 But that benediction as
given in the Mozarabic liturgy differs pointedly from ours, as also
does that in the Ambrosian Office, of which only the beginning is
the same as ours, though in the MS. liturgies of the middle ages of
other Churches, especially those of France, our office of the Exultet
does occur, except that the words "Ofelix culpa" are generally wanting.
In mediaeval times, before the deacon said the office of the Exultet\
he used to carve on the taper the years of our Lord's Incarnation
and of the Indiction, and the letters A and Q.55 But in other
Churches a tabella temporaria used to be suspended from the taper
on which was written down a computation of the years a.d. and the
order of the feast-days. (See these tablets in Martene [de Ant. Eccles.
Rit. iv. 24], one of the Church of Rouen, a.d. 1678, the other of the
Church of Rheims, a.d. 1585.) The taper, when lighted by the deacon,
was in most churches kept burning till the next day after vespers.
[It is now kept lighted at every high mass between Easter and Ascen-
sion Day, in memory of Christ's presence on earth during that time.]
At Rome whatever had been left of the taper of the preceding
year was, with the help of the clergy, mixed with the chrism, out of
which was made the Agnus Dei, the first distinct mention of which
occurs in Amalarius,56 in the ninth century, and after him in Duran-
dus in the thirteenth century.57
The lections, as we have said, which now follow the Benediction
of the Paschal Taper, formerly preceded it, even to mediaeval times.
In some Churches there were four such readings, in others six or
twelve, in others fourteen.58 In Rome formerly they were twelve,
taken from the Gelasian Sacramentary, and some of them were read
in Greek and some in Latin out of a book which is mentioned by
Anastasius the Librarian in his Life of Pope Benedict III. The
lections were followed by litanies, those which are now recited after
the benediction of the font, since out of the three litanies which
in the Roman Church, is so called be- Christi mysterium, quod tempore hujus
cause it begins with this word: "Ex- votivae noctis advenit, in benedictione
ultet jam angelica turba ccelorum: ex- sanctificati luminis suscipiamus."]
ultent divina mysteria : et pro tanti Re- hb Ex Beda, L. de Tempor. Ration,
gis victoria, tuba insonet salutaris," &c.] c. 45.
54 L. ix. Epist. 33, ad Marinian. 56 L. i. c. 17, [Small medallions of
Episc-, ["Preces quse super cereum in wax, bearing the figure of a lamb, dis-
Ravennati civitate dici solent." Cone. tributed to the newly baptized, like our
Tolet. IV. can. 9, a.d. 633, explains the confirmation medals.]
symbolism. "Propter gloriosum noc- 57 Ration. 1. vi. c. 79.
tis ipsius sacramentum solemniter hsec 58 V. Durand. ib. c. 81; and Beleth.
benedicimus, ut sacrse resurrectionis Explic. Div. Offic. c. 106.
OF MOVABLE FEAST-DAYS. 369
were used, two formerly were said before the benediction of the font,
the third after it.
The Benediction of the Font is a service which comes from apos-
tolical tradition, according to the testimony of Basil59 and other
Fathers, as was said in our first Book. The forms of this benedic-
tion, which are given in ancient liturgies, differ from one another.
Thus the Ambrosian differs from the Roman, and the Mozarabic
from the Gallican. Nay even in the very books of the Gallican
Liturgy itself most of the forms are seen to be different from each
other. But the rites which we use at the present day are on the
whole very ancient, and were in use in all Churches; as e,g.,
the Sign of the Cross, of which Augustine speaks in Sermon 352 ;*
the breathing on the water, of which mention is made in the Grego-
rian Sacramentary, the Mozarabic, and the Ambrosian: so also the
pouring in of chrism and oil for the catechumens into the font
[so as to form a cross on the surface of the water]: though formerly
there was no such pouring in of chrism, except when baptism was
to be immediately administered, and after that the people, accord-
ing to custom, had taken away some of that water to keep in
their homes. The custom of immersing a taper in the baptismal
water began after the time of Gregory the Great, though this cere-
mony is found in the Gregorian Sacramentary [pp. 71—73], as I
shall show in my historical work on the Liturgical MSS. of the Latin
Church.
After the Benediction of the Font, and after the conclusion of the
baptism, which I have described in Book I. chap, i., a third litany
was formerly said, at the conclusion of which the newly baptized
used to light their tapers, while the bishop at the same time began
the celebration of the mass; at this mass, since the ninth century,
the custom came in of ringing bells at the hymn of the Gloria i?i
ExcelsisP At this celebration all communicated, both of the clergy
and of the people, as writers of the middle ages tell us, and as we
know also from rituals of the thirteenth century.61 The Communion
was followed by the benediction of milk and honey, which at Rome
in the middle ages formed part of the service of the solemn benedic-
59 L. de Spir. S. c. xxvii. 66, [He "The water must first be cleansed and
says the benediction of the baptismal sanctified by the priest," i.e., by the
water was one of the rites which the bishop, whose office the consecration of
Church had received from ecclesiastical the Font specially was. (See Bino-ham,
tradition, not directly from Scripture, xi. 10; and above p. 15 § 3.)]
i.e., it was then of immemorial usage. * [S. Augustine says, "Per mare
A consecration of the water before (rubrum) transitus baptismus est. Sed
Baptism, by a special invocation of the quia baptismus, id est, salutis aqua non
Holy Spirit upon it, is mentioned by est salutis, nisi Christi nomine conse-
Tertullian de Bapt. c. 4; Cyprian, Ep. crata, qui pro nobis sanguinem fudit,
70; Cyril of Jerusalem, Catech. iii. 3; cruce ipsius aqua signatur."]
Ambrose {de lis qui initia/itur, c. 5.) 60 Ex Ordin. Eccl. Sarisburien. scec.
In the Apostolical Constitutions viii. 4, IX.
the priest is directed to pray, "Look 61 Theodulphi Aurel. Capitular.;
down from heaven and sanctify this Joan. Abricens. et Rit. Rothomag. scec.
water," &c. S. Cyprian (Ep. 70) says, XIII.
37° POLITY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH.
tion of the Agnus. Each is mentioned in the common Roman
Ordo, and by John the Deacon in a letter to Senarius.
As therefore the mass for this day was accompanied by so many
and so important ceremonies, the reader will not be surprised that
it lasted until midnight in ancient times; and we are told by Jerome63
that this custom had come down from apostolical tradition, and it
was kept up in the middle ages63 even down to the sixteenth cen-
tury, as appears from the Customary of the monastery of Monte
Casino of that time.64 For it is ordered in rituals of the middle
ages that the celebration on this day shall not begin "till one star
has appeared in the sky." Therefore the early Fathers directed
that the fast on this day should be kept till midnight.65 Anciently
there was no evensong on this day, for it was, as it were, a day which
had no evening ;66 but at length, about the twelfth century, that
shortened form of evensong which we now use began to follow
immediately after the mass.67
Such is a brief description of the services of the Great Week. If
the reader wishes to know more of these services, he may consult
the ancient Liturgical Directories for Worship, as given in the works
of Martene, Hittorpius, and Mabillon.
§ 3. Of Easter Day.
Thus, then, in early times Christians used to prepare themselves
for the solemn festival of Easter. [The Paschal season extended
over fifteen days] for they kept the whole of the Great Week, as we
have described, and also the seven days which followed Easter Day,
as we know from very ancient documentary records of ecclesiastical
writers and councils,68 and also from the laws of the Empire.69 And
62 Comm. in Matth. xxv. 6, [A tra- T. II. p. 753, Paris. 1712 fol., and in
dition, i.e., that Christ would return Guil. Beveregii Pandect. Canon. T. II.
at that midnight hour when the Paschal p. 1,) Capitul. Reg. Franc. 1. vii. cap.
deliverance out of Egypt took place, 280.
"Unde reor et traditionem apostolicam 66 Alcuin ibid. c. 19 de Hebd. Major.,
permansisse, ut in die vigiliarum Pas- [" In hac nocte de vespertinali synaxi
chse ante noctis dimidium populos di- apud Romanos nil agitur, neque ante
mittere non liceat, expectantes adven- missam, neque post missam, quia se-
tum Christi." The same tradition is cundum Augustinum et alios doctores,
mentioned byLactantius (Div. Inst. vii. istud Sabbatum non habet vesper-am."]
19.) And Tertullian (Ad Uxor. ii. 4,) 67 Vulg. Ord. Roman. Bibl. Patr.
speaks of a Christian wife being away G8 Cone. Chalced. in quo epist. Epis-
all night from her heathen husband copi Ponti parte 3, cap. 52; Cone,
during these Easter Eve solemnities. Quinisext. c. 66, [orders all the faith-
So Const. Apost. v. 19, speak of con- ful, for seven days after Easter, to oc-
gregations sitting up all night on that cupy themselves at church in psalms
occasion.] August. Serm. 228, ["Post and hymns and spiritual songs, inces-
laborem noctis prseteritse," &c] santly (kirapatelirrus ;)] Mogunt. An.
63 Amalar. ib. 1. i. c. 16; and Al- 813, can. 36; Cone. Ingelenheimens.
cuin. ibid. c. 19, [" Usque ad medium An. 949, cap. 6, [orders that the whole
noctis vigilke extenduntur."] of Easter week be kept as a festival,
64 Ap. Martene, Consuetudin. An. and the three days following Whitsun
1387. Day.]
65 Dionys. Alex. Ep. ad Basilid. in 69 Codic. Theodos. 1. 11. de ferns.
Joann. Damasceni Opp. (ed. Le Quien
OF MOVABLE FEAST-DAYS. 371
this discipline seems to have been observed even down to the
eleventh century; for at that time the Fathers of the Council of
Constance decreed that the number of feast-days should be restricted
to three, instead of being seven as heretofore.70
On Easter Day, which was commonly called the Holy LoRD's-day,
at break of day the Christians used to come to church and salute
one another with a kiss, saying, "The Lord has risen from the sepul-
chre."71 This custom is now kept up by the Greeks only.72 Then
followed the Benediction of Victuals, a service which seems to have
been in use about the eleventh century.73 At the end of this service
the bishop began the celebration of the mass with solemn ritual,
and at this all the people communicated, the deacon inviting them
to do so in a certain fixed formula, which begins, Venite fiopuli, and
which is found in all directories of the middle ages.
It is worthy of remark in connexion with this subject that at
Rome in the fifteenth century, in that Easter mass at which the Pope
was the celebrant, all the faithful communicated in both kinds; for
that is plainly stated in the Ordinary of Petrus Aurelius, who wrote
under Pope Martin V.
In ancient times, at the conclusion of the mass, bishops used to
send the Eucharist to one another instead of the eulogia, a custom
observed from the earliest times.74 The form of the letter which they
used to write on this occasion has been preserved by Marculphus ;75
this practice was, however, forbidden by the Council of Laodicea.76
Moreover, during the whole of the Paschal week High Mass was
celebrated, as we said in our first Book. But the service of psal-
mody was anciently almost the same as on ordinary days, though
in the time of Radulph of Tongres it appears to have been shortened
at one part, for it consisted of three lections only.77 But this ser-
vice appears to be more ancient, as we gather from the same
writer Radulph, who in the same book tells us that that office was
used "in accordance with ancient custom."
In rituals of the middle ages the second day of the Paschal week
(Easter Monday), is called Pascha Annotinum, Annotine or anniver-
sary Easter, for those who had been baptized at Easter in the pre-
70 An. 1094, [" Ut tarn in hebdomada subject of Easter sent the Eucharist to
Pentecostes, quam in hebdomada pas- one another then: "Those very Pres-
chali tres tan turn dies festivi celebraren- byters who did not observe it, sent the
tur."] Eucharist to those Churches which did."
71 Antiq. Ordin. ap. Mart. Valesius says on this, "The bishops
72 Ex Allatio de Consens. utriusque were accustomed at Easter to send the
Eccl. 1. iii. c. 18. Eucharist to one another."]
73 Ex Luca Cosent. in Ordinar. 75 L. ii. n. 42 in T. II. Capitular.
["Comestibilium Benedictio," i.e. of a Reg-'. Francor. ed Baluz.
Paschal lamb, eggs, new fruits, or any 7^ Can. 14, [Forbids to send the holy
other eatables which were blessed by a things (i.e., the consecrated elements)
priest when he came to give a house the into other parishes at Easter by way of
Easter benediction.] Eulogise: "7repi rod ^ ayia eis \6yov
74 V. Valesium in not. ad Histor. evAoyi&v k<xt&. r^v kopr^v rov irdo-xa e*s
Eccl. Euseb. 1. v. c. 24. [Eusebius erfpas irapotKias BiairefXTreadaL, &c.M]
says, Presbyters differing about the 77 De Observat. Canon. Propos. x.
B B 2
372 POLITY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH.
ceding year celebrated on that day the anniversary of their baptism
by certain services. The well known writer Alcuin tells us that
this custom was kept up as late as the eleventh century.78
This is all that need be said about Easter, which holds the first
place among the movable feasts.
§ 4. Of the Rogation Days.
Second in order among the movable feasts is the Ascension of
our Lord. This was preceded by a three days' fast, as we learn
from the canons of councils,79 from the testimony of S. Csesarius,
Bishop of Aries,80 and from Amalarius,81 writing in the ninth century.
The originator of this fast, and of the processional litanies accom-
panying it, was Claudius Mamertus, Bishop of Vienne, in France, in
the fifth century, according to a statement of Sidonius Apollinaris in
a letter written by him to this Bishop Mamertus,82 and we have also
the testimony of Gregory of Tours83 to the same effect. Hence it
was in the Gallican Churches that this fast was at first instituted,
from thence it passed by degrees into the Ambrosian Church,
where Rogation days are observed after the week of the Ascension.
Then it was introduced into the Spanish or Mozarabic Churches,
and lastly into the Roman Church, in the Pontificate of Leo III., as
Anastasius the Librarian tells us in his life of that Pontiff.
Christians, then, both clergy and people, used on these days to
observe a fast, and they used to take part in the litanies with bare
feet, clothed in sackcloth, and with ashes sprinkled upon them,
which were appropriately consecrated with solemn benediction on
the first of the three fasting days.84 In this processional litany Char-
lemagne himself, with bare feet, once bore his part, as we are told
by the Monk of S. Gall in his book on the Wars of Charles the
Great, ch. xvi. Thus much about the Rogation before the Ascen-
sion, vulgarly called "Minor Litanies." There is another Rogation
?8 Cap. de Pasch. Annot. (?) [It 82 L. i. Epist. 7; and 1. vii. Ep. 13,
was celebrated on various days, gene- [So v. 7, "Incedunt castorinati ad
rally on the day following the Octave tetanias."]
of Easter. It is explained, as in text, 83 Histor. Franc. 1. ii. c. 34, ["Avitus
in Micrologus, 56. (See Smith's Diet. refert Rogationes, quas ante Ascensionis
s> v \] dominicse triumphum celebramus, a Ma-
'79 Aurelian. I. cap. 27, An. 511; merto ipsius Viennensis urbis episcopo
Turon. II. c. 17, An. 567, [" Roga- institutas," &c. In Hist. Franc, ix. 6,
tiones, id est litanias ante Ascensionem he speaks of processions on Rogation
Domini ab omnibus ecclesiis placuit ce- days.]
lebrari servi et ancilke ab omni 84 Ordo Rom. Vulgat.; Cone. Mo-
opere relaxentur quo magis plebs uni- gunt. An. 813,0.33. [" Let the greater
versa conveniat," &c. "De pascha ad litany be observed by all Christians on
quinquagesimum exceptis rogationibus three days, as we find in our reading to
omni die fratribus (monachis) prandium have been done, and as our holy fathers
praeparetur."] instituted, not on horseback, nor in
80 Serm.' 173 in Append. Oper. S. costly garments, but with bare feet, and
August. T." V., ["Tres Letaniarum dies in sackcloth and ashes, unless sickness
universa celebrat Ecclesia."] shall hinder."]
81 De Div. Ofnc. 1. i. c. 27.
OF MOVABLE FEAST-DAYS.
373
among the Latins called the "Major Litany," which Paul the
Deacon85 tells us was instituted by Gregory the Great.
§ 5- Of the Feast of the Asce?ision.
We are told by Augustine86 that the feast-day of the Ascension
was instituted by the Apostles, and it is also mentioned by the Apos-
tolical Constitutions.87 On this day there was, during the celebra-
tion of the liturgy, in former times, a solemn benediction of bread
and fruits of the earth, especially of beans, the formula for which is
to be found in a sacramentary a thousand years old, mentioned by
Martene. There was also a solemn litany on that day, especially in
the Gallican Churches, as we are told by Gregory of Tours.88
§ 6. Of the Feast of Pentecost.
But Christians from ancient times have, in a still more solemn
manner, observed the Feast of Pentecost. A fast in every part of
the Church preceded it,89 the manner of keeping which did not
anciently differ much from the one kept by the Church on Easter
Eve. For on this vigil, the night before the day of Pentecost,
generally at the sixth hour, it was the custom for the faithful to
assemble together at church, those catechumens also being present
to whom on that night the bishop used to administer Baptism.90
85 L. iii. de Gest. Longobard. c. n.
86 Ep. 54. [Al. 118. "Ilia qu;e
non scripta sed tradita custodimus, quas
quidem toto terrarum orbe servantur,
datur intelligi vel ab ipsis Apostolis vel
plenariis conciliis commendata
atque statuta retineri, sicuti quod Do-
mini passio et resurrectio et asccnsio in
caelum, et adventus de caelo Spiritus
Sancti, anniversaria solemnitate cele-
brantur."]
87 L. v. c. 19, 20; and viii. 33,
["From, the first Lord's Day (Easter)
count forty days, from the Lord's Day
to the fiftK day of the week (Thursday),
and celebrate the Feast of the Ascen-
sion of the Lord, whereon He finished
all His dispensation," &c. "After ten
days from the Ascension, which from
the first Lord's Day is the fiftieth day,
keep a great festival," [Pentecost.]
"Let servants have rest from their
work on the Ascension, (tV kvaXiy^iv
apyeiraxrav,) because it was the conclu-
sion of the Dispensation of Christ."]
88 Ibid. 1. v. c. 11, ["Die beato quo
Dominus ad cselos post redemptum
hominem ascendit gloriosus, cum sacer-
dos de ecclesia ad basilicam (S. Mar-
tini) psallendo procederet," &c. He
speaks of the solemn processions with
which Ascension Day was everywhere
celebrated.]
89 V. Glaberum Rudolph. Histor. 1.
iii. c. 3. [Migne, Patrol. CXLII. p.
650. "De jejuniis, quae plerique sci-
licet inter Ascensionem Salvatoris et
Pentecosten observant, itasynodi decre-
verunt ut ne per imperium sacerdotum
fierent, excepto Sabbato Pentecostes;
et a quibus fieri vellent, ne prohiberen-
tur fieri."]
90 August, serm. 227, ad Infantes. (?)
[Greg. Naz. (Orat. xl. de Bapt.) speaks
of one waiting for his baptism till
Epiphany, another as preferring Easter,
and a third Pentecost: "ix4vo> ra <£<£-
t<x" t6 ird(rx<i p-oi TtfiicoTepoy' r^v ireu-
tskovt^v iKSeto/jLai." S. Jerome speaks
of Pentecost and Easter as the twTo oc-
casions when the living waters of bap-
tism were distributed to those who
thirsted for them, (Comment, in Zech.
xiv. 8): and of forty persons being
baptized at Pentecost, (Ep. 61 ad Pam-
mach.) Tertullian says Easter and Pen-
tecost were appointed for baptism (de
Bapt. 19). It might be administered
during the fifty days between the two
festivals, but it appears to have been
374 POLITY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH.
First, therefore, the service began with the reading of lections for
the admission of catechumens: these were followed by litanies, of
which there were three in number, as there were three also in
the service of Easter Eve: then followed the benediction of the
taper, with the same office of the Exultet, and with the addition
of certain other readings appropriate to this particular night, and the
service concluded with the sanctification by benediction of the bap-
tismal font and with the baptism of the catechumens. All these
divisions of the service are found in a missal of Tours of a.d. 700,
in an ordinary of Chartres, and in a very ancient Pontifical of the
Church of Besancon, given in Martene; and hence we are not sur-
prised to find that among the early Christians the nocturn service of
psalmody on that night was a very short one, consisting altogether
of only three lections and the same number of Psalms, that they
might have time on the same night for the other ceremonies then
observed.
But in the morning, before the mystical liturgy began, the office of
Psalms for the third hour was solemnly sung, that hour on which the
Holy Spirit descended on the Apostles. Hence in the middle
ages, at the beginning of this office, there was a custom of placing
various kinds of flowers in an elevated spot in the church, and scat-
tering them thence in different directions over the church during
the singing of the Psalms for the third hour ;91 and this piece of ritual
was in later times used in the mass itself at the singing of the Prose.*
And in the eleventh century Lucas, Bishop of Cosenza, orders in
his ordinary that besides flowers, very fine particles of lighted tow
should also be scattered from above, made to resemble the parted
tongues mentioned in the Acts of the Apostles. This was done in
his time [in accordance with his order] in a very large number of
Churches; and it was also a very prevalent custom to let loose a
dove in the church, a custom first mentioned by a writer of the life
of S. Francis de Sales.
^ The first Sunday after Pentecost has been kept perhaps since the
eighth century as a festival in honour of the most Holy Trinity,
originating in Germany about the time of Charlemagne, as Rudol-
phus Glaber seems to indicate in his history of him.92 This festival
is next mentioned in a Sacramentary of S. Dionysius and of Tours
restricted to the actual vigils of each. tes, in qua, propter gaudii expletionem
(Bingham, xi. vi. 7.) See above, pp. 9,10. Resurrectionis Dominica?, ejusdemque
91 Ex Joann. Abricen.; et aliis med. Ascensionis, et adventus Spiritus Sanc-
£evi Ordin. ap. Mart. ti, in plerisque diversarum regionum
* [The prose = (1) any Latin hymn locis mos est psallere responsoria, ver-
not composed in classical metre: (2) bis valde honestissimis composita ac
especially the Sequence sung before the suavi sonoritate referta, et, ut mens
gospel. (See above, page 235.)] valet humana, Deificae Trinitati con-
95 L. ii. c. 9, [Migne, Patrol. CXLII. digna. Ccepit interea qui prseerat epis-
Speaking of a celebration on that clay, copus, super altare sancti Mauritii
"in monasterio Reomagense, quod est martyris missarum solemnia, ejusdem
situm in pago Tarnoderense," he says, Trinitatis antiphonam intonans, cele-
"Erat Dominica dies octava Pentecos- brare."]
OF THE YEAR OF JUBILEE .AMONG CHRISTIANS. 375
in the ninth century. But by the eleventh century the festival of
Trinity Sunday was one almost universally adopted in the Western
Church, as we are told by Rudolphus of Chartres :93 we must, how-
ever, make an exception in the case of Rome, according to the testi-
mony of Pope Alexander II. in his Decretal. But at length in the
beginning of the fifteenth century Pope John XXIII. observed this
festival at Rome also, and gave his approval to that office for the day
which is now in use among us, as we read in the canons of the
Council of Rheims, a.d. 1408.
These remarks are all that need be made on the subject of mov-
able and immovable feasts, for if any one wishes to pursue further
this branch of ecclesiastical antiquity, he will find ready access to
Martene, Thomassin, and other writers, who have entered very fully
into this subject.
CHAPTER IV.
OF THE YEAR OF JUBILEE AMONG CHRISTIANS.
The year of jubilee among the Jews was a divinely appointed
political institution. On this year every one was reinstated in the
possession of any property which he had originally owned, whether
it had been sold, or whether in any other way it had passed into the
possession of another owner: and slaves were also restored to their
original liberty. Some, therefore, suppose, that this year took its
name from the Hebrew word jubal, to "confer," since that year
"conferred" liberty. I have shown, however, that this etymology
cannot possibly be regarded as correct, and I have discovered what
seems to me to come nearer to the true origin of the word in a
letter on the Cycles of the Hebrews, which I have given to a very
celebrated man, and who is well versed in Hebrew and Phoeni-
cian antiquities, Denys Chartier, and it is about to be published by
him in the appendix to a work of his De Sacra atque Pro/ana vete-
rum Orientalium Politia, of which an edition is coming out at
Paris.
This year of jubilee became obsolete at the same time as other
political institutions of the Hebrew Commonwealth. But in the
93 De Div. Offic. [Blunt says the Sunday before Advent: but that the
Octave of Pentecost has been observed Church of Rome has no such custom,
in honour of the Blessed Trinity from a for it honours the Trinity in daily wor-
very early age, but that the general ob- ship by doxologies, &c. "Rudolphus
servance of the day as such was first Carnotensis," in the text, is probably
enjoined by a Synod of Aries, a.d. an error for "Petrus Carnotensis:" a
1260: that Micrologus (ch. lx.) says work by him, corresponding in title
it is kept in some Churches on the with that referred to by Pelliccia, is
Octave of Pentecost, in others on the mentioned by Jocher as extant in MS.]
376 POLITY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH.
thirteenth century the name of this year was revived under another
meaning m the Christian Church by the exertions of Pope Boniface
vin., who in a.d. 1300 (according to an anonymous writer, a con-
temporary of Boniface, edited by Catellus in Ducange), "granted a
lull indulgence for their sins to those who visited the thresholds of
the Apostles Peter and Paul at Rome, and made there a quindena
La devotion of fifteen days] during the year of the indulgence being
granted, and he decreed that the same privilege should for the future
be granted every hundredth year to those who visited the sacred
thresholds." Thus every hundredth year already began then to be
called the Year of Jubilee, because as among the Jews slaves had been
set free from bondage, so Christians, who visited the thresholds of
the Apostles, were absolved from their sins. It was then Boniface
VIII. who instituted this jubilee year for Christians, though he has
given us the information that he himself had taken it from documents
of former times, as we read in a treatise respecting this year of jubilee
written by James, Cardinal of the Church of S. Giorgio in Velabro *
But these ancient documents of which Boniface makes mention, do
not refer to the institution of the jubilee year, but probably to an
old custom existing among Christians of making visits to the monu-
ment of S. Peter and S. Paul.
But as the hundredth year would scarcely come within the reach of
any one, Clement VI., at the urgent request of Christians, and
especially those at Rome, who (as we are told by a writer of his life
mentioned by Bosquet), had sent their special messengers to him
at Avignon, where he was, on this subject, changed the time of the
great jubilee year, and made it fall every fiftieth year. This decree
of Clement was passed a.d. 1342, and he appointed the first jubilee
for a.d. 1352, so we are told by Joannes Villanus in Book xii
chap. 10.
But Urban VI. restricted the jubilee year within narrower limits
still in the second year of his pontificate, i.e., a.d. 1389. For he
fixed the jubilee so as to be in accordance with the age of Christ,
making it a rule that it should fall every thirty-third year; therefore
he decreed that the next ensuing year of our Lord, i.e., the year
1390, should be the jubilee, as is told in the Great Belgian Chronicle
for that year.
But up to that time no one could enjoy the benefit of the jubilee
indulgences without coming to Rome, and these plenary indulgences,
as they are called, were only granted by the Roman Pontiff to
Churches within the city itself. After this, then, Boniface IX., suc-
cessor of Urban VI, was the first of all the Popes who granted a
share in the largeness of this grace to kings and other lords temporal
and spiritual, and to religious communities settled in different places,
as we are told by William of Tournus [Abbey] a.d. 1390. Hence-
forward, therefore, the Roman Pontiffs granted a jubilee to all
* [The church of S. George at the fragment of the banner of S. George is
Veil, so called from a tradition that a kept there.]
OF THE CULTUS OF SAINTS. 377
Churches of the Christian Commonwealth, the result of which con-
cession being that less numbers of people flocked to Rome after
that in the jubilee year; for before that the city used to be visited by
crowds of people, even from distant parts of the world.
Lastly, Sixtus V., in the fifteenth century, a.d. 1475, ordered the
jubilee to be kept every twenty-fifth year, as Gobelinus writes in the
sixth period of his Cosmodromius in Du Cange, and this is the rule
of the present day.
Thus much about the year of jubilee: but as regards the indul-
gences granted during it, the reader must look for them in the books
of theologians.
CHAPTER V.
OF THE CULTUS OF SAINTS, AND OF THE PICTURES OF THE EARLY
CHRISTIANS.
It would be foreign to our purpose to enter on a theological dis-
cussion on the subject of the cultus of the Saints. We shall, there-
fore, only speak of images (pictures), and of engravings of them in
relief (ectypis eorum): [for what are called images of the Church
were all either pictures, (like the modern Greek icons,) or mosaics.]
§ Digression. Of the use of Images in churches among Christians.
In the first ages of the Church, while she was under the empire
of a heathen government, it was not by any means the custom for
Christians to have sacred pictures in their churches; and that for
two reasons, first, that they might keep the mysteries of religion out
of the sight of heathens; and secondly, from a fear lest people who
had passed out of the rude theology of Paganism into the higher
worship of the Christian religion, should have towards the sacred
images themselves any kind of idolatrous feeling. This is but a
statement of plain facts, as is evident from the manners of the early
Christians; even as early as the second century Christians did not
hesitate to paint symbolical pictures of Christ on glass vessels and
in cemeteries. Tertullian tells us as much in the second century in
his book De Pudicitia, where he says, "Prczcedant pictured calicum
vestrorum" "let the very pictures of your chalices stand forth as
witnesses :" and a little after, "Patrocifiabitur pastor, quern in calice
depingitis" "the Good Shepherd, whom thou paintest on the chalice,
will be thy protector." You may see in Buonarotti in his very learned
work, De' frarnmenti degli antichi vetri de' Christian^ a great many
glass vessels of this description, on which are depicted both a figure
of the Good Shepherd and other stories from the Old and New
Testaments. The same is true also of the cemeteries, as is shown
378 POLITY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH.
by Aringhi in his Roma Subterranea, by Buldethus and Bottari, who
in their commentaries have given illustrations of the pictures in the
cemeteries, as we shall do also in a special dissertation on our cemetery
at Naples. In these in fact are found innumerable pictures of
the first ages representing stories from Scripture and symbols of
Christ.
From these facts our argument receives even more abundant con-
firmation, viz. that Christians in the first ages shrank from pictures
and sacred images in their churches not from any religious scruple,
but from a fear of producing a too commonplace impression of the
Christian Religion in rude [untutored minds of heathens] : for in
private life and in their cemeteries they did not despise the use of
certain symbolical images and historical pictures. And besides pic-
tures of this description, we constantly find figures of the Apostles,
and of S. Peter and S. Paul, both in the cemeteries and on the very
chalices of the Christians of the first three centuries, as is shown in
Buonarotti and Buldethus quoted above, and also in that very learned
work of the eminent Peter Francis Foggini, "De Romano Divi Petri
Itinere et Episcopatu, ejusque antiquissimis Imaginibiis" From all
this it is plainly evident what were the real sentiments of the Fathers
of the very ancient Council of Elvira in the thirty-sixth canon, *
when they ordered the removal of pictures painted on the walls of
churches: they feared that Pagans, who might have opportunities of
seeing them, should argue from them that Christians reverenced
them as idols belonging to Christianity, and so would form a ridi-
culous misconception as to the actual verities of the Christian Re-
ligion. I shall show also in my Dissertation on the Cemetery of
Naples, that in those parts of a cemetery in which in early times the
Liturgy used to be celebrated, there were no paintings of pictures on
the walls : and I shall offer a new explanation, and one perhaps not
unacceptable to the learned, of that passage in Tertullian, the six-
teenth chapter of his Apology, which treats of the painting by heathens
of the God of the Christians with an ass's head.
Christians, then, in the first three centuries, had images of the
Saints, though, that they might not be exposed to the eyes of the
heathen, it was never their custom to exhibit them publicly in their
churches.
But when, under Constantine, the Church enjoyed public peace,
we see also in the churches images of Christ and the Saints, as
Ciampini shows in his work on Mosaics. And the same testimony
which Ciampini bears is also plainly expressed in the fourth century
by Paulinus, Bishop of Nola, in speaking of a picture of the most
Holy Trinity, which he describes in these verses •}
* [Cone. Elib. An. 305, c. 36, "Ne ought not to be in a church, lest that
pictures in Ecclesia pant. Placuit pic- which is worshipped and adored be
turas in ecclesia esse non debere, ne painted on walls.'']
(al. nee) quod colitur et adoratur in l Epist. 32 ad Sever. § 12. [Migne,
parietibus depingatur." "Pictures Patrol. LXI. p. 366. He is speaking
OF THE CULTUS OF SAINTS. 379
"In all its mystery the Trinity shines forth;
Christ stands, represented by a Lamb; the voice of the Father thunders
from the sky;
And the Holy Spirit comes forth represented by a Dove."
Then follows a description of a cross, and of the Apostles, figured
[by twelve doves round it]:
*' A corona surrounds the cross with a circle of light;
Round this corona another corona is formed by the Apostles themselves,
Who are figured by a flock of doves."
Images of the Apostles S. Peter and S. Paul are mentioned by
Augustine,2 and by Ambrose, who thus speaks of S. Gervasius and
S. Protasius, who had appeared to him in his sleep : "They appeared
to me/' he says, "in company with some third person, who seemed
to be like the blessed Apostle Paul, whose face was familiar to me
from his picture."3 Images of Martyrs and of their Acts were to be
seen publicly painted in churches, as we know from the testimony of
Augustine about S. Stephen. Addressing the people, he says, "This
is a most sweet, picture, where you see S. Stephen being stoned;
and Saul keeping the clothes of those who are stoning him."4 Similar
is the testimony of Asterius, Bishop of Amasea in Pontus, in his dis-
course on S. Euphemia the Martyr, where speaking of his church he
says, "In the same place, close to the sacred spot (theca, where were
kept the bones of the holy martyr) the painter has also himself, by
means of his art, and to the best of his abilities, exactly delineated
for us on his canvas the martyr's whole history, and has suspended
it in such a position that it can be viewed by all." And we know
that a similar custom prevailed in Churches in the East from the
testimony of S. Gregory Nyssen5 in the fourth century, who says that
of a mosaic in the apse of his own 4 Serin. 94, de Nat. S. Steph.
church at Nolain Campania, a.d. 400: [316, ed. Migne. "Dulcissima pictura
"Pleno coruscat Trinitas mysterio; est haec, ubi videtis sanctum Stephanum
Stat Christus agno; vox Patris ccelo laPldari; videtis Saulum lapidantium
tonat • vestimenta servantem. "J
Et per columbam Spiritus Sanctus „ '° °rat\ ?e Divinitate Filii et Spir.
fluit > k. [Speaking of the offering up of
Crucem corona lucido cingit globo, *saac> he says, "I have often seen the
Cui corona sunt corona Apostoli, image of his sufferings in a picture, and
Quorum figura est in columbarum passed the slSht not without tears, so
choro."] vividly did the art of the painter bring
the story before the eyes."] In Act. vii.
2 Lib. i. de Consensu Evangelistar. Cone. Nicsen. II. An. 7S7. ["We de-
c. 10, [i. x. n. 16. Writing of some cide that the holy images, whether
who had forged Epistles as from our painted or graven, or of whatever kind
Lord to SS. Peter and Paul, he says they may be, ought to be exposed to
he supposes these Apostles had *' oc- view; whether in churches, upon the
curred to them because they saw them sacred vessels and vestments, upon
painted together with Him in many walls, or in private houses, or by the
places."] wayside; since the oftener Jesus
3 Epist. 53. ["Cum quadam mihi Christ, His blessed Mother, and the
tertia apparuerunt persona, qure similis saints are seen in their images, the more
Beato Paulo Apostolo esse videbatur; will men be led to think of the orio-i-
enjus me vultum pictura docuerat."] nals, and to love them."]
3So POLITY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH.
there were in the churches pictures both of the Old Testament and
of Martyrs :6 from the testimony of Theodoret,7 and of Asterius re-
ferred to above.
With what design this practice was allowed by the most holy
bishops of the Church, we may gather from the words of the Abbat
Nilus,8 disciple of S. John Chrysostom. "It is," he says, "that those
who cannot read the Holy Scriptures, may be able as they contem-
plate a picture to recall to their memories the noble deeds of those
who have served the true God in sincerity." Hence afterwards the
Fathers of the (Ecumenical Council, the second Council of Nice in
the eighth century, proved, in opposition to the iconoclasts, the great
antiquity of the use of images. In the seventh session they say,
"Such is the excellent doctrine of our holy Fathers and the tradition
of the Catholic Church." We might make some additional remarks
on this branch of the subject, but it has seemed more appropriate
to reserve them for our Dissertation on the Cemetery of Naples, [to
which the reader is referred].
But we must here remark that the most ancient kinds of pictures
used in churches were not the same in the Greek and Latin churches.
For the Greeks used tablets coloured by the painter's brush, but the
Latins, for the most part, works of mosaic, as we see from the very
ancient churches of S. Agatha the Greater in the town of Ravenna,
(in which is shown a mosaic work of the fourth century ;) and from
an elaborate mosaic of the church of S. Sabina in Rome in the time
of Cselestinus L, a.d. 424; and from the church of S. Mary Major,
from that of S. Agatha in Suburra, and from some others, about
which Ciampini has a dissertation in his book already referred to.
But we would leave no doubt on the reader's mind as to what is
meant by mosaic wo7'k. Mosaic is the name for a work by which,
through an elegant arrangement of little stones of different colours,
an imitation of a painting is so well produced that the workmanship
seems to deceive the eyes, and looks like the continuous vein or streak
of one and the same stone. That this invention is one of very great
antiquity is plain from the Book of Esther: for the writer in chap. i.
tells us that Ahasuerus had a pavement made of transparent precious
stones (smaragdis)* and of Parian marble, the stones of which pave-
ment were so arranged that they seemed to present the appearance
of a painted picture; from hence Ciampini concludes that the Per-
sians were the inventors of this art, that their neighbours the Assy-
6 Orat. deTheodoro Martyr. [En- 8 Epist. ad Olympiod. Prsefectum,
com. Theodori. S. Gregory tells us quseextatConc.Nic.il. Act. ix. [Ep.iv.
that the martyrdom of Theodore in all 61. S. Nilus advised the prefect Olyra-
its circumstances was depicted on the piodorus, for this reason," to fill the holy
walls of a church dedicated to him.] temple on all sides with Scripture pic-
7 In vita S. Sim. Stylit. [Hist. Re- tures by the hand of the finest painter."]
ligiosa, c. 26,] "The Romans set up # [The smaragdus is a transparent
small portraits of Symeon the Stylite in precious stone of a bright green colour,
'all the entrances of their workshops, including not only our emerald, but also
deriving thence protection and safety the beryl, jasper, malachite, &c]
for themselves."]
OF THE CULTUS OF SAINTS. 381
rians learned it from them, the Greeks from the Assyrians, and that
at last it was introduced among the Romans in the times of Sylla,
as related by Pliny.
But about the origin of the name " mosaic" there is not the same
unanimity of opinion among writers. It is very probably derived
from the Hebrew word masachy miscuit, "mixed;" as mosaic work
consists of various stones mixed together.* But the Greeks generally
called this kind of work lithostrota, XiOoarpwro?, i.e. lapis stratus, inlaid
with stones, as Pliny9 also tells us. But there were different kinds
of the same mosaic work, which had different names, varying accord-
ing to the different character of the work or of the stone used, as,
Musivum tessellatum, tessile, vermiculatuni and figulinum. It is
called tesselated, because it is made of various coloured small cubes
(tessellce) of marble {marmorum lapillis), like some very ancient pave-
ments of Rome, which I have seen in the island of Caprse, where
the composition floors (rudera)f of a pavement of this kind are
extant, especially in a village of the upper island, which is vulgarly
called Anacapris. It is called tessile because in that kind of mosaic
pictures are made by the different colours of the marbles—pictures
of men, animals, trees, and other objects: and Ciampini tells us that
ancient kind of mosaic work was discovered at Tessilis. Another
kind is called figulinum (pottery work) because the painting was
made from potters' encaustic tiles. This is mentioned also by Pliny.
But, as time went on, this encaustic work became more perfected,
and more ornamented in style, tiles being exchanged by the Romans
for coloured glass, with which they inlaid their floors: compositions
of this kind may be seen to this day in some of the churches at
Rome. Lastly, they called some mosaic work "vermiculated,"
(vermiculatuni;) it was composed of very minute little stones, and
was so called because it was inlaid so as to resemble the appearance
of the outer variegated skin of the caterpillar.
If the reader wishes to know more of the subject of mosaics, he
may consult Ciampini before referred to, in whose work he will find
pictures of all the ancient mosaics.
Lastly, some writers would have us believe that the early Chris-
tians had also statues [among their images], bringing forward as a
proof of this the brazen statue of Christ the Saviour, which we are
told in Eusebius10 was erected to Him by the woman who had been
suffering from the issue of blood. In the time of Eusebius him-
* The true etymology Js probably ing a kind of composition called rude-
fxovaa, musa, so that /uouo-eTo//, or must- ratio." Sometimes pieces of marble
vumt means simply "artistic." were imbedded in a composition ground
9 Hist. Natur. xxxvi. 25, cfr. ch. which formed the floors. (Smith's Gr.
21, sect. 42, and Sueton. Cks. 46. and Rom. Ant. Avt.Domus, p. 431, a.)]
[Mention is made of such a XidSarpco- 10 Hist. Eccl. 1. vii. c. iS. ["'This
rov, a tesselated mosaic pavement, in statue, they say, is a statue of Jesus
S. John xix. 13.] Christ, and it has remained to our
f [Rudtra = pieces of rubble. "The times, so that we ourselves saw it whilst
common Roman floors were paved with tarrying in that city," (Cresarea Phi-
pieces of bricks, tiles, stones, &c., form- lippi.)]
382 POLITY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH.
self it was to be seen at Csesarea Philippi: and we are told by Nice-
phorus11 that it was at last thrown down by Julian the Apostate, who
erected a statue of himself instead, which was shattered afterwards
by lightning. After this Sozomen12 tells us that even in his time the
faithful had put up the statue in a church. About crucifixes I will speak
in Chap, vii., only observing now that there is no single proof that in
the first ages graven images {ectypa) of Saints existed. For at first they
began by carving images of saints in bas-relief on tablets of marble,
then by degrees images which stood out altogether, which we call
statues, came into fashion; of these the most ancient, as I think, is
that statue of S. Peter, which was erected out of the brass of the
statue of Jupiter Capitolinus in the middle of the fifth century, under
the superintendence of the Roman Pontiff, S. Leo the Great,13 and
which is set up as an object of reverence to Christians, where it was
placed by Pope Paul III. in the basilica of the Vatican in the Con-
fessio of S. Peter. After this, subsequently to the eighth century,
graven images of the Saints, of the same kind of workmanship as the
above, came into common use among the Latins, though it was not
till later on that they were introduced into the Greek Church.
CHAPTER VI.
OF THE CANONIZATION (APOTHEOSIS) OF SAINTS.
It was the custom for the nations of antiquity, if their princes had
either been successful and upright political rulers of their people, or
had instructed them as wise legislators and moralists, to give them a
place among their gods, and to render to them a certain species of
Divine worship. From very ancient writers it is evident that the
Egyptians have left the first and earliest monument of this kind of
worship: for they ordered a symbolical statue to be erected to their
King Apis, and paid him the honours of Divine worship, as we are
told also by Strabo, Mela, and other ancient authors. But the Ro-
mans (not to mention the Greeks and other nations) considering
it a matter of great importance that their religion should be subser-
vient to the interests of the State, and not wishing that the worship
of the gods should be left to the fancies of each individual, regu-
lated by laws this matter of apotheosis. According to Cicero1 there
11 Hist. Eccl. 1. x. c. 30. ["Tourov tate and broken to pieces by the pagans,
5e rhv rod Xpicrrov avhpiavra icaQeAcbv but afterwards put together again by the
ylov\iavbs, rbv kavrov t$ k'iovi apdiara' Christians: "av\\4^avr€S, 4v rrj e/c-
Tlvp $' i^airij/7]s ovpavSOei/ eTrctaTreo'bp KXrjaia aireQsvro, euda teal vvv <pv\dr-
fiiaiov, TefJLfei Kara to o"rr\Qos to &ya\- T€Tca."]
ixa" &c] u V. Turrigium de Cryptis Vatican.
12 Hist. Eccl. 1. v. c. 21. [The statue p. 26.
was thrown down by Julian the Apos- 1 De Legib. ii. 8, [" Separatim nemo
OF THE CANONIZATION OF SAINTS. 383
was a very ancient law which provided, "Let no one have private
gods of his own, or new gods; nor let him privately worship foreign
gods, unless they be publicly acknowledged." Hence we read in
Dio Cassius2 'that the temples of Serapis at Rome were thrown down
by order of the Senate, because they had been built [without public
sanction] as a private idea. Tertullian goes so far as to say that not
even the emperors themselves had power to set up new gods : he
says,3 "There was an ancient decree that no god should be conse-
crated by the emperor, unless approved by the senate :" and there-
fore it is that Tertullian turns into ridicule this legal institution of
the Romans, in those words: "The case of each god depended
on the judgment of the Senate. He was not a god, whom man after
consultation, had refused, and, by refusing, had condemned.5^ This
subject is more fully treated of by Lactantius in his Divine Institu-
tions, lib. i. c. 15; and the policy of the Romans on this subject
maybe studied in the writings of Petrus Faber in lib. hi. Semestrium.
But a plan, which the wisdom of the old heathens had contrived
for infusing into men stimulating incentives to virtue, and one which
the Romans had adopted more as an engine of flattery than anything
else, was at length, with most excellent judgment, carried out in the
Christian religion: men being directed to do so by that very faith
which teaches us that the souls of those who have endeavoured to
the uttermost to obey the precepts of the Gospel are received into
the heavens, where we have their help as our patrons with Almighty
God.
That this custom has prevailed from the first ages of the Christian
Church we know from the testimony of ancient documents : but in
a matter of such very grave importance the Church proceeded cau-
tiously and prudently, that the faithful might not be led astray from
the orthodox worship. For from ancient times the cultus of de-
parted Saints was not a matter left to the decision of the people, but
to the discretion and arbitration of the bishop, who decided accord-
ing to the opinion expressed by his metropolitan: so that not even
those Christians, to whose memory, as Martyrs for the faith, a church
was dedicated, could thus be publicly venerated by the people, unless
their Acts received the approval of the bishop. Hence among our
ancestors in the fourth century there was a well-known distinction
between martyrs vindicate and iiondum vindicate—between those
whose claims had been or had not been recognised by the Church,
as is mentioned by Optatus, Bishop of Milevis, who writes that
Lucilla had been reproved by the Archdeacon Cascilianus, for the prac-
tice of kissing a bone5 of a martyr whose claims to martyrdom had
habessit Deos, neve novos, neve adve- 4 Ibid. c. 13, ["Status Dei cujusque
nas, nisi publice adscitos, privatim co- in Senatus sestimatione pendebat. Deus
lunto."] Cfr. Herodian. iv. 2. non erat, quern homo consultus noluis-
2 Lib. 42. set, et nolendo damnasset."]
8 Apolog. c. 5, [" Vetus erat decre- 5 L. i. advers. Parmen. c. 16, [{< Mar-
turn, ne qui Deus ab Imperatore conse- tyris nondum vindicati os libaverat."
craretur, nisi a senatu probatus."] By a surprising mistranslation Bingham
384 POLITY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH.
not yet been officially recognised: this we know from the testimony
of history was a kind of relic-worship (cultus) among the ancients.
Hence Augustine in his Collationum Breviculum, dies iii. c. n, de-
scribes what was the Church's manner of proceeding in this matter.
The bishop in whose diocese any Martyr had died, used to send an
account of the martyrdom to the primate or metropolitan, who, after
calling together the other bishops of the province, and after maturely
discussing the subject, used to decide about admitting the deceased
among those Martyrs to whom it was lawful to pay public honour
(cultu prosequi). And no one can think that the discipline of the
Church was too severe in this matter of examining into and approv-
ing the Acts of the Martyrs: for, as Jerome6 says, the reason which
makes a Martyr must be inquired into. Indeed, according to the
testimony of Eusebius,7 heretics themselves sometimes suffered mar-
tyrdom, but they were expunged from the list of Martyrs by the
Church from which they had been excommunicated, as Augustine
tells us.8 But when the Acts of the Martyrs had been approved, and
confirmed by the sentence of the metropolitan and the bishops of
his province, the Martyrs' names were at length inscribed in the dip-
tychs, and it was lawful to pay public honour to them.
Such was the custom of the Church even down to the tenth cen-
tury; but then any individual bishop began to have the power of
approving the Acts of a Martyr or Confessor, and, at the discretion
of his metropolitan, enrolling him among the Saints.
But as early as the tenth century a Roman Pontiff made a "general
canonization," (as we now call it.) For although before that, the bishop
used to place Saints on the Church's kalendar in the manner which
we have described, yet as such a kalendar only belonged to some
particular Church, it was only in that Church that the Saint was reve-
renced and honoured. Hence the first general canonization which
took place was made by Pope John XV. in the tenth century; and
it is called by this designation, because the Saint thus canonized is to
be honoured in all the Churches of the Christian world. For that
Pontiff at a Lateran Council held at Rome in a.d. 993, at the re-
quest of Lintolf, Bishop of Augsburg, canonized Udalric [a former
bishop of that see], whose cultus Lintolf had already decreed in his
own Church of Augsburg; this canonization meaning that S. Udalric
was henceforth to be publicly honoured in all the Churches. See
renders this word ilos" by "mouth," frequently quoted phrase, taken from
instead of "bone :" a mistranslation re- the Index of S. Cyprian's works,
peated by others. Fleury shows how "Martyrem non facit poena sed causa,"
the natural eagerness of the early Chris- is the index-maker's good summing
tians to carry away the bodies, or up of the gist of various phrases taken
collect the remains, of the martyrs, together bearing on this subject.]
at the risk of their own lives, grew af- * Hist. Eccl. 1. v. c. 16; Mart. Pal.
terwards into the follies and excesses 10, ["The Montamsts say they have
of relic-worship. Thus at the martyr- many martyrs.' "Some of the other
dom of S Cyprian the people spread heresies also have a vast number of
nieces of linen around him to receive martyrs." "With the martyrs was said
his blood ] to be a Marciomte bishop. 'J
c Comment, in Psalm 115 (?) [The 8 L. de Donatist.
OF THE CANONIZATION OF SAINTS. 385
the Acts of this Synod, Vol. X., in Labbe's Councils. Such an act
of general canonization, however, was usually passed only by the
Roman Pontiffs in " Plenary" Councils :* this we know from the
evidence of the Acts of the second Lateran Council [a.d. 1139], in
which is read the diploma of the canonization of S. Sturmi, and from
the Acts for the canonization of Gerard, Bishop of Toul, given in
Mabillon in Scec. 6 Annal. Ordin. S. Benedicti. And lastly, from
the letters of Pope Eugenius III. [1145—1153], sent to the Canons
of Bamberg, in a life of that Pontiff by Gretser. Hence even now this
custom is observed by the Pope of Rome: he is not satisfied to call
together only an ordinary consistory for the canonization of Saints,
but summoning any bishops who happen to be at Rome, and thus
gathering together a synod, he then performs the act of canonization.
But even after this system of general canonization had been intro-
duced into the Church, bishops used still to act upon their ancient
rights, and to enrol confessors in their catalogue of Saints in the
ancient manner: and this custom prevailed universally even to the
twelfth century. Then Alexander III. [1159—1181] took away from
the bishops their ancient privilege, and placed the act of canoniza-
tion among those causa majores, the settlement of which belongs to
the Roman Pontiff alone. This law was occasioned by those abuses
which the Pontiff Alexander knew had crept into the system of
canonizations, [the anti-pope, e.g. Pascal III., having taken on him-
self, in 1165, to canonize Charlemagne, whose claims to such honours
the Church never admitted,] as Alexander writes in his own Decretal,
ch. L, On the Relics and Veneration of Saints.
But what was Alexander's exact intention in issuing that decretal
is still a matter of doubt. Some understand by it what is expressed
in the following words of the illustrious Pope Benedict XIV.t in his
work on the Beatification of the Servants of God :9 "That a new
power was conferred, which reserved to the Apostolic See the privi-
lege of determining in private, as far as primates, bishops, and all
others are concerned, whether such and such a servant of God ought
or ought not to have the honour paid to the Saints; and that from
all others except the Pope should be taken away that power which
bishops used to exercise in their own provinces and dioceses, viz.
the privilege of granting to any servants of God the honours of Beati-
fication." Others are of opinion "that this was a private privilege
belonging to Popes before the issuing of that Decretal, the Decretal
* ["Plenarium Synodum dicunt esse added to the roll of the Saints, and set
ubi cum suis dioecesanis Metropolita- forth for the public veneration of the
nus fuerit Episcopus." Du Cange.] whole Church militant, and the honours
f [Prosper Lambertini: born 1675, due to saints decreed to him." Beaiifi-
died 1758.] cation is defined by him, alike "law-
9 L. i. c. 10 §4. [According toFer- ful grant by the Pope to a particular
raris (quoted in Smith's Diet.) Car/oni- kingdom, province, religious body, or
zation is defined to be "a public judg- place, to venerate and invoke, in 'the
ment and express definition of the Apos- mass and by exposition of relics," &c.
tolic See respecting the sanctity and some particular person deceased.']
glory of one who is thereupon solemnly
C C
3^6 POLITY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH.
presupposing another former law, or the previous existence of a
more ancient custom." The same Pontiff, Benedict XIV., noticed
those who were in favour of each of the above views, and then in
§ 8 of the same chapter he took part with the advocates of the former
opinion. "For," he proceeds to say, "after the issue of the above-
named Decretal by Alexander III. subsequent ecclesiastical docu-
ments not only openly speak of the power of canonization but of
beatification also, being reserved to the supreme Roman Pontiff, as
a power to be exercised by him to the exclusion of all other per-
sons." After this he quotes the words of Innocent III. in his Bull
for the canonization of the Blessed Cunegunda, Empress, which ran
in these terms, "Whereas this sublime exercise of judicial authority
is vested only in him who is the successor of Peter and the vicar of
Christ," &c. But as after the law passed by Alexander III. Bishops
passed some Acts of Canonization as they had been used to do, as
is shown by Joseph Catalani on the authority of the Chronicle of the
Bishops of Minden, and by Christianus Lupus in his commentaries
on the fourth council held by Pope Leo IX., the aforesaid Pontiff
writes on this subject that since the time of Alexander III. some
Acts of Beatification passed by bishops, with the prescription of hun-
dreds of years, had been tolerated, and in a certain sense approved
of, by the Roman Pontiff. Wherefore at length in a.d. 1634, Urban
[VIII.] decreed that the privilege of canonization, which had be-
longed to bishops with the prescription of centuries, should no longer
have any validity if exercised by them ;* and in this way was there
left to the Pope alone for the future the privilege of conferring Beati-
fication or Canonization on servants of God.
These remarks on the subject of the ancient mediaeval and modern
rule of Canonization are sufficient: as for the form of Canonization
used by the Roman Church the reader may consult those books of
Pope Benedict XIV. which have been referred to above.
§ Digression. At what time the Church first paid religious honours to
Confessors.
While in ancient times the Church used to enter in a register
(album) of the Saints the names of her duly recognised Martyrs, she
has also given that honour to those whom we call Confessors; mean-
ing by that name those whose whole lives had testified to the saint-
liness of their characters: "for," in S. Cyprian's words, "peace also
has its crowns, with which we who come victorious out of a varied
and manifold conflict are crowned, when our enemy is prostrate and
subdued."1
We know from the writings of Jerome, especially from his life of
Hilarion, that ever since the fourth century Christians have been al-
* ["Jus nullo modo episcopis valere zatione episcopis non prorsus inter-
statuit, is the reading of an old edi- dixit."]
tion of Pelliccia in the British Museum. l L. de Zelo, p. 604, ed. Beued.,
Ritter's text is unintelligible, "Urbanus [" Habet et pax coronas suas, quibus
centenaries prescriptions jus in canoni- de varia et multiplici congressione vie-
OF THE CANONIZATION OF SAINTS. 387
lowed to pay special honour to Confessors. He tells us in that
book of a certain lady, whose name was Constantia, who "was in the
habit of passing whole nights watching by the tomb of Hilarion, and,
as a help to her prayers, holding converse with him as if he were
present." We are told by the same author that it was usual to build
churches in honour of Confessors: for he mentions about Antony
that he had charged his disciples to hide his body after death "for
fear lest a very wealthy man in those parts, one Pergamius, should
remove the corpse of the Saint to his country-seat, and build a Mar-
tyrium over it." For how could Antony have any fear of this unless
Christians had even then been accustomed to build churches to
Confessors? And the word "Martyrium" which Jerome uses in
this place was the name by which churches were called in his time.
We read testimony to this effect in Theodoret,2 respecting Marcian,
a holy Confessor and Anchorite: and in Sozomen respecting S. Ni-
lammon, to whom his neighbours erected a church immediately after
his death, and the day of whose death they used to celebrate.3
More examples of the same kind are found in the same author
Theodoret, as e.g. Maro the Anchorite, Zebina, and some others.
From all this, then, we infer that in the Eastern Church ever since
the fourth century public honours used to be paid to holy Confes-
sors, and solemn services began to be held on the days dedicated
to their memory. For, as the same author, S. Jerome, relates,
Hilarion and his brethren used to keep sacred vigils on the night
preceding the anniversary of the day on which S. Antony died.
And we are told by Sozomen4 that the people of Palestine, ever since
the fourth century, annually observed a public festival in honour of
Hilarion, which became a celebrated and splendid one.
Therefore Edmund Martene, and Cardinal Bona, and other more
modern writers who have adopted their views, are mistaken in what
they say on this subject. For they tell us that it was in the begin-
ning of the fifth century that the Church first paid sacred honours
(cultus) to Confessors,—among whom they give the first place to
S. Martin, Bishop of Tours.5 For besides the very ancient testimony
already referred to, we have sufficient evidence in that very old
Roman Kalendar given in Fronto Ducaeus, which, as we have said,
was compiled in the time of Liberius : for in it is mentioned the
festival of S. Silvester, a Roman Pontiff, who died before Martin of
Tours: and in the Eastern Church in the time of Chrysostom a
festival day in honour of S. Philogonius was kept with a public ser-
tores, prostrato et subacto adversario, 4 Ibid. 1. iii. c. 14, [" BqfioTeXrj xal
coronamur."] ^Aa Xatnrphv 4uddBe ir^triov topr^v
3 Histor. Rehg. c. 3. dyovo-iv ol i-nix^pioi;" his hut was so
f Histor. Eccl. 1. vm. c. 19, [" em- constructed that when he stood up he
rripiov oIkov ir€p\ tlv auTov rd<pou wko- must bend his head, and when he lay
hdfxricrav ol sirixApioi' tca\ 4vio-n/x6Tara down he must bend his legs.]
«Wti vvv tV vyxipav rrjs avrov reAei/TTjs 5 Martene de Antiq. Eccl. Ritib. c
&yov<riu;" he was a holy monk who 30, n. 3, and Bona, Rer. Liturgic. 1. i.
could not be persuaded to be ordained c. 15.
a bishop.]
C C 2
388 POLITY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH.
vice (cultus) in the Church of Antioch, as we know from a discourse
delivered by Chrysostom himself at Antioch on the 20th of Decem-
ber, the day kept in memory of that Confessor. No one therefore
can doubt that since the commencement of the fourth century, both
in the Eastern and Western Church, the names of Confessors were
inscribed in the Church's Book of Saints {album), and received from
the Church public honours.
CHAPTER VII.
OF THE ADORATION (CULTUS) OF THE HOLY CROSS.
To that Cross, on which Christ our High Priest offered Himself
to the Father, so laying the ever-firm foundations of the Christian
Church, that Church gives, as is justly due, the honour of ado-
ration.
Arguments which have been advanced in defence of this cultus,
drawn from the traditions of our ancestors, are to be read in the
pages of those theologians who have refuted the silly things which
heretics have said on this subject: but it does not come within the
scope of this work to do more here than treat of those matters which
bear upon the figure of the Cross, upon its public use in the Church,
and upon the ornaments by which it has been adorned.
§ 1. Of the shape of our Lord's Cross.
A cross was of threefold form: it was either decussata, or commissa,
or immissa, in shape. The crux decussata was made by^ the inter-
secting of two straight and equal pieces of wood, crosswise, in the
form of the letter X: this is vulgarly called the " S. Andrew's Cross,"
from an old tradition that the Apostle S. Andrew died on one of
this shape. The second is called crux commissa; and this is made
of two pieces of wood, one standing upright, while another and
shorter one is fixed horizontally on the top of it, so as to make the
figure of the Greek letter T- This shaped cross was Phoenician in
origin, as Lipsius1 proves by very numerous and clear arguments.
Thirdly, there is the one called the crux immissa [the upright four-
armed cross], which is the common shape of the cross among ourselves.
We learn from tradition of the Fathers that the Cross of Christ
was not decussata or commissa, but immissa. For Irenseus^ speaking
of it says, "In shape it has five ends and extremities; two in length,
two in breadth, one in the centre, on which he rests, who is cruci-
1 L. iii. de Cruce, cap. 5, [and 1. i. curs in Ezek. ix. 4, 6, where it is trans-
c 7 Commonly called the" tau-cross," lated "mark;" and in Job xxxi. 35,
or the "Egyptian cross:" tau is the where it is (in margin) translated
last letter of the Hebrew alphabet, and "sign."]
signifies "a cross." This word tau oc-
OF THE ADORATION OF THE HOLY CROSS. 389
fied on it."3 But neither of the crosses, either the decussata or the
commissa, has five extremities, nor those additions to it, which are
all enumerated by Irenseus. Augustine gives the same opinion,
when, explaining some of the Apostle's words about the cross, he
says, "There was breadth, the direction in which the hands were
stretched; length, rising from the earth, on which the Body was
fastened; height, so far as it rose on high above the piece of wood
horizontally spread out; [depth, where it was fixed in the earth]."3
This is a very plain description of the crux immissa. In like man-
ner Gregory Nyssen makes similar remarks on the cross. "That
figure (i.e. of the cross) might, he said, be described by four arms
(eornua) branching forth from a common centre."4 With these agree
all the more ancient Fathers both Greek and Latin, who speak of
the cross, whose writings on the subject have been collected by
Jacob Gretser. It is plainly then the teaching of the old tradi-
tion of the Church, that the Cross of Christ was neither the crux
decussata nor commissa, but the crux immissa. Hence Nonnus [on
S. John xix. 18] in Lipsius, says that Christ died on a four-sided
tree, el$ 86pv Te-rpawXevpov. But to my mind we have the clearest
proof of all in the figure of the cross which appears on ancient coins
of the Emperor Constantine the Great: for in all those coins stamped
with a cross in the pages of Cornelius Curtius, and in Ducange in
the last volume of the Scriptores Byzantines Histories, the figures
of the cross, either the one which stands out on the very crown of
the emperor, or which rests on a globe, as in the coin of Heraclius
and on others of the House of Angelus, are all in the form of the
crux immissa, not in that of the crux decussata, or commissa. The
same remark applies to the figure of the cross on more ancient
mosaics both at Rome and Ravenna, as may be seen in Ciampini's
collection of them.
What was the height of our Lord's Cross is an interesting subject
of inquiry; for the cross which was used by ancient nations for the
punishment of crucifixion was a very low one indeed. We know
that this was the case among the ancient Hebrews from what we
are told in the second book of Samuel ;5 for the writer of that book,
when relating the crucifixion of Saul's sons by the Gibeonites, tells
us this fact, that Rizpah "suffered not the birds of the air by day,
nor the beasts of the field by night, to tear the crucified bodies." If
crosses had been raised to any high elevation from the ground how
could the ancients have let wild beasts loose upon men who were
crucified, as we know was the case? This had certainly become
the custom among the Romans also, as we know from the testimony
2 L. ii. c. 24, [" Habitus fines et qua erat corpus infixum; altitudo, ab
summitates habet quinque; duas in illo devexo ligno sursum quod emmet;
longitudine, duas in latitudine, imam profundum, ubi nxa erat crux."]
in medio, in qua quiescit qui clavis 4 Orat. 1 de Resurr. Dom., ["Novit
a%itur."] % enim ea ngura (cruris) quatuor cornibus
Jinarrat. in Psalm. 103 [Serm. i. e medio proveiiientibus descripta," &c]
§14, "Latitudo, in qua porrectae sunt 5 2 Sam. xxi. 6, 9, [in the Vulo-
manus; longitudo a terra surgens, in crucifixei-unL] b*
39° POLITY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH.
of Vopiscus in his life of Aurelian, who relates of Mnestheus, " Lifted
up on a stake," i.e. in Roman language crucified, "he was exposed to
wild beasts."6 We may say then that as wild beasts used to devour
bodies which were crucified, crosses must have been anciently fixed
very low, or at no great height from the ground. And so even dogs
were in the habit of tearing to pieces those who were crucified, as we
learn from Apuleius :7 and among the tortures endured by the martyrs
Eusebius refers to this custom: for he tells us of Blandina that
hanging on the tree she was exposed as a prey to the attacks of wild
beasts.8
This then we know to have been the case with the ordinary cross.
But sometimes among the ancients a much higher cross seems to
have been used: such was that one which had been prepared for
Mordecai,9 which was made fifty cubits high. Sometimes also among
the Romans a very high cross was used; as Suetonius tells us of
Galba that he had crucified some criminals on very high crosses.
It is not surprising therefore that the early Fathers say that accord-
ing to ancient tradition Christ's Cross was higher than those of the
two robbers, a tradition mentioned by Chrysostom.10 AVherefore
Nonnus describes the cross as a tree, "lofty, lifted to a height from
the earth" (iwiopbu vyjroOev ryalrj?). But ancient writers have told us
that according to a common opinion the crosses of the two thieves
were very low; therefore sculptors and painters have represented
our Lord's Cross very high, and those of the two robbers very low,
as appears in bas-relief work on a column outside the church of
S. Paul in the Via Ostiensis, and in the front part of an old ambo
given in Ciampini, with pictures of them; and as is also proved by
some mosaics.
Such then was the form of our Lord's Cross, which since the
foundation of the Church Christians have treated with public reve-
rence; so that, as Tertullian tells us, they were called by the
heathen, "Superstitious respecters of the cross."11
§ 2. Of the time when first the Figure of our Lord was affixed to the
Cross.
Although the origin of the crucifix would seem naturally to have
been as early as that of the Christian Church itself; yet the silence
of the early Christians appears in some manner to prove that such
6 Vid. ejusdem Aurel. cap. 37, in to hang after the manner of the Cross,
Scrr. Hist. Aug. [" Surrectus ad stipi- ... but as none of the beasts touched
tern, bestiis objectus est."] her she was taken down."]
7 De Asino Aureo, 1. vi. cf. Paull. 9 Esther ch. v. 14; and ch. vii. 9,
Sentent. Recept. v. 23, 1. The passage ["The king said, Hang him thereon,"
immediately afterwards cited from Sue- (Esth. vii. 9,) is, in the LXX., "j^e
tonius, is to be found in Galb. cap. 9. 5e 6 fiao-Lhtvs, ^ravpcod-nrw eV auroQ."]
8 Hist. Eccles. 1. v. c. 1, ["She 10 Horn. v. in cap. 1, Epist. ad Co-
was bound and suspended on a stake rinth.
and thus exposed as food to the assaults n Apolog. cap. 16, [" Crucis Reh-
of wild beasts; . . . she thus appeared giosi," the Religious of the Cross.]
OF THE ADORATION OF THE HOLY CROSS. 391
effigies of Christ hanging on the Cross were not in use among them
from the very beginning: for the proofs which Turrianus has col-
lected that the crucifix, either painted or sculptured, has been in
use from the beginning, appear to those who very carefully go into
this subject, to be of no value whatever. Among the arguments
brought forward by Turrianus one might perhaps appear at first
sight to have a greater appearance of probability than the rest; that
viz. which he brings forward from words used by S. Paul, when writ-
ing to the Galatians. For the Apostle, addressing the Galatians,
says, "Before your eyes Jesus Christ has been evidently set forth
crucified among you;" "Jesus Christusprcescriptics est in vobis cruci-
fixus" is the reading of the Vulgate. In Greek the word for pr<z-
scriptus is 7rpoe^pd(p7], from the word irpoypafaiv, to paint before the
eyes; as if he had said, "He is set forth crucified for you in a
painting hung up before your eyes." For it is from these words in-
ferred by Turrianus12 that even at that time the Galatians had cruci-
fixes, and that it is to these that S. Paul refers. But all the com-
mentators of S. Paul both ancient and modern tell us how little
weight is to be attached to this argument; for all are agreed that the
Apostle was speaking metaphorically. Perhaps a more probable
argument might be drawn from an epistle of S. Ignatius Martyr to
the Philippians, if we could only be quite certain that Ignatius was
the author of it.13
But the oldest instance on record of an image of the crucifixion is
furnished us by Lactantius, or whoever was the author of the hymn
De Passione Domini, which certainly seems to belong to the fourth
century. His words are as follows:
"Quisquis ades, mediique subis ad limina templi,
Siste gradum, insontemque tuo pro criruine passum
Respice me ....
Cerae manus clavis fixas, tractosque lacertos,
Atque ingens lateri vulnus: cerne inde fluorem
Sanguineum, fossosque pedes, artusque cruentos."*
"Whoever thou art who enterest here, and approachest the precincts of the
midst of this temple,
Stay thy steps, and look upon Me the Sinless One who suffered for
thy sin; . . . .
Behold My hands nailed fast, My arms stretched out,
The deep wound in My side; see thence the stream
Of blood, the pierced feet, the blood-stained limbs."
Here we see an image of Christ in no respect different from the
one in common use among ourselves, and we see that such images
were even then used in churches.
Among the more ancient monuments of the Crucifixion is reckoned
a golden coin of the second dimension, which the Emperor Henry
sent with other gifts to Europe from the city of Constantinople, a.d.
12 De Dogm. Christi Verbi Dei, * [The line which follows, "Bend
1- 4- thy knee, and adore the holy wood of
V. Le Nourry, Dissert, in Appar. the cross," &c, shows it was a crucifix,
ad Biblioth. Patr. and not a picture.]
392 POLITY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH.
1208.* The coin has a representation of the Crucifixion on it: on
either side stand two figures of women wearing the stola, and nearer
the cross there are standing figures on either side, the one piercing
the side of Christ with a lance, the other offering Him a sponge,
with this inscription, "KoV/aoi; to XvrpoV alfxa iov Qeov \6*{ov," i.e.,
"the Redemption of the world, the Blood of the Word of God."
Lipsius, who has brought forward this coin,14 throws no light on the
age of it: I would not hazard any conjecture on this point, which
only those who have themselves inspected the coin are in a position
to discuss. To my mind, however, I may say, the coin does not
seem older than the sixth century, for affixed to this cross is a foot-
rest, like the one which is first mentioned by Gregory of Tours in
the same sixth century, as we shall presently say.
In the time of Sophronius, Patriarch of Jerusalem, in the seventh
century, the custom had also already grown up of adding to the
representation of Christ crucified pictures of Mary, S. John the
Baptist, Apostles and Martyrs, as we read in the fourth act of the
seventh GEcumenical Council.
But in connexion with this subject there are three points which
ought not to be passed by. First, as to the number of nails used
in the crucifixion: secondly, as to the foot-rest: thirdly, as to the
title over the cross.
As regards the first, the opinions of learned men take two different
views; for some have thought our Lord was fastened to the cross
with three nails, others with four. That He was not bound with
cords to the cross, but fastened to it with nails, is clear from the
words used by the Apostle Thomas, who demanded that he might
see the place of the nails in Christ's hands, [and from prophecies
which were thus fulfilled, Zech. xii. 10, Ps. xxii. 16, S. John xx. 25,
27]. We wonder, then, at the effrontery of some heretics who have
tried to make out that it was anything of a novelty among the
ancients for criminals to be fastened to a cross with nails; for
although in some instances criminals were bound to the cross with
cords, as Cupid is described by Ausonius,
"Devinctum post terga manus, substrictaque plantis
Vincla merentem r"
i.e. "having his hands bound behind his back, and sentenced to have
his feet fastened with chains," yet both among the Greeks and among
the Latins it was usual for condemned criminals to be fastened to the
cross with nails: and hence the frequent use among the Greeks of the
word TrpoffrjXodffOai, to be fastened with nails, meaning to be crucified.
Chrysostom,15 therefore, and Augustine16 among the early Fathers have
for this reason told us that the two thieves were crucified with nails.
* ["It was not until 1754 that a cru- 14 In Not. ad 1. ii. cap. 10, de Cruce.
cifix was made the indispensable acces- 15 Horn. 15 in cap. 8 Epist. ad Rom.
sory of every Catholic altar by a decree 16 August. Tract. 37 in Joann. cf.
of Benedict XIV." (Hemans' Ancient Petron. Satiric cap. in, and 1. xxviii.
Christianity, p. 533-) See above, p. 162, § 15, D. de Pcen.
note 2.]
OF THE ADORATION OF THE HOLY CROSS. 393
But as regards the number of nails by which our Lord was fas-
tened to the cross, there is one ancient author who seems to hold a
different view from all others who have written on the subject He
was the writer of a tragedy, " Christus Patiens" which was formerly
circulated under the name of Gregory Nazianzen, for he calls the
cross -rpierjXiov gvXov, "the tree with three nails." But all others
have said that our Lord was nailed to the cross with four nails.
Thus Cyprian says,17 that nails (the plural number) pierced His
sacred feet. In the feet, then, were two nails, and those, with the
nails in the hands, made four. Gregory of Tours18 has made the
same assertion, as also have other very ancient writers. The more
ancient representations of the crucifixion seem to us also to prove
the same point, for they all have four nails in them. Thus, e.g., that
most ancient bas-relief of the crucifixion which Lipsius19 says that
he saw in the monastery of Chiem : a picture of the crucifixion at
Lucca [the "Volto Santo di Lucca"], which is thought to be of very
great antiquity: and a cross which Bede20 tells us was sent to Leo
the Great by Juvenal, Bishop of Jerusalem, each of these has two
nails in the feet. The feet of Christ are also represented as fastened
with two nails on that golden coin of which we have spoken, and on
that most ancient picture of the Crucifixion, which was found at
Alexandria, marked on the back with Ruthenian characters, which in
the last century was preserved among the treasures of the Cardinal of
Como. No one, then, can have any doubt that, in the opinion of the
ancients, Christ's feet were fastened to the cross with two nails;
though by the carelessness of painters and more modern sculptors,
it is a common idea that only three nails were used in our Lord's
Crucifixion.
We may now go on to make a few remarks on our second point,
the small board for the feet to rest on, which is represented on
Christ's cross.
Lipsius, Gretser, and others who seem to agree with their views
on the subject, have supposed that Christ's feet were fastened by
the nails not to the upright wood of the cross itself, but a small
tablet, which we call from this circumstance suppedanea, a foot-rest.
But the arguments for this, taken by these writers from the early
Fathers, are of no weight when accurately examined into. For the
first who speaks plainly of this foot-rest is Gregory of Tours,21 a
writer of the sixth century; nor are the crucifixes, which have the
17 De Pass. Dom., [" Clavis sacros ap. Cornel. Curtiiim de Clavis Domi-
pedes terebrantibus :" he supposes three nicis.
nails to have been used in the title of 21 L. deGlor. Mart. cap. 6, ["Plants
the Cross, making seven nails alto- in cruce sancta dependere visse sunt
gether.] potius quam stare; sed in stipite erecto
18 L. deGlor. Mart. c. 6, ["Clavo- foramen factum manifestum est. Pes
rum dominicorum gratia quod quatuor quoque parvulae tabulae in hoc foramen
fuerint, hcec est ratio: duo sunt affixi insertus est; super banc vero tabulam,
in palmis, et duo in plantis," &c] tanquam stantis hominis sacra affixce
19 De Cruce, 1. ii. c. 9. sunt plantse."]
80 In vi. Mundi iEtate, An. 3562,
394 POLITY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. -
foot-rest, older than Gregory's time; such, e.g., was that one which
Charlemagne sent for a present to Leo III., a.d. 800, the year of
his coronation, which Cornelius Curtius wrongly states to be pre-
served in the sacristy of the church of S. Peter at Rome, for it was
stolen by thieves in the night, as Anastasius the Librarian tells us in
his account of Leo III. The same may be remarked of that one
which is preserved in the old church of Sirolum, and of others
which are found mentioned by Cornelius Curtius in his books on the
nails used in our Lord's crucifixion, though he sometimes puts a
somewhat too low estimate on the antiquity of the monuments to
which he refers.
We have, thirdly, to speak of the Title affixed to our Lord's cross.
The Evangelists^ say that a Title was put over the cross. S.
Matthew calls it aUlav, causam, "His accusation," that which con-
tained the cause of His accusation, because the charge and the
crime are called by the same word in Greek. The Romans called
it elogium, of which kind was that written document which con-
tained the name, age, crime, and sentence of punishment of prisoners,
and which was usually handed to judges and to the emperor, as
Suetonius mentions in his life of Caius Caligula.22 But the title
over our Lord's Cross contained in very few words the nature of the
crime charged against Him, though the Evangelists say it was in the
usual manner affixed to the cross. For a herald used to carry it
before criminals, as Eusebius describes in the case of Attalus the
martyr,23 or it was in some way tied to them, [suspended from the
neck], as we read in Suetonius in his life of Domitian. Lastly, it
used to be affixed to the cross, as we are told by Dio Cassius24
among other writers. In old pictures of the Crucifixion the title is
affixed in a different manner: in some it is above the top of the
upright limb of the cross, in others it is fastened by a nail to the
top of the limb. This title of the cross, Rufinus25 tells us, was
found by Helena, the mother of Constantine, when she discovered
the cross itself.
§ 3. About Images of the Cross among the Ancients and their Orna-
ments: of the Stational Cross.
The Church, as we have said, [Book II. Sect. 1, ch. vi.,] has from
the very beginning made use of images of the cross, both in public
and in private. Of the private use of the cross we shall speak in
our last Dissertation, Vol. III. It has been shown in our second
22 C. 27, ["Qui causam pcense indi- Latin, "This is Attains, the Christian,"
caret," &c. The passage cited imme- &c.; Valesius adds, "Gladiators and
diately below is from the Life of Do- Bestiarii were thus led about before
mitian, ch. x., "Pnecedente titulo," their encounters."]
&c.] 24 Hist. Rom. 1. liv. n. 3, ["ypd/x-
23 Hist. Eccl. 1. v. c. I, [When led fiara rfyp alriav ttjs Qavardxrews Bt)\ovp-
about in the theatre, with a tablet be- ra."]
fore him, on which was written in 25 Hist. Eccl. 1. i. c. 7.
OF THE ADORATION OF THE HOLY CROSS. 395
Book that in its public use in churches the cross was placed first
over the ciborium of the altar, then by the side of the altar, and at
length upon the altar. But our ancestors were generally careful that
a cross should be represented on the roof (tholus) of the church,
and in those pictures which used to adorn the central arch of the
church; plain proofs of which we may constantly read in the pages
of Paulinus and Prudentius. The former describes in his poems a
cross ornamented with a crown, and resting on a lamb; the latter
speaks of one covered over with gems, for he makes Constantine
thus address Rome :26
"Agnoscas, Regina, lubens mea signa necesse est,
In quibus effigies crucis aut gemmata refulget."
"Thou must, O Queen, give thy willing recognition to my standards,
On which is emblazoned an effigy of the Cross, or one glittering
with gems."
He speaks here both of the jewelled cross, which was inlaid in
mosaic works, as we see in Ciampini, and of that cross adorned with
jewels placed by Constantine on the sacred military standard called
the Labarum or Laborum, as it is represented on coins of his, both
on those in Du Cange,27 and in Gretser.28
But that cross which in former times used to be most splendidly
ornamented, was that one commonly called the " station cross," which
took its name from the term statio, which we have described in our
second Book. For in those processional litanies which took place
in ancient times, as we there showed, a cross was carried at the head
of them by a deacon or cleric, who was called at Rome Diaconarius,
the meaning of which word I must explain, that I may keep a pro-
mise I made in my second Book. The origin of this word is
derived, according to Jacques Eveillon29 and Francis Keipkerus,30
from the military word 6 SpaKovdpio?, Draconarius, the name of the
military standard-bearer in the Roman armies; but they have not
found out the true meaning and character of the word. It is true
that he who used to carry the Labarum was formerly called Draco-
narius, from the fact that the military standard had on it a fully dis-
played representation of a dragon, and this had been borrowed by
the Greeks from the ancient Syrians, as is shown by Modestus in his
book De vocabulis rei militarise under this word. But when Constan-
tine had placed the representation of our Lord's Cross on the
military ensign, (which was called a dragon, according to Jonas,
Book II. on the Cultus of Images,) instead of or above that of the
dragon, it came about that the draconarius only meant one who
bore that cross which since Constantine's time was the army's
military ensign. Hence the cleric, who used to carry the banner in
26 Contra Symmach. lib. i. v. 465, 30 L. de Ant. Monum. Etrusc,
466. [" Draconarius=vexillifer, quifertvex-
27 Tomo ult. Script. Hist. Byzant. ilium ubi est draco depictus." (Du
28 De Numis Crucigeris. Cange.)]
29 L. de Supplicat.
396 POLITY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH.
processional litanies, was naturally called Draconarius. For perhaps
(if the reader will accept my suggestion), that cleric who was called
Draconarius, did not carry an actual " station-cross" in the supplica-
tions, but rather a standard bearing the sign of the cross. We see a
trace of this ancient custom even now in our litanies; for in them a
certain object exactly resembling the ancient Labarum, as it is
depicted on coins, is carried at the head of the processions, and is
commonly called in Italian a Gonfalon. I shall adduce stronger
arguments in support of this conjecture in the second Book of my
History of the MS. Liturgies of the Latin Church. The Station
Crosses were higher than others, and were skilfully adorned with
jewels and ornaments of very elegant carved work: what their exact
appearance was may be gathered from representations of them in the
Lateran Church, and other Churches mentioned by Ciampini in his
third volume in a special chapter on this subject.
The ancients were also accustomed to set up very high crosses in
the public streets. Chrysostom tells us this was the custom in his
time at Constantinople and other places in the East.31 Wherefore
Balsamon says, "Holy images and crosses are set up by one who is
thus disposed: and for God's sake, and for the sake of pure faith
towards His saints, we adore and salute holy things of this kind
wherever they are erected."32 According to Eusebius this custom
was first begun by Constantine the Great, who, as he tells us, set up
in all places triumphal little columns clearly marked with a cross.33
The emperor perhaps did this that he might entirely eradicate every
monument of Pagan religion; for he ordered that crosses should be
erected in all places where there was a Vibilia* of the Romans, or a
Three-headed Hermes of the Greeks, 'E/o^s T/W0aAo<?, (Mercurius
Triceps,) which used in those times to stand in the public roads.
And, therefore, the endeavour which some are making to restore this
ancient use, and to place crosses in the public roads, is a design
worthy of all praise; it is but folly to say that this design is one
which was forbidden by the laws of the emperor; for such objec-
31 Homil. quod Christ, sit Deus, ap. vilia,) may be explained by a passage
Montfauc. T. III. p. 57, ["The Cross in Arnobius {adv. Gentes, 1. iv. ch. 6,)
may be seen everywhere displayed : in where, speaking of the trifling offices at-
houses, in market-places, in deserts, on tributed to various gods and goddesses
roads, on mountains, in groves, on of the heathen, he says, "Ab erroribus
hills, on ships, and islands in the sea, viarum dea Vibilia liberat." Vibilia is
on beds, on dresses, on arms, on probably, then, corrupted from Bivilia
couches," &c] (bis and via), according to the analogy
32 Commentar. in c. 73, Syn. Trull., of Spanish, which (lam told) constantly
An. 691; [This canon forbids the en- appropriates words from the Latin with
graving of crosses on the pavement, an interchange of Band V; and the word
where they would be trodden under foot, would then mean a statue of "the god-
since the Cross shows to us the way of dess who delivers from straying from the
salvation, and therefore we offer to it in (right) paths." Some editions of Arno-
words and in thought our adoration.] bius read, "dea Upibilia." The read-
33 In Orat. de Laudib. Constant. ing "Vibilia," adopted in the text, is
[" Columellas triumphales cruce insig- from a very old edition of Pelliccia in
nitas ubique locorum collocavit."] the Bodleian.]
* [This word vibilia (misprinted ubi~
33
OF THE ADORATION OF THE HOLY CROSS. 397
tions to the ancient policy were nowhere made by him; the Im-
perial laws merely forbid the indiscriminate erection of crosses,
because formerly any spot of ground on which a cross was raised
became the property of that Church to which the cross belonged.
§ 4. Of [making] the Sign of the Cross.
It is obvious to all those who have studied the writings of the
early Fathers, and have carefully examined what they say on the
subject, that the use of the sign of the cross has been taught us by
Apostolical tradition. Hence it was that Tertullian writes in the
second century of Christians, "At every journey and movement,
at every coming in and going out, at the putting on of our clothes
and shoes, at baths, at meals, at lighting of candles, at going to bed,
at sitting down, whatever occupation employs us, we mark our fore-
head with the sign of the cross."34 They were persuaded also that
Sacraments, services, and ceremonies derive every possible additional
virtue from the use of this same sign of the cross. "For unless,"
says Augustine, "the sign of the cross is made on the foreheads of
believers, or on the water itself of which they are born again, or on
the oil with which they are anointed with chrism, or on the sacrifice
with which they are nourished, none of these things is duly per-
formed."35 Hence they themselves tell us that the formula accom-
panying the use of this sign was the naming of the three Persons of
the Trinity. "The faith," Tertullian says, "is sealed in [the name of]
the Father, and the Son, and the Holy Ghost :"36 and S. Athana-
sius says, "the life-giving sign is made in [the name of] the sacred
number of the Trinity."37
One point ought here to be noticed, viz., that our ancestors
formerly did not make over themselves, or over any thing, the sign
of the cross with the whole open hand, as we do, but only with the
finger, [i.e., the thumb of the right hand]. We can see this in
Sophronius,38 who says of Julianus Bostrensis, [Julian, Bishop of
34 L. de Corona Milit. c. 3, ["Ad "If everything like adoration be ex-
omnem progressum, atque promotum, eluded, the use of images is allowable;
ad omnem aditum et exitum, ad vesti- for, like words and letters, they remind
turn et calceatum, ad lavacra, ad mensas, us of absent objects, and bring them
ad lumina, ad cubilia, ad sedilia, quae- before our eyes. When I hear Christ
cunque nos conversatio exerceat, fron- preached, there is formed in my heart
tern cruris signaculo terimus."] the image of a man hanging on the
35 Tractatu 118 in Joann., ["Nisi cross: if it is good for me to have an
adhibeatur sive frontibus credentium, image of Christ in my heart, why
sive ipsi aquae, ex qua regenerantur, should it be a sin for me to have one in
sive oleo, quo Chrismate unguntur, sive my eye?" (lb.)]
Sacrificio quo aluntur, nihil eorum rite 36 L.deBapt. c. 6, ["Fides obsignata
perficitur. See above, p. 244, note in Patre et Filio et Spiritu Sancto."]
157. Guericke observes (p. 115) that 37 In Vita S. Anton. Magni ex vers,
"the old Lutheran Church has re- Evagrii n. 10 in Opp. S. Athanas. T.
tained the sign of the Cross in the I. P. ii. p. 804, ["Vitale signum in
consecration of the elements at the sacro numero Tvinitatis."]
Lord's Supper, and at the blessing:" 38 In Prato Spirit, credit. Coteler.,
and that Luther remarked on crucifixes, [" ter digito suo calicem signasse."]
398 POLITY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH.
Boussereth in Arabia?] that he made the sign of the cross on the
chalice thrice with his finger. Sozomen says of Bishop Donatus,
"He made the sign of the cross in the air with his finger, against
him."39 And Epiphanius writes of one Count Joseph in the time of
Constantine the Great, that he made the sign of the cross with his
finger over a vessel of holy water.40
With the finger, then, and not with the hand, the sign of the cross
was made by our ancestors; and a very ancient tradition tells us it
was with the finger of the right hand that they made it. Justin
Martyr mentions this,41 as we are told by Gretser, in his book above
referred to.
The scope of this work does not admit of our saying more on the
subject of the Cross. What we have said is sufficient for our pur-
pose; and this discussion, in which we have been speaking of the
chief treasure of our Faith, will form, we trust, a fitting conclusion
to our fourth Book.
39 Hist. Eccl. 1. vii. c. 26; [He the cross became obsolete : but in the
struck dead a dragon which destroyed sixth century a second and more elabo-
men and beasts in his diocese, when rate method had already supplanted it.
"signum crucis adversus ipsum digito The hand was raised to the forehead,
aeri impressit."] then drawn down to the heart, then to
40 Hseresi xxx. § 12, [Thus defeat- the left shoulder and then to the right,
ing some Jewish magicians, (as quoted but in the Eastern Church first to the
above, Book III. Sec. ii. ch. hi.), right and then to the left shoulder. And
"v§(ap K€\€vo-as ivexdrji/ai eV &yyei . . . sometimes the thumb was laid cross-
Xaficav to avrb &yyos rod vSaros . . . 6 wise over the index-finger. Pope Leo
au^ip arravpov acppaylSa iTriOeh rep &yyei IV. ordered, 'Sign the chalice and the
dia tov iBiov SciictvAov," (cruris signum oblation with the right cross; i.e. . . .
super illud suo digito ducit.)] with two fingers extended, and the
41 Var. Quaest. 118. ["Itisimpos- thumb bent up underneath.'" (Smith's
sible to fix the exact date at which this Diet, of Christ. Antiq. p. 1896.)]
primitive method of making the sign of
Booft R
OF THE JUDICIAL FOWERS OF THE CHURCH.
(DE JUDICIIS CAN ONI CIS.)
We have now to speak of that judicial power which belongs to the
Christian Church. For as in a Civil Republic the magistrates have
authority to judge, to punish, and to acquit criminals, so in the
Christian Republic, which is naturally concerned not only with ex-
ternal matters, but with the internal feelings of the human mind, a
final judgment is passed on the secret and internal sins of those who
have gone wrong because their very mind has led them astra)^.
As, then, we are going to speak about this judicial power and
authority, which God the searcher of hearts has committed to His
Church, when He gave to it authority to bind and to loose, we will
first treat of those Church-magistrates in whom this power has been
lodged • then of the actual exercise of that power, what form it took
in ancient, mediaeval, and modern times; and lastly, of the penalties
which were inflicted on those convicted of crimes, and of the way in
which remission of those penalties could be procured.
CHAPTER I.
OF THOSE WHO EXERCISE JUDICIAL FUNCTIONS.
What the Church has authority to do both as to passing judgment
on sins, and as to pronouncing absolution from sin, is done in a
Sacrament: that Sacrament is called by the Latins Fcenitentia (Pe-
nance), and by the Greeks Me-ravoia. Fcenitentia, therefore, is the
name given both to the judgment pronounced on the sinner, and on
the penance imposed upon him. But since this judicial sentence
cannot be carried out by mere human power, he who is a Judge in
the Church is doing the work of a minister of Christ, Who has
made the Church a sharer in His own Divine power, the only power
by which sins can be remitted.
§ i. About the Ecclesiastical Court: its ancient construction: its divi-
sion into an internal and external Tribunal.
That we may have a clearer understanding as to who has authority
4°° POLITY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH.
in the Church to exercise canonical jurisdiction in her court, it will
be well to say a few words on the ecclesiastical court itself.
From the foundation of the Church authority was committed to
the bishops for the settling of disputes among the faithful; for during
the first ages they regarded it as almost an act of sin to go before
a civil judge, being taught by Apostolic rule so to regard it. For
the Corinthians who carried cases before civil judges are rebuked
by the Apostle in those words i1 "Dare any of you, having a matter
against another, go to law before the unjust (i.e. before heathen
judges), and not before the saints?" (i.e. before the bishops, for
according to the custom of the Apostolic age he calls bishops
"saints"). Therefore Cyprian writing to Quirinus directed that
when disputes arose among the faithful they must in no case go
before a heathen judge.2 This Apostolic rule was made legally bind-
ing by those emperors who professed themselves Christians. Con-
stantine was in this way the first who allowed all to carry their suits
before bishops, either before or after litigation in the case had com-
menced, provided the judges had not already pronounced sentence:
which law of Constantine was confirmed by the emperor Theodosius
the elder, and inserted in his code. This is the origin of that
ecclesiastical tribunal which at the present day we call forum ex-
ternum. But by degrees this ancient custom began to grow obsolete
when magistrates professed the Christian religion; for then the
Apostle's words could not apply to them, and therefore the prohibi-
tion to the faithful not to go before heathen judges ceased to be
binding : and consequently the bishop's court began to be resorted to
only by the clergy, or by the Christian laity in the case of ecclesias-
tical suits.
This in brief is the history of the origin of the ecclesiastical tri-
bunal, and of the outward changes through which it passed. And
having said this, we may add that one fact can be certainly deter-
mined; viz. that in former times the forum internum, and the forum
externum (inner and outer tribunal) were one and the same court;
because in those times there was no distinction between those
crimes and sins of which the bishop had taken cognizance in se-
cret confession, and those which were committed in public, and
which only were properly designated by the name of crimes: for
the ecclesiastical magistrate [extended and] enforced his sacramental
jurisdiction over all crimes private and public: there was not one
such magistrate to remit sins, and another to release from excommu-
nication; nor were there two courts, in one of which judgment was
given upon any one excommunicated or about to be excommu-
nicated, while in the other judgment was given on the guilt of
one who was not under canonical excommunication; for it was the
1 Epist. ad Cor. i. c. 6, v. I. heathen tribunal. Let not the heathen
2 Epist. 44. (?) [Const. Apost. ii. know of your differences .... and be
45,46, say, ''If a contest arise with not judged by them."]
any one ... let it not come before a
OF THOSE WHO EXERCISE JUDICIAL FUNCTIONS. 401
bishop himself, who, with the consent of the presbytery, adjudicated
equally on crimes committed in private and in public.
This was the method of ecclesiastical procedure in ancient times,
as is abundantly evident from the ancient Penitential Canons, in
which penances are definitely fixed for all crimes of every descrip-
tion; in accordance with which offenders were punished, both those
who had confessed, and those who had been convicted; which fact
proves that for both classes of offenders there was but the one and
the same tribunal. The most ancient letter on this subject, and the
very earliest canonical one which we have, is an Epistle of S. Gregory
Thaumaturgus giyen by Morinus in the Appendix of his work Be
Pcenitentia.
But without departing too far from the brevity we have resolved
on, we may as well bring forward, as throwing great light on our
subject, the testimony of Pope Innocent L, who thus replies to
the questions of Exuperius: "The Christian religion condemns
adultery equally as much in the one sex as in the other; but women
cannot easily bring home a charge of adultery against their husbands,
and crimes which escape detection go unpunished. But men have
been accustomed more readily to bring up their adulterous wives
before the priests; and so women are excommunicated because their
crime is detected: but as the guilt of men may be undetected, it is
difficult to excommunicate any one on suspicion; though a man whose
wickedness is detected would certainly be expelled."3
We may pause on these words for a moment. The Pope is here
speaking of an accusation laid before the presbyters of an act of
immorality: punishment follows on the bringing forward of the
charge, the penalty being excommunication; inquiry is made about a
sin the evidence of which rests only on suspicion: if the guilt of the
accused is proved he will punished. Apparently, then, there was
one and the same tribunal, before which an inquiry was conducted
into sins of immorality, both public and private, both those confessed
and those laid to the charge of the accused; before which the cause
was judged, and by which punishment was inflicted. Wherefore in
former times it became a very common custom in the Church for
Christians to lay before the bishop an accusation against a neighbour
of sins' secretly committed by him. "Many men," says Augustine, "re-
ceive correction, as Peter did, many are tolerated, as Judas, many are
never^ known. . . . For most people are unwilling to accuse others,
for this reason, that they wish to excuse themselves by their example."4
Then follow words which strongly corroborate our argument: "But
good Christians are generally silent on these subjects, and put up
with the immoralities of their neighbours, of which they know them
to be guilty, because they are without sufficient proofs, and so it
often happens that they are unable to prove before the ecclesiastical
judges those things of which they themselves have certain know-
ledge." This is part of a sermon on sins, both actual immoralities
3 Epist. 3, c. 4, ap. Morin. p. 17. 4 Horn. 50, ibid.
D D
402 POLITY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH.
and secret faults; and therefore it appears that any one might accuse
his fellow of such sins before the bishop. A suit was commenced,
in which the accuser was bound to prove his charge; and the ca-
nonical penalty of excommunication followed on conviction. In one
and the same court, then, sentence was passed on sins committed in
secret and in public.
From all this it appears that there was one and the same episcopal
court, in which, in former times, were tried cases of public crimes
against morality, and cases which arose between one believer and
another. This was the customary discipline down to the twelfth
century, at which period the penitential court began to be separated
in procedure from the judicial court. The bishop's vicar was the
presiding judge in the latter: other presbyters delegated by the
bishop sat in the former; the latter took cognizance both of clerical
causes, and also of some lay causes, which the law allowed; the
former administered sacramental discipline, within the limits of which
its jurisdiction was confined.
The nature of the discipline enforced in this court in ancient and
modern times, and the changes made in it, are explained by Morinus
in his treatise on Penance, lib. i. 6 and 7.
§ 2. Formerly the Bishop alone could administer the Sacrament of
Penance. When he began to delegate this office.
But since the bishop, by virtue of his office, was the supreme
judge in the Penitential court, it follows that the administration of
the Sacrament of Penance rested altogether with him alone; and
accordingly in former times it was to him that individual penitents
confessed their sins—in the manner we shall presently describe—
and he, after due consideration of them, used to impose what amount
of penance he thought their sins deserved.
But in consequence of the fierceness of the Decian persecution it
was found that one bishop alone was not sufficient for this office.
For at a time when the heathen practised every kind of cruelty
against the Christians, some of these, that they might save themselves
from the more horrible kinds of martyrdom, and that they might
escape death, used to yield obedience to the will of the heathen
judges, and, by certain external signs pretended to renounce the
Christian Religion. These were, as we know, called the " Lapsed;"
and it was not till after their confession of so great a sin, and after
a long course of penance, that they were restored to that communion
from which [for their falling away] they had been excluded. There-
fore during the Decian persecution, at a time when the number of
the lapsed was increasing every day, that provision might be made
for receiving their confessions, the bishops found it necessary to
delegate a presbyter to whom confessions of sins might be_ made.
Our authority for this account of the discipline observed in this
matter is Socrates, Book V. ch. 19, of his Ecclesiastical History.
OF THOSE WHO EXERCISE JUDICIAL FUNCTIONS. 403
But this arrangement was not long kept up in the Eastern Church;
there the bishops claimed once more for themselves all power con-
nected with the Sacrament of Penance, and ceased to delegate it to a
public Penitentiary; though even in those times they were beginning
to allow presbyters to do for them the o?-dinary duties of their Sacra-
mental ministry. In the Western Church, on the other hand, the
office of a public Penitentiary has continued even down to our own
times, the bishops having [with us] only reserved for themselves the
power of imposing public penance. Among the Latins, indeed,
towards the sixth century, bishops delegated not only to presbyters
but also to monks the duty of administering sacramental confession;
the clergy remonstrated at this change, and felt greatly aggrieved at
it; yet Pope Boniface IV. paid no regard whatever to these com-
plaints of the clergy, but in a synodical decree passed in a.d. 6io,
he says, "that they had no authority of the Church on their side
who had with the greatest audacity asserted (these are his words)
that monks have not the power of granting absolution, by virtue of
the authority inseparably united by God with the sacerdotal office:"
and he decided that the complainants were altogether in the
wrong. This decision of his was confirmed by Pope Urban II.
in a Synod at Nismes.5 But in the middle ages this practice
became so prevalent among the Greeks also, that sometimes a
doubt was raised by them whether presbyters, even with the
bishop's leave, would have the power to hear confessions, if they had
never professed the monastic life. Mark, Patriarch of Alexandria,
presented to Balsamon a summary of the doubts raised on this
question.
But in the West the custom for Christians to confess their sins to
monks increased more and more, especially in the thirteenth century,
when the orders of Mendicant Friars were instituted. For these at
first, both Franciscans and Dominicans, had obtained from the Popes
the privilege of hearing the confessions of the faithful without getting
leave from the bishop. But as bishops everywhere complained of
this privilege, at length, as we are told by William Nangius in his
Chronicle of a.d. 1298, that privilege was revoked, by Pope Boni-
face; and the same Pope made a decree that one who had confessed
to these same friars must confess the same sins to his own priest.
It was not only to presbyters that a bishop in ancient times dele-
gated the office of ministering the Sacrament of Penance; but if a
presbyter could not be found, and death seemed to be near at hand,
Christians could make a confession of their sin to a deacon also,
that after the laying on of his hand on them as penitents, they might
go in peace into the presence of our Lord.
This is the ancient discipline, according to Cyprian,6 which was
everywhere observed down to the thirteenth century, as is evident
from the sixth canon of the Council of York* in a.d. 1194, and
5 Spicileg. T. IV. * [Conc> Ebor> c> 6> A>D>
"Ep-12, [18,19, 20, Ox., quoted infra.] Forbids deacons, except in cases of ur-
D D 2
404 POLITY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH.
from cap. 3 of a Council held in London a.d. 1200. And in the
middle ages, as is evident from the edicts of councils and of
bishops, deacons administered the Sacrament of Penance to the
faithful indiscriminately [with priests] even when no pressing emer-
gency required it; and even while this was declared to be unlawful,
they were at the same time allowed to do it in a case of necessity.
Thus Odo, Bishop of Paris, in his Constitutions, c. 56, says, "We
distinctly forbid deacons, under any circumstances, hearing confes-
sions, unless a very urgent necessity requires it. We find the same
direction given in the Council of Worcester, a.d. 1240, can. 26,t
and in the Constitutions of Walter, Bishop of Durham, capit. ix.
§ 3. Confession was in ancient times made publicly in Church in
presence of the presbytery.
But although the faithful were in the habit of thus confessing their
sins to bishops and presbyters, nevertheless, in former times this
confession was not made to one bishop only, or to one priest only,
but to the whole presbytery, which, constituting as it did the bishop's
senate, used, together with him, to receive confessions and to im-
pose penances. This was called, "telling your sins to the Church,"
peccata ad ecclesiam deferre, in the language of those times. In fact,
when "the Church" was spoken of, what was meant was "the bishop
and the presbytery together:" therefore the Apostolical Constitu-
tions call presbyters povXrj rfj? 'EtcKXTjala?, corona ecclesice, (" the
Church's senate," and "the Church's crown.")7 So also the same
Constitutions, cap. 47, say, " Let deacons and presbyters assist in
giving judgment; as men of God let them give just judgment, with-
out regard of persons." And Ignatius the Martyr writes to the Church
of Philadelphia: "God pardons all penitents, if they express repent-
ance before the unity of God and before the Bishop's Council."
The same ecclesiastical polity seems to have been confirmed by the
practice of the Church, and by the decrees of Councils.8 At this
judicial investigation, which used to take place in the presence of
gent necessity, to baptize, administer delph. c. 8, quoted below,) refers to the
the Body of Christ, or enjoin penance penitent coming to the bishop's council
at confession.] or consistory, "els crw&piov tov dirtcr-
t [" Accidit ex hoc (small number of k^ttou."]
presbyters in some churches) quod me- 8 V. Euseb. Hist. Eccl. 1. v. c. 28;
rito reprobamus, quod diaconi scilicet Cone. Eliberitan. c. 74, An. 305; and
quandoque confessiones audiunt." It Carthag. IV. can. 23, An. 398. ["Na-
is ordered by can. 17 of this Council talius arose early in the morning,
that any person desiring to confess to and putting on sackcloth and covered
any other than his own priest, shall first with ashes, in great haste, and bathed
modestly ask permission of the latter.] in tears, he fell down before Zephyri-
7 L. ii. c.28. ["The presbyters la- nus the bishop, rolling at the feet not
bour in the word and doctrine, for the only of the clergy, but even of the laity,
sake of the Apostles of our Lord, and thus moved the compassionate
whose place they sustain, as the coun- Church of Christ with his tears." By
cillors of the bishop, and the crown of this Council of Elvira the "conventus
the Church." So Ignatius, (ad Phila- clericorum" is spoken of as the judge
OF THOSE WHO EXERCISE JUDICIAL FUNCTIONS. 4°5
the bishop and the presbytery, the laity also were present as wit-
nesses. Hence Cyprian when giving his clergy rules for admitting
the Lapsed to penitence, writes: "Meanwhile let not those be al-
lowed to make oblations, who are about to plead their cause before
us and before the confessors themselves, and before all the people."9
(By confessors he means those Christians who had publicly confessed
the faith of Christ, but who had yet escaped martyrdom.) And
we must not suppose, that it was only usual to confess a sin which
had been publicly committed, in the presence of the bishop and of
the presbytery together; for in former times the faithful used to
confess to them in the same way their private and secret faults. We
may quote, on this, the sentiments of Cyprian given in his treatise
on the Lapsed. "How much are they both stronger in faith and
better in their fear, who, although bound by no crime of sacrifice or
of certificate, yet since they have even thought of such things, with
grief and simplicity confess this very thought in the presence of
God's priests, and make a conscientious avowal of it." (" Exomolo-
gesim conscientice faciunt") The faithful then, used to confess before
the assembly of the Church (ecclesice synedrium) even sins of thoughts,
though no actual commission of sin had followed in consequence.
Hence Morinus thinks that the custom had arisen for monks to
confess their sins in the presence of the abbat and their brethren
in the chapter-house, as is required by the Rule of S. Benedict,
cap. 46.
Such was the discipline kept up in the East down to the time of
Novatus: then began the custom of confessing in secret sins which
had been secretly committed, chiefly from a wish that no one should
proclaim his own sins by making a confession of them in public. In
the West the custom long survived.
But this public confession of sins, especially of secret sins, was
not anywhere made without the greatest caution, especially if the
sins confessed would expose the offender to legal penalties, or if
they might bring some great disgrace on his family, or his sovereign,
or others. It is therefore worth observing that the Sacramental Seal,
as it is called by theologians, in a confession made in this way, was
imposed both on the bishop and on the presbytery, not only for the
protection of one who confessed secret crimes of this character, but
also for any one who had been convicted of them. Basil gives us
evidence of this; he says, " Our Fathers have decreed that adul-
teresses should not be compelled to publish their crime (whether
of the gravity of a perjuror's offence. clergy, "Ut episcopus nullius causam
"Falsus testis prout est crimen absti- audiat absque praesentia clericorum suo-
nebitur: si tamen non fecerit mortale rum, alioquin irrita erit sententia epis-
quod objecit, et probaverit quod non copi, nisi clericorum praesentia confir-
tacuerit, biennii tempore abstinebitur; metur."]
si autem non probaverit conventui cle- 9 Epist. ad Presbyt. et Diac. 10,
ricorum (al. convento clero) placuit, per ["Interim prohibeantur offerre, acturi
quinquennium abstineri." This Council et apud nos, et apud confessores ipsos,
of Carthage forbids a bishop to hear et apud plebem universam causam
any cause without the presence of his suam."]
4°6 POLITY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH.
from motives of piety they have voluntarily confessed it, or whether
in any way they have been convicted of it), lest we might occasion
the death of women so convicted; but they have ordered that they
should be kept without the Communion till the time of their penance
has expired.''10 Hence it was the unvarying custom of the Church
that, if any one wished to make a public confession of his secret
sins, he should not do so except on the advice of the presbyter or
of the bishop to whom he had previously confessed his sins in pri-
vate. Thus Origen when treating of this matter of Church disci-
pline, and speaking of those to whom secret sins should be confessed,
says, "Only be very careful and circumspect in the choice of him
to whom it will be fit to confess thy sins: prove first the physician
to whom thou art to reveal the cause of thy distemper. ... If he
discerns and foresees thy distemper to be such as will need to be
declared (expoiii) in the full assembly of the Church, this is to be
done with great deliberation, and the prudent advice of such a phy-
sician whose skill you have proved."11 In this way, then, secret sins
were first confessed in private to a presbyter, and when the matter
so required, they were, if he advised it, disclosed before a consistory
(synedrium) of the Church, after every necessary precaution had been
taken, lest a public confession might endanger the life of the peni-
tent who confessed, or the honour and reputation of him and of
others.
From all this an inference may be drawn as to how that doubt
may be solved which was first raised by Morinus: he felt a difficulty
in the fact that after a public act of penance every one could have
known what was the besetting sin, or what the actual crime of one
who was set to do his penance in public, since the rules regulating
public penance were well known and understood by all. It is no
answer to this difficulty to say, as Morinus himself does, that, as
some of their own accord, and from motives of piety, sometimes
went through the same discipline that acts of canonical penance re-
quired, therefore no one could have known whether any one was
doing penance because it had been set him for his sin, or because it
was self-imposed from motives of piety. For this argument does
not sufficiently meet the difficulty which has been raised. But all
difficulty vanishes when we consider this method in which the dis- _
cipline of confession was carried out; for by the plan we have de-
scribed, not only the bishop and the fathers of the presbytery, but
also the faithful [laity] themselves, in whose presence each one
10 Epist. ad Amphiloch. cap. 34, p. 688, ed. Bened. "Circumspice dili-
[Ep. 199, al. ii. "Mulieres adulterio gentius cui debeas confiteri peccata tiia.
pollutas, et ob pietatem confitentes, aut Proba prius medicum, cui debeas cau-
quoquomodo convictas, publicari palres sam languoris exponere. . . Si intel-
nostri noluerunt, ne causam mortis pree- lexerit et prseviderit ille, talem esse lan-
beamus convictis; consistere autem il- guorem tuum, qui in conventu totius
las sine communione jusserunt, donee ecclesia? exponi debeat .... multa hoc
impleatur tempus poenitentise."] deliberatione, et satis perito medici il-
"Horn. 2 in Psalm, xxxvii. [T. II. lius consilio procurandum est."]
OF THOSE WHO EXERCISE JUDICIAL FUNCTIONS. 407
confessed his sins, however secret they might be, were bound
by a certain seal of perpetual silence, so that even lay judges, who
perhaps had been witnesses of a confession, could never by any
means institute civil judicial proceedings against penitents, to which
from the nature of the crime they would have otherwise been ex-
posed.
We have thought it well to make these remarks, hoping that thus
greater light may be thrown on this discipline of early Church polity.
This is indeed the opinion of Tertullian, when he is endeavouring
to solve doubts of the very same kind which arose in some men's
minds even in his days. "Certainly," he says, "the danger to
which any one making a confession is exposed, is then, if ever, great,
when he stands in the presence of those who will insult him with
mocking speech, where one is exalted by another's abasement
[where men climb upwards by stepping on the fallen]. But among
brethren and fellow-servants, with whom there is one hope, one
fear, one joy, one sorrow, one suffering . . . why dost thou regard
thine own (friends) as something different from thyself?" And,
finally, he thus concludes his argument with these words: "but
even if you are ashamed to meet the eyes of your brethren,
do not be afraid of those who are partners with you in common
dangers/'12
Such was the discipline observed when the faithful publicly con-
fessed either their public or their private sins; and this discipline,
so far as it relates to public sins, was, as we said, kept up in the
Church for a long time, even down to the middle ages: so far as it
relates to sins committed in secret, this discipline was entirely set
aside in the Eastern Church by the Patriarch Nectarius in the fourth
century, but in the Western Church it was maintained in force to
the time of Pope Leo I., as we learn from Baronius.13 In the
Eastern Church, all that remained [of the ancient discipline] after
Nectarius was that confession was made in private for sins secretly
committed, and the penance appointed for them was sometimes
done in private also.
12 De Poenitent. c. 10, [" Certe peri- abolished the system of public confes-
culum ejus {confitentis) tunc si forte sions altogether, and directed all con-
onerosum est, cum penes insultaturos fessions to be made in private, "cum
in risiloquio consistit, ubi de alterius prastextu magis fructuosae pcenitentke,
ruina alter attollitur.. . . Ceteram inter confessionem peccatorum quce solita
fratres et conservos, ubi communis spe- erat esse secreta, quidam in publicam
cies, metus, gaudium, dolor, passio . . . convertebant: quern pravum usum sane-
quid tuos aliud quam te opinaris . . . tus Leo removit, jubens omnino fieri
Quod si fratrum oculos erubescitis, con- earn ex more secretam. Est autem hu-
sortes casuum vestrorum timere no- jusmodi ipsius de confessione publica
lite."] tollenda decretum:" then follows Leo's
13 Ad An. Chr. 459, n. 19. [Baro- decree.]
nius says that in this year 459 Leo I.
4°8 POLITY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH.
CHAPTER II.
ON SACRAMENTAL CONFESSION (EXOMOLOGESIS).
The confession of sins is called by many different names among
the ancient Christians: of these the two most ancient names in use
among the Greeks are 'Ega^opewi? and *Ef 0^0X0777079, exagoreusis and
exomologesis. The first is from the verb ega^opevw,1 which properly
signifies "to disclose a secret matter." This word is commonly used
by Chrysostom, Gregory Nazianzen, Basil, and other Greek writers
even of mediaeval times. The verb from which the second is derived
is frequently used in the Scriptures of the New Testament. Thus
in S. Matthew ch. iii. 6, and S. Mark ch. i. 5, we read the words
i£ofA,o\oryoviievoL tcU a/jLCLp-Tias avriov, " confessing their sins." Hence the
more ancient Fathers in the Apostolical Constitutions, (as also
Irenseus, Epiphanius, and others,) have used the word in this same
sense, though sometimes with a wider meaning. Hence also this
name came into use among the Latins, as Tertullian bears testi-
mony :* for in his special treatise on the subject of Penitential Dis-
cipline, he says, "The act [of confession] is better and more com-
monly expressed by the Greek word exomologesis" The same expres-
sion is met with in the works of Cyprian, Pacian, and others, who
constantly include in the word exomologesis all the parts of peniten-
tial discipline. However, the word "confession" as the name [of
this Sacrament,] is also to a certain extent of ancient use among the
Latins, and it began to be very commonly used after the sixth
century.
§ 1. On the time fixed for making Confessions in early, mediceval, and
modern times.
As during the first three centuries the Church was harassed by the
fierce persecutions of heathen emperors, and as, for that reason,
some from time to time abandoned their Christian profession, and
received, as we said, the name of lapsed, therefore during that period
1 Suid. in Lex. in h. v. [The word ing, and has in itself the idea of open-
Exomologesis means etymologically a ness and publicity. It is once used in
full co7ifession. It does not occur in the New Testament, Luke xxii. 6,
the New Testament. The verb from (translated promised) of one confessing
which it is derived is used in Matt. iii. himself bound, or consenting, in the
6; Mark i. 5; Acts xix. 18 ; Rom. xiv. presence of a company privately ga-
ll; Philip, ii. 11; Rev. iii. 5, (and thered together.]
perhaps in James v. 16,) in the sense * De Pcenit. c. ix. [Speaking of a
of openly confessing or professing. In true confession of sins, Tertullian says
Matt. xi. 25, Luke x. 21, and Rom. xv. the proof of it may be shown "by some
9, it means to give thanks and praise. outward act; this (outward) act, which
In this sense of open praise it is used is better and more commonly expressed
by many Christian writers. As the by a Greek word {i^ofxo\6yr](ns,) is con-
same word in Hebrew means to praise fession, whereby we acknowledge our
or to confess, so this word seems in sin," &c. Then he adds, "Wherefore
Greek to have the same double mean- Exomologesis is the discipline of a man
ON SACRAMENTAL CONFESSION. 409
Confession was made as circumstances allowed, and there was no
fixed time appointed for this duty. But when the Church enjoyed
peace, although it was open to the faithful to make confession of
their sins on any day, yet the first day of Lent was the day specially
fixed for their doing so, as we know from ancient penitential offices,
canons of councils, and other documentary evidences to be found in
Martene2 and in Morinus.3 We shall describe the manner and form
of their doing this in our chapter on fasting.
But subsequently to the ninth century the bishops everywhere
enjoined on the faithful the duty of confessing three or four times a
year. Proofs of this may be found in the Rules of Chrodegang,
Bishop of Metz, in the tenth century, and the Liber Ritualis of the
Church of Noyon in the ninth century; and this rule was adopted
afterwards in the French, Spanish, and English Churches, and by
the thirteenth century was almost the universal rule.4 In some
places in that century confessions were ordered to be made four
times in every year, as appears from the life of S. Otto, Bishop of
Bamberg, in the twelfth century.5 Moreover, at the Council of Sens
it was ordered that confessions should be made five times a year
besides at Easter.6 This points to a definite time fixed by rule
for making confessions. But it was usual for the faithful to confess
their sins before receiving the Sacrament of the Body and Blood of
Christ, according to a very ancient rule of discipline mentioned by
S. Fulgentius,7 S. Remigius, Bishop of Rheims,8 and Alcuin in his
book on the Psalter.
Lastly, those who were about to expose themselves to any great
danger, before all things used to prepare themselves by confession.
This was done too by soldiers in the middle ages before setting out
for a campaign, as Mabillon tells us :9 and so in like manner those
who, according to the fashion of those times, were undertaking to
set out on foreign travel, used to confess their sins to a presbyter, as
we learn from Anselm10 and from Ahito, Bishop of Basle.11
humbling and prostrating himself, en- tics:] Albiens. An. 1254, c. 29; Wir-
joying such conversation as inviteth gon. An. 1240, c. 16, ["Juxta nostro-
mercy: it directeth also in the matter rum statuta majorum, semel ad minus
of dress and food, to lie in sackcloth per annum studeat quisque fldelis om-
and ashes," &c. Here, then, the word nia peccata sua districtaet dilucida con-
signifies, as it does generally in the fessione detegere. Moneantur tamen
early Fathers, the whole course of pe- fideles, per annum pluries confiteri:
nitential discipline, a public and out- viz. in tribus prsecipuis solemnitatibus.""
ward act: the sense implied originally &c.]; Constit. Episcopi Sarum. c. 25;
in the etymological meaning of the Constit. Edmundi Ep. Cantuar. c. 17/
word.] 5 Vita S. Othon. lib. ii. ap. Suriuni,
2 De Antiq. Eccl. Rit. 1. i. part 2. d. 2 Jul.
3 In Hist. Sacram. Pcenit. in App. 6 Art. 4, c. 1, Spicileg. T. V.
4 V. Cone. Tolosan. An. 1228, c. 7 In Confes. apud Menard, in Not.
13, [requires all persons arrived at years ad Sacram. Gregor.
of discretion to confess to their own s Apud eund. ib.
priest three times a year, and to receive 9 Annal. Ord. S. Bened. ssec. III.
the Holy Communion at Christmas, part 1.
Easter, and Whitsuntide: those who 10 Lib. iii. Epist. 66.
neglect to do so to be considered here- n In Capit. Ahiton. 18, Spicil. T. VI.
4IQ POLITY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH.
Nor must any one think that the practice of daily confession is a
very modern one. This I know is the opinion of some, but it is a
mistake, for in the ninth century this was a usual custom among
monks, as we know from the testimony of Jonas, Bishop of Orleans,13
and it was also a custom among laymen, as we learn from the monk
Capsarius, as mentioned by Martene. And therefore it is that a
writer of the life of the Emperor Louis the Pious (as referred to by
Du Ghesne) speaks of that monarch " daily offering up the gift of
his confession."13
§ 2. Of the Office and Method of Confession among the Latins and
Greeks.
We_ shall treat of the rites observed in public confession in the
following chapter, as we are going there to speak of canonical disci-
pline of penance; we shall, therefore, speak here only of those rites
which were connected with private confession, especially those in use
in the middle ages.
_ Any one who went to a presbyter for the purpose of confessing
his sins to him, ought to exhibit by every possible outward sign his
inward^ sorrow of mind. So strongly was this felt, that sometimes
even kings themselves went bare-footed to confession, as, e.g., Pippin,
King of the Franks, did in former times.14 Hence when any one
presented himself before a presbyter for this purpose, he laid aside
his staff and his armour.15 Then he threw himself at the feet of the
presbyter, almost prostrate on the ground, and in that manner
prayed that he might.receive from him the [Sacrament of] Penance
{Poenitentiam).1* The presbyter meanwhile recited some prayers, at
the conclusion of which the penitent arose from the ground, and
took a seat opposite the presbyter, being given leave by him to do
so. In the middle ages, indeed, in the Churches of Western Chris-
tendom, penitents used to sit while they were confessing their sins,
as is clearly proved by the writer known as Alcuin, the Roman
Ordo, in the Library of the Fathers, and almost every Ritual pub-
lished either by Martene or by Morinus. And this was the cus-
tom even among monks, as has been shown since Martene by Gem-
bleius in his Antiquities of Monasteries, 1. ii., ninth century. And
this custom has been kept up by the Greeks, who even now make
their confessions "not kneeling, but sitting in a reverent posture, and
12 L. i. de Instit. Laicali in D'Ache- innixus stans, suppliciter tensis mani-
rii Spicil. T. I. p. I. bus, blando et flebili vultu respiciens
13 Hist. Franc. T. II., ["Quotidie sacerdotem. . . . totum se in terrain
confessionis suas munus offerentem."] prosternat, gemitu atque suspirio vel
14 V. Acta S. Viron. ap. Bolland. lacrymis. Sacerdos patiatur eum ali-
die 7 Maii. quantisper jacere prostratum, juxta
15 V. Alcuin. et Ordin. Rom. vulgat. quod viderit eum divina inspiratione
in Cap. Quadrag. compunctum. Deinde jubeat eum sa-
16 V. Ord. Rom. ib. Alcuin, &c. cerdos surgere, et cum steterit super
["Quo facto," (the examination over,) pedes suos, cum tremore et humilitate
"fixis genibus in terram, et super ipsa praestoletur judicium sacerdotis." Then
ON SACRAMENTAL CONFESSION. 411
with head covered," as Allatius tells us.17 But subsequently to the
twelfth century the Latins began to make their confessions of sins in
a kneeling posture, as appears in the Penitentials of that time: the
argument in support of this novel discipline was the novelty of the
custom of making very frequent confessions; for as we have shown,
it came in only in that century; for in former times it was not pos-
sible that one who had not made a confession for the long interval
of a whole year, or of some months, could make it then on his
knees; for as soon as the penitent and priest had sat down, before
all things it was usual in the middle ages for the latter to examine
the former in the articles of the faith, the Lord's Prayer, and other
religious matters of that kind :18 after this the penitent began his
confession, during which he used formerly to smite upon his breast,
as Augustine tells us was done in his time.19
But the minister, or priest, who was hearing confession used to
sit in a public part of the church. This we know from the testi-
mony of the Constitutions of S. Edmund, c. 17; from Guido in his
life of S. Hugo,20 from Canon 46 of the Council of Bourges, a.d.
1246 (?). Wherefore the place appointed for receiving confessions
was in front of the holy altar, and quite close to the altar ;21 so strict
was this rule, that the Council of Reading in the twelfth century
directs that absolution given in any other place shall not be valid : and
in the Council of Cologne [can. 8] it is ordered that a priest is to be
punished with excommunication, who shall hear confessions in dark
and out-of-the-way places, or shall hear a woman alone in a church
making her confession: and on this subject the council makes a rule
that priests shall on no account take their seat in the confessional
either before sunrise or after sunset, except in a case of great emer-
gency, and then in a place well lighted, and in the presence of
others. Lastly, to ensure greater religious decorum and gravity in
the discharge of so weighty an office, the council directed that
those who were sitting to hear a confession should wear a stole
over their surplices or over their cope :22 and this was everywhere
the custom with presbyters till the sixteenth century, as it is still the
custom among the regular clergy, especially those of the Theatine
order; who have more than any others studiously endeavoured to
keep up the ritual of ancient discipline.
So far we have spoken of the Latin Churches. What is still, and
the priest inquires what penance he 21 Cone. Parisien. An. 829, part. I,
can bear.] cap. 46, "coram sancto altari."
17 De Consensu Utriusq. Eccl. 1. iii. - Cone. Colonien. An. 1280, can.
c. 9, ["Non-genuflectentes, sed seden- 8, [" Ad confessionem audiendam, com-
tes cum reverentia et capite operto con- munem et aptum locum in ecclesia, ut
fitentur."] ab omnibus videri possint, sibi eligant
18 V. Lib. Ritual, ap. Morin. and sacerdotes. In locis autem obscuris et
Martene. [This _ is mentioned in the tenebrosis confessiones non audiant,
chap, of Alcuin just quoted.] nee extra ecclesiam .... sacerdotes
™ Serai. 57; and Serm. 29, ap. induti superpelliceis, vel cappa, stola
Martene ib. superposita ad confessionem sedeant.'']
20 Ap. Bolland. die 1 April.
4*2 POLITY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH.
what was also in the middle ages the discipline of the Greek Church
in this matter, we may learn from Allatius in his epistle to John
Morinus. "One who is about to hear a confession," he says, "in a
church, or even in a house, puts on a stole (peritrachelion), and takes
his seat: then the penitent, whether a man or a woman, takes a seat
on a bench in his presence, with head uncovered, with reverence of
demeanour, and with that entire composure which such an act of
devotion requires. After prayers have been offered for the penitent
by the priest, and a short exhortation has been given to him
promptly to confess all his sins, the penitent tells whatever he has
done that is unlawful and wrong. Afterwards the priest, by his
questions, arouses the memory, and so calls back to the mind any
sin that had escaped it. At the conclusion of the confession he
recites the prayers called iwl twu e^o/moXo^ovimevujv, he imposes a
penance, (eVm/uoi/, Latin, pcenitentiam, or satisfactionem), and dis-
misses the penitent with the benediction. If the penance is one
that can be finished before the day for receiving the Holy Com-
munion has come, when it is done the penitent goes to the commu-
nion: if it requires more days to finish, then he communicates,
leaving the penance unfinished, and completing it after communicat-
ing, except in a case where the penitent has been enjoined by the
priest not to partake of the Eucharist till the act of penance is con-
cluded: in which case, in obedience to the direction received, the
penitent abstains from communicating."
CHAPTER III.
OF CANONICAL PENANCE, AND OF THE GRADES OF PENITENTS.
We have now to treat of the subject of canonical penance: that
which, in the language of theologians, is known by the name of
satisfaction; we call it canonical, (or according to rule,) because
in the times of our ancestors, certain canons were passed by bishops
and councils, which fixed a definite scale of different kinds of
penance for different kinds of sins: and because in accordance
with these canons this matter of ecclesiastical discipline was regu-
lated by them.
§ i. Of the different kinds of sins as classified by the early Fathers.
In former times the Fathers divided sins into three classes. In
the first were capital offences, which were called canonical, because
absolution from them was to be granted only after submission to
canonical penance. In the second division they reckoned certain
offences which were indeed grave sins, but yet which did not expose
the offender to very severe penance ; in the third category they placed
those lighter offences which they called venial, [i.e., pardonable] sins.
OF CANONICAL PENANCE. 4*3
Under the first class of sins there were included only the three
crimes of idolatry, adultery, and murder. To the second belonged
those offences which were called by the name of mortal sins; to the
third, as we said, belonged venial sins. Sins of the first class were
punished by long and severe and public penance: those of the
second by a lighter penance, either private or in some cases public:
from those of the third offenders were absolved, without confession,
by the performance of works of piety. Augustine very clearly dis-
tinguishes these three classes of sins when he says, "If there were
not some sins so great as to deserve to be punished by excommuni-
cation, the Apostle would not say, 'When ye are gathered together,
and my spirit, to deliver such an one unto Satan for the destruction
of the flesh, that the spirit may be saved in the day of the Lord
Jesus.'" [i Cor. v. 4, 5.]1 Here we see the first class of offences
mentioned which were judicially punished by the destruction of the
flesh, that is, by very severe penitential discipline, by which the
spirit was made whole. The same Father proceeds: "Unless there
were other sins, which need not to be cured by that humiliation of
penance which is imposed on those who are properly called peni-
tents in the Church, but by certain medicines of corrections, our
Lord Himself would not say, 'Tell him his fault between thee and
him alone; if he shall hear thee, thou hast gained thy brother/"
[S. Matt, xviii. 15.] There is, then, a second class of offences which
was punished by a certain lighter penance, i.e., by certain medicines
of corrections. Thirdly, he goes on to say: "If there were not,
lastly, some offences without which life itself could not go on, He
would not have left us a daily remedy in that prayer wherein He
hath taught us to say, ' Forgive us our trespasses, as we/ &c." There
is a third class of offences, then, which was made up of those sins
which could be healed simply by the recitation of the Lord's Prayer,
to which class certainly belonged those venial sins, of which this life,
under its present conditions, is so full* Very fitly, then, does the
same most illustrious master of ancient theology thus distinguish
these three classes of sins. Some are sins of infirmity, which he
reckons in the third class; others of ignorance, others are of malice.2
Hence as those of the first class he enumerates, "adultery, murder,
or some sacrilege,"3 including under the head of sacrilege idolatry
itself. From the earliest ages of the Church sins of the first class
are generally called "crimes," (scelera,) sometimes "capital" or
"very grave," sometimes also "mortal." Those of the second class
1 L. de Fide et Bon. Operib. c. 26. Ep. 89 ad Hilar, quaest. 1, Ep. 108 ad
* [This distinction of light sins, Seleuciam, cited in Smith's Diet. p.
for the cure of which daily prayer is 1600, and in Bingham, Book xvi. ch.
sufficient, occurs again and again in the iii. § 14.]
writings of S. Augustine: "De quoti- 2 Question. 1. lxxxiii. qusest. 26,
dianis brevibus levibusque peccatis, ["Alia sunt peccata infirmitatis: alia
sine quibus h?ec vita non ducitur, quo- imperitise; alia sunt malitice."]
tidiana fidelium oratio satisfacit." See * piom. 27, ap. Morin. 1. \
Enchiridion, c. 71; Horn. 27, T. X. [" Adulterium, Hon
p. 177; Horn. 119, de Temp. c. 8; quod Sacrilegium."]
4*4 POLITY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH.
are called simply " mortal" sins; those of the third commonly pass
for "venial" ^ sins. The inference from all this is, therefore, that the
ancient Christians imposed a severe and lengthened public penance
on the graver and darker crimes which belonged to the first class of
sins: but that for venial sins prayer was the healing cure, while for
mortal sins of the second class they used also to grant absolution
after confession and a lighter penance.
To make this point of early Church discipline more clear,
we may as well quote the authority of Chrysostom. He in his
Homily xxiv. on Matthew, when discoursing about the commoner
sins, reckons among them avarice, detraction, calumny, pride, wan-
tonness of eyes (oculorum fornicatio), and other sins of that kind,
sins which we call mortal: he concludes by showing the method by
which the faithful can be delivered from these sins and cured of
them, in these words: "We shall find remedies for these sins in
practising the opposite virtues: compassion towards the poor, prayer,
compunction, penitence, humility, a really contrite heart, contempt of
the things of the present life." It is plain from this that public
penance by no means always followed on these mortal sins.
But though it is undeniable, both from the authorities of the
Fathers we have referred to, and from almost all the canons of that
age, that this discipline was maintained in the Eastern and Western
Church from the first to the fourth century, yet there are two points
which we must not omit here to notice: first, that in these three
kinds of sins were included some others of the first class, for which
absolution could not be obtained except after public penance. Such
were (as described by Gregory Thaumaturgus in ch. xi. of his
canonical epistle,) public rapine, immoderate usury, a grave act of
theft, violation of sepulchres, with exposure of dead bodies, and
other crimes of that character which have been enumerated by Gre-
gory of Nyssa, and in ancient canons. Secondly, we would remark,
that in those same centuries, for crimes of the second class, the
faithful sometimes voluntarily submitted themselves to canonical dis-
cipline of penitence, though for such faults no canonical penance had
been appointed by the rules of the Church.
But as time went on, the law of canonical penitence began to take
a wider scope: for, as Augustine says, "Our experience of many
diseases must compel us to find out many medicines for them."1.
And, therefore, among capital offences were reckoned violence
offered to widows or virgins,5 polygamy,6 theft, false witness, envy,
4 Epist. 10, in nova vero Edit. 65, non habemus, sed propriam sententiam
[" Cogat multas invenire medicinas proferimus, ut et ipsi et qui una cum
multorum experientia morborum."] ipsis rapiunt, tribus annis sint extra
5 Basil. Epist. ad Amphiloch. c. 30, preces."]
[Ep. 199, al. ii., "Overlooked," S. 6 Ibid. c. 80, [Ep. 217, al. Hi. He
Basil says, "by the ancient Fathers: says the same of polygamy: "Poly-
made penal by his judgment, i.e., only gamiam Patres silentio prretermisere, ut
to be expiated by penance;" "De iis belluinam, prorsusque ab hominum ge-
qui rapiunt, canonem quid em antiquum nere alienam consentaneum est
OF CANONICAL PENANCE. 415
and drunkenness, if it were incorrigible.7 Hence it was a general
rule that only by a course of canonical penance could those sins be
expiated, the commission of which could be punished with death,
according to human laws, as after Augustine S. Csesarius, Bishop of
Aries remarks :8 or those sins of which those who are guilty are
called dead by the divine laws, as the Roman Pontiff, Pelagius II.,
expresses it.9 Therefore, among sins of the first class they then
reckoned those crimes of which the penalty is death by laws both
human and Divine.
As we have shown, then, careful provision was made by decrees of
Fathers and of councils down to the fourth century, that public and
canonical penance should be imposed on these capital offences,
whether committed openly or in secret. But after the fifth century,
though the rule of ancient discipline requiring public penance even
for secret sins had not yet been repealed in the West, the Church
began to relax the severity of that discipline, because the first love of
Christians had now become lukewarm, and those who were guilty
of such crimes were generally too much deterred from penance
because of its publicity. And so the clergy and men of good
families, instead of being put to open penance, were now shut up
in monasteries,* and were there handed over to the abbat for correc-
tion; and he dealt with them in accordance with the directions of
the bishop. The writer Morinus, before referred to, proves that this
discipline now began to be observed (in Book V. ch. 15). Hence
we constantly read in writers of the sixth and seventh centuries,
&c, of this penalty of incarceration. The bishop, after offering
set forms of prayer, used to impose on the culprit a canonical
penance. He then imprisoned him for a definite period of time,
at the conclusion of which he again presented himself before the
bishop, and received from him penitential absolution. On this
subject the reader may consult the Gregorian Sacramentary in the
chapter on Lent, and the Ordo Romanus in the Library of the
Fathers.
From all this it is perfectly clear what the discipline of the Church
was in its classification of sins, and what was that public and semi-
public penitential discipline which was introduced into the Church
after the fifth century.
But it will be worth while also briefly to show what great and dili-
gent pains the early Fathers took in fixing the different penalties for
sins; for they never allowed their own fancy or ingenuity to guide
them in adjusting their penances to the sins confessed to them, but
eos subjici canonibiTS, ut scilicet post- 8 Horn. 42 in Append. Oper. S.
quam anno fleverint, et tribus substrati Augiis. T. V. Edit. Maur., ["Per
fuerint, sic suscipiantur." He says in legem humanam mori poterat."]
c. 61, that robbery, and in c. 64, that 9 Ep. 2, ap. Labb. Cone. T. IX.,
perjury must also be expiated by pe- [" Auctores leges divine mortuos ap-
nance.] pellant."]
7 Ex S. Augustini Serm. 41 de di- * But see below, § 5, notes 32 and
vers. (?) ["Ebrietas, si assidua sit."] 33.
4l6 POLITY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH.
were guided in this matter by what had been for a length of
time the general custom of the Church. But when it happened
either that some new sin required to be punished, or that the cir-
cumstances of a case were unusual, and of very great gravity, the
bishop _ never ventured to determine the penance at his own private
discretion^ but calling a council together, in consultation generally
with the bishops and presbyters of the province, after mature delibe-
ration, he decided what penance the new crime deserved, while
meanwhile the offender waited to know what the sentence of the
council would be. Thus six bishops consulted Cyprian on the time
of canonical penance which it would require to expiate the guilt of
those lapsed penitents who had once victoriously passed through the
examination by torture to which the heathens subjected them, but
when tortured again had at length yielded to the will of the heathen
judge. For these bishops ask Cyprian to determine so important
a matter with the help of other bishops.10 We read similar accounts
in Cyprian's own letters, the 14th, 17th, 52nd, and 62nd, in which
he replies to the difficulties raised by some bishops who consulted
him on a matter of the same kind. Cyprian himself further records
the fact, that sometimes it was not only by the judgment of his
comprovincial bishops, that a new point in a matter of this kind was
decided, but that the supreme chair of the Church of Rome was
consulted by the bishops.11 Hence it seems to me that the ancient
custom arose of applying to the Roman Pontiff for absolution of
sins of a certain kind; the truth being that bishops, to avoid mis-
takes in deciding on a new form of sin, and not relying on their own
judgment, used either to consult the Pontiff, as the authority of
Cyprian referred to shows us they did, and as we learn also from
the letter of Pope Vigilius to Cassarius, Bishop of Aries :12 or they
used to send the culprit himself to the Roman Pontiff, as plainly
comes out in the History of Vasco, which is read in the Council
of Limoges, and about which we shall have to speak in the next
chapter. And councils were held in which penitential canons were
passed or penitential books were composed on this same subject,
for which canons or books the bishops preferred having also the
approval of the Roman Pontiff, as we read in the preface to a col-
lection of canons by Isaac, Bishop of Langres.
10 Cypr. Epist. 53, Rig. 56, Ox. are collected. And lest perchance the
11 Id. Ep. 52, ed. Bened. p. 164, number of bishops in Africa should
[Ep. 55 Ox. Writing on the question seem unsatisfactory, we also wrote to
as to how to deal with the Lapsed, S. Rome, to Cornelius our colleague, con-
Cyprian says, "We met together, a cerning this thing, who himself also
large number of bishops : and the Di- with very many comprovincial bishops,
vine Scriptures being brought forward {coepiscopis) having held a council,
on both sides, we balanced the decision concurred in the same opinion which
with wholesome moderation In we had held, with equal gravity and
a little book, which I trust has come to wholesome moderation."]
you, the several heads of our decisions 12 In Cone. Gall. T. I.
OF CANONICAL PENANCE. 41 7
§ 2. What Church Discipline was exercised towards Penitents from
the first ages to the rise of the Novatian Jieresy.
In the first ages there were three different kinds of punishment
which the Church used to inflict on offenders: to those who were
guilty of a less aggravated offence she refused the privilege of offer-
ing an oblation: they were not allowed to offer an oblation, or to
partake of the Communion of the Body and Blood of Christ.
This punishment was generally called by the Latins segregatio (sepa-
ration from the fold), and by the Greeks a^opio^. But those who
were guilty of a grosser sin were not only debarred from participat-
ing in the Holy Communion, but were also shut out from the con-
gregation of the faithful, and were not allowed to be present at a
celebration of the liturgy. Lastly, those who had fallen into capital
sins, and remained obdurate offenders in them, were cast out of the
Church altogether, and their names were expunged from the register
{album) of the faithful. The way in which penance used in those
times to be administered, is told us in the Apostolical Constitu-
tions.13 The bishop used to cast forth out of the Church the
offender who had sinned : when this had been done, the deacons
who were waiting for him outside the church, used to mourn with
him for his fall; and at length, entering the church with him, they
interceded with the bishop for him; and he, in indulgence to their
prayers, bid the penitent enter the church, and after examining
whether he was penitent and worthy of re-admission into the Church,
he punished him with a fast of two or three, or five or seven weeks,
as the nature and the degree of the crime required, and in that
manner he absolved and dismissed him." This was the discipline
with which the Church treated him who was guilty of a grave offence,
for which he was yet truly penitent. In a case where the bishop had
thrice warned one who had been guilty of a very grave offence, but
who nevertheless refused to submit himself to penitential discipline,
despising the monition of the Church, such an offender was held to
be as a heathen man and a publican, nor did the bishop any more
admit him as a Christian into the Church.14
But though according to the custom of that age the Church was
13 L ii. c. 16, &c. ["When thou rightly, .... be ye therefore as skil-
seest the offender, with severity com- ful dealers in money, .... not to be
mand him to be cast out; and as he is hasty in believing all accusations,
going out, let the deacons also treat Consider diligently the accuser
him with severity, and then let them go if thou findest him to be a man of vera-
and seek for him, and detain him out city, taking him who is accused, rebuke
of the church, and when they come in, him that he may repent when nobody is
let them intreat thee for him by, &c If any one hardens him-
Then order the offender to come in, self, tell it to the Church ; if he neglect
and if upon examination thou findest," to hear the Church, let him be to*thee
&CJ „ . , .. as an heathen, .... receive him no
r<(T.Co?st' AP°!t"11-1,.1-1 c- 37, 38, longer in the church as a Christian,
L" Tis the duty of the bishop to judge &c."]
418 POLITY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH.
very severe with those more contumacious offenders whose names
she expunged from the register (albwn) of Christians; still they
were allowed to attend church, and to take their place among cate-
chumens of the first rank, i.e., to hear the psalmody and the bishop's
discourse, to save them from being utterly lost: and if they repented
of their sin, the bishop at length admitted them into the class of
penitents.15 But even while they were cast out of the Church, and
were altogether cut off from the communion of the faithful, it was
not unlawful for the faithful to carry on with them the intercourse of
civil life: indeed the Apostolical Constitutions instruct Christians,
that they should meet together and eat together with those who are
excommunicated for their sins, caring for them, consoling them,
supporting them, and speaking to them according to that saying,
"Be strong, ye weak hands,"16 &c. So earnestly had the Church their
recovery at heart.
These three kinds of punishment are briefly explained by Tertul-
lian, who referring to the assembling together of the faithful, speaks
of there being "given in the same place exhortations, castigations,
and Divine censure."17 But in the first ages of the Church no time
is canonically fixed for the period of penitential discipline, which it
was in the power of the bishop to determine, being left to his discre-
tion. It was at the Council of Elvira that the custom first began of
fixing a definite time for penance, i.e., in the beginning of the fourth
century, as Canons 3, 22, 31, 59, &c, of that Council testify.*
But it was not always the same minister who imposed the ap-
pointed penance: for the worse sins a heavier penance was imposed
by the bishop: the lighter penance [for the lighter offences] a pres-
15 Id. ib. c. 39. [" If he afterwards Divina ;) for our judgment cometh with
repents, as we receive heathen into the great weight, as of men well assured
church indeed to hear the Word, but that they are under the eye of God;
do not receive them to Communion, so and it is a very grave forestalling of the
we permit such as these to enter, only judgment to come, if any shall have so
to hear, . . . that by hearing the Word offended as to be put out of the com-
they may not utterly and irrecoverably munion of prayer," &c]
perish, .... but let them not be ad- * [Cone. Elib. An. 305, cc. 3, &c.
mitted to Communion in prayer, but let The third canon relaxes the penalty
them depart after the reading of the of canon 1, which deprives of abso-
law, and the prophets, and the gospel," lution, even in death, baptized adults
&c 1 who have sacrificed to idols in a hea-
16 Id. ib. c. 40, [" Since neither did then temple, admitting such to com-
the Lord refuse to eat with publicans munion when at the point of death, if
and sinners, .... do you, therefore, their offence has not gone beyond offer-
converse and dwell with those who are ing a present to an idol. Canon 22
separated from you for their sins, and allows the restoration of returning here-
take care of them, comforting them, tics, after a ten years' penance. Canon
and confirming them, (vTroo-r^^oz/res,) 31 refers to "Adolescentes qui post
and saying to them, 'Be strengthened, lavacrummcechati sunt," allowing them,
ye weak hands and feeble knees.'" (Isa. on their marriage, restoration to com-
xxxv 3.)] munion, "acta legitima pcenitentia,
*7 Apolog. c. 39, ["Here," (in our i.e., when the full course of penance
assemblies) "are exercised exhorta- among the "kneelers" is completed,
tions, corrections, and godly censure, Canon 59 has been quoted above, (p.
(exhortationes, castigationes, et censura 3, note 6.)]
OF CANONICAL PENANCE. 419
byter imposed: when, therefore, the offence was of such a character
that the culprit would be subjected to a very long course of penance,
he must go before the bishop and receive his penance from him:
but if it was one of those sins which were punished only by exclusion
from oblation, presbyters might impose this penance.18
It is clear, then, from all this, that in those times there was nothing
like certain fixed grades among penitents; for though an attempt is
made by Morinus to deduce them from opinions expressed by S.
Cyprian, no mention at all of such grades can be found among the
ancient Christians like those which we find established after the time
of Novatus: for a course of penance used to be completed in a very
short period. One admission, however, must be made on this point,
viz., that it was from the ancient modes of doing penance that the
division of penitents into grades, which afterwards prevailed in the
Church, was derived. For even in the first ages penitents used to
clothe themselves in haircloth and sackcloth, while, sprinkled with
ashes, they fell down as suppliants not only at the feet of the bishop
and clergy, but they cast themselves also at the feet of the laity,19
and clasped [in their entreaties] the knees of the brethren.20 They
were cast forth outside the Church, they were ranked among the
hearers, they were deprived of the Holy Communion. That
penance, which in former times was imposed according to the nature
of the crime committed, was, in after times, imposed on individuals
according to the grades of penance fixed for that particular kind of
crime, especially since the penance enjoined for the most heinous
crimes, (among which in former times also was reckoned the sin of
the lapsed, who had denied the Faith), would have scarcely exceeded
seven months, or at the most a year, as Morinus appositely shows,
1. iv. c. 10, from the epoch fixed by the Cyprianic and Roman
Council.
§ 3. On recommendatio7is for pardon (libellis) granted by the Martyrs,
and their fo7'?ns. In what esteem they were held by the Bishops.
To what we have said about the discipline of this first age, we
must add a few remarks on the libelli of the Martyrs. It was custo-
mary in those times for the bishop to grant a remission of penance
to those whose full term of penance was not expired, on their obtain-
ing a letter of intercession (libellits) from some Martyr, Martyrs being
the name given not only to those who had actually suffered martyr-
18 Cone. Illiber. c. 32. [The title 20 Tertull. L. de Pcenit. 9, ["Confes-
is, '' De presbyteris 111 excommunicatis sion is a discipline for the abasement
ut in necessitate communionem dent." and humiliation of man, . . . it direct-
The canon allows a presbyter, or even eth him .... to moan day and night
a deacon, to communicate a penitent in unto the Lord his God: to throw him
danger of death.]
19 Euseb. Hist. Eccl. v. 28, ['-'Lai
corum etiam advoluti pedibus ;" this n
ference is to Natalius, quoted before.]
danger of death.] self upon the ground before the pres-
19 Euseb. Hist. Eccl. v. 28, ['.'Lai- byters, and to fall on his knees before
corum etiam advoluti pedibus ;" this re- the beloved of God."]
E E 2
420 POLITY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH.
dom, but also to as many as had been condemned to be imprisoned
or to work in the mines for the faith of Christ.
But that no one may suppose that Martyrs gave these recommen-
dations for pardon according to their own caprice, we must explain
what was the discipline of the Church in this matter.
Those, then, who were doing penance for their sins, according to
the custom of the Church, used to visit the Martyrs, and beg of them
letters to the bishop, in which the Martyrs begged him to grant the
penitent an indulgence, by remitting some of the full term of their
appointed penance. But the Martyrs, with the greatest anxiety and
caution, examined well the merits of the petitioner's requests, taking
into account the nature and the degree of their offences, lest either
they themselves should, through undue haste, make any promises to
the undeserving, or make requests to the bishop which ought not to
have been made.21 After due consideration of these matters, if the
petition seemed to them a just one, they would give them a letter in
which they recommended it to the examination of the bishop; and
when the penitents had presented this letter of intercession to the
bishop, then, to prevent either the Martyrs' supposing that they had
been imposed on by false statements of the penitents, or that their
own letter of recommendation had not been presented, the bishop
sent deacons to visit the prison, that they might be guided by their
advice, and by precepts from the Scriptures, that is, that they might
be shown whether or not it would be in accordance with the doctrines
of the gospel to grant them an indulgence of the favour which they
asked. For the bishop by no means flattered the martyrs by com-
plying with their requests, if they asked too much, or if they made
demands in excess of the law.
The Martyrs, then, in their "libelli," or letters of intercession, used
to mention by name those to whom they desired peace to be
granted.22 A very ancient formula of this kind is given by S.
Cyprian in his sixteenth epistle (Ox. 23): "All the confessors to
Pope Cyprian, greeting. Know that we have granted peace to all
those of whom you have had what you consider a satisfactory account
as to how they have behaved themselves since the commission of
their crimes: and we have desired that this rescript should be noti-
fied by you to the other bishops also. We pray that you may have
your part with the Saints in bliss. Written by Lucian, there being
present of the clergy an exorcist and a reader." A letter of this kind,
21 Cyprian. Ep. 10, Rig. 15, Ox. veral sins, lest our Church should have
[Writing to the Martyrs he says, "In occasion to blush."]
past time your predecessors the Martyrs 22 Id. ib. [Ep. 15, Ox., "You (the
. were careful in all respects : you Martyrs) ought to amend the matter in
also should cautiously and anxiously such a way as to designate those by
weigh the wishes of your petitioners, name to whom you desire that peace
since as friends of the Lord, and should be granted." It opens a wide
hereafter to judge with Him, ye must door (of imposition) to say "such a
look, into the behaviour, and works, and one with his friends," without mention-
deserts of every one : ye must examine ing his name.]
also the kind and quality of their se-
OF CANONICAL PENANCE. 421
then, used to run in that form. I have called it a very ancient form,
for after the Decian persecution, at the instance of Cyprian, Martyrs
were not allowed to compose these libelli, the use of which spread so
widely through the Church, and henceforth they merely designated
the names of those to whom they wished peace to be granted, and
did not, by their letters, aid any except those whose penitence they
saw approaching very near to a full amends for their sins.23
With what intention the Church used to grant this relaxation of
discipline, we may learn from Cyprian, who thus explains why these
remissions of penance were granted to offenders: "It is," he says,
"because they can, by the aid of the Martyrs, be helped before the
Lord amid their sins."24 And in the same Epistle he says, "We do
indeed believe that the merits and good works of righteous Martyrs
have very great power with our Judge." And thus whatever term of
their penance had as yet not expired, was, as it were, made up by
the prayers and merits of the Martyrs.
This is the very ancient origin of Indulgences, and shows the real
mind of the Church on that subject.
But we must not on any account omit to mention that the bishops
never acted upon the Martyrs' letters of intercession, till those who
had written them had obtained the crown of martyrdom. "Nor, again,
did they ever act on their own private judgment in this matter of
examining the claims of the penitents, as set forth in these libelli, but
they took counsel with their comprovincial bishops ; and therefore in
times of disturbance from the heathen, when it would have been im-
possible to meet together in a council because of the fierce persecu-
tion which the heathen were raising against the Church, the lapsed,
and others who had received libelli, were never released from
penance till after the persecution ceased. Aubespine brings clear
testimony on both these points from the writings of Cyprian.25 And
so it was after peace had been restored to the Church, and when the
bishops had given their judgment on the merits of the libelli they
23 Id. ib. [Cyp. Ep. 15, Ox., "de- Lord with the peace promised to them
signate by name in the certificate those by the Martyrs:" "those who have not
whom you yourselves see, whom you received any certificate from the Mar-
have known, whose penitence you see t)TS must wait till the Church in its
to be very near to full satisfaction," (sa- usual way gives them peace publicly."
lisfactioniproximam.y] In Ep. 18 he says, "Our brethren who
24 Id. Epist. 19 Ox., and 18 Ox., have received certificates from the Mar -
[al. 13 and 12. S. Cyprian is writing tyrs, and may be assisted by their pri-
to his clergy concerning the lapsed who vilege with God, {pr&rogativd- corum
are in haste to receive peace, i.e., who adjuvari a pud Deum passu ut,) if they
are afraid of dying before being recon- should be in any peril of sickness," &c.
ciled. In Ep. 19 he says of such, Of these words Pelliccia's strong expres-
"They who have received a certificate sions are meant, it would seem, to be a
from the Martyrs, and can be assisted paraphrase. Many relied on vicarious
by their help with the Lord in respect imputations of merit, by means of in-
of their sins, if they begin to be op- tercessions, always owned as availing
pressed with any sickness or risk (of for the individual before God.]
death), when they have made confes- 25 Observation. 1. i. c. 20, [Aubes-
sion, .... should be remitted to the pine, Obss. Ecc. 1. i. § vii.]
42 2 POLITY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH.
had received, then after each had gone through a course of penance
and had received the laying-on of hands, these penitents were
reckoned among the faithful who were unfallen, (fideles stantes).
But those who, after having received libelli from the Martyrs, had
succumbed to any very dangerous disease, were restored to peace
by the Church, without waiting for the Synod of the bishops to
assemble. As to what Church discipline in that age was exercised
towards penitents, if their life was in danger, our space does not
allow us to speak here, as we intend to describe at length the ancient
discipline in this matter in our Dissertation on the Viaticum of Peni-
tents, Vol. III.
§ 4. Proofs that in these first ages reconciliation was at times granted
without canonical penance.
Though the ancient discipline inflicted on offenders penances
which were of great severity, even where they did not extend
over a prolonged period of time, yet nevertheless it did some-
times happen that if by very vehement outward signs of grief
penitents showed proof of an inward sorrow of heart, they were at
once restored to communion by the bishop without having any
canonical penance imposed upon them. This custom was adopted
by Cyprian, and from what he tells us we know that it prevailed
in Africa.26 It was the custom also in Rome, as we learn from Cor-
nelius, a contemporary of Cyprian, in a letter written by the former
to the latter, respecting a certain presbyter, Maximus, and others,
who on returning from [the Novatian] schism, had been at once
reconciled and restored to Church communion, (postliminii jure
donati), by Cornelius, who was the Roman Pontiff at that time, with
the approbation of the Roman Presbytery, and five other bishops
who were then at Rome. Cyprian himself thus explains the reason-
ableness of this discipline: "If we reject the penitence of men,
who to a certain extent have a reasonable confidence in an approv-
ing conscience, immediately they themselves, with their wives and
children, whom hitherto they had kept safe from betraying the faith,
are hurried, at the suggestion of the devil, into heresy and schism,
and it will be imputed to us in the day of judgment, that we have
not cared for the wounded sheep, and that for the sake of one sheep
that was wounded we have lost many that were whole."27 Such was
the mind of the bishops of those times. To use the words of the
Roman clergy in the 30th epistle to S. Cyprian, they were anxious
that "neither should wicked men commend their too ready com-
pliance, nor the truly penitent blame their severity as cruel."
26 Epist. 55 ad Cornel. Rom. Pont. son of penance must not be insisted on
[Ox. 57. S. Cyprian writes that when for penitent sinners.]
a persecution is threatening, a long sea- 27 Epist. 52 Rig. 55 Ox. § 12.
OF CANONICAL PENANCE. 423
§ 5. Proofs that formerly Bishops, Priests, and Deacons, and other
Clergy were liable to be put to open penance. When private penance
was first substituted.
For the first three centuries after the founding of the Church, both
presbyters and others who were called major clergy, or clergy of the
first rank, as well as those in minor orders or of inferior rank, were
all liable to be put to open penance; and taking their place among
the laity when publicly doing penance, they afterwards received with
them imposition of hands, [which was the mode of reconciliation].
For there were three kinds of penalties inflicted on offending bishops
and clergy, as appears from the 29th and 30th of the Apostolical Ca-
nons, deposition, segregation, and ejection from church* "Segregation"
is the name by which that public penance is called during the whole
course of which, while it lasted, the clerical penitents were separated
from the clergy, and were allowed what was called lay communion.
Our authority for this rule of discipline is the case of Natalius, a
certain confessor, who was afterwards a bishop, mentioned by Euse-
bius f8 he, when he had abjured his [Theodosian] heresy, and had
returned to the Church, "clothed in haircloth and sackcloth, and
sprinkled over with ashes, cast himself, with tears and earnest sorrow,
at the feet of Pope Zephyrinus as a suppliant, and not only threw
himself at the knees of the clergy, but of the laity also." It is
evident from this that a bishop was put to open penance in the same
way as the laity were. We should observe, however, that in that
age men of ecclesiastical rank were not indiscriminately con-
demned to do open penance, but only when the crime of which they
had been guilty had been committed before the eyes of the world,
and so was not only a public one, but likely to bring scandal and
injury on the whole community. This is proved by the story of
Natalius, which we referred to above, who had been a ringleader of
heretics. This was the case also of Basilides, the bishop, who ac-
cording to Cyprian,29 being defiled with a certificate of idolatry, (of
having sacrificed to idols), had also polluted religion before the eyes
of all men : and so with the case of another bishop, Trophimus; he,
as we learn also from Cyprian,30 had brought away with him from
the Church a great multitude of people. When such offenders as
these bishops, then, had returned to a better mind, they were, for an
* [Can. Apost. xxix. and xxx. Can. 28 Hist. Eccl. 1. v. c. ultimo. [He
xxix. is : "If any bishop, or presbyter, also (it is said) pointed to the marks of
or deacon, who is deprived justly for the lashes which holy angels had been
manifest crimes, does venture to meddle inflicting on him during the night for
with that ministration which was once his sins.]
entrusted to him, let that man be en- 29 Epist. 6S Rig., 67 Ox. § 1, 6, [Ba-
tirely cut off from the Church." Can. silides and Martial, "stained with the
xxx. says: "If any bishop obtains that certificates of idolatry, and bound with
dignity by money, or even a presbyter the consciousness of wicked crimes,"
or deacon, let him, and he that ordained &c]
him, be deprived, and let him be en- 30 Epist. 52 Rig., 55 Ox. § 8, ["A
tirely cut off from communion, as very large part of the people had with-
Simon Magus was by Peter."] drawn with Trophimus."]
424 POLITY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH.
example to others, condemned to do public penance. The same
may be read in the writings of the other early Fathers and canons of
councils; but we never read that public penance was imposed on
clerics for sins committed in private, in the same way as laity were,
by the custom of the age, in the habit of doing public penance for
secret sins: this we have already proved, though Morinus attempts
by a sort of negative argument, as they say, to prove that there was
no distinction in this matter between clergy and laity: but in this
attempt he is not supported by canons in any way, either by those
called Apostolical, or by those of Elvira.
When, therefore, the Church was for the first time allowed the
enjoyment of peace, men of ecclesiastical rank did not do public
penance even for public crimes. But there were two occasions in
that age on which a penance was imposed on them [though not
publicly]. The first was if they should relapse into the same sin
for which they had once been deposed. The second was on
the commission of a crime the penalty for which was deposition.
Any cleric, then, who had been guilty of crimes of that character,
was obliged to do penance in private, generally either in a monastery
or some solitary place ;31 neither was he, as was the case with the
laity, reconciled by the public imposition of hands.32 Of this disci-
pline we are given an account by S. Isidore, Bishop of Seville,33 and
he explains the reason, that "simply to keep the dignity of their
high office, penance was done by priests and Levites in the presence
of" God only." The same remark applies also to cases where greater
sins had been committed, as is plain from a canon of the fourth
Council of Toledo,34 according to which "if any bishop, or pres-
byter, or deacon, or one belonging to any clerical order, had been
discovered consulting magicians, or diviners, or soothsayers," (which
is esteemed a most heinous crime), "he was deprived of his office
and dignities, and punished by confinement in a monastery, where,
consigned to a perpetual penance, he made atonement for the sin of
sacrilege which he had committed." We may remark, however, that
this banishment to a monastery was a double kind of punishment:
for it was either a banishment for life, in which case the monastery
was for the criminal a place of perpetual imprisonment: nor did one
sentenced to this penalty ever receive the imposition of hands except
31 Hieronym. Ep. ad Sabin. Diac. merendam misericordiam Dei privata
[147, 8, written to a deacon who had est expetenda secessio, ubi illis satis-
been guilty of adultery: "Hortatus factio, se fuerit digna, sit etiam fruc-
sum ut ageres pcenitentiam, et in cilicio tuosa."]
et cinere volutareris, ut solitudinem pe- 33 De Eccl. Offic. 1. ii. c. 17, ["Ho-
teres, ut viveres in monasterio," &c] rum duntaxat dignitate servata, ita ut a
32 August. 1. i. de Bapt. contra Do- sacerdotibus et Levitis, Deo tantum
nat. c. I; and S. Leon. Ep. 167, ad teste, fiat; a cseteris vero, antestante
Rustic. Narbon. c. 2. [Leo says, coram Deo solemniter sacerdote."]
"Alienum est a consuetudine ecclesias- 34 Cone. Tolet. IV. can. 29, An.
tica ut ii (presbyteri et diaconi) pro 633, ["Ibiperpetiue poenitentise deditus
crimine per manus impositionem reme- scelus admissum sacrilegii luat."]
dium accipiant pcenitendi ... ad pro-
OF CANONICAL PENANCE. 425
at the moment of death: or clerics were put into a monastery until
such time as they, under the discipline of the abbat, had completed
the penance imposed on them by the bishop; and at last, when their
term of penitential discipline had expired, they received from the
bishop the imposition of hands.
§ 6. Of the discipline of the Church towards penitents after the rise of
the heresies of Novatus and Novatian; and of the Grades of
Penitents.
The discipline which we have hitherto been describing was that
which was in use in the early Church in the more ancient times, and
all penitents, whether clerical or lay, were subjected to it. But in
the third century Novatus, a presbyter of the African Church, united
with Novatianus, a deacon of the Roman Church, in teaching that in
the Church there was lodged no power and authority to forgive sins:
and this dangerous and ill-omened doctrine spread through several of
the Eastern and Western Churches. To counteract this false doctrine,
therefore, the Church arranged on a somewhat more elaborate plan
her system of penitential discipline, and began to act with greater
severity towards penitents. And henceforth penance, which had up
to this been imposed at the arbitrary will of the bishop, began to be
reduced to a better and more regular system.
The Church, therefore, classified penitents into four different
grades, calling the first, TrpooicXavcis^fletus, weeping; second, cucpoaas,
auditio, hearing; third, vwoTnujcris, substratio, prostration; fourth, ova-
tchti?, consistentia, standing. Hence penitents of the first class were
called mourners; of the second, hearers; of the third, kneelers;
of the fourth, standers. The different conditions of these dif-
ferent penitents have been explained by Harmenopolus after S.
Basil.35 A mourner was one who was stationed outside the church,
beseeching those who entered to offer prayers of intercession for
him. A hearer stood in the outer narthex or porch. A kneeler
stood inside the church, near to the ambo, and went out at the same
time with the catechumens. A co-stander was one who might pray
with the faithful, though not yet thought fit to partake of the sacra-
ments, till after the course of penance was over.
§ 7. Of the first station, which is called TlpooKXavat?, or Fletus,
"Mour?iing"
This first [grade or] station of penitents, in which were placed
those who were beginning the course of public penance, was known
among the early Christians long before Novatian's time, as we have
in a former place indicated. It will be sufficient to quote the tes-
timony of Tertullian as a very early witness to this discipline. De-
scribing the condition of those doing penance in his time, he
35 In Epitome Canon. Sect. 5, tit. 3, c. 58.
42^ POLITY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH.
says, "She (i.e. repentance) takes her station before the doors of the
church, and bids all others take warning by the example of her
marks of ignominy, and calls also to her aid the brethren's tears,
and returns with an even richer merchandise than their communion,
namely their compassion."36 And hence the Roman clergy thus ex-
hort those doing penance, "to present themselves at the threshold
of the church but by no means to leap over it .... to send forth
tears as ambassadors for their sorrows; to let groans, uttered from
their inmost hearts, discharge the office of an advocate, by proving
their grief and their shame for the sin which they have committed."37
But this mourning spoken of by writers earlier than the times of
Novatian did not refer to the name of a particular station or class of
penitents, but to the work they had to do, as they used to take this
method of making known to the faithful clergy and bishops their
request to be admitted by them into the rank of penitents. But
after the Novatian heresy, on the other hand, those who had been
admitted by the bishop into the rank of penitents, first, for a definite
time, occupied the station of mourning, and when that term had
expired they passed into the second grade of penitents [called that
of hearing.]
In what part of the church the mourners were stationed we know
from the 17th canon of the Council of Ancyra, where penitents of
this class are mentioned as praying "amongst the weather-beaten."*
This was the name of those penitents who are described by Gregory
Thaumaturgus as standing in the open air outside the gate of the
church?* But by this gate he cannot mean the inner gate of the
church, by which there was an entrance into the nave, for in this
place he makes the hearers stand inside the gate in the narthex or
porch, as we have explained it to mean in the Second Book. From
this it is evident that the mourners were stationed in the open air
before the entrance of the church porch.
The mourners, then, were allowed no participation in the Sacra-
36 Lib. de Pudicitia, c. 3, ["Adsistit meaning "tempest-tossed souls." The
pro foribus ejus, et de notce suae exem- Clementine Liturgy, Const. Apost. viii.
plo ceteros admonet, et lacrymas fra- 12, has a prayer for such, "irapaKaXov-
trum sibi quoque advocat, et redit plus fi4v <re virep roov xet/xafoueVcoj/ vnh tov
negotiata compassionem scilicet, quam aXXorpiov," "we beseech Thee for those
communicationem."] vexed by the adversary." Others think
37 Epist. 31, ad Cyprian. [30 §9, the word refers to the "open-air" posi-
Ed. Ox. "Adeant ad limen ecclesise, tion assigned to the first station of peni-
sed non utique transiliant, ut mittant tents. The question is discussed, but
legatos pro suis doloribus lacrymas ; ad- not determined, by Bingham, xviii. iv.
vocatione fungantur ex intimo pectore 13.]
prolati gemitus, doloremprobantescom- 38 Epist. Canon, in Beveregii Pan-
missi criminis et pudorem."] dect. Canon. T. II. p. 24. [He says,
* [Cone. Ancyr. An. 314, c. 17, "Fletus est extra portam oratorii, ubi
"Tovs aXoyevtrafxei/ovs ical \eirpovs oV- peccatorem stantem oportet fideles in-
ras fjroi AeTrpdbo-ai/Tas, tovtovs irpo(T€- gredientes orare ut pro se precentur."
ra\ev rj ayia avvohos els rovs xeifJLa- "In this canonical Epistle of Gregory's,
^ojxSvovs €ijx^o,6ai.,) The xt^t 6 pep 01, "A.D.240—265, we have the earliest men-
or Hiemantes are thought by some to tion, by distinct names, of the four stages
be the same as the demoniacs ; the word of penance." (See below, note 43.)]
OF CANONICAL PENANCE. 427
merits or in the prayers: they were not even allowed to hear the
reading of the Scriptures or the sermon of the bishop, which the
very place where they stood prevented them from hearing. They
were intent on one object, viz. "that they might beg the faithful one
by one, as they went into church, to have compassion on them and
pour forth fervent prayers to God for them .... each penitent dis-
closing at the same time his own particular crime."39 From this it
appears that the "mourners" each confessed their own sins to the
faithful as they went in. They were moreover accustomed to wear
a mourning habit, while ashes were sprinkled on them, their hair
being dishevelled, and their face and hands unwashed, that by these
external signs they might testify to the sincerity of the inward pur-
pose of their hearts.40
We are unable to specify any fixed period of time for which
"mourners" were obliged to be in this first station; for this would
depend both on the nature of the offence, and on the zeal of the
penitent; in cases of the more heinous crimes this station sometimes
lasted much longer than the others; and though the term of penance
might be fixed by canons, the bishop was vested with full discre-
tionary power to shorten that term according to the diligence shown
by the penitent.
§ 8. Of the second station, which is called 'A^oao-i?, or Auditio,
"Hearing."
Those penitents who had completed their first course of penance
among the " mourners" and were entering on the second station,
were called by the Latins audientes, and by the Greeks aKpow/xevoi,
"hearers." But though, (as I have said in the Second Book when
treating of churches,) Greek writers called also those known as strati
or substrati by this name of "hearers;" yet in the lapse of time
those in their grade formed the first class of penitents, after the
orders of penitents began to be comprised in two classes, " kneelers,"
(substrati) and "bystanders," (consistentes,) as we shall have presently
to explain.
The " hearers" used to stand in the very porch of the church; the
39 S. Basil. Epist. ad Amphil. c. 56 people, we may imagine, as has been
and 75. [Ep. 217, al. 3. Speaking of said, the effect, both on the guilty and
aggravated offences against the sixth on other minds, of such discipline as
and seventh commandments being pun- that referred to in these canons, and
ished with twenty or twelve years' ex- others of mediaeval times.]
communication, S. Basil says (in § 56), 40 V. Hieronym. Epist. ad Oceanum,
"Annis quatuor flere debet, stans extra lib. iii. Ep. 10, ed. Canisii [lxxvii. § 4.
fores domus orationis, et ingredientes Speaking of the public penance of Fa-
fideles rogans, ut pro ipso precentur, biola, a lady of noble birth, "Quiscre-
suamque iniquitatem confitens;" and deret, ut . . . tota urbe spectante Ro-
(in § 75), "Triennio fleat: stans prop- mana, ante diem paschce in basilica . . .
ter fores domus orationis, et rogans staret in ordine pcenitentium, episcopo,
populum ingredientem ad orationem, presbyteris, et omni populo collacry-
ut unusquisque misericorditer pro ipso mantibus, sparsum crinem, ora lurida,
intensas ad Dominum preces fundat." squalidas manus, sordida colla submit-
Among a barbarous, newly-converted teret ?"]
42& POLITY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH.
women on one side, the men on the other, at the two side-gates of
the south and north naves, which we have described in the Second
Book; and as from this place they could hear the Scripture lessons
and the bishop's sermon, they took the name of " hearers" {audientes,
or oi aKpoiL/jLevot). In this place they stayed till the Mass of the Cate-
chumens: for at the conclusion of the bishop's sermon, the deacon
used to dismiss both them and the infidels, in those words, "Let
no one of the hearers, no one of the infidels remain in church,"41 as
we have already shown in the Second Book.
And we must guard our readers against falling into the mistake
which Morinus made : for he was persuaded that the Latin Church
seldom or never applied this name of " hearers" to a particular class
of penitents, but only to catechumens.43 But he is making a mis-
take, according to my judgment, though in other respects he is a
very eminent authority as a writer; and that the reader may be put
on his guard against this mistake he must understand that the facts
are these: the name of " hearers" was never, either among the Greeks
or Latins, specially given to any penitents, but only to that first class
of catechumens, whom the Greeks called also aicpowfievoi. And so
as the penitents, who had been in the first station outside the church
porch, by degrees, as they approached the church, entered within
the porch to where the "hearers" or "catechumens" were stationed,
they were also called "hearers" themselves: they were in fact placed
on the same footing as catechumens: for each were forbidden to
enter inside the church, and each were forbidden to remain standing
where they were, after the bishop's sermon was over. This matter
is quite explained by those expressions of ancient writers, who bid
penitents of this class remain some years "among the hearers," that
is among catechumens who were called by that name. Hence S.
Gregory Thaumaturgus defines the station of penitents called " the
hearing." The hearing station is inside the gate in the narthex,
where he must stand who has sinned, taking his place close to the
catechumens, and from thence going out of the church.43 It will
not therefore surprise any one that the Latins generally gave the
name of " hearers" only to catechumens, since penitents of the second
class only took this their distinguishing name from the circumstance
that they were placed among the audience of catechumens, and were
regarded as being on the same footing as they. It is plain from this
how easily we may set right the remark made by Morinus,—which
he has by no means explained,—if we look a little more closely into
the opinion of ancient writers on this subject.
41 Constit. Apost. 1. viii. c. 5, [" Ne menos, et illinc egredi. Audiens, enim,
quis audientium, ne quis infidelium ad- inquit Scripturas et doctrinam, ejiciatur,
sit."] et precatione indignus censeatur. Sub-
42 Morinus de Pcenitentia, 1. vi. c. 4, stratio autem est lit intra portam templi
§ 10, p. 254. stans cum catechumenis egrediatur.
43'Epist. Canonica, ["Audilio est in- Consistentia est ut cum (idelibus consis-
tra portam in narthece, ubi oportet eum tat; et cum catechumenis non egredia-
qui peccavit stare usque ad catechu- tur."]
OF CANONICAL PENANCE. 429
§ 9. Of the third station of penitents, which is called^'YttoVtojo-/?,
or Substratio, i.e. Prostration.
After the order of "hearers" came that of "prostration," which
the Greeks called i/ttoVtwo-^, from the word vTroTrcTnca, to "prostrate
oneself," or " cast oneself on the ground." Morinus thinks that in
ancient times this station was called by the Greeks a(popi<jju,bs, i.e.
segregatio, "separation from the flock:" but it was the fourth station
which was more correctly called by this name. But the Latins in
speaking of this station of penitents used words generally which
convey the idea of imposition of hands and having a share in the
prayers of the Church. These meanings came out in the Latin ver-
sions of the twelfth canon of the first Council of Nice, and the six-
teenth canon of the Council of Ancyra.
Those who were placed in this third order of penitents, were
reckoned among those catechumens who are sometimes distinguished
among the ancients by this same name of substrati, "prostrate wor-
shippers," as we have said in the First Book. For both the cate-
chumens and the penitents, after the bishop's sermon, went into
the church, and kneeling down on the ground close to the ambon,
as councils direct, received imposition of hands.44 If the prayers
were offered over them close to the ambon, they must have been
stationed in the central nave or body of the church. Morinus some-
what vaguely says, that the ambon, which he inaptly compares with
the pulpits of our day, was placed at a long distance from the sanc-
tuary, as is the case in cathedrals in our day: but if the reader refer
to our Second Book, where the situation of the ambon is described,
it will be clear to him that it was to the central nave, near the ex-
tremity of the choir, that the substrati were brought, and that it
was there they were stationed that they might receive imposition of
hands.
On all days on which the Liturgy was ordinarily celebrated peni-
tents of this third class knelt before the bishop, and received impo-
sition of hands from him.45 "Imposition of hands," was only another
name for a prayer offered up over any one, as Augustine tells us.46
The bishop, then, laying his hands upon them, offered up prayers in
44 Cone. Nicen. I. c. 12; Ancyran. seventh commandments, as being among
c. 4 and 5 ; Basilii Canon. 56 and 75. the inroTriTnovTes.]
[These canons of Nice and Ancyra speak 45 Cone. Carth. IV. An. 398, c. 80;
of the "kneelers" as allowed to join in August. Homil. 41, ap. Morin. ["Omni
the prayers of the Church. When the tempore jejunii manus pcenitentibus a
Latins speak of "penitence" it is ge- sacerdotibus imponantur." So in canon
nerally of the position and penance of 82, "Pcenitentes etiam diebus remis-
these "kneelers" that they speak; and sionis genua flectant:" on days of re-
in S. Basil's twenty-second canon this mission when other Christians stood at
station is called pre-eminently "/xerd- their prayers.]
vaia" pcenitaitia. "t<£ Tp^Ty ds jucra- 46 L. iii. de Bapt. contra Donat. cap.
voiav." (Ep. 119.) Basil's canons 56 16, ["Quid est enim aliud (impositio
and 75 quoted here refer to penitents manus) nisi oratio super hominem ?'']
who have sinned against the sixth and
43° POLITY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH.
mm
their behalf, in which both clergy and the Christian laity joined,
making their responses to the forms of prayer used by the bishop!
The imposition of hands for the penitents was not however the same
one as that received by the catechumens: for it was not till those
belonging to the second class of the latter had left the church, hav-
ing received the bishop's blessing, that the bishop laid his hands on
the former: but he then immediately called the penitents to him to
receive the imposition of hands; then he thrice laid his hands upon
them, and thrice he, and the laity with him, offered up fervent
prayers to God for them.
An accurate description of all these ceremonies may be read both
in the nineteenth canon of the Council of Laodicea,* and a fuller
one in the Apostolical Constitutions, Book viii. ch. 7 and 8.
These prayers over, the penitents (substrati) rose from the ground
and left the church, the deacon exclaiming, "Ye who are doing
penance, depart."47 Such was the ritual connected with the public
penance of the substrati, the prostrate penitents. In private each
one used voluntarily to afflict his soul, either by fastings, or by ab-
staining from bathing or from food, or from other things, as he had
been commanded, and thus he would wait for his term of penance
to expire, whatever might be the term the bishop had appointed.48
This was their most ancient mode of doing penance, according to
the testimony of Tertullian, who says of them: "What wonder if,
besides the shame, which they think the chief part of their penance,
they shrink back from the inconveniences of the body also, because
they are bound to live unwashed; to wear dirty clothes; to be cut off
from all amusements; to go about in rough sackcloth, and disfiguring
ashes, and with a countenance wan with fasting ?"49 Ambrose tells
us that women also cut off their hair ;50 and men who were doing
penance were afterwards ordered by Councils to do the same, being
expelled from the class of penitents if they had not cut off their
hair :51 if it was the fashion of the place, they might retain their long
* [Quoted below, §11, note 68.] penance, he dismisses them from the
47 Constit. Apost. 1. viii. c. 5, ["Ex- church, leaving each to set himself a
ite qui in pcenitentia estis."] voluntary penance in private, to be con-
48 Sozomen. Hist. Eccl. 1. vii. c. 16, tinued till the appointed time has ex-
["The place in which the penitents pired."]
stand is visible to all; they take up 49 De Pcenitent. cap. 11, [" Inlo-
their position in it distressed and sor- tos, sordulentos, extra lsetitiam opor-
rowful. When the liturgy is finished, tet diversari, in asperitudine sacci et
as they may not share in the sacred horrore cineris et oris de jejunio vani-
mysteries, they throw themselves pros- tate."]
trate on the ground with cries and tears, 50 L. ad Virg. Laps. cap. 8; [He
when the bishop, in his compassion, had ordered a penitent virgin to cut
coming to them, falls likewise by their off that hair which before she had
side, raising his voice with theirs, till used as a blandishment, and by which
at length the whole congregation is dis- she was tempted to the sin of vain-
solved in tears. After this the bishop glory.]
is the first to rise and to take them by 51 Cone. Agathen. An. 506, can. 15,
the hand; and when he has offered the [" Pcenitentes tempore quo poeniten-
prayers suitable for sinners performing tiam petunt impositionem manuum et
OF CANONICAL PENANCE. 431
beards,52 but as S. Eligius, Bishop of Noyon, informs us, their clothes
were those which are called hair-cloth, i.e. made of goats' hair or
kids' hair; and in these garments of hair they used to be dressed
both in public and in private.53 From all this we have a clear idea
of what the condition of those doing penance was.
§ 10. Of the fourth station, which is called *2v<jtcktl?, or Co?isistentia.
The fourth and last class of penitents was called by the Greeks
2v(TTao-f9, and by the Latins Consistentia: this word, as used by the
ancients, seeins to refer to that privilege which was peculiar to this
class of penitents; for they were not obliged to leave the church
with the catechumens, but remained with the faithful during the whole
of the celebration of the Liturgy; [they were allowed to "stand
with" the faithful in prayer at the altar; standing being the posture
of prayer]. And hence ancient writers everywhere say that these
penitents "communicated in the prayers of the faithful; were al-
lowed to join in supplication with them." And so the Apostolic
Canons say, that they prayed with the faithful (avuevxeaOai); [that
they were their "companions in prayer"] : for they were distin-
guished from the unfallen faithful (stantibus), only in this, that
though they might pray with them, and take their part in the
service of the Liturgy, yet they might not "attain to that which
is perfection," as the Council of Ancyra says, i.e. they were for-
bidden to enjoy the Holy Communion of the Body and Blood
of Christ.54 Hence the Councils and the Fathers refuse them
the privilege of bringing an oblation, and bid them communicate
without an oblation.^ Those learned in the discipline of ancient
times have ascertained that nowhere has the Church accepted
the oblations of those who were not allowed to participate in the
Eucharist, nor could those offer the sacramental elements of wine
and bread, who had been forbidden to communicate themselves.
Wherefore the expression, "to communicate without an oblation,"
means nothing else than associating with the faithful, being present
with them at the Sacrifice, while strictly forbidden to offer the Eu-
charistic elements for the altar. About this privilege of bringing
cilicium super caput a sacerdote, sicut (j.6vt\s Koivoovfjacu %tt) dvo, Kal t6t€ i\-
ubique constitutum est, consequantur. Beiv e-rrl rb TeAeioi'."]
Si autem comas non deposuerint aut 55 Ancyr. c. 5, [" $60 viroireaSi/rcs
vestimenta non mutaverint, abjiciantur: er?? rep rpircp KOLvwv-qcraToocrav x°°P^
et nisi digne pcenituerint, non recipian- irpoaQopas, 'tva rb rzXsiov -nf rerpaerla
tur."] Capitular. Reg. Franc. 1. v. Aaj8axn."] Nicsen. I. can. 11, [Enacts
c. 52. that those who have fallen away in time
5- Sidon. Apoll. 1. iv. Ep. 24. of persecution without strong tempta-
53 Homil. 8, ["Cicilium, e pilis hse- tion, shall be three years among the
dorum atque caprarum," &c] hearers, seven among the prostrate wor-
54 Cap. 54. [Cone. Ancyr. An. 314, shippers, and for two years shall com-
c. 4, orders those who have been for- municate with the people without
cibly made to sacrifice, "ivtavrbv aKpo- offering.] Felix III. Rom. Pont.
acrdcu, vnoireaelp Se rpla er??, eux^s Se Epist. 7.
432 POLITY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH.
oblations we will treat in our Dissertation on the Viaticum of Peni-
tents, Vol. III.
Appropriately, then, do the Fathers call this class of penitents
acj)opiG[xb9, from the Greek verb aQopi^eoOai, i.e. to be separated, to
be set apart from the flock, for they were kept apart from the faithful,
deprived of that privilege which they enjoyed. For a similar reason
the Latins used the word abstinere (to abstain), and said that peni-
tents of this fourth class were separated from communion, abstained
from communion, or simply "abstained."56 And this proves also
that penitents of this class had not their names presented at the
altar, as it was the custom of that age to do : for the name of any
one who brought an oblation of Eucharistic elements was inscribed
by the deacon in the diptychs, as we described in the second and
third Books, that the bishop might make mention of him individually
in the prayers; Penitents, therefore, who were not allowed the privi-
lege of bringing an oblation, were not thought worthy either to be
mentioned by name in the prayer of the priests at the altar of God;
as Cyprian says.57
In this station then the "bystanders" used to be kept, going
through all the offices like the rest of the faithful, except communi-
cating at the Eucharist, until such time as they were reconciled by
the bishop. Morinus has raised the question whether the "by-
standers" were put in a different part of the church from the faithful,
or not; and he supposes that they stood in church behind the
faithful. But there are no ecclesiastical records to prove this opinion;
for though the catechumens who were accepted candidates for bap-
tism (competentes) and the substrati stood in the furthest part of the
church just inside the door, the men on one side, and the women
on the other, as we said in Book II. sect. i. c. 3; still, as the
"bystanders" were present at the Liturgy, and the bishop did not
give them imposition of hands, like the "kneelers," there seems no
reason why they should not have stood among the faithful, remain-
ing in their places when the latter went up from the nave to the
altar for the purpose of communicating. But I am surprised that
Morinus should think (to quote his words from the De Poenit. 1. vi.
c. 18) that the place of the "bystanders" in church was "away from
56 V. Cone. Illiberitan. c. 21, [An. ministris qui fcenerant, placuiteos, juxta
305 ;] Cone. Arelaten. c. 11 and 12, An. formam divinitus datam, a communione
314. [The Council of Elvira, excom- abstineri."]
municating those who are absent from 6" Epist. 66, Rig. 1, Ox. § 3, ["No
church for three Sundays, says, "Si brother departing should name a cleric
quis in civitate positus tres dominicas for executor or guardian; and if any
ad ecclesiam non accesserit, pauco tern- one should do this, no offering should
pore abstmeatur, ut correptus esse vi- be made for him, nor any sacrifice be
deatur." The Council of Aries ordering celebrated for his repose (pro dormi-
that young women who have married tione ejus) ; for he does not deserve to
heathens, (c. 11,) and that clergy guilty be named at the altar of God in the
of usury, be excommunicated, (c. 12,) prayer of the priests, who has wished
says, "De puellis fidelibus quae gentili- to call away the priests and ministers
bus junguntur, placuit, ut aliqnanto tern- from the altar."]
pore a communione separentur." "De
OF CANONICAL PENANCE. 433
the ambon towards the sanctuary." What these words, "away from
the ambon towards the sanctuary" can mean I cannot understand.
Were they, or were they not, in the solea of the clergy, or in the choir,
or in the presbyterium? For " away from the ambon in the direction
of the sanctuary/' may mean the solea, the choir, the diaconium,
or the presbyterium, parts of the church into which the laity were
not admitted, even if they were not among penitents.
We see from this how important it is to have an ancient ground-
plan of a church clearly before us: and the reader is therefore re-
ferred to the two chapters of our second Book which treat of the
ground-plan of a Christian Church and the different parts of it.
§ ii. All penitents did not pass through each grade of pe?ia?ice. Peni-
tents sometimes passed over some intermediate grade"by permission
of the Bishop.
In ancient times only those who had been guilty of the more
heinous crimes were obliged to pass through each of the classes of
penance. For it was but rarely that even penitents who had been
convicted of crimes [against the law], were condemned to be placed
in the station of "mourners:" and generally they began to do penance
in the class of "hearers," or sometimes in that of "kneelers;" see
canons 5, 7, 8, 16 and 24, of the Council of Ancyra, [where it is
ordered that a penitent be at once remitted to the great station
of the substrati\ And it sometimes happened, as we should also
observe, that the bishops placed penitents at once even in the fourth
class, though they had been guilty of some very great crime, if
wasted by outward signs of penitence and by a heartfelt sorrow they
had accused themselves to the bishop: as we have shown above. S.
Basil in the 61st chapter of his Epistle to Amphilochius [Ep. 217],
explains the system and method of this discipline, when he says : "In
the case of a man being guilty of theft, if he of his own accord, through
a/eeling of penitence, accused himself of it, he would be punished only
by excommunication from the Sacraments for a year. But, if he
should be convicted of the crime, the term of his penance would be
two years, part of which time would be spent among the 'kneelers,'
part among the 'co-standers.'" We thus see the Church's different
methods of dealing with those who voluntarily confessed their sins,
and those who were convicted of them. Sometimes also penitents
were put into the fourth class immediately after confession, either if
they had confessed the crime, or if they had been convicted in the
commission of it; this was done in cases where putting penitents
into the class of " hearers" or of "kneelers" would have endangered
their life. _ Of this custom Basil also gives us the explanation.58
For speaking of a woman guilty of adultery, whom he is unwilling to
have placed either among the "kneelers" or among the " hearers,"
he decides that she is to be excommunicated during the whole period
5S Ibid. cap. 34, [Ep. 199, al. ii.]
F F
434 POLITY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH.
it would have taken her to pass through the four classes of penitents,
i.e. that she is to remain all this time in the fourth class : and for
this decision he gives as the reason, "that we may not cause the
death of those convicted;" since, for the sin of adultery, if it had
been public, the canons had decreed the penalty of doing penance in
the classes of hearing and of prostration.
Those also who had once done penance for a very great crime
and had afterwards relapsed into it again, were condemned to be
perpetually stationed in the fourth class, even to the end of their lives.
For that the early Fathers did not anciently allow them to do
penance is clear from the answer of the Roman Pontiff, Siricius, in
his Epistle to Himerius, Bishop of Tarragona : for "concerning those
who after doing penance return as dogs and sows to their vomit
and wallowing again/' he directs, "Let them unite with the faithful
in prayer alone within church: they may be present at the holy
celebration of the Mysteries, though they do not deserve to be, but
they must be excluded from the feast of the Lord's Table, that
being corrected at any rate by this penalty they may both inflict
chastisement on themselves for their own sins, and may afford an
example to others, that they may be kept back from yielding to un-
holy desires. As it is however through frailness of the flesh that
they have fallen, we will that they be assisted by the grace of com-
munion, and the gift of the viaticum, when they are about to depart
to the Lord."
This very severe system of discipline was kept up by the Fathers,
lest a repetition of public and canonical penance might give occasion
to some of sinning too easily. "For," says Augustine, "it has been
prudently and wisely ordered beforehand that once only in the
Church shall an opportunity of this most humiliating penance be
allowed, lest the medicine should become of small account to those
who are sick: for it is the more efficacious in restoring health the
less it is despised."59 But the reason why those who had fallen
again into sins of this kind were condemned to a perpetual station
in the fourth class, was this; that while by their perpetual repent-
ance they might be a warning to others, they might by this constant
discharge of the more holy duties of Christian discipline, be made
worthy to receive the Communion when about to depart out of this
life. And this discipline was kept up in the Latin Church down to
the seventh century; but then by degrees those who had fallen
again into gross crime were allowed to do canonical penance a second
time.
Lastly, those used to be stationed in the fourth class after admis-
sion to penance who had committed either very light or less
grave offences, as we have already remarked: and these were de-
prived by the bishop of the privilege of the oblation and of Eucha-
ristic communion during the appointed term of their penance, the
length of which depended on the nature of the offence.
59 Epist. 54 ad Macedon. [Ed. Migne, cliii. § 7.]
OF CANONICAL PENANCE. 435
And, as regards another question, viz. whether penitents by special
permission of the bishop were not sometimes allowed to pass over
the appointed grades of penance without entering them, we may re-
mark, the writings of the early Fathers, and a decree of the first
Council of Nice, prove that this was sometimes done. The twelfth
canon of the first Council of Nice decrees that "Those who show
their conversion by fear and by tears, by submission, and by good
works, in reality and not in outward show, may, after employing
their time among the 'hearers/ fairly be admitted to communi-
cate in the prayers [i.e. passing over the intermediate station of
the sufrstrati]; after which it shall also be lawful for the bishop
to decree something yet more indulgent respecting them."60 Hence
it is plain that a bishop had the power of granting this privi-
lege.61 In the writings of S. Basil,62 and in those of S. Gregory
Thaumaturgus, and in the canons of the Council of Elvira,63 we
continually find proofs that it was no unusual thing for peni-
tents to pass from the first and second grade of penance into the
fourth.
§12. These four classes of penitents were continued in the Weste?-n
Church down to the seventh century. TJie?i by degrees the ancie?it
discipline was changed. What that discipli?ie was in the Churches
of the East.
This discipline, such as we have described it, was kept up un-
changed, in all its leading points, even into the seventh century.
But when that seventh century was drawing to a close, some changes
were made, which it will be worth the reader's while to notice, that
he may not be unacquainted with any portion of the history of peni-
tential discipline.
So far as relates to the classes of penitents, these were kept up
without any change in the Western Church as late as the eighth
century; for in the capitularies of Charlemagne there is mention made
G0 Can. 12, ["vera rod i^cii/ai t£ Council in Tmllo, a.d. 692; but both
'Ema-KSirtp Ka\ (piXau6pa)ir6r€p6u r\ irepl books were received by the Church as
abr&v ftovXevaaadai.") of something like canonical authority,
61 Id. cap. 4, de Trigamis, and cap. and had a wide influence on the admi-
61, cap. 53, cap. 8. nistration of the discipline of the Eastern
6~ In Epist. Canon, ad Amphiloch. Church. The Epistle to Letoius "at-
[In the Latin text this is quoted in tempts to trace the source of all sin
error by Pelliccia as "Epist. Canon. to one of the three faculties of the
ad Letoium;" for that is not the soul, which he designates the rational,
work of S. Basil, but of his brother S. the concupiscible, and the irascible"
Gregory of Nyssa. These two epistles (Smith's Diet. p. 160S.)]
on penance, that of S. Basil to Am phi- 63 Can. 79, [About reformed <ram-
lochius, Bishop oflconium, and that of biers the canon says, "Si quis fidelis
S. Gregory to Letoius, Bishop of Me- aleam, id est tabulam, luserit nimis
htme, may be regarded as the two ear- placuit eum abstineri; et si emendatus
liest Penitential Books; Basil's book cessaverit, post annum poterit commie-
received the synodical sanction of the nione reconciliari."]
F F 2
436 POLITY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH.
at any rate of hearers, kneelers, and co-standers.64 But in the ninth
century it began to be the custom, when any one was admitted to
penance by the bishop, that he should first be reckoned among the
"hearers," and soon after among the "co-standers," no mention
being made of " kneelers" by writers of that age; for as by that time
the rite of a daily imposition of hands in the Liturgy had been by
degrees abandoned, from this circumstance the class of kneelers
became obsolete also.
But though down to the ninth century some trace of this part of
the ancient discipline still survived, yet even as early as the seventh
century some changes were introduced into it, and that in the follow-
ing three particulars:
The first relates to a rule for public as well as private penance,
which at that time began to be formally drawn up among the Latins
in penitential books. The second refers to the rite of the daily
public imposition of hands, which ceased among the Latins in the
seventh century, and seems to have become obsolete in the Greek
Church also nearly about the same time: for though the Greeks re-
tained in their liturgies the old forms for dismissing the catechumens
at the Mass, yet they did not anywhere have the catechumens them-
selves present at it 3 but, by a singular innovation, they kept them
away from the solemn celebration of the Liturgy during the period
of their catechumenate, as we see in their euchologies. And thus,
if the dismissal of catechumens became obsolete it seems to follow
that the custom of dismissing penitents at a particular part of
the Liturgy was discontinued also. The third change which was
made refers to a severer system of punishment, which was introduced
into the Church in the seventh century. This I shall explain
more fully when I come to treat of the penitential discipline of the
middle ages.
But while in the Latin Church the ancient penitential discipline
was maintained for a very long period of time, in the Greek Church
as early as the fourth century an entirely new system was introduced
by Nectarius [the predecessor of Chrysostom as] Patriarch of Con-
stantinople: he abolished altogether the office of penitentiary priest,
and the system of public penance, as we are told by Socrates65 and
64 Lib. v. cap. 136. [In this capitu- on the advice of Eudsemon, a priest of
lar kneelers are called "in terrain pros- the Church of Constantinople, formally
trati."] abolished the office of a general confes-
65' Hist. Eccl. v. c. 19, ["e8o£e robs sor, and henceforth allowed each one
4ir\ rrjs fieravolas irepie\e7p -irptcrPuTepovs to communicate as his own conscience
t&v iKKK-namv." "It was thought proper might direct him : "EvSaifiav tis irpe<r-
to remove the penitentiary presbyters Pvrepos, yvdfirjv rep ^ iirioKSna cYidcvtri
out of the Churches." Socrates then NeKrapicp irepieAw fx\v rhv iirljns /re-
tells the cause of the change; a scan- ravoias TrpeaPviepov' crvyxu>pv<r™ 8e
dal in no way implicating the peniten- tKaarov, red IMo crvveiUri r<hv /xvcrrn-
tiary priest, had raised an outcry in play pcrlx™" This was in AD 391.
Constantinople: it was through the The story is given in full in Hooker s
confessional that the scandal had been Ecclesiastical Polity, the beginning of
brought to light : but Nectarius, acting Book vi.]
OF CANONICAL PENANCE. 437
Sozomen,66 and other Greek ecclesiastical historians. For it is evi-
dent that since the time of Nectarius the practice of public confes-
sion, both of public and of private sin, as well as that of public
penance, was no longer in use among the Greeks. And this can
also clearly be inferred from the now disused Liturgy of penitent
prostrators, in which the imposition of hands was omitted, which
Balsamon67 tells us was already obsolete in his time, and after him
Zonaras68 bears the same testimony. Hence Councils, held subse-
quently to the time of Nectarius, do not contain even a single word
of reference to any class of penitents, or to any system of penance,
but ^ when they speak of penitents, they say that they are to be
punished by atopic fihs, i.e. that they are to be deprived of com-
munion only, a penalty to which they used to be subjected inde-
pendently of canonical and public penance. Some arguments have
been advanced which seem to be against this view, but they have
been well answered by Morinus.
§ 13. Wliat was allowed and what was not allowed to penitents in the
first ages, as well within as without the Church.
To those who were undergoing, or had ever undergone, public
penance, certain things were forbidden, by the express law of the
Church: this at least was the case since the fourth century, for not
even a trace of the discipline of which we are now going to speak is
to be found during the first three centuries. These restrictions
were principally two: one relating to service in the army; the other
to matrimony, either contracted or entered into. Each of these is
clearly referred to by the Roman Pontiff Siricius in the fourth
century:69 who condemned to perpetual penance [i.e. perpetual ex-
clusion from the Holy Communion] any "who after their course of
penance had returned to military life, and had contracted a second
marriage, or had entered into forbidden connexions with concubines."
Under the term " military life," was included not only the profession
^Hist. Eccl. L vii. c. 16, ["avyxco- mon shall be said separately the prayers
petv tKcxTTov, &s hi/ kavTcp crvvetfeiri Kal for the catechumens, then those for the
6apf>€iv Svvairo, Koivoveiv ruv fivcrrripicov, penitents, and lastly those of the faith-
evavae rhv iirl tt)s fxeravotas Trpeor&vre- ful; after this the kiss of peace • after
pov." Sozomen thus makes the same this the administration of the' Holy
statement as Socrates; and he adds Communion shall proceed; the priests
that the example of Nectarius in abolish- alone being allowed to approach the
ing penitentiary priests was followed by altar to communicate.]
almost all bishops; but that in the West, 69 Epist. 1, ad Himerium c c
and especially in Rome, the office of [Pope, a.d. 3S4—39S. "Qui acta Pce-
a general confessor was kept up, to pre- nitentia . . . et militia? cin<nilum' et
pare men for that public penance which nova conjugia, et inhibitos^denuo'ap'pe-
he then describes in words quoted tivere concubitus." They micrht not
above^ § 9, note 48.] have the benefit of a second penitence
"Comment, in can. 19 Cone. Lao- but might be present, without commu-
dic [a. D. 314 ] nicating, at celebrations, and be allowed
Comment, in eund. Canon. [This a viaticum at their death.]
canon directs that after the bishop's ser-
43 8 POLITY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH.
of a soldier, but any public or civil service whatever. This we know
from the third Council of Orleans; which decrees as follows: "If
any man, after receiving the penitential benediction, shall presume
to return to a secular habit and a military life, let him be punished
by excommunication."70 By a "secular habit" is meant what
Councils of that age otherwise speak of as a "secular employment."
Nay, from this well-known canon we plainly infer that this return to
a worldly life was not only forbidden to those actually doing penance,
but to those even who had received the penitential benediction, i.e.
whose course of penitential discipline was finished, and who had re-
ceived benediction, or reconciliation, from the bishop.
We learn from the second Council of Aries that it was also un-
lawful for those who were either undergoing a course of public
penance, or who had just been released from it, to contract a second
marriage. The rule of the Council is, " If any woman while doing
penance, having lost her husband, presumes to marry another, let
them both be cast out of the Church. Let this rule apply also to a man
while doing penance."71 A decree of the first Council of Bar-
celona made it also unlawful for people whilst doing penance to
undertake the conduct of any business transaction (negotiation
"Penitents are not to be present at banquets, nor to occupy them-
selves in business transactions involving debtor and creditor ac-
counts, [but to lead a frugal life at their own homes."]72 Hence it
was a rule that no married persons were admitted by the bishop
to penance but by consent of both parties, as was decreed by
the same Council of Aries, can. 22, " Penance must not be imposed
on the married except by mutual consent." And the fifteenth
canon of the Council of Agde decreed that, "Penance must not
lightly be imposed on young persons, because of the frailty of their
age."* So tenaciously did the Church observe this rule of disci-
pline, that sometimes she put off the penance till late in life, that
penitents might be better able to observe continence.
7° Can. 25. [Cone. Aurelian. III. 540, c. 7, "Ut pcenitentes epulis non
A.D. 538, c. 25, "Si quis poenitentke intersint nee negotiis operam dent in
benedictione suscepta ad ssecularem ha- datis et acceptis, sed tantum in suis
bitum militiamque reverti prcesumpse- domibus vitam frugalem agere debe-
rit, viatico concesso usque ad exitum ant." The words datis et acceptis most
excommunicatione plectatur." The title probably refer to the writing of accounts
of this canon is, '' De his qui suscepta in a ledger on the credit and debit side:
fiamitentia ad scscularem militiam re- acceptum is the credit side in an account-
vertuntur."] book, (see Cicero, Verr. i. 36, and Hor.
7i Can. 21. [Cone. Arelat. II. A.n. Ep. ii. 1, 234), and datum is the debit
443 c 21, "Si poenitentiam professi side. The fourth canon of the second
nupserint," is the title. The canon is, Council of Barcelona, a.d. 599, makes
"Pcenitens qusecunque defuncto viro a still severer decree ; placing marriage
alii nubere prsesumpserit, vel suspecta during penance on the same footing as
vel interdicta familiaritate cum extra- the marriage of a nun.] _ _
neo vixerit, cum eodem ab ecclesise * [Cone. Agathen. c. 15, it is added,
liminibus arceatur. Hoc etiam de viro "Viaticum tamen omnibus in morte
in pcenitentia posito placuit obser- positis non negandum." The former
vari.»] part of this canon is quoted above, & 9,
72 Cap. 7. [Cone. Barcinonen. a.d. note 51.]
OF CANONICAL PENANCE. 439
And this leads us to remark that the law of public penance in its
very nature involved in it a prohibition as well against conjugal in-
tercourse as against worldly and military employment, even though
a man might be submitting to penitential discipline from motives
of piety, and not because any sin of his deserved it. Morinus proves
that this was the case by two arguments which are quite sufficiently
conclusive; first by a decree of the twelfth Council of Toledo, can.
2* in a case where any one had been seized with a sudden illness,
and was lying insensible; if, in the fashion of the age, the Bishop
had, at the request of his friends, granted him penance {donum fioeni-
tentice) as he lay unconscious, and if he should afterwards have re-
covered his health, the fact that this penance had been granted to
him would make it impossible for him again to assume the military
girdle, i.e. to return to a military life. The second argument is a
general decree of the thirteenth Council of Toledo, cap. 10: "A
penitent ought equally to abstain from committing sins, and from
the bustle of secular employments." Here abstaining from all
worldly business is coupled with abstaining from the commission
of sins.
And yet since the fourth century the Fathers have never been in
so severe a mood against penitents, as not sometimes, when occa-
sion required, to relax the discipline which the canons imposed, and
to regulate it according to the condition of the person offending.
Hence S. Augustine shows that the enforcement of this discipline
was left to the wise discretion of the bishops, when replying to an
objection of some who refused to do penance on the ground that
holding positions in the army and being married, they feared they
shouldbe obliged to give up their professions and their wives: "As
well might we say when we recommend penance that each penitent
should be more anxious to be rid of the hairs of his head than of
his sins, and to cast off his clothes rather than his bad habits [as to
bring such a charge against us"].73 And he goes on to persuade them
to take a lesson from the old law imposed on penitents, and to ab-
stain from worldly pursuits of this life, that they may devote them-
selves to the business of penance. But, as is clearly evident, he is
not commanding them to observe these rules, but is striving to per-
suade them to do so; and we can see too that these rules were
dispensed with when occasion required. We see a confirmation of
this in the answer which Pope S. Leo I. made to Rusticus, Bishop
of Narbonne, when asked by him, "whether those who made profes-
sion of penitence could carry on a suit in a court of law." The
Pope endeavours to persuade such a penitent, " that an ecclesias-
tical court is better than a secular one." But he is clearly not for-
bidding a lawsuit, nor commanding him not to engage in one, but
* [Cone. Tolet. XII. a.d. 681, c. 2. the grace of penance, (pcenitentise do-
The Council argues, that as an uncon- num, quod nescentibus illabitur.)]
scions infant receives baptismal grace, Ti Serai. 58, de Tempore.' [Ed.
so an unconscious invalid may receive Migne, 258, § 2.]
44° POLITY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH.
is using persuasion.74 The same Pope gives his judgment on the
question of those engaging in a business transaction, who were
actually doing penance, or had just been released from it: "It is
better for a penitent to suffer loss than to be entangled in the dangers
of business matters." He says it is better for him, but he does not
say necessary. The business matters from which he commands peni-
tents altogether to abstain are such as it is difficult if not impossible
to engage in without sin.
But as regards continency, it is quite certain that after the fourth
century those were bound to live in perpetual continence who had
been put to open penance, if they were not married at the time.
But they, S. Leo commanded, should be treated with indulgence,
who, when the course of penance was over, fearful of falling through
the incontinence of youth, chose to marry as a safeguard against sin.
Similar were the decrees passed by the Fathers of the sixth Council
of Toledo (a.d. 638), quoting a sentence of Leo's as their authority.75
From all this it is evident what the mind of the Church was, having,
as she had, equally at heart the discipline of penitence, and the sal-
vation of the faithful.
But for a long time the Church treated with very great severity
those who held any military rank in the army: the very severe view
which they took of this matter may, I think, be inferred from the
opinion held by the early Fathers on the subject of war generally.
In fact the ancient Christians thought that it was not in any way
possible to keep free from sin while following the profession of a
soldier [in the heathen armies]. Hence they condemned those
soldiers who had fought in a just war, to do open penance, as S.
Basil, who sentenced them to a three years' penance.76 That this
discipline was enforced in the Church, especially in the Latin branch
of it, may be seen by a reference to the Council of Tribur, cap. 34,
the Council of Rheims in the tenth century; and the old Roman
Penitential, Tit. 1, c. 20. In acting thus the Church had no inten-
tion of condemning a just war, "in which to slay the enemy is both
just and laudable," as S. Athanasius says ;77 but she feared the great
74 V. Epist. 11; and in new edit. not consider killing in battle to be
Oper. S. Leon. 167, c. 10, ["Sipceni- murder, and that they pardoned those
tens habet causam quam negligere forte who with good motives went to war,
non debeat, melius expetit ecclesiasti- he adds, "But perhaps it is well to de-
cum quam forense judicium."] cide that, as having impure hands, they
75 Can. 8, ["Antiqui et sanctissimi should for three years be excluded from
est patris sententia papse Leonis, ut si the Communion only," "rdXa 5e kcl-
qui in setate adolescentise positus, dum Aws exei avy.(3ov\€v€iy, ws 7 as x^pas fJ.^
mortis formidat casum, pervenerit ad icadapovs, rpi&v irwu t?\s Koivwi/ias fx6-
pcenitentke remedium, si conjugates et v-qs a-Trexecrflcu." This is variously in-
forte fuerit incontinens, ne postea adul- terpreted; Hefele thinks it refers to
terii incurrat lapsum, redeat ad pristi- those whose hands had been actually
num conjugium quousque possit adi- imbrued in blood.]
pisci temporis maturitate continentise 77 Epist. 35, ad Annum, ["Adver-
statum."] sarios in bello occidere, et legibus per-
76 Epist. ad Amphiloch. c. 13, [Ep. missum, et laude dignum est." Fleury
188. First saying that the Fathers did remarks, that the Christians (before the
OF CANONICAL PENANCE. 44 *
'V&p^si* -■4TZ£r_Sr^2X".
risk which he who takes part even in a lawful war runs, of doing
acts of injustice in a just war. Hence we need feel no surprise that
the ancient Christians held it unlawful to return to a military life
either while doing penance, or when the penance was completed:
as S. Leo said to the same Bishop Rusticus, "It is altogether con-
trary to the rules of the Church to return to a military life in the
world after a season of penitential discipline is over." And this rule
of discipline was in force in the middle ages; for we find Pope
Zacharias in the eighth century ordering penitents to lay aside the
military girdle, and to give up the married state: and the capitu-
laries of Charlemagne sanctioned this Papal decree ;78 in the follow-
ing century the Council of Meaux79 and that of Mayence80 ratified
it also. And, that I may not be tedious, in the times of the School-
men, in the tenth, eleventh, and twelfth centuries, the same view
was taken by the canonists, Ivo, Anselm of Lucca, Raymund, and
others. But these last seem rather to look, from their point of view,
at the enormity of certain sins, than at the requirements of public
penance generally: and so they decide that certain great sins are an
impediment to matrimony. Therefore the canonists of those times
should be examined: we never find any prohibition against war in
them after the twelfth century.
§ 14. The Presbyters and Deacons used to keep the Bishop informed of
the conduct of those under sentence of public penance.
Since therefore the laws of public penance imposed on penitents
so many obligations, and so many public and private duties, the
bishop used to entrust to the presbyters and the deacons the task
of narrowly watching their manner of life, and keeping him informed
about it. Hence the decrees of Councils, "That a bishop should
have no power either of showing indulgence to penitents or of ex-
tending their term of penance, unless he had examined into the
manner of their life and conversation."81
time of Constantine) avoided enlist- mm et pcenitentia secundum statuta
ing or resigned their positions in the priorum imponatur; aut si negaverit,
army, unwilling to take part in heathen si liber est, cum 12 juret; si autem
superstitions; or to eat meat sacrificed servus, per 12 vomeres ferventes se
to idols; or to do honour to the stan- purget. Convictus vero noxse usque
dards on which idols were represented \ ad ultimum vit^e tempus militiae cingu-
or to swear by the genius of the em- lum deponat, et uxorem amittat." For
peror; or to be crowned with flowers in explanation of this curious old canon
profane processions. Tertullian speaks see below in chapters on Ordeals.]
very plainly on these points: and it sl Cone. Ancyr. c. 5, [" robs i-irur-
is soldiers who have thus denied Christ kSttovs ££ovariav ex€lu r^v Tpo^ov tt)s
who are condemned by the twelfth iTriarpocpris 5oki/j.&<jauras <pL\avdp<x>Trev-
canon of the Council of Nice.] ecrdai 1) Tr\eioua irpocmdevai xp^ow npb
78 Cone. Rom. sub Zach. A.D. 745? rravjcov 8e koX 6 -npoayoov &ios ko\ 6 juera
art. 4, c. 5; Capitular. 1. vi. c. 85. Tavra Qera^eadaL, koI ovtcos ?/ <pi\av-
79 Can. 64, 67. (?) dpooirla iTn^Tptiadoo."] Cone. Nicam.
80 Cone. Mogunt. An. 847, c. 24, I. c. 12, [" In all these cases (of apos-
["Qui presbyterum occidit, 12 anno- tate soldiers) let the purpose and cha-
442 POLITY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH.
And hence those presbyters and deacons who were entrusted with
this special duty, used also to visit the Martyrs, that they might give
them information about the lives and actions of any penitents who
came to them for letters of intercession, such as we have described.
Wherefore Pope Felix III. made a decree that no penitent might
be reconciled to the Church without bringing letters from that priest
to whose parish he belonged.82
Such seems a sufficient account of that very wide and complicated
subject, the penitential discipline of the first ages.
CHAPTER IV.
OF ECCLESIASTICAL PENANCE IN THE MIDDLE AGES.
The ancient system of penitential discipline, such as we have
described it in the preceding chapter, was maintained even down to
the seventh century. But from the beginning of the seventh century
there gradually grew up the well known distinction between open and
secret sins: the latter of these the penitent might confess to a pres-
byter and receive penance from him \ while with the bishop alone
rested the right of deciding about the former. From this circum-
stance a kind of new system of discipline took its rise, the various
parts of which we shall now attempt to describe.
§ i. After the seventh century penance was imposed for public sins, but
never for those secretly committed.
It is clear, from the preceding chapter, that in ancient times public
penance was exacted as well for secret as for public sins. After the
seventh century a provision was everywhere made, that " if any one
had made a private and voluntary confession, he should do penance
in private; while if he had made a public and open confession,
he should also openly before the Church do penance in accord-
ance with the canonical grades of penance." These are the words
of capitularies of the Frankish kings, which we read in a decree
of the Council of Leptines,-* over which S. Boniface, Archbishop of
Mayence, presided, and which was confirmed by the Roman Pontiff,
Zacharias. We see plainly from them what was the discipline of
racter of their repentance be exa- may be taken to represent the general
mined." So in can. 13, "Let the practice of the West at the close of the
bishop, upon examination, (yueTa 80/a- eighth century. The actual decree how-
fiaaias) communicate all who desire it ever does not appear in the four extant
at the point of death. "J canons of Leptines, but was inserted in
82 In Syn. Rom. c. vi. [a.d. 487.] the later collections of the capitularies.
* [Cone. Leptin. a.d. 743. This (See Smith's Diet. p. 1597.)]
OF ECCLESIASTICAL PENANCE IN THE MIDDLE AGES. 443
that age: first, that there was no law making a public confession
obligatory even for crimes openly committed; and secondly, that
in cases where a private confession of sin was made, (whether the
sin had been secretly or openly committed), the custom had begun
of ordering the penance to be done in private also; and lastly,
that the canonical grades of penance were only resorted to in the
case of those who had either been convicted of crime, or had of
their own accord openly confessed it; while all others, who had
made private confession of sins, did such penance for them in private
as their confessor chose to set, canonical penance being imposed
only on those who had been convicted and had made their confes-
sion in public.
But a word of explanation is needed as to what was understood
in that age by the expression "convicted." In early times, as we
have shown, he was said to be " convicted" who had been accused
to the bishop by other members of the Church, according to the
fashion of that ancient discipline. But in the middle ages, when
that custom of accusing offenders to the bishop had become obso-
lete, he was said to be "convicted" whose cause had been tried
before lay judges, and who had been punished by them. Hence it
is that the Fathers of the Council of Chalons-sur-Saone ask for the
assistance of the Emperor Charlemagne, begging he will make a
decree that public criminals be compelled by the law of the land to
do public penance for their crimes.1 Nor did the amount or the
nature of the offences at all weigh with them: for they taught that
all sins, even the worst that any man, whether a layman or an
ecclesiastic, could commit, might be pardoned after penance were
done for them in private, provided the offender should have made a
private confession of them to a presbyter or to a bishop. The same
was determined about adultery, &c, and about all other capital
crimes, at the Council of Nantes ;3 and the same as we read in
the canons of that Council, and in Burchard, about incest, and about
murder, if they had been privately confessed.3 Therefore the bishop
alone had authority to take cognizance of public crimes, and from
him those guilty of sins of this kind received a sentence of penance,
which was determined according to the canons, as the same capitu-
laries decree.4
After the seventh century, then, canonical penance was resorted
to only for those who had either been convicted, or had voluntarily
made a public confession of their sins; therefore the Sacramentaries
of the middle ages still contained the office for the imposing of
penance and for the reconciliation of a penitent.
We agree with Morinus in thinking that it was Theodore, Arch-
bishop of Canterbury, in the seventh century, who first introduced
this new discipline into the Church. For since this prelate when
1 Cone. Cabilon. An. 813, cap. 4. 3 Lib. xix. c. 36.
2 V. Cone. Nanneten. c. 2, and Ra- 4 Lib. vi. c. 203.
ban. Maur. Lib. Pcenit. in procemio.
444 POLITY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH.
he came into Great Britain belonged to the Greek Church, and
was himself a Greek by nation; and since in the East, as we said,
the discipline of public penance had long before become obsolete'
he devised a certain new system, and in a certain new and skil-
fully prepared book he taught the way in which his system should
be carried out. ^ For he wrote a book which he called a Penitential,
which differs widely from ancient collections of penitential canons;
and this penitential book, very readily and in a brief space of time,
was circulated through the whole of the West : while in the Churches
of the West other penitential books were by degrees introduced, com-
piled on the model of Theodore's work, but adapted to the different
local usages of each Church. These penitential books contained the
various penances to be imposed on penitents, penances proportioned
to the guilt of each, and gathered for the most part from ancient
canons on the subject. Every presbyter found such a book a great
convenience to him; for in it he could find at a glance the penance
appointed for any particular sin, and would no longer feel it his duty,
as he had done before, to read up the ancient canons, and to fish out,
as it were, the penance which each case as it came before him re-
quired, on carefully weighing the different penances in the peniten-
tial scales. For these reasons Councils which met after the time of
Theodore order presbyters to have his penitential book always ready
at hand.*
These penitentials both determined public penances for those doing
penance in public, and also those for penitents who had made private
confession of their sins; and the public order for those doing canonical
penance remained everywhere in use in all the Churches of the Latins
even subsequently to the seventh century. Proofs of this, as regards
the ninth century are to be found in a Collection of Canons by Isaac,
Bishop of Langres, Tit. i, c. i, and in another by Herard, Arch-
bishop of Tours, chap. 26. As regards the tenth century, a Council
may be consulted which was held a.d. 904 by Pope John IX. ; and
as regards the eleventh century, we have the testimony of all the
rituals and penitential books of that age given in Morinus and Mar-
tene. But those who were put to open penance submitted to nearly
the same obligations and the same bodily chastisements, as peni-
tents did in the first ages. Hence they fasted on fast-days, and on
* [The full development of the peni- the sense of having written it himself,
tential system is justly attributed to but in that it contains his judgments
Theodore, who was Archbishop of Can- and his decisions, based on Scripture
terbury, a.d. 669—690. But recent and on current ecclesiastical law; par-
investigations have established the ge- ticularly the Codex Canonum ofDiony-
nuineness of fragmentary British and sius Exiguus, who is quoted above, pp.
Irish penitentials which indicate that the 300, 301. It is significant that peni-
systcm was in use in the Celtic Churches tentials based on Theodore's work be-
in these islands at a period anterior to gin with the sin of drunkenness, that
Theodore: from which Celtic peniten- being then, as now, the prevailing sin
tials the work of Theodore must have with the inhabitants of the British
been largely borrowed. Theodore was Isles. (See Smith's Diet. pp. 1610,
not the author of the penitential in 1614.)]
OF ECCLESIASTICAL PENANCE IN THE MIDDLE AGES. 445
other days they were moderate in their use of food, and abstained
from wine. But there was one difference between the ancient and
mediaeval discipline: for in former times there was no possible way
for penitents to be released from these chastisements before the
term of their penance had expired: but in mediaeval times there
gradually grew up that new system called the discipline of rede??tption,
i.e. the imposed penance could be bought off by alms; hence we
read in well-known capitularies, " Let no presbyter or layman press a
penitent to drink wine, or to eat meat, except he gives in his presence
one or two denarii according to the degree of the penance he is under."
And Herard in his well-known capitularies says, "Let no one force
a penitent to eat or drink, unless buying off the penance be allowed;
and then he must take care that he first give the redemption-money
for it in his presence."
Besides this, in every parish it began to be the custom for penitents
to pay the enjoined penance, as is clear from the decrees of Hincmar,
Archbishop of Rheims ; though meanwhile parish priests were obliged
to keep the bishop informed about the penitents and about their
manner of life.5 This decree is also found in the capitulary of
Herard, cap. 14.
Morinus thinks that in those times the bishop exercised inquisi-
torial jurisdiction not only over public offenders, but also over those
privately guilty of great sins, who had neither been convicted in the
civil courts, nor had made a voluntary confession. This he tries to
■prove by an argument from a decree of Eutychian in Burchard.
For there the bishop puts questions to certain delegates in each
parish at his solemn visitation, as to whether there was any man who
had suffocated his own infant, or through violence caused the mis-
carriage of another's; any who had been in a conspiracy for murder;
any who had been guilty of unnatural crimes; and whether there
was any woman in the parish who, with her husband's knowledge,
had committed adultery (fornicatafiterit), and six hundred questions
besides of the same kind. But Morinus does not perceive that when
the bishop put such questions as these he asked them of seven men
chosen as men of mature judgment from among the people of the
parish itself, men who could only answer about such crimes as had
been notorious to all people in their own parish: it was no duty of
theirs, before the bishop interrogated them, to inquire into the
secret sins of other people; nor did the bishop put his interrogations
to them that he might get information about the secret sins of their
neighbours; for the decree of Eutychian and the statutes which relate
to this matter and which Burchard has published, refer to the office of
the parish priest; for to him was entrusted the duty of punishing public
offenders by bringing them to public penance, having obtained leave
from the crown, as we shall describe; it might be that the parish
priest, influenced by presents he had received from them, would be
too indulgent to guilty persons: into this the bishop inquired, ask-
5 Vide Capitular. Presbyter. su?e Diceces. Hinc. Remens. T. II.
446 POLITY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH.
ing questions of these seven men of honest report about public of-
fenders of this kind, that he might ascertain whether the parish
priest was doing his duty, or was neglecting to impose on these
offenders the penance which the canons required.*
§ 2. Those who had been guilty of open sins were put to open penance,
and they were compelled to this both by ecclesiastical censure, and
by the power of the crown, and by the laws.
When those guilty of public crimes refused to submit themselves
to penitential discipline, the Church for the first time began in that
age to inflict the penalty of excommunication. The nature of this
excommunication was widely different from the ancient a<popK7/H09
or segregatio, of which we have spoken in the preceding chapter.
This we know formerly consisted only in a prohibition to be allowed
to partake of the Eucharist, and to have the privilege of offering an
oblation. But the "excommunication" in the middle ages means a
punishment which deprived certain offenders of intercourse with
others in civil life, as well as of participation in the offices of the
Church. Hence we read in the canons of Isaac, Bishop of Langres:
"As long as incestuous persons persist in their abominable and de-
testable wickedness, let them not be reckoned among faithful Chris-
tians, but among heathen or catechumens, i.e., let them not take
food or drink in the company of Christians; let them not eat or
drink out of the same vessel with them, but eat and drink by them-
selves. Let none kiss them/'6 &c.
Let us dwell for a moment on this, that we may understand what
new custom had grown up in the Church.
Formerly excommunication, i.e., exclusion from the Sacrament,
was a part of the discipline of penance, and so others were not for-
bidden, as we showed, to associate with penitents, to speak to them,
to eat with them, or to take part with them in other duties of daily
life and of society. In the middle ages, on the other hand, "ex-
communication" was not a part of penance, but it was the penalty
inflicted on those who would not submit themselves to canonical
penance, who for that reason were separated from the common ties
of human society, that by that punishment they might be brought
to a better mind, and be at length induced to submit to penance.
Hence there is a wide difference between the excommunication of
the ancient Church and that of the middle ages, in which latter that
new excommunication, a kind unknown to the ancient Christians,
grew up in the Church, which was not a part of penance, but the
penalty inflicted on those who would not repent.
Any one, then, who had been convicted of a great crime, and who
"within, generally, fifteen days"7 had been warned by the priests, and
* [The Testes Synodales, or Sides- * Tit. cap. 14.
men of the Church of England had 7 V. Hincmar. ib. ; Cone. Wormat.
similar duties; for which see Can. xc. in An. 868, c. 24 ; (?) Raban. Maur. Pce-
the Canons of 1603, and Sir R. J. Phil- nitential. c. 2, &c.
limore on Sidesmen, in his Eccl. Law.]
OF ECCLESIASTICAL PENANCE IN THE MIDDLE AGES. 447
"had despised the wholesome counsel of his holy mother the Church,
remained under an anathema which could not be removed until he
had by penance made amends to God and holy Mother Church."8
During this time he was allowed "to be in church only until the mass
of the catechumens."9
But after sentence of excommunication had been passed, if the
offender was obstinate in mind, the Bishop used also to inform the
sovereign, by whom men were compelled by the power of the laws
and of civil penalties to undergo a sentence of public penance.
Royal edicts of this kind are extant, by which authority to act
against such obstinate offenders is given to all servants of the crown,
as those of Charles the Bald, in Book ii. c. 23^ of his Capitula-
ries. Similar decrees are made by Louis and Carloman, Kings of
France, in the 9th chapter of the edict issued at the palace of
Verneuil, a.d. 883, and by the Emperor Arnulph, a.d. 895. On this
subject the reader may consult the capitularies of the French kings
and councils of that period referred to by Morinus in the fifth chap-
ter of his seventh book.
Hence the judge in a lay court, after punishing criminals, used to
compel them to do public penance, in obedience to these royal
edicts of princes. Among innumerable proofs that such discipline
was enforced, one may suffice which will explain more clearly the
manner in which it was carried out. The Emperor Louis the Pious,
and, after Louis, Charles the Bald, made a law: "if any one within our
dominions shall have committed an act of rapine (rapina), or shall
have taken any thing by violence from any of our faithful subjects,
he shall settle the matter as the law directs by restoring threefold:
he must, moreover, pay our fine, i.e., sixty gold coins. But after-
wards he shall be brought before us by our officer, and thrust
into the Bastonicum (the name of the fortress afterwards known as
the Bastile), that he may be punished for as long a time as shall be
determined. For if the crime has been committed publicly, he
shall then do public penance according to the decree of the sacred
canons; but if it was done in secret, he shall do such penance for it
as the discretion of the priests shall direct."10
We read of the same laws being passed in other capitularies of
the French kings, from which any one may see that public criminals,
after suffering the penalties inflicted by the civil courts, were then
obliged to submit to ecclesiastical penance, by the royal command,
which they were compelled by force to obey if they did not yield
voluntary obedience to it. This discipline, both ecclesiastical and
civil, was maintained even down to the tenth and eleventh centuries.
§ 3. Of new rites of penance of the middle ages.
In the middle ages the manner of doing penance and the whole
system of penitential discipline were placed on a new footing. We
8 Poenitent. Roman. Vet. cap. 11, 9 Raban. Maur. ib.
Tit. 1. 10 Capitular. 1. vi. c. 97.
44-8 POLITY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH.
must, therefore, explain what differences there were between the old
and the new discipline. For though after the seventh century the
old system of the four classes of penitents had become nearly obso-
lete, nevertheless some traces remained of the first, second, and
fourth station of penitents. For it was everywhere the custom for
penitents to be first stationed, for a certain period of time, outside
the door of the church, then they were reckoned among the hearers,
though now not called audientes as formerly, but auditores, and for
the remaining portion of their term they were not allowed to com-
municate. This we may learn from the letter of Pope Nicolas I.
to Bishop Rivoladrus.11 It is clear from this that subsequently to
the seventh century there was no longer a class of penitents called
kneelers. One who was placed in the first class of penitents, which
used to be the station of "mourners," went through nearly the same
discipline as the ancient penitents used to: he would, with sobs and
lamentations, be praying before the doors of the church, and be-
seeching God that his great offence might be forgiven,12 clothed in
haircloth and bathed in tears, he would ask pardon of the people
also as they went into church, and beseech them to intercede in
prayer for him.13 But one who was placed among the audientes or
auditores, as they were then called, was stationed in a certain special
place just inside the church close to the doors, or in a particular
corner of the church, as the Roman Penitential mentions,14 or in a
certain place set apart for penitents behind the door of the church,
in a secluded place away from the rest, yet within the church itself,
as we read in the same capitularies. But on these penitents the
priests used to lay their hands every day in the church, as those
words used in the middle ages indicate, "subjacere manibus Sacer-
dotum." In the middle ages, therefore, this second class seems to
have combined in one two classes of the ancient discipline, the
"hearers" and the "kneelers:" though, as we should notice, peni-
tents of this class were no longer dismissed from the church with
the catechumens, as was formerly the case, but stood, as it would
seem, in that secluded part of the church we have mentioned during
the whole of the liturgy. Finally they passed into the third class,
and then taking their places among the faithful, they were present
with them at the celebration, and joined in the prayers, being ex-
cluded only from partaking of the Eucharist, as was formerly the
case with the fourth class of "bystanders." In this class^ they
remained for a definite term, at the termination of which, "if the
fruits of true repentance were apparent in them, they were allowed
to partake of the Body and Blood of our Lord Jesus Christ."15
11 Concilior. Gall. T. III. in Regis- 30, [" Patricidse et fratricide per unius
tro Nicol. I. Epist. 17. anni curriculum ante fores basilica?
12 Idem ex ejus epistola? fragm. in orantes Domini clementiam perseve-
Pcenitent. Roman. Tit. 8, c. 71. rent." Then after spending a year
13 Capitul. Car. Magni, 1. v. c. 71. among the hearers, it is said, "His pe-
14 Art. i, cap. 22. ractis, si pcenitentise fructus in eis con-
15 Cone.'Wormatien. An. 868, can. spicitur, corporis et sanguinis Domini,
OF ECCLESIASTICAL PENANCE IN THE MIDDLE AGES. 449
But as regards the private duties of penance imposed on them, the
ancient discipline of self-chastisements was certainly in the middle
ages increased in severity. For generally they went about bare-
footed, they wore no garments made of linen, except drawers only,
they never used any conveyance, nor were they allowed to ride:
they were forbidden to wear expensive clothes, but they were ex-
pected to mourn in sackcloth and haircloth.16 They abstained alto-
gether from wine and meat, especially those who were in the class of
hearers.17 But if they were guilty of very gross crimes, they must
abstain as long as they lived from eating meat and drinking wine:
and they were obliged to fast every Monday, Wednesday, and
Friday, sometimes even to the end of their lives.18 But in cases of
these gross sins, the Church used sometimes to put penitents through
a sort of preparation for undergoing the canonical discipline of
penance. Hence the Council of Tribur19 decreed that for homicide
the offender should, for forty days, eat nothing but bread and salt,
and drink nothing but pure water, and observe strict conti-
nence. That during these forty days he should hold no communion,
i.e., intercourse, with other Christians, or with any other penitent
in eating or drinking, or such things. There were also three periods
of forty days which penitents specially observed : first, that general fast
of Lent which precedes Easter, a second period before the festival
of the nativity of John the Baptist, and a third before the nativity
of our Lord and Saviour :20 this discipline of the three periods of
forty days was introduced from the East into the Western Church
by Theodore, Archbishop of Canterbury. At the conclusion of
these penances they were admitted into the first class of penitents,
as appears from the 56th canon following; and to those in this first
class the Church granted an indulgence of wine and meat, either on
.... participes fiant, ut desperantias Nicolas to abstain from flesh all the
non indurentur caligine. Carnem non days of his life, and for seven years to
manducent omnibus diebus vitas illorum drink wine only on Sundays.]
.... abstineant a vino tres dies per 1S Gregor. III. R. P. Ep. i. ad Bo-
hebdomadam: arma gerere non aude- nifac. Mogunt. num. 7. [An. 731—
ant."] 741. He says a parricide should be
16 Nicol. I. R. P. ib., [An. 858— denied communion till death, should
867,] Cone. Tribur. c. 55, [" Si quis fast the second, fourth, and sixth days
sponte homicidium fecerit, quadraginta of each week, and abstain from flesh
diebus ab ingressu ecclesiae arceatur, et and wine as long as he lived.]
nihil manducet prseter solum panem et 19 Can. 55. [Quoted above, note 16.
salem, neque bibat nisi puram aquam: The canon concludes with the words of
nudis pedibus incedat: lineis non indu- S. Gregory, "Occultiora sunt vulnera
atur vestibus, nisi tantum femoralibus: mentium quam corporum, et ars est ar-
ssecularia arma non portet: nullo ve~ tium regimen animarum."]
hiculo utatur: ad nullam fceminam nee 20 Ibid. can. 56, 57, 58, [After three
ad propriam uxorem, his diebus mis- years' perpetual abstinence (except on
ceatur. Nullam communionem cum Sundays) the murderer is, during each
aliis Christianis, nee cum alio habeat of the next four years, to fast for the space
pcenitente, in cibo, vel potu, aut illis of three Lents: in the seventh year he
rebus."] might be absolved. These three forty-
17 Nicol. I. ibid. [A man who days' fasts for penitents are also enjoined
murdered his own son is enjoined by in Capit. Reg. Franc, lib. vi. § 187.]
G G
45° POLITY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH.
the more solemn festivals, or sometimes on all Lord's Days, and the
days between Easter and Pentecost.21 The same discipline was kept
up unchanged in the ensuing tenth century, as appears from the
Council of Rheims, a.d. 923 : and also even more plainly from a
Collection of Canons by Regino, who drew it up subsequently to
a.d. 951, as appears from Book ii. chap. 447 of that collection, and
from his preface to it, as well as from the epistles of Damiani himself,
1. v. c. 8, and 1. vi. c. 32. That the same discipline was maintained
in the eleventh century we know from the testimony of Peter Damiani,
a writer of that eleventh century, in a book to which he gave the title
of Gomorrhianus * which is a vehement declamation against those
who were endeavouring to relax by over-indulgence the ancient
discipline of penitents. Plain proofs of this relaxation of discipline
may be seen in Morinus,22 especially those brought forward by Ivo and
Burchard. Compare also the Canons of the Council of Coyaco in
a.d. 1050, can. 4, and of the Council of Selingstad, a.d. 1023, can. 17.
Lastly, just as in former times, as we have described, the ministers
of the Church were the witnesses to the life and conduct of those
doing penance, so on the same system, even down to the twelfth
century, it was the business of certain deacons and presbyters to
make most diligent investigation whether those doing penance in
public and in private were really giving themselves heart and soul to
the work of repentance, that so they might keep the bishop informed
on this point.23 For the bishops were allowed, according as they
approved of the behaviour of penitents, either to deal more leniently
towards them, or to lengthen their term of penance.24
We have spoken thus generally on the subject of the penitential
discipline of mediaeval times. Other novelties were introduced in
those times besides those which we have described, but those we
will treat of in our subsequent chapter on the Flagellations of the
middle ages.
§ 4. In the middle ages, in the case of some crimes; penitents went to
Rome, and did pe?iance imposed 071 them there by the Supi'eme
Pontiff. What the origin of this discipline was.
The fear which bishops felt lest they should set sinners a heavier
or a lighter penance than their offences deserved, first gave occasion
to this custom of which certain traces are met with even in the very
early monuments of the Church. For just as in former times the
bishops, as we said, used to consult the Roman Pontiff in such
21 V. Nicol. I. R. P. Epist. ad Fron- soon after the accession of Pope Leo
tar. Episc. Burdegalen.; Cone. Wor- IX. (1048—1054) Peter Damiani pre-
matien. c. 36, [of an incestuous person sented him with this treatise; the con-
it is said, he is to be excommunicated tents of it may be inferred from its title;
three years, and "carnem non mandu- it is mainly directed against the profli-
cet, abstineat a vino, et singulis diebus gacv of the clergy of those times.]
jejunium celebrare festinet, exceptis ^ Lib. vii. cap. 11, 12.
festis diebus atque dominicis;"] and 23 Cone. Turon. ssec. IX. (An. 813),
Cone. Generale VIII. Act. 9. cap. 14; Cone. Cabil. An. 813, c. 31.
* [Or, "The Book of Gomorrha:" ^ Burchard. Collect. 1. xix. cap. 3.
OF ECCLESIASTICAL PENANCE IN THE MIDDLE AGES. 451
doubtful matters, as those of penance, so afterwards they sent the
guilty parties themselves to Rome, that they might receive their
penance from the Roman Pontiff, who is the head of the Church.
And to this penitents made no objection: for to them the journey
itself was sometimes reckoned as part of their penance: or at any
rate the Roman Pontiff, in imposing penance upon them, used to
take their journeys into account, "because," to use the words of the
Popes of that age, "they had piously made haste to ask for the
suffrages of the Prince of the Apostles, our spiritual father."25 But
in fact this custom began to be common in almost all parts of the
Church about the tenth [ninth] century, so that Pope Nicolas I.
[858—867] could write to Rivoladrus that at that time penitents
used to flock "from all quarters" to Rome.
But this custom, which had its origin in a very sound principle,
had already by the eleventh century so degenerated, that offenders
would never on any occasion consent to receive their penance either
from their own bishop or from a presbyter, or without the bishop's
leave they would go to the Roman Pontiff, who, perhaps, sometimes
showed himself more indulgent towards them than their own clergy
were. Hence it was necessary that bishops and councils should take
steps to put a stop to this abuse, and that they should call the Pope's
attention to it. Thus the Council of Selingstad decreed, "that no
indulgences obtained from a Roman Pontiff should be of any benefit
to penitents, unless they had first fulfilled the penance set them by
their own priests according to the nature of their sin, and then if
they wished to go to Rome they must get a licence to do so from
their own bishop, and letters on the same matters to carry to the
Apostolic see."26 Hence arose the custom for a penitent to bring
letters from his bishop to the Pope, that the latter might not be im-
posed on by what he said, and by a feigned confession, and so either
set him no penance at all, or one disproportioned to his offence.
But this rule of discipline was not generally observed, for those
who were guilty of offences used to ask for letters for themselves
from the bishops, which they would present to the Roman Pontiff,
that they might receive from him a lighter penance than the canons
had determined. The result at last was that the Latins taught that
certain very gross sins could not be judged by the bishop, but must
be left to the judgment of the Roman Pontiff: and the Roman
Pontiff in his supreme authority reserved to himself the power of
absolution for such crimes.
25 Nic. I. R. P. Epist. ad Hincmar. gentia illis non prosit, sed prius iuxta
Remen. modum delicti pcenitentiam sibi datam
26 Can. 18. [Cone. Saligunst. An. a suis sacerdotibus adimpleant, et tunc
1022, c. 18, "Quia multi tanta mentis Romam ire si velint, ab episcopo pro-
suse falluntur stultitia, ut in aliquo ca- prio licentiam, et literas ad apostolicum
pitali crimine inculpati pcenitentiam a de iisdem rebus, deferendas accipiant."
sacerdotibus suis accipere nolint, in hoc Can. 16 says, .*' Nullus Romam eat,
maxime confisi, ut Romam euntibus nisi cum licentia sui episcopi, vel ejus
apostolicus omnia sibi dimittat peccata: vicarii."]
sancto visum est concilio, ut talis indul*
G G 2
452 POLITY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH.
CHAPTER V.
OF THE FLAGELLATIONS AND PILGRIMAGES OF THE MIDDLE AGES.
Among different kinds of penances, unheard of among the ancient
Christians, which were introduced in the middle ages, we may natu-
rally reckon Flagellations and Pilgrimages. We will speak separately
of each of these.
§ i. Of Flagellations.
The inventor of this novel kind of penance in the Western
Church is said to have been a certain hermit, named Dominic, who
lived on a mountain of Sutri, and collecting other hermits round
him there became their abbat. But Dominic was commonly called
Zoricatus, (Dominic of the Cuirass), from a certain [tight] iron
cuirass, made with sharp prickly points, which he wore next to his
naked breast, [never putting it off except to chastise himself]. This
man, on discovering that, without his knowledge, he had owed his
ordination to a very slight act of simony, [renounced all priestly
functions, and] gave himself up to constant penance, and, according
to the testimony of Peter Damiani,1 scarcely a single day passed in
which he did not recite the Psalter twice over, while he flogged his
naked body at the same time with both hands, each hand being
armed, for this scourging, with a broom or besom of twigs. This
was his discipline on the occasions of more slack penance. But in
Lent, or on occasions when he had undertaken to do special penance,
(for he frequently undertook to get through what would be equi-
valent to a hundred years of penance,) the daily average rose to
three recitations of the Psalter, he lashing himself with the scourges
all the while. He occasionally performed eight recitations of the
Psalter in the twenty-four hours, and sometimes, by reciting con-
tinuously night and day, he got through nine Psalters.
In imitation, then, of the example of this man Dominic, both
penitents, and other pious-minded men, began to punish themselves
for their sins by scourgings (ftagellationibus). It appears that even
in those times the scourges with which they flogged themselves were
called by the name of the discipline: "and so the example of this
old hermit set the fashion in our parts, i.e., in Italy, of using the
discipline, so that not men only, but now also ladies of noble birth,
have eagerly taken up with this kind of purgatory."2 Hence Peter
Damiani also inveighs against all who found fault with this kind of
penance as novel and contrary to ancient discipline. He gives two
answers to their objections: first, that if it were allowable to buy off
sins and penances by sums of money, a kind of penance which the
ancients are altogether silent about, there was nothing wonderful in
1 Epistolar. lib. i. Epist. ad Alex- 2 Id. ibid,
andr. II. R. P. num. 10.
OF FLAGELLATIONS AND PILGRIMAGES. 453
the novelty of these flagellations : nor ought this most severe kind
of penance to be found fault with for that reason. Secondly,
he answers that if it is lawful for the laity to buy off sins and
penances for money, then monks who [are poor and who] can-
not make satisfaction for their sins by money, need some other
method of doing penance. From both of these arguments which
he employs, we may easily see into the causes and the system of
this new discipline which was introduced into the Church in the
tenth and eleventh centuries.
If the old discipline of the ancient penitential canons had been
kept up, occasion would never have arisen for redeeming sins by
new penances like these. But in mediaeval times, as we said, the
collections of ancient canons were thrown aside, and new peniten-
tial treatises were composed: by degrees, therefore, after some re-
laxations of the discipline of public penance began to be allowed,
some severer rules were added, chiefly on the length of the term of
penance. Any one who reads the penitentials of the time, especially
of the eleventh century, will be astonished at the long term of
penance appointed, especially for very heinous sins, extending as it
generally did over a period of forty, of fifty, and sometimes of a
hundred or more years. But how by any possibility could a criminal
who had attained his thirtieth or fortieth year, satisfy the conditions
of penance like this—no one, at the same time, wishing to depart
this life until he had been absolved from his penance? We see,
then, the consequence of stretching discipline to an extent of undue
severity; from the severe discipline of those times men were driven
into the opposite extreme: and it was resolved that these long
periods of years, for which no penitence could be adequate, might
be bought off by sums of money. But on the peculiar character of
this discipline we have already enlarged in a chapter of our third
Book, on oblations for the redemption of the soul.
But matters did not rest here. There were other results besides
the system of pecuniary redemption of sins; for by this more heated
piety of some the general discipline of penance began to be more
and more relaxed. Besides this system of redemption, another dis-
cipline grew up, as taught by the penitentials written in those medi-
aeval times, a plan by which a long and very protracted penance
could be completed in a brief space of time, by as it were intensify-
ing the discipline. By a certain number of lashes, or by one, two,
three, or more recitations of the Psalter, very many years of penance
might be bought off; so that in one day, on this system, any one
might do the penance of a term of two or three or more years. Thus
that too long course of penance, for the accomplishment of which the
remaining years of a penitent's life were not sufficient, would be
completed in the brief space of a few days or months. It is pos-
sible that if by such rules of penance all discipline had not been
destroyed, the door of sin would not have been thrown open so
widely, and the love of Christians grown so cold: but the very piety
of those who undertook to suffer punishment for the sins of others
454 POLITY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH.
destroyed the foundations of ancient discipline altogether. For
men grew to have a less acute horror of sins, when they could easily
shift the punishment of those sins to the shoulders of others. Hence
we read, both in testimonies already cited from Peter Damiani of the
case of Dominic of the Cuirass, as well as from his epistles generally,
that holy men of those times undertook the penances of a hundred
years, so as to become sureties, as it were, for sinners on whom so
great a penance had been imposed.
After these brief remarks on the subject of flagellations, we now
pass to that of pilgrimages.
§ 2. Of a Pilgrimage.
Among the new kinds of penance which were in use after the
seventh century there grew up the custom of going on pilgrimages;
those persons who had been guilty of very grievous sins being
commanded by the Church to leave their country and their father's
house for a certain time, and to lead the wandering life of exiles.
Hence we commonly read in the penitential canons of the middle
ages, which determine the penance for the grosser sins, "Let
him do penance as an exile for so many years. Let him become
an exile :"3 so that sometimes those guilty of a very atrocious
crime would be condemned to wander as pilgrims to the end of
their days.4 In the opinion of Morinus an ancient trace of this pe-
nance may be seen in a commentary on the 118th (A.V. 119th) Psalm
which bears the name of S. Jerome. But I would have the reader
observe two things on this subject: first, that this going on a pil-
grimage did not in any way take the place of a canonical penance,
but was rather a penalty inflicted as a preliminary to the penance;
hence we constantly read in penitential books of the middle ages
that criminals of this kind, on returning from their pilgrimage, entered
on their course of penitential discipline, which they then completely
fulfilled, as is plain from the penitentials we have referred to, those
of Bede, and of Theodore, and of Rome. Then we should notice
that this new penance led to abuses also: for those who had been
condemned to it "ran about the world through various parts of it,
and were the slaves of various vices, and of temptations to greedi-
ness and gluttony," as Raban Maur complains when writing on this
subject, for he says, it is better, in his opinion, "that penitents of
this character should remain quiet in one place, and chastise them-
selves with severe penance."5 And this had been ordered by the
Capitularies of Charlemagne, which decreed that "they should con-
tinue in one place, working and gaining knowledge of themselves,
and doing whatever penance was canonically imposed upon them."
3 Beda, Pcenitentiale, cap. 7, 8, 13; III. cap. 34. [" Peregrinando dies suos
and Poenitent. Roman. Tit. 1, cap. 4. finire," &c]
["Exul (tot annos) pceniteat," &c. 5 Pcenitential. c. 2. [" Discurrebant
"Exul fiat," &c] per varia loca, ac variis vitiis atque
4 Poenitent. Theodor. Cantuar. T. guise illecebris deserviebant."]
OF FLAGELLATIONS AND PILGRIMAGES. 455
But this vagrant and endless kind of pilgrimage began at last to go
out of fashion, and in its stead the custom of visiting holy places
came in, as we learn from Peter Damiani in his fifth treatise : so that
a pilgrimage to the Church of God at Jerusalem was now reckoned
to avail as an equivalent for every penance, as allowed by an edict
of Urban II.,6 who by this indulgence thought to relieve the afflicted
condition of the Christians at Jerusalem, as has been explained
when we treated of the Crusades in our second Book. Hence, when
Jerusalem had been taken by the barbarians the second time, pil-
grimages of the Latins came to an end, as well those undertaken
for the sake of visiting the holy places, as those made for purposes
of penance.
§ 3- Of residence in a Monastery', another kind of penance.
It will be well, in concluding this subject, to add a few words on
that residence in a monastery (monachatus\ which in the middle
ages was regarded as an equivalent for penance. Very great offenders
were sometimes condemned to perpetual confinement in a monastery,
as we constantly read in the Capitularies of the Frankish kings.7
They were shut up in a monastery that they might be the better able
to give their attention to the work of penance, for they were not
released from their canonical penance even when they were thus
placed in confinement. We have already indicated, in a preceding
chapter, when treating of semi-public penances, what was the origin
of this custom; as some who were of very high rank, or who be-
longed to the ecclesiastical hierarchy, gradually shrank from doing
open penance, it began to be the custom for such distinguished
offenders to be shut up in a monastery and to do their penance
there: and hence an imprisonment in a monastery began to be
a substitute for penance. Wherefore canons of the middle ages
sometimes give the penitent the option either of performing the
canonical penance imposed on him, or of entering a monastery.
This is according to the Roman Penitential, and is also clear from a
passage in the Capitularies of the Frankish kings, which we shall cite
presently; but nevertheless it met writh the disapproval of Damiani,
who was convinced that a simple residence in a monastery could not
entitle any one to penitential absolution, except he also submitted to
the canonical penances.8 This only question remains, whether one
who entered a monastery for the purpose of penance, might, when
his term of penance had expired, leave the monastery again, and
return to a secular life. It is probable that in former times this was
allowed; for we find nothing in capitularies and other penitentials
older than the eleventh century which forbids one who has finished
6 In Cone. Claramont. can. 2, An. 'Lib. vi. cap. 90, 1. vi. cap. 71, 1.
1095, [declares that the pilgrimage to vii. cap. 59, &c.
deliver Jerusalem, undertaken from 8 Opusc. de Monach. Perfect, cap.
motives of piety, supplies the place of 6.
every other penance.]
456 POLITY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH.
his penance to leave the monastery. But after the eleventh century
he who had once devoted himself to this penance, could never leave
the ^ monastery again, nor throw off the monastic habit, without ex-
posing himself to the penalty of excommunication, since the very
act of entering into a monastery was beginning to be regarded as the
profession of a monastic life, as we shall show in the following Book,
when we speak of the subject of life-long penances.
CHAPTER VI.
OF THE RECONCILIATION OF PENITENTS.
When penitents, after completing their course of canonical penance,
had satisfied the bishop that they were worthy of being admitted
into the communion of the faithful, he used to reconcile them in the
manner which we are now going to describe.
§ i. Who had the right of publicly reconciling public penitents.
That in ancient times this right belonged to the bishop alone is
clearly shown by S. Cyprian, and by the Fathers of the Council of
Elvira. For we find the bishop giving leave to a presbyter, or to a
deacon in the absence of a presbyter, to reconcile a penitent, if he
is one whose death appears to be imminent -} while we find these
latter ordering penitents who are guilty of very grave crimes to do
their penance under the direction of the bishop, and to receive com-
munion, i.e., reconciliation, from him: though in a case of urgent
sickness they determine that a presbyter or a deacon can reconcile
them, if the priest so order him? We gather the same as a fair in-
ference from the ancient canons which we have just brought forward,
in which it is determined to be the bishop's duty to consider well
whether the penitents deserve to be reconciled or not.3 In former
times, then, presbyters reconciled penitents only by virtue of a dele-
gated right, either in the absence of the bishop, or by his special
leave, as is the teaching of the Fathers of the Council of Carthage,
commonly known as the third, can. 32.
1 Epist. 12, Rig. 18 Ox., [" Cujus 2 Can. 32 Elib. [quoted below, § 3,
exitus urgere cceperit." "Without note 10.]
waiting for my presence, before any 3 V. Cone. Nicaen. I. c. 12, 13 ; and
presbyter who might be present, or if Ancyr. c. 2, 5. [The Council of Nice
a presbyter should not be found, and (in c. 12) empowers bishops to relax
death begins to be imminent, before the penance of apostate military men,
even a deacon they should make con- if convinced of the sincerity of their
fession of their sin, that with the im- repentance: and (in c. 13) enjoins
position of hands upon them," &c] bishops to communicate any who de-
OF THE RECONCILIATION OF PENITENTS. 457
But in this matter the canons made a difference between public
and private reconciliation. For when penitents were in danger of
death, {in exitu positi, as the expression was), a presbyter visited
them, either in the absence, or by the desire, of the bishop, and
privately reconciled them in the house where they had been taken
ill. But nowhere was it lawful for presbyters to reconcile any pub-
licly in church: this was held to be the special and as it were
natural prerogative of the bishop :4 as S. Leo I. plainly lays it down
in the fifth century,5 and he denied this privilege even to Chorepis-
copi. But in the course of the middle ages, although reconciliation
of penitents was held to be part of the episcopal office and autho-
rity, bishops by degrees allowed presbyters the privilege of reconcil-
ing penitents publicly in church.6 Wherefore in the ninth century7
it began to be the custom for parish priests to reconcile penitents
belonging to their own parishes, by a mandamus from the bishop.
At length, as the system of public penance became obsolete, the
ancient right reverted to the bishop of decreeing public reconcilia-
tion of penitents in special cases.
§ 2. Whether deacons ever reconciled penitents.
There is no occasion at all for the reader to ask this question
with reference to the early Fathers of the Greek Church; for there
is not even one of them who seems to attribute this power to
deacons. But the case is different among the Latin Fathers: the
more ancient of them do seem to allow to deacons the privilege of
reconciling a penitent in the absence both of a bishop and of a pres-
byter, when the penitent appears to be dying. This is plainly
asserted by the Father just referred to, S. Cyprian,8 by the Roman
Pontiff, S. Gelasius,9 and by the Fathers of the Council of Elvira.
This opinion of the early Fathers has much puzzled learned men.
Could they have possibly meant that the "power of the keys" had
been given to deacons as well as to priests? It would be folly to
suppose that they could have thought this. Some, therefore, have
thought that they were speaking of excommunication. Morinus, on
the other hand, thinks that in point of fact the Latins have dele-
gated this power to deacons. Though it is not my usual plan to
linger over such questions, I may briefly say what seems to me to be
the most probable explanation of the matter. To my mind, then,
these Fathers do not seem to be speaking in any sense of the power
sire communion at the point of death. An. 506, ["Benedictioneni super ple-
These canons of Ancyra give the bi- bem in ecclesia fundere, aut pceniten-
shops liberty to relax the penance of tern in ecclesia benedicere, presbytero
clergy or laity at their discretion.] penitus non licebit."]
4 Cone. Hispal. II. [c. 7, An. 618,] 5 Epist. 88.
["Nonlicetpresbyteris,coramepiscopo 6 Capit. Reg. Franc, l.vii. c. 143, &c.
in baptisterium introire, neque prresente 'Isaac. Lingon. in Collect, tit. 1, c.
antistite infantem tingere aut signare, 35, [" secundum episcopi mandatum."]
nee pcenitentes sine prsecepto episcopi s Ibid,
sui reconciliare," &c] Agath. c. 44, 9 Epist. 9, c. 10.
458 POLITY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH.
of absolution proper—(I use this common and more distinct word
for the sake of ordination candidates)—but they appear to attribute
to deacons the power of using with penitents all those [post-absolu-
tion] rites of the reconciliation-service which, inasmuch as they closely
followed the actual absolution, it belonged of right to the bishops to
administer.
It will not be displeasing to the reader if I briefly suggest three
reasons which may perhaps induce him to agree with me in this
opinion. ^ First, the right of reconciling penitents, except in a case
of necessity, is withheld by the early Fathers equally from presbyters
and from deacons. But can we say that it was from any speciality
of their office that presbyters were not allowed to do this? Certainly
not. And therefore the Fathers are speaking of a certain privilege,
which according to Church discipline peculiarly belonged to a
bishop : and this privilege he might, if he chose, delegate to a
presbyter, just as he might to a deacon also. And therefore these
sentiments of the early Fathers are not to be interpreted as applying
to the power of absolution. Secondly, under the name of reconcilia-
tion, they did not mean absolution, but those rites by which the
Churchy used to restore penitents to the communion of the faithful,
and which in fact did not consist of absolution, but of certain com-
posed forms of prayer. Hence the Fathers of Elvira constantly
use the expression: That "a deacon ought, if so ordered by a priest,
to give communion to a penitent, in case of urgent sickness.5'10 And
communion is certainly a distinct thing from absolution. Thirdly,
no one will deny that penitents of the fourth class were given sacra-
mental absolution by the very laying on of the bishop's hands which
they received every day. And thus, then, reconciliation was not
absolution, but a certain rite by which any one was afresh admitted
among the number of steadfast believers (stantes fideles). And this
is even more plain from the fact that those who had received extreme
reconciliation from the hand of the bishop himself, because their
death seemed approaching, in case of their recovering again went on
with the rest of their course of penitential discipline. Whence it
follows, therefore, that reconciliation meant nothing else than the
conclusion of a course of canonical penance, and that it was given
after absolution itself had been received.
But it may be said, Why then did penitents feel so great an anxiety
on the subject of reconciliation, even though they might have died
without being reconciled, if they had already received absolution, and
so were safe? The reason, as we have already pointed out, was this:
No one was a partaker in the privilege of the oblation until he en-
10 Can. 32. [Cone. Elib. An. 305, et diaconum si ei jusserit sacerdos."
can. 32, "Apud presbyterum, si quis (Bruns's Canons.) We may remark
gravi lapsu in ruinam mortis inciderit, that the 61st canon of this ancient
placuit agere poenitentiam non debere, council excommunicates for five years
sed potius apud episcopum; cogente the man who shall have married his
tamen infirmitate necesse est presby- wife's sister.]
terum communionem prsestare debere,
OF THE RECONCILIATION OF PENITENTS. 459
joyed the privilege of reconciliation: besides, if any one died with-
out reconciliation, it was not lawful to offer the oblations at the altar
for him. See then the true reason for the great anxiety felt on this
subject; penitents earnestly desired reconciliation, that in case of then-
death, oblations for them might be offered on the altar, and that so
their souls might have the aid of those liturgical prayers of the
Church, which were especially put up in behalf of those offering
oblations. Those subjects will be more fully treated of in our Dis-
sertation on the Viaticum of penitents. It need not surprise us,
therefore, that in the middle ages bishops also gave to deacons the
power, when necessity required, of hearing the confessions of the
faithful, as a consolation to them; in no part of the Church was it
ever thought that deacons possessed the power of the keys: the
Fathers of the Council of Trent were supported by the testimonies
of the teaching of the Gospel, and by the teaching of the most
ancient tradition when they determined: "that all such doctrines as
would perniciously extend the ministry of the keys to any other men
besides bishops and priests, were false doctrines, and utterly alien to
the truth of the gospel."11
§ 3. WJiether, after the completion of the penance, absolutio?i was ever
gra7ited to the penitents in public.
The question which we have now to examine is one of the very
greatest moment. Morinus tells us that from the founding of the
Church until the period of the seventh century the bishop gave
sacramental absolution to penitents as soon as their penance was
completed: and this opinion of Morinus has been adopted by
almost all the more modern writers who have succeeded him. With-
out departing from the plan I have imposed on myself, I will briefly
examine the whole question.
By absolution we mean now that formula in the Sacrament of
Penance in which the minister forgives the penitent his sins. This
form was called by the early Fathers "the laying on of hands,"
(manus impositio). Those who read their writings find innumerable
instances of the use of this expression in the Fathers. Thus in the
Apostolical Constitutions we read: "Receive one who has shown true
sorrow: after the whole Church has offered prayers for him, and laid
her hand upon him, suffer him to be in the Church again."12 That a
penitent might be re-admitted into the Church, i.e., into the congre-
gation of the faithful of whom the Church is in reality composed, it
11 Cone. Trid. sess. xiv. c. 6. An. remitted. (Landon's Manual of Coun-
1551. [As to the minister of this sa- cils.)]
crament, it declares that the power of 12 L. ii. c. 18. ["When with tears
binding and loosing is, by Christ's the offender begs re-admission, receive
appointment, in the priest only; that him, and let the whole Church pray for
this power consists not merely in de- him; and when by the imposition of thy
daring the remission of sins, but in hand thou hast admitted him, give him
the judicial act by which they are leave to abide afterwards in the flock."]
4^0 POLITY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH.
was necessary that those sins should be forgiven him for which he
had been cast out of her communion : and thus imposition of the
hand means absolution. In connexion with imposition of hands
prayers were offered. "What else is meant by imposition of the
hand/5 says Augustine, "except a prayer offered over some one ?"13
Hence that expression so frequently met with among the ancients,
"To extend to any one the hands of the priests," or " Not to refuse
any one the prayers of the Church," which means to absolve any
one from their sins. Thus Pacian, arguing against Novatian, says,
"The hands of the priests must be extended to our unhappy
brethren," meaning that absolution must be granted them.14
Wherefore, to make our position stronger by an argument, it will
be well to say here respecting the absolution itself which the ancients
used, during long centuries, even down to the end of the middle
ages, that it was not declaratory, (indicativa), as it is now, but depre-
catory, {deprecative?); therefore Pacianus, an author quoted just now,
in his exhortation to repentance, says about the penitent, "He is
absolved by the prayers of Christ;" i.e., by prayers appointed by
Christ, who is the author of the Sacrament of Penance. But
Ambrose states the whole matter more clearly in these words:
"Since the Lord Himself said, < Receive ye the Holy Ghost : whose-
soever sins ye remit, they shall be remitted:' see it is because by the
Holy Ghost sins are forgiven, that He thus speaks. But men in
the remission of sins exhibit their ministerial office, they do not
exercise a power which of right belongs to another."15 That means,
not by their own power, but by the power of Christ, as His minis-
ters, they absolve. Hence there follows, "For they forgive sins not
in their own name, but in the Name of the Father, and of the Son,
and of the Holy Ghost." But by what means he explains pre-
sently: "They ask, the Deity pardons: for obedience is man's part:
the bestowal of gifts belongs to a power above." We see, then, that
all the ministerial office consists in prayers, that the ministers of
penance ask, and that God forgives. By this it is plain that absolu-
tion itself consists only of the prayers of a priest, and that it was in
those days deprecatory. In fact absolution is called by S. Jerome,
"a prayer of a priest."16 "In each of us he cleaveth the flame of
13 L. iii. de Baptism, cont. Donat. Homines autem in remissionem pecca-
c. 16. [" Quid est aliud manus impo- torum ministerium suum exhibent, non
sitio, quam oratio super hominem ?"] jus alicujus potestatis exercent. Neque
14 Epist. 3, ad Sympron., ["Manus enim in suo, sed in Patris et Filii et
sacerdotum miserandis fratribus exhi- Spiritus Sancti nomine peccata dimit-
bendas."] tunt. Isti rogant, divinitas donat; hu-
15 L. iii. de Spir. S. c. 18 [al. 19. manum enim obsequium, sed munifi-
Speaking of the divinity of the Holy centia supernse est potestatis."]
Spirit, he says: "Nunc videamus 16 Comm. in Psalm, xxviii. [xxix.]
utrum peccata donet Spiritus. Sed hie [Speaking of "the voice of the Lord
dubitari non potest, cum ipse Dominus dividing (intercidentis) the flames of
dixerit, Accipile Spiritum Sanctum: fire," he says, Psalm xxix. 7, "Quo-
quorum remiseritis peccata, remissa tidie in unoquoque nostrum, flammam
erunt. (John xx. 22.) Ecce quia per libidinis per confessionem et gratiam
Spiritum Sanctum peccata donantur. Sancti Spiritus intercidit, id est, per
OF THE RECONCILIATION OF PENITENTS. 461
lust by confession and by the grace of the Holy Spirit, i.e., by the
prayer of the priest he makes it to cease." Hence the ancients
called a priest, when he was exercising his ministry of penance, "an
intercessor in behalf of sins" (precator). Thus S. Leo speaks:
"That confession is sufficient, which is made first to God, and then
to the priest also, who approaches God as an intercessor for the sins
of penitents :"17 wherefore he also in the same place calls absolu-
tion itself a supplication. He says, "It is necessary that one guilty
of sins should be absolved by sacerdotal supplication before the
last day of his life has come." And for a very long time indeed the
Church continued to use this deprecatory absolution : this same mean-
ing is to be attached to the words of the second Council of Aix-la-
Chapelle, which met towards the close of the eighth century: "But
if any one be seized with an illness, let him not be left without con-
fession and the prayer of the priest,"18 (oratio sacerdotalis), where we
observe absolution is called the " prayer of the priest." In the Capitu-
laries of the Frankish Kings, a document of the eighth and ninth cen-
turies, the same words may be read. "There is nothing to surprise us in
absolution from sins being effected by the prayers of priests through
the laying on of hands.19 By the imposition of the hand of the
priests, by the absolution of the priests' prayers we shall receive the
grace of Catholic communion."20 Numberless testimonies to the
same effect are constantly met with in those capitularies. Lastly, we
have, as regards the twelfth century, the most distinct testimony of
S. Bernard that this was the doctrine held in that time. In his trea-
tise, written to a virgin, on the way to lead a holy life, chap. 27:
after exhorting her to go to confession, and describing her as confess-
ing her sins to him one by one with real and heart-felt contrition,
he at length comes to the giving her absolution in the following form:
"My beloved sister in Christ, may God have mercy on thee, and
forgive thee all thy sins: God grant thee remission of thy sins: may
God mercifully pardon whatever sin thou hast committed: may God
deliver thee from all thy sin." Here S. Bernard recites the very
absolution which used to be uttered by a priest over the head of a
penitent, and that absolution is deprecatory. This deprecatory form
of absolution was the one used in the Church down to the twelfth
century: but then by degrees that one was introduced which is im-
perative in form (imperatively as we learn from the testimony of S.
Thomas in Opusculo xxii., and of William of Paris in his nineteenth
chapter on the Sacrament of Penance, in the twelfth century.
I have said that it was by degrees that the imperative form was
orationem sacerdotis facit cessare, sicut 1S An. 797, part 2, cap. 3, c. 5.
legimus per Aaron, Deum fecisse in 19 L. 5,. cap. 22, [" Non est niiran-
deserto." (Num. xvi.)] dum, si absolutio peccatorum per manus
17 Epist. _ 168, ad Episc. Campan. impositionem precibus fit sacerdotum."]
[" Sufficit ilia confessio quce primum ^° Ibid, c 71, [" Sacerdotum manus
Deo offertur, turn etiam sacerdoti, qui impositione, absolutione sacerdotalium
pro delictis poenitentium precator ac- precurn communionis Catholica? gratiam
cedit."] recepturi."]
462 POLITY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH.
mmmm
adopted, because from our quotations from more ancient scholastic
writers this fact is apparent. For at first each form was in use, as
Alexander [de Hales] and William [of Paris] testify, for in them we find
the words: "I absolve thee," &c, "May the Lord absolve thee."
After this in the thirteenth century, as Franciscus Mayrus constantly
shows,21 they used this form, "God the Father, God the Son, God
the Holy Ghost absolve thee." Wherefore, at length in the thirteenth
century, that imperative form which we now use was generally adopted
in the Latin Churches: a form which contains in itself the force of
a prayer, (vis defirecativa), as Morinus clearly proves, and as is
strongly insisted on by Albertus Magnus in the 22nd chapter of his
8th book. The Greek Church, on the other hand, has kept to the
deprecatory form from the earliest ages, even to our own day: and
it is used by her now, as we know from her canonists, rituals, and
sacramentaries which may be found in Morinus in the 12th chapter
of his same book. And the reader should also consult the 10th and
nth chapters of that book, in which he gives instances of the de-
precatory form of absolution used by the Latins in the middle ages.
Therefore no one can have any doubt that the Latin and the Eastern
Church have used the deprecatory form of absolution: that it was
in use in the former Church down to the twelfth century: and that
it has been in use in the latter to the present day.
And now that we have shown that sacramental absolution con-
sisted in the laying on of hands and the prayers that accompany
this, our subject leads us back to the point from which we have
digressed.
We said that after the Novatian heresy there were four classes of
penitents, the same to a certain extent as there had been in the
early Church. In the first class, that of " mourners," any one would
be, correctly speaking, called a candidate for admission among
penitents; for, as we said, he did nothing else but beseech the
clergy and the bishop with prayers and tears that he might be
admitted to canonical penance. To him therefore no absolution
was granted, for he was one who had not yet been included by
the bishop among the truly penitent. The second class, that of
"hearers," was comprised of those who were allowed to hear the
Scripture lessons and the bishop's sermons, that they might be led
to feel the enormity of their sin, and so to detest it that they might
at once fear the justice of God and yet at the same time not despair
of His mercy; therefore we find that bishops' discourses usually
embrace these two points, which are handled at length for the sake
of the penitents called " hearers." Any one therefore who studies
carefully the discipline of the Church on this point, will at once see
clearly that neither the first nor the second grade of penitents was in
reality considered one appointed for purposes of penance, but rather
of preparation for it, the members of which would be preparing them-
selves for admission into the ranks of penitents, though reckoned as
21 Distinct. 14, qusest. i. in 4, apud Morin. 1. viii. c. 9.
OF THE RECONCILIATION OF PENITENTS. 463
"mourners" and "hearers." But when they had behaved themselves
to the satisfaction of the Church in these classes, then they passed
into that of substrati (" prostrate worshippers/' or "kneelers"). And
this in the true sense of the word was a class of canonical penitents,
since those only were admitted into it who had given very good
proofs that they were truly penitent.
To make ourselves sufficiently clear, then, we must again remark,
that those admitted into this class of the substrati received Sacra-
mental absolution without being obliged to wait for the expiration
of their term of canonical penance. For, as we before said, penitents
were called by this name of substrati, or "kneelers," for the very
reason that they received imposition of hands from the bishop [as
they kneeled down before him]: a point about which no reader of
ancient writers can have any doubt. But this imposition of the
hand was accompanied by those prayers of which absolution con-
sisted, as was shown in the beginning of this paragraph. Therefore
the "kneelers" used to receive Sacramental absolution, though they
were not yet absolved from their canonical penance; and the re-
maining term of this was known as the work of satisfaction.
From this fact light is thrown on the true meaning of the testi-
monies borne by the ancients. Thus when in the well-known testi-
mony borne by the Apostolical Constitutions we meet with this ex-
pression [addressed to the bishop] with reference to a" mourner"
or "weeper," "Afterthou hast laid thine hand upon him allow him
to be in the Church," the words plainly refer to Sacramental abso-
lution, by which the privilege of being numbered among the faithful
was restored to a penitent. For it is presently added, "And when
thou hast laid thine hands upon him, restore him to the ancient
pastures." What ancient pastures can mean except the privileges
of the faithful, it would be impossible to say. A "mourner" is said
here to be immediately absolved by imposition of hands according
to the fashion of that age when, as we said, penitents were not yet
divided into the same distinct classes that they were after the Nova-
tian heresy. In fact the teaching of the early Fathers everywhere
is that remission of sins is given by the laying on of hands. Optatus
Milevitanus thus addresses priests: "When ye lay your hands on
any, then ye confer forgiveness of sins."22 Cyprian says the con-
science is purged by the laying on of hands : " Before thy conscience
has been purged by sacrifice and by the hand of the priest."25 S.
Leo I. says: "Those who have partaken only of Gentile feasts and
22 L. 2 contr. Donatist. 20. [Op- ing (as the Benedictine editors remark)
tatus is arguing against the Donatists (1) that penitents were anciently ab-
who said they had no sin, and showing solved in public, and during the Mass;
the inconsistency of their belief with and (2) that absolution came before the
their practice he says to these heretical Lord's Prayer, and before communi-
priests, "Inter vicina momenta, dum eating.]
maims imponitis et delicta donatis, mox i3 L. de Laps. p. 444, ed. Bened.
ad altare conversi, dominicam oratio- [al. § 16. "Ante purgatam conscien-
nem praetermittere non potestis. Et tiam sacrificio et manu sacerdotis."]
utique dicitis, Paternoster, &c. :"show-
464 POLITY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH.
of meat offered to idols, can be cleansed by fastings and by impo-
sition of hands."24 Observe, he says, that the laying on of hands
which accompanies fastings cleanses the soul. Hence in the middle
ages also Councils used the same expression of speech. Thus the
Council of Cologne orders the parish priest, that when he has re-
ceived a penitent's confession, "he shall enjoin him to bring forth
worthy fruit of penance,"25 and then shall conclude by laying his
hand on one who has made his confession, and by giving him abso-
lution.
If then imposition of hands is something by which the soul is
cleansed, by which sins are remitted, by which a penitent is absolved,
penitents in the class of " kneelers," who, as was said, received when
in that class imposition of hands, must have been perfectly absolved,
that is, they received Sacramental absolution, which was the same
as imposition of hands, as soon as ever they entered that class of
penitents.
The inference seems to me as clear as day-light; viz. that in
ancient times penitents received absolution, not when they had alto-
gether completed their course of penance, but immediately on their
admission into the class of "kneelers." But that no room may be
left for doubt it may be well to weigh some arguments which may
seem to be opposed to this conclusion, which have been drawn from
ancient testimonies.
And first I may say that those arguments seem to me to be of no
weight at all which Morinus has collected together in the third
chapter of his ninth book, drawn from the third book of Hermes:
"Do you really suppose that the sins of those who do penance
are entirely done away on the instant? is the question. To
which Hermes replies: Certainly not on the instant; but he who
does penance must afflict his soul .... then perchance, He Who
created him .... will be moved with compassion towards him, and
grant him some relief, that is, if He shall see that the heart of him
who does the penance is pure from every very wicked work." He
is speaking here not of canonical penance, but of the inward con-
trition of mind and of an absolution which God Himself imparts
only.to those who in their hearts repent of their sins. Tertullian
expresses exactly the same sentiment: "How foolish, moreover,
how unjust it is, not to fulfil the work of repentance, and still to
expect the pardon of sins! . . . We believe that the Lord also will
first test our repentance, when about to grant us so great a reward,
to wit, that of everlasting life."26 He means inward repentance.
24 Epist. 92, in new Edit. 167, c. 19, 26 Lib. de Pcenit. c. 6, [" Quam
["Si convivio solo gentilium et escis porro ineptum est, quam miquum pceni-
immolatitiis usi sunt, possunt jejuniis et tentiam non adimplere, et veniam de-
manus impositione purgari."] lictorum sustinere . . . etiam Dominum
25 Cap. 39, [" Tnjungat etiam illedig- credimus pcenitentire probationem prius
num fructum pcenitentice facere, ac turn inire, tantam nobis mercedem perennis
denique imponat manum, ac absolvat scilicet vitse concessurum."]
confilentem."]
OF THE RECONCILIATION OF PENITENTS. 465
But when he speaks of canonical penitence, he inveighs against
those who were asking for absolution* while they were obstinately
putting off repentance: which the bishop did not grant them unless
they had shown worthy fruits of penance. But when had they an
opportunity of manifesting fruits like these? It could only be in
the grade of "mourners,'' out of which they were recalled by the
imposition of hands back again into the "ancient pastures" [of the
Church] as the Apostolical Constitutions phrase it. But Tertullian's
meaning is that those who while among the "mourners" exhibited
by these outward signs the hidden penitence of the heart lacked
only absolution: that this is so is plain from his words which im-
mediately follow: "The sinner ought to bewail himself heartily
before he obtains pardon;" to one therefore who had thus "bewailed
himself," pardon was granted.
The early Fathers used to consider the class of mourners as one
in which penitents must needs show the real feelings of their mind
and heart in order to obtain absolution: but so long as they were
stationed in this class they refused to give them absolution. Hence
Cyprian censures some ministers who were too lax in the sacrament
of penance,—thus reproving them : "Why do they, interrupting the
lamentations of penance, pretend to receive to communion men who
ought to be incessantly weeping and making supplication to their
Lord ?"27
But the passage from Pacian which Morbus has brought forward
in support of his view of the matter, is as favourable as possible
to mine. For in the Epistle to Sympronianus he says: "Their
conduct is weighed in the balances of a very liberal charity after all
their groanings, and after their floods of tears, and after the prayers
which the whole Church has been offering for them: thus pardon is
not refused to true penitence, that no man may anticipate the judg-
ment of Christ the future Judge." According to Pacian himself
pardon is granted after groans and floods of tears, which were signs
of penitence shown by those in the first class, and after the prayers
of the whole Church : for it was the custom of the early Christians
earnestly to supplicate God Himself as well as the bishop, on behalf
of those who were in the grade of "mourners" and "hearers," as
we have said above: and after these things, he says, that " pardon
is not refused them." But, after these things, penitents were ad-
mitted among the "kneelers." Therefore absolution was certainly
granted to the "kneelers," if pardon was not refused them, [for the
two things mean the same].
Ambrose and Augustine come to the same conclusion, and express
the same sentiments; though by their arguments Morbus thinks to
support his own opinion. Ambrose in his book on Penitence says:
* [I.e. Baptism. They wanted to 2? L. de Laps. p. 444, ed. Bened
put off repentance till after Baptism; [al. § 16, "Quid eis, qui flere jugiter
wanted to receive absolution, or remis- et rogare Dominum suum debent, inver-
sion of sins by Baptism, though putting cepta pcenitentice lamentatione, corn-
off repentance till after Baptism.] municare se simulant?"]
H H
466 POLITY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH.
"I wish one guilty [of secret sins] to have hopes of pardon."28 But
then he shows when he is to hope for it in the words which follow:
"Let him beg for pardon with tears; let him beg for it with groans;
let him beg for it with the prayers of all the people; let him earnestly
implore, that he may be forgiven." Do we not see here described
a penitent among the "mourners," to whom pardon is granted after
the term of penance in the class of "mourners" is expired? So
Augustine, speaking of some Manichasans who had been converted
to the Church, and were seeking admission to it, says: "Let them
not be easily admitted to baptism, if they are catechumens; nor to
reconciliation, if they have accepted the position of penitents, unless
they are in urgent danger of death; nor until the bishop is satisfied
that they have been a certain time on probation."29 Those well
acquainted with ancient discipline know, and Morinus himself, who
has very fully discussed this argument, is aware of the fact, that
heretics on returning to the Church used to be left for a long time
among the penitents called "mourners;" this was their "position of
penitence," from which nevertheless, "after they had been a certain
time on probation," according to the decision of Augustine, they
could be removed, and could be reconciled by the bishop. And
were heretics ever taken out of the class of " mourners," and admitted
at once to communion without passing through the other interme-
diate classes? No one will assert this. If therefore after leaving
the position of penitence, i.e. the position of "mourners," they re-
ceived pardon, after a certain interval of time, at the discretion of
the bishop, they received it only when in the class of " kneelers."
After the arguments we have thus advanced, it would be evidently
superfluous to examine separately other opinions of the Fathers: but
that no one who reads their writings may feel any doubt on this
subject, it will be worth while to add a few more remarks upon it,
that we may explain more clearly what was the discipline of the
early Church.
Among the ancients it meant one thing to give " communion" or
"the right to communicate" (communicatio): and another to give
"the reconciling imposition of hands:" and a third thing to give
simply " the imposition of hands." To grant cormnunio, or communi-
cation to people was the same as to grant them the right of com-
municating, or the right of the "oblation," a privilege which the
bishop granted to those who had finished the course of penance
prescribed to the fourth class, as we have explained above. By the
reconciling imposition of hands was meant the canonical rite by
which a bishop, in the church, using certain precomposed prayers and
formularies, restored to penitents the privilege of communicating,
and publicly declared that the rules of penitential discipline were
28 L. i. c. 16, [ccVolo veniam reus nance" that our Church says, "until it
speret, petat earn lacrymis, petat gemi- be restored again, which is much to be
tibus, petat populi totius fletibus; ut wished." (Commination Service.)
ignoscatur, obsecret." It is of such 29 Ap. Morin. 1. viii. c. 9.
"godly discipline" and "open pe-
OF THE RECONCILIATION OF PENITENTS. 467
no longer binding on them, and that they were reckoned again
among the "standers" (stantes), as those among the faithful are
called who are not under penitential discipline. Thirdly, when they
spoke simply of imposition of hands, they meant, as we explained,
absolution itself. And therefore though Morinus has brought for-
ward many testimonies of Fathers and Councils, in which communio
or communicatio is denied to penitents before their course of canonical
penance is quite completed, it by no means follows from those
quotations that absolution was given at the time when they had thus
completed it, but only that the privilege of the oblation was extended
to those who had also finished the penitential discipline of the fourth
class. ^ A second observation will serve to explain some canons of
Councils. Thus in the Council of Orange are the words: "We
direct that those in a state of penance, shall, if they are departing
from the body, be admitted to communion without being reconciled
by imposition of hands."30 Could any one say that in that canon
reconciliation by imposition of hands is equivalent to absolution?
As if the Council could possibly have directed that the Eucharist
should be given, if there was danger of death, without Sacramental
absolution! Therefore imposition of hands is one thing, and recon-
ciliatory imposition of hands is another: the latter meaning that
Church rite by which the privilege of communion was [formally]
restored to a penitent.
We may notice from this that many different arguments may easily
be drawn in favour of the view we are supporting. For if a penitent
who was on the verge of death, and who was in a state of uncom-
pleted penance, had not already before this received absolution,
how could a Council have directed that he should receive the Com-
munion? And the case is even stronger when we remember that
the Communion was to be given to him without the reconciling
imposition of hands. It must therefore be clear to any one that
those who were in a state of penance received absolution, but not
that reconciliation by the laying on of hands, by which absolution
not from sins, but from canonical penance, used to be given. And
this explains the 78th canon of the Council of Carthage commonly
called the fourth, which no one as yet has correctly interpreted:
"If penitents who are ill have received the viaticum of the Eucha-
rist, let them not suppose that they have been absolved without the
imposition of hands." Certainly an obscure direction. For has not
he been absolved from his sins to whom the Eucharist is adminis-
tered? Certainly a Council of Catholics would not have given this
direction. But a few words will explain their meaning: the words,
30 Can. 3. ^ [Cone. Arausic. An. 441, ticum nominarunt. Quod si supervixe-
can. 3, "Qui recedunt de corpore pee- rint, stent in ordine pcenitentium, et
nitentia accepta, placuit sine reconcilia- ostensis necessariis pcenitentias fructibus
toria manus impositione iis communi- legitimam communionem cum recon-
cari, quod morientis sufiicit consolationi ciliatoria manus impositione percipi-
secundum definitiones patrum, qui hu- ant."]
jusmodi communionem congruenter
via-
H H 2
468 POLITY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH.
"Let them not suppose that they have been absolved," mean ab-
solved from canonical penance, for from it alone could they be
released by that reconciliatory and solemn imposition of hands,
although that they might be fit to receive the Eucharist, they must
have been already absolved from their sins, though their penance
was not yet completed. Any other interpretation of this canon is
either opposed to Catholic doctrine, or betrays ignorance of ancient
discipline. Hence the Fathers of the Council of Ancyra direct that
when penitents in danger of death had received the Communion
without having been reconciled by the imposition of hands, if
they shall survive they shall remain in a state of penance, until hav-
ing borne all the necessary fruits of penitence, they may receive
rightful communion together with reconciliation by imposition of
hands. Rightful communion means that which followed on the recon-
ciliation by imposition of hands: called rightful (legitime!) because
it was granted according to the canons and laws of the Church.
And so "imposition of hands/' though taken simply by itself it
means absolution, yet when it is called reconciliatory, or when it
is spoken of as given during Divine service, publicly conferred in
church on those who were in the last class of penitents, it does
not denote absolution from sins, but absolution from penance.
I am anxious that the above distinction should be fixed in the
reader's mind, that so he may better understand the early Fathers—
which it is one main design in this work to help him to do—the dis-
tinction, I mean, between absolution from sins, and that other abso-
lution from penance which was given to those penitents who had
completed their penitential course. Therefore when Councils and
Fathers say that penitents are not to be reconciled, nor admitted to
communion, unless so great a privilege has been deserved by works
of penance, these expressions are to be understood to refer to that
course of penance which remained to be finished after absolution
from sins had been received. For when penitents had by it satisfied
that law which by their sins they had broken, they were deemed
worthy of being again admitted into the number of the faithful, and
might again receive their Sacraments. This was the discipline which
the Church maintained: a discipline which fears not to grant abso-
lution of sins to those who truly and sincerely repent, if they appear
contrite in heart, though she still requires them to work out to its
conclusion their allotted tasks of penance.
The reader will, I dare say, not be surprised that I have gone so
fully into this subject: for it will be useful to him, both that he may
have better understanding of this branch of Church discipline, and
that he may not blindly swear by the opinions of Morinus, without
having studied the arguments on which those opinions rest; and all
may thus have clearly before them that system of ancient penance
which is not very generally understood.
OF THE RECONCILIATION OF PENITENTS. 469
§ 4. Concerning the time of the public reconciliation of penitents.
The ancient discipline of the Eastern and Western Church was
not the same as regards the time fixed for the public reconciliation
of penitents. For in ancient times the Orientals used to fix either
Good Friday, or even the Saturday in the Great Week, i.e. Easter
Eve, for this ceremony. Hence some monks who had been excom-
municated by Eutyches [their abbat] and who had appealed to the
Council of Chalcedon, complain in an Epistle, which is given in its
Act. v., that, "The day of our Saviour's saving Passion has gone
by, and Holy Night, and the Festival of the Resurrection, on which
our holy Fathers are wont to remit the penances inflicted on many
offenders;" and yet Eutyches had not released them from excom-
munication. As regards the Holy Sabbath [or Easter Eve] we have
the testimony of Gregory of Nyssa,31 who says, "It will be well if on
this day we bring to God not only those who have experienced the
change of regeneration, but those also wrho, their penance being
over, return again to the living way." This was the discipline
of the Eastern Church so long as their system of canonical penance
was maintained.
But in the Western Church the time fixed for this reconciliation
was the Thursday before Easter (in coma Domini). We have the
testimony of Cyprian on this point: and that this was the most
ancient time for it, especially in the Roman Church, we know from
a letter of Pope Innocent I., written in the beginning of the fifth
century [a.d. 402—417], in which he says: "But concerning peni-
tents, who have completed their course of penance, whether for
graver or lighter offences, the custom of the Roman Church shows
us that they can only be absolved on the Thursday before Easter, if
no sickness intervened."32 This law is brought forward as an autho-
rity henceforth by all collectors of canons among the Latins, and
has been observed in the Churches by a perpetual tradition. The
reason for this discipline has been thus explained by S. Eligius,
Bishop of Noyon in the seventh century: "On this day," he says,
"penitents are reconciled, because this is the day on which the
Lord first consecrated the Sacraments of His Body and Blood
It was fitting that penitents should be restored to the privilege of
receiving these Sacraments at the very time when the Blood of
Christ was poured out for the remission of all sins."33
31Epist. ad Letoium, [" Recte ha- Romance Ecclesice consuetudo demon-
buerit si hodierno die non solum eos, strat."]
qui ex regeneratione . . . transmutati 33 Homil. Sad Poenitent, [" Eo die,
sunt, ad Deum adducamus, sed eos quo Sacramenta Corporis et Sanguinis
etiam, qui pcenitentiam ... ad viven- sui Dominus primum confecit. . . opor-
tem viam iterum redeunt."] tebat, ut ad hcec prcesumenda pceni-
32 Epist. i. c. 7, ["De poenitentibus tentes restaurerentur, eo videlicet tem-
... si nulla interveniat segritudo, quin- pore, quo Sanguis Christi in remissio-
ta feria ante pascha eis remittendum nem omnium peccatorum fusus est."]
47° POLITY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH.
Morinus and Martene think that the Churches of Milan and of
Spain conformed, in this matter, to the rule of the Oriental Churches.
As regards the Church of Milan, they bring forward the testimony
of Ambrose, who says that penitents ought to be reconciled on
that day " on which the Lord delivered Himself for us."3* But this
expression is ambiguous: for the Lord " delivered Himself up" for
us on the Thursday before Easter as well [as on Good Friday] : for
on that day when instituting the Sacrament, He uttered those words
by the power of which He slew His own very self a victim without
blood and at last died a death, with blood, upon the cross. There
is another testimony of Ambrose, where he says, that penitents are
reconciled, finishing his discourse with these words, "Let us be glad
that it has been to us at evening the fifth day; let it be to us at
morning the sixth day."35 These words prove that the evening of
Maundy Thursday, or Carta Domini, was the time when Ambrose
was delivering his homily to the penitents, whom he was reconciling.
And so neither of these authorities seems to me to show that in the
time of Ambrose the public reconciliation of penitents took place
on Good Friday, or the day of preparation, in the Church of Milan.
But that the sixth day of the Great Week (or Good Friday) was
the time usually appointed for this ceremony in the Churches of
Spain, is plainly shown by the testimony of the fourth Council of
Toledo ;36 and that the same was the custom in the Gallican Churches
is proved by Martene from certain ancient Rituals.
§ 5. About the Offices for Public Reconciliation, a7id about Private
Reconciliation.
It is well known that the bishop in ancient times used to reconcile
penitents during a celebration of the mass, at some part or other of
the service; ." for," as Ambrose says, "as often as sins are remitted,
we receive the Sacrament of His Body, that by His Blood there
may be the remission of sins."37 From this it is clear what the rule
of discipline was, and how it was observed: and the same inference
may be drawn from a direction of the second Council of Carthage
34 Epist. 33 ad Marcellin. Soror. [in ing that all the people (pmnem popu-
newedit. 20, "Erat dies, quo Dominus turn) in an audible voice ask for for-
sese pro nobis tradidit, quo in ecclesia giveness (indulgentiam) of their sins on
pcenitentialia relaxantur." Bingham Good Friday, that so they may wor-
seems to render this rightly, "the day thily communicate at Easter.]
when He was betrayed."] 37 De Pcenit. 1. ii. c. 3, [Arguing for
36 L. 5 in Hexaemer. c. ult, [" Gra- giving penitents the Holy Communion,
tulemur, quod factus est nobis vespere as the calf was killed for the prodigal
dies quintus, fiat nobis mane dies sex- son, he says, "Etenim quotiescunque
tus." A reference to Gen. i., in respect sanguinem Domini sumimus, mortem
to Maundy Thursday and Good Fri- Domini annuntiamus: sicut ergo semel
day.] pro omnibus immolatus est, ita quoties-
30 Can. 7. [This is the interpreta- cunque peccata donantur, corporis ejus
tion of Morinus; but the canon refers sacramentum sumimus, ut per sangui-
to repentance, not to penance; direct- nem ejus fiat peccatorum remissio."]
OF THE RECONCILIATION OF PENITENTS. 47 *
forbidding presbyters "to reconcile any one at a public mass ;5'38 and
from Letter lxxxviii. of the Roman Pontiff, S. Leo L, forbidding
Chorepiscopi to reconcile any penitent, at least publicly at mass.
But at what time or at what part of the liturgy this reconciliation
usually took place, is not certainly known.
Optatus Milevitanus implies that in his time it was usually done
before the bishop recited the Lord's Prayer: "Ye remit sins, pre-
sently returning to the altar, ye cannot leave out the Lord's
Prayer."39 But Tertullian somewhat obscurely seems to hint that
penitents were reconciled after the bishop's homily.40 In an old Sacra-
mentary published by Petavius, after the office for this reconciliation
there follow the words: "After this the people offer, and the Sacra-
ments are consecrated."* In the Gallican Churches therefore recon-
ciliation of penitents took place before the oblation of the elements,
or immediately after the mass of the catechumens. In the Roman
Ordo in the Library of the Fathers the penitential office is directed
to be said before mass begins. But though there was no uniformity
of discipline in the Churches on this matter, yet the reconciliation
was always during some part of the celebration of the liturgy; we
know from their Euchologia and Typica that it was so in the Greek
Churches, as Goar shows : while among the Latins, penitents in the
middle ages were reconciled in a special mass for them, as we learn
from rituals of that date, in which we find "a mass for the recon-
ciliation of one or more penitents:" a mass which after the ninth
century was inserted in the Gregorian Sacramentary, as we shall
speak of in our history of the Liturgical MSS. of the Latin Church,
Vol. I.
Cyprian tells us that the service for reconciliation was performed
by the bishop and by the clergy together ;41 for the bishop and the
clergy used to reconcile a penitent by the laying on of their hands.
The following is an explanation of the different parts of the service.
All the public penitents, on the Thursday before Easter, used to
come into the presence of the bishop, clothed in haircloth and
ashes, and with downcast countenances.42 On entering the church
they took their places there, standing in the central nave behind the
38 Cone. Carth. II. An. 390, c. 3, 40 L. de Pudicit. c. 13.
[" Reconciliare quemquam in publica * [" Postea offert plebs, et confkiun-
missa presbytero non licere." But the tur Sacramenta." So in the Gelasian
next canon (the fourth) immediately Sacramentary the office for reconciling
adds, "If any one be in danger of penitents is succeeded by the direction,
death, and desires to be reconciled to "Postea offert plebs;" i.e. it imme-
God's altar (se reconciliari divinis al- diately preceded the offertory.]
taribus petierit) if the bishop is absent, 41 Epist. 10 and 11 Rig. [15 and 17
the presbyter, after consultation with Ox., "Ante manum ab episcopo et
the bishop, should reconcile the peni- clero in pcenitentem impositam," &c.
tent, if the bishop orders him," (debet "No penitent can come to commu-
presbyter consulere episcopum, et sic nion unless the hands of the bishop and
periclitantem ejus pnecepto reconci- clergy be first imposed upon him."]
liare.)] 42 Capitular. Reg. Franc. 1. v. c.
39 L. ii. contr. Donat. c. 20. [Quoted 52.
above, § 3, note 22.]
472 POLITY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH.
ambon. The bishop meanwhile, coming from the presbyterium to
the clergy's choir, ascended the ambon; and as he stood in it the
deacon came forward, and addressed him in these words: "Now
has come, O venerable Pontiff, the accepted time, the day of the
Divine propitiation, and of human salvation,"43 &c.; and in a long
form of words he urged on the Pontiff to reconcile these peni-
tents who gave satisfactory proofs of their sorrow of heart by out-
ward signs of it. Next we are told: "While the deacon thus made
his supplication, praying with broken heart for the mercy of God,"
the archdeacon added the following petition: "Renew- in them, O
Apostolic Pontiff, whatsoever hath been decayed by the persuasion
of the devil, and while the prevailing merits of thy prayers ascend,
by the grace of Divine reconciliation bring this man into close rela-
tionship to God, so that he who before this was displeasing to him-
self because of his sins, may now rejoice that he is well-pleasing to
the Lord in the land of the living, having conquered him who is
the author of death." After these words had been spoken by the
archdeacon, the Pontiff recited three or seven prayers, entreating the
mercy of God that He would have compassion upon them, he laying
his hands the while on the penitents from his place in the ambon. To
this ceremony others were afterwards added. Hence in the eleventh
century the pseudo-Alcuin tells us that some Psalms were recited,
together with a Pater Noster and a Kyrie, and a number of other
prayers. But in the ninth century the offices of prayers used by the
archdeacon were, at Rome, said outside the church; while the
Pontiff sat before the doors of the church, and while the penitents
knelt and prostrated themselves in the outer court, as the second
Ordo Romanus in Hittorpius directs. See these and other par-
ticulars in the rituals of the middle ages in Martene.
After this description of the office for public reconciliation, a word
must be added on those of private reconciliation.
The offices for public and private reconciliation were in reality the
same, except for the presence of the bishop, the archdeacon, and
the clergy, as in the middle ages a penitent who had done penance
in private, was reconciled by one priest only. The prayers which
formed a part of the office for private reconciliation may be seen in
an English Penitential MS. of the tenth century; and in a Sicilian
Penitential in Morinus, and in Burchardt, in Book xix., which he
calls " Corrector," because it contains the penances set for the cor-
rection of faults.
43 Ex Sacrament. Gregor. in cap. fex, tempus acceptum, dies propitia-
Per. v., [" Adest, 6 venerabilis Ponti- tionis divinoe, et salutis humanse," &c]
CANONICAL PENANCE AFTER THE TWELFTH CENTURY. 473
CHAPTER VII.
OF CANONICAL PENANCE AFTER THE TWELFTH CENTURY.
In mediaeval times there grew up a system of penance which was
new, and widely different from the ancient one which we have been
describing; some additions or changes also appear towards the end
of the middle ages or towards almost the beginning of the last cen-
tury, which it will be well now briefly to describe.
Although the ancient order of canonical penance had almost be-
come obsolete in the twelfth century, still writers of that age seem
to lay great stress on certain rules by which, when penance was duly
administered, they might both absolve penitents from their sin, and
provide carefully against their relapsing into sin again.
1. And first a penitent, who confessed his sins, was generally given
absolution immediately by the presbyter: this we plainly infer from
the teaching of Robert Pullen1 and Richard of S. Victor.2 Hence
it has been directed that absolution was only to be denied to
those who either showed no outward signs of inward penitence,
or who refused to undertake to make amends (satisfactionem susci-
pere) by proper penance. 2. Absolution therefore was not given
after amends was made, but before it: "Priests ought," says Richard
of S. Victor cited above, "to remit the sins of those who truly re-
pent, and undertake to make due amends by proper penance, and
so to absolve them from the debt of condemnation." Hence to
deserve absolution it was enough if the penitent gave proofs of
contrition and undertook to do penance. 3. Therefore, in impos-
ing works of penance (satisfactionis) presbyters took the greatest
care not to set one who had made his confession a very much lighter
penance than his sins deserved; therefore, that they might not make
mistakes in this matter, presbyters used to consult the bishop or men
very eminent both for their learning and for the holiness of their
lives, in cases where penance must be imposed for very grave crimes.
Thus S. Bernard makes answer to Ricuinus, Bishop of Toul, that
it was sometimes his custom, as often i.e. as any case of very great
wickedness came before him, to consult the bishops about the matter,3
and he mentions that others also did the same. We are not sur-
prised to find, then, that the same S. Bernard, speaking the senti-
ments of the doctors of his day, gives the following decision: "That
a presbyter, to whom penitents may make confessions, must be one
who will know what penance to enjoin, what penitent to deal gently
with, when to deal gently, what consolations he should apply out of
the Scriptures,"4 &c. Yet as regards the penitent they required in
1 Comm. in Libr. Sentent. part. 7, 3 Epist. 61, ["Quotiens pravior
c. 3. causa oboriebatur."]
2 L. de Potest. Ligandi et Solvendi. 4 Serm. 3 de S. Andrea, [" Sciat
c 22. quod injungat, cui parcat, quando par-
474 POLITY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH.
those times from him, that he should not only submit to the works
of penance imposed on him, but that he should in some measure
devote himself for ever after to the unceasing work of inward pe-
nitence; that so there might be an end to his sin, but no end to his
devotion.5 4. For very gross and public crimes, in the twelfth cen-
tury, public penance was also imposed. This we know from the
testimony of the English Roger [of Wendover], in an Irish history of
his times written about a.d. 1178: speaking of Henry II., King of
England, this writer says that he did public penance for the handle
which he had given for the murder of S. Thomas of Canterbury.
We gather the same inference from an answer made by Pope Alex-
ander III. to the Bishop of Exeter respecting a priest who had pro-
cured his ordination by an act of simony: the Pope directs that, if
the thing had become publicly known, he must be put to open
penance. 5. That confessors might not in imposing private pe-
nances have only their own arbitrary will to guide them, there
were penitential books (libelli), regulating the whole subject; such
in that twelfth century was that penitential which was afterwards
edited by Antonius Augustinus under the title of the Roman Peni-
tential; and another edited by Morinus from the library of the Abbey
of S. Victor. And writers of that age on this subject unanimously
say that confessors impose penances according to the opinions of
the Fathers and the canons of Councils; and in these penitentials
are found collections of ancient canons and opinions of the Fathers,
apportioning penance to every kind of sin. 6. After the twelfth
century, however, all the satisfaction that was required from peni-
tents was comprised in the three good works of fastings, prayers,
and almsdeeds. In those times too a confessor used to put before
a penitent that canonical penance which, by the appointment of the
early Fathers naturally followed on the sin which he had confessed,
if he was willing to submit to it; otherwise he commuted the peni-
tential tasks he had set, or imposed a penance of lighter ones; thus
e.g. he would change fasting for almsdeeds, or almsdeeds for prayers,
according to the mind of the penitent, and his rank of life: as
Robert of Hamesburgh, a writer of the thirteenth century, explains
by many illustrations in the fifth book of his penitentials. But that
in that century penances were imposed on an arbitrary system we
know from the testimony of the same writer: he says, " But the
penances set are arbitrary, and are mitigated and increased in severity
according to the arbitrary will of the priest and his discretion in the
cases brought before him;" at the same time he teaches that the
penitential books ought to be studied by the clergy. From hence
by degrees there sprang up a very novel kind of discipline, which
left it to the arbitrary judgment of a confessor to set what penances
he pleased for sins, and to commute these for others. 7. But the
cere debeat, quam consolationem pro- tract. 6, c. 3, [" Ut culpa esset cum
ferat de Scripturis," &c] fine, devotio sine fine."]
5 Hugo a S. Vict. Summse Sentent.
CANONICAL PENANCE AFTER THE TWELFTH CENTURY. 475
explanation of all this system of indulgence, and of this departure
from ancient penitential discipline, is to be found in those two
reasons which Peter of Poitiers has assigned as the true cause of
it, in his Penitential written in the thirteenth century: "First," he
says, "in the early Church Christians had more fervent love to
Christ than we have, and so they had the will and they had the
power [to do severer penances].6 Secondly, they were men of more
robust constitutions than we are." And so it would seem that this
second assigned cause, by which also confessors of our own day
sometimes make excuse for their over-indulgence to penitents, had
made its influence first felt in the thirteenth century. But matters
at last reached this point, that doubts would sometimes be felt by
penitents, whether after the performance of some arbitrary penance
set them, they had really made satisfactory amends for their sin at
all: and for this reason it came to be an established opinion among
the doctors of that age, that it was sufficient if the penitent per-
formed the penance imposed on him, though, through the ignor-
ance of the confessor, he had been set a much lighter one than
his sins deserved. See this branch of doctrine as explained re-
peatedly by Richard already referred to, by William of Paris in his
book on the Sacrament of Penitence, ch. xxi.; and by Peter of
Poitiers as above. 8. But in the thirteenth century also public
penance used also sometimes to be imposed for public crimes:
this was generally done by the Roman Pontiff, to whom it was the
custom for penitents to have recourse, both in mediaeval and in very
recent times, if they lay under the charge of some great and public sin.
Examples of this discipline are given in Book v. of the Decretals,
tit. 12, c. 2, c. 8. The Council of Tarragona, a.d. 1242, likewise
directed that public penance be imposed on heretics who are re-
turning to the Church; and therefore the more strict among the
doctors of that age decided that arbitrary penances could only be im-
posed for secret sins, but in no case for a crime publicly committed.
But this decision was made a matter of dispute: opinions changed
first to one side, then to another, the sentiment being first approved
and then disapproved by a number of doctors, who taught that any
penance whatever for any particular crime was but an arbitrary one;
and the result at last was that the very semblance of the old disci-
pline became altogether obsolete, and all power was left in the hands
of each individual confessor; and even as early as those days the
actual state of the case was, what is perhaps usual in other matters,
there was one rule in theory about penitential discipline, and another
rule in practice: for while in the very same age doctors were teach-
ing that public penances ought to be imposed for public offences,
and that such were not to be considered arbitrary if not imposed
for secret sins, yet really in practice confessors acted in a spirit con-
trary to this, [setting all private, and no public, penances].
6 Part 1, sect. 6, ["Tunc in amore ideoque volebant et valebant . . . Tunc
Christi ferventiores erant fideles .... quidem robustiores erant homines."]
476 POLITY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH.
From all this the reader will see what the discipline of the last
age, in the matter of canonical penance, at length came to be: what
led to a decay of the ancient discipline; and by what cause, and
by what arguments, the modern discipline prevailed, modified as it,
in its turn, has been by the wisdom of the Council of Trent, and by
the rules for a holy life which have been put forth in the Roman
Catechism.
§ Digression. Of Canonical Penance of the Greek Church in modern
times.
In the Eastern Church the penitential discipline seems to have
continued, with a few exceptions, to be the same in most recent
times as it was in the middle ages; i.e. partly agreeing with that of
the Latin Church, and partly different from it; e.g. i. It was neces-
sary that their presbyters should be well versed in the discipline of
those canons which regulated the receiving of confessions, for they
were obliged to conform closely to those decrees which had been
synodically passed and confirmed.1 2. They were strictly enjoined
not to pass any sentence other than the canons allowed, lest, if they
acted uncanonically, they should bring another's sins on themselves.2
3. Hence, after a confessor had put his questions to a penitent one
by one, he would take up and consult his penitential index, to search
in it for that particular kind of sin which the penitent had confessed
to him, as to what sort of sin it might be : and then he would show to
the penitent in his little book the sins which he had committed, and
the particular penances therein set down as corresponding to them.3
In connection with this matter Gabriel of Philadelphia thus defines
satisfaction: "It is the effectual completion and perfect fulfilment
of the canon, according to the tradition of the Holy Church, and
the spiritual penalty of the sacred canons."4 Hence among modern
Greeks has come in that expression "Kavova iroteiv" canones facere,
as the equivalent of satisfying the requirements of penance, since a
penance must be in accordance with the canons : and so, instead of
saying "to impose penance," they say canonizare, Kavovt^eiv. From
all this it appears that even down to most recent times, arbitrary
penance is a thing unknown among the Greeks. 4. This method
which we have described is in use among them in the case of the
more heinous sins; but when their confessors (or as the modern
Greeks call them, their spiritual fathers, 7rvev/Aa7iicoi, whence perhaps
1 ExNiceph. Cartoph. Ep. adTheod. latim interrogavit .... indiculo inqui-
Monach. ap. Morin. p. 290, [" Adhse- reret peccatum quale esset, deinde (pce-
rendum erat iis, quae synodice promul- nitenti) demonstrabat in libello crimina
gata et confirmata," &c] qua? commiserat," &c]
2 Ex Simeon. Thessal. Tract, de 4 De Sacrament, c. 8, [" Satisfactio
Sacr. Pcenitent. ap. Morin. p. 473, est efficax adimpletio et perfectio ca-
["Ne prseter canones judicarent, ne nonis . .. secundum sanctse Ecclesioe
prseter canones agentes, alterius peccata traditionem, et spiritualem sacrorum
in se traherent."] ^ canonum pcenain."]
3 Ex eod. Simeone ibid., ["Singil-
CANONICAL PENANCE AFTER THE TWELFTH CENTURY. 477
the agapetula* of our day have given them that name) discover that
the faults of a penitent are but light and pardonable (" venial," as we
say in Latin) they give no formal solution (a word they use for
formal "absolution"), but they remit the sins of the penitent,5 with
a friendly admonition to him to perform some act of devotion or
some work of piety. 5. To those however who have lain under a
charge of very heinous guilt, they do give absolution, when they have
expiated their sins by confession, even though no public penance
be determined, as Morinus shows by many arguments suggested by
a canon of John the Faster, and by another of John the Monk :6 and
in this matter the discipline of the Greeks agrees with that of the
modern Latin Church, for even though a penitent is not required to
make amends by penance (satisfactio), the confessor used to give
absolution, and does so at the present day. 6. But in this matter
there is this distinct difference between the Greeks and the Latins,
that the former forbid those to whom they have given absolution for
very heinous crimes, to communicate at the Eucharist for one or
more years, according to the degree of their guilt ;7 during which
time the bishop gives them the avTibwpov, the ftanis Eulogicus, or
blessed bread, instead of the Eucharist; from which we infer that
this trace at least of the penitential discipline of the early Church
has survived among the Greeks. 7. Though the Greeks give sa-
cramental absolution immediately after confession, yet they have in
use another absolution which they give to one who has completed
the term of his canonical penance, as Peter Arcudius plainly tells
us.8 Hence we find that in the middle ages their patriarchs had
the privilege of granting certain indulgences to penitents to shorten
a very long term of canonical penance, which indulgences the Greeks
call (jv^xwP0X^P'TLah "letters of absolution," since they used to send
them by letter. Arcudius explains them, "letters of pardon, exempt-
ing penitents from penances and canons not completely finished."
8. The Greeks have a peculiar method of dealing with penitents
who are in holy orders. When a clerk comes to a confessor he first
of all promises him that he will give up officiating as a clergyman,
if he has to confess any sins for which the penalty is deposition or
suspension; and yet this penalty, when imposed on a clergyman,
does not in any way debar him from receiving the Holy Communion,
whatever the nature of the sin may be. And lastly, a married clergy-
man is obliged to put away his wife if guilty of adultery; for clerks
who are married to wives guilty of this sin are punished by depo-
sition.
* \AgapctulcB is a word coined from 5 Ex Goar. Not. in Euch. Grcec. in
Agapeti and Agapetcs; unmarried men tit. de Pcenit. p. 525, edit. Paris, ["Nul-
or women respectively who dwelt in the lam adhibent solutionem, seel de pio
same house with deaconesses or monks, devotoque quodam opere exercendo
under a profession of merely spiritual monitum amice remittunt."]
love; called also gvvs'mtolktoi : denounced 6 Lib. vi. c. 24.
by S. Jerome {ad Eustoch. and ad Ocea- 'Ex Goar. ibid.
mini) as "Agapetarum pestis." (See 8 Lib. iv. c. 3.
Bingham and Smith's Diet. s. v.)]
U
478 POLITY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH.
Such is the discipline of canonical penance in the Eastern Church
both of mediaeval and of modern times: to give more than this brief
outline of its most essential features would be inconsistent with the
plan of this work. On this subject the reader should consult Arcu-
dius, Allatius, and Goar, for these writers have gone more deeply
and fully into it: and he will find in "Jovetius's History of Reli-
gions" an account of any changes which in our own day have become
"practically" necessary among those Eastern Churches which are
under the dominion of the Turks.
CHAPTER VIII.
OF THE INDULGENCES OF MODERN TIMES.
We have now traced the causes of the decay of the ancient disci-
pline of canonical penance. Among these causes we have said that
the chief one was the change which was made in the system of
canonical penance itself, a change which consisted either in buying
off an imposed penance, by which a pecuniary penalty was substituted
for a spiritual one; or in obtaining a release by some other means;
or in undertaking, instead of a penance, pilgrimages to the Holy
Places; or in entering on military service among the Crusaders.
Lastly, to these causes must be added the system of indulgences, by
which the true spirit of the more ancient discipline was destined to
be entirely destroyed, as we must now explain.
But that our sentiments on this subject may not be mistaken by
the reader, we must first premise that "Christ has left to His
Church the power of indulgences, and that the enjoyment of them
has been in the highest degree salutary to Christian people," as the
Fathers of the Council of Trent have expressed it: an opinion with
which all members of the Catholic Communion will agree. But
what is meant by this word "indulgences" simply is, the right of
relaxing for penitents some part of their penance, or the whole of
that canonical penance which had been imposed, and enjoining on
them instead some task which it is easier for them to perform: and
that this power inherently belongs to the Church, and therefore to
the bishops in themselves, no Catholic has any doubt: and that the
bishops began to use this privilege of theirs for the first time in the
middle ages no one will believe who has read our paragraph on the
libelli of the Martyrs : for the Martyrs, it will be remembered, used to
beg the bishop to remit to penitents some portion of their unexpired
term of penance, a request which he used to comply with in the
manner we have described. Thus the origin of indulgences reaches
as far back as the origin of the Church itself: and further, when we
looked, in the paragraph referred to, into the more secret cause of
OF THE INDULGENCES OF MODERN TIMES. 479
the rise of this discipline, we showed that the bishops acted as they
did in this matter, believing that the merits of the Martyrs were a
real help to those to whom they were granting an indulgence [i.e.,
a relaxation of penance]. In fact the merits of Christ are, in the
highest sense of the term, what give satisfaction and efficacy to any
penance that is performed, and it was only in reliance on them that
the Church used to grant a remission of ecclesiastical penalties
(indulgentiam) to her faithful members.
But about the close of the middle ages, towards the eleventh
century, a certain system of indulgences was introduced which was
entirely novel, since it plainly has never been mentioned in connec-
tion with canonical penance. For it ought to be borne in mind how
cautiously the bishops acted in this matter in former times, granting
a remission of penance, as they did, only to those penitents who had
heartily devoted themselves to the work of repentance, and whose
term of penance had very nearly expired. But bishops in the
eleventh century, at the very beginning of a term of penance, began
to remit to penitents as an indulgence (indulgere pcenite?itibus)> the
fourth, and sometimes the third, part of their term of penance, pro-
vided they would contribute a certain sum of money either for build-
ing a church, or sometimes for the construction of public works.
Among the doctors of that age certain questions seem to have been
raised on the subject of this kind of indulgences, and some of them
disapprove entirely of the frequent and culpable laxity of the bishops
in this matter. The reader may see what kind of questions were
raised, and what was the public opinion of that age on the subject,
by referring to Prsepositivus, who in the conclusion of his first part,
Interrog. 4, speaks of the following language as being held by
bishops in granting absolutions : "Whoever in such and such a place
shall have contributed one denarius, shall be given absolution" from
his penance And here is another indulgence-decree, in which
it was determined how much of the penance is remitted, (for he pro-
ceeds), "But there is nothing unjust, nothing wrong, in the bishop
granting this absolution: that penitent, therefore, who gives his con-
tribution is absolved. It is also a general custom in the Church
which must not be disputed about/' But another opposes the system
as follows: "On the contrary, it appears to be unseemly that one
should be absolved from all his penance for three denarii which he
has given in three different places: but in this respect the condition
of a rich man is better than that of a poor one: because a poor man
cannot give anything, therefore he is not so quickly absolved."
A bishop then used to decree an indulgence from penance to those
who, to set an example, offered a denarius for building a church,
an oratory, a monastery, or a bridge, and for constructing public
roads: and hence, those who offered three denarii for three public
works of this kind were forgiven all their penance. And this line of
reasoning the same writer thus explains, "We believe that such an
absolution is valid, for in such a case the bishop ought to make
satisfaction for such penitents, because if he makes no such satisfac-
4&0 POLITY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH.
tion the blame will be imputed to him rather than to them. It is
not unseemly that this one be absolved sooner than the other,
because the power of the priest is considerable in this matter; for if
any one has not sufficient merits of his own to deserve so great an
absolution, the authority of the Church will be all-sufficient for him."
These quotations will show with sufficient clearness what was the
real character of this discipline of indulgences, and the sentiments
of the Church on the matter; for in point of fact the bishop himself,
if he should have been over-indulgent to penitents, was expected to
make amends by doing the penances himself.
So at length it came about in the twelfth century that the school-
men laid down certain conditions which one who granted indulgen-
ces was bound to comply with, as, e.g., i. the building of an oratory
or a church, or some such place, would be indispensable. 2. The
necessities of a penitent to whom an indulgence was to be granted
must be taken into account, if by reason of his age or his health he
would not be strong enough for the work of a canonical penance.
3. He must have already received Sacramental absolution, so as to
be in a state of grace, indulgences never being valid for those not in
a state of justification. 4. The indulgence must have a certain and
due proportion to the penance from which it was to be a relaxation.
See the writings of Robert of Hamesburgh, already referred to, and
of William of Auxerre, and of Raymond de Pennafort, and other
doctors of that age.
But as bishops had authority to relax a certain portion of a term
of penance when indulgences were granted, so according to the
teaching of those times it was in the power of the Pope to remit, at
his discretion, the whole of a penance which had been imposed;
and this prerogative of his had very ancient documents of Church
discipline to appeal to for its support. For we have shown that in
ancient times the bishops of themselves sent penitents to the Roman
Pontiff, and if they went to receive their sentence of penance from
him, they would sometimes return with a very lenient sentence of
penance which they had received from him. This became a very
general custom in the middle ages. Hence a theologian of recent
times, Alexander de Hales, proposes for solution this question -}
"When the penalty of a due and sufficient contrition has already
been suffered, may the supreme Pontiff remit to a penitent the
whole of the penance which his sin properly deserves?" Answer:
"He may;" and he brings forward the following arguments in sup-
port of his opinion: "It may be said that when our Lord the Pope
grants a plenary indulgence, he himself inflicts punishment, by
obliging the Church, or some member of it, to make amends for the
sin" (satisfacere). This is the first reason. The second is: "Be-
cause the treasury of the Church, which is set forth for the satisfac-
tion of the Church, consists principally of the merits of Christ."
1 In Summa, part 4, qugest. 23. [" Prseexistente poena debits et sufficientis
contritionis," &c]
OF THE INDULGENCES OF MODERN TIMES. 481
What he means by the treasury of the Church, he briefly explains in
these words; "It consists of the merits of the supererogation (a
sum paid over and above what is due) of the members of Christ,
and is chiefly made up of the supererogations of the merits of
Christ." The Roman Pontiff, therefore, according to the opinion
of the Schoolmen, did possess the power referred to, for it was allow-
able for him to apply the merits of Christ or of the faithful as
compensation for the penance of another, though as the same writer
says, the Pope ought not to do this except in cases of urgent neces-
sity. The reader will notice here a distinction made between a full
{plena) indulgence, and one that was not full, which was introduced
at this time; it appertained to bishops to grant the latter, while the
former, which was a remission of the full sentence of penance, was
the peculiar prerogative of the Roman Pontiff. This last kind of in-
dulgence was afterwards called a plenary one {plenaria).
It will not be thought out of place by the reader if we take this
opportunity of briefly referring to the question, which of the Roman
Pontiffs was the first to grant these plenary indulgences from all sins.
It has been thought by some that "an indulgence from all sins," (by
which expression is meant a plenary indulgence), was first granted by
Urban II. But that this is a mistake has been already shown by
the eminent Christianus Lupus in his Dissertation De Peccatorum
ac satisfactionum Indulgentiis, c. vi., and according to this writer
Pope Gregory VII. was the first originator of a ple?iary indulgence,
as he attempts to prove in a letter of his given in Vol. iv. of
D'Achery's Spicilegium. But the custom of granting a plenary in-
dulgence was of a more ancient origin in the Roman Church than
even the time of Gregory VII. ; for before Gregory's time Pope Leo
IX. granted one to Edward, king of England, as that prince himself
mentions in a letter to Pope Nicolas II.2 And it further appears
2 Ap. Baron, ad An. 1060. [This releasing Edward from his vow: "Re-
reference to the "indulgence" granted novamus et confirmamus et augemus
by Leo IX. to Edward the Confessor, vobis privilegia vestra, scilicet ut abso-
and to the correspondence that passed luti sitis ab illo voto, quod timebatis:
between Edward and Pope Nicolas II., et ab omnibus aliis peccatis et iniquita-
which Baronius gives, is interesting tibus vestris, auctoritate," &c. Nicolas
from its connexion with the founding then makes the proposed monastery
of Westminster Abbey. Edward sent absolutely subject to King Edward, and
an embassy on the subject to Rome, free for ever from episcopal jurisdiction:
and wrote to Nicolas to ask him to "Absolvimus locum ab omni servitio et
confirm the "indulgence" which his dominatione episcopali." This monas-
predecessor Leo IX. had promised him tery, built in honour of S. Peter, is
on condition of his building a monas- known since as Westminster Abbey,
tery to S. Peter: "Quod ille [Leo] the full title of which, according to
injunxerat in remissionem omnium pec- Dean Stanley, is the "Collegiate Church
catorum meorum construere ccenobium or Abbey of S. Peter," (Historical Me-
monachorum in honorem Petri . . . ra- morials of Westminster Abbey, p. iS),
turn faciatis." Pie wishes also to be though Dean Stanley does not refer to
released from a vow which he had made Baronius, or to this correspondence
of going on a pilgrimage to Rome. which he gives. Thus the English
Nicolas writes back, granting and con- Church, in harmony with antiquity and
firming all that Leo had promised, and the rest of Christendom, equally honours
I I
4^2 POLITY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH.
from the letters of Edward and Nicolas II., that in those times the
custom of granting such an indulgence had already become common;
it would, therefore, seem to have been an established custom before
the time when those letters were written.
We have now said enough on the subject of the indulgences of
the middle ages: enough to show clearly what is really meant by
proclamations of indulgences: and enough to prevent the reader
being carried away by the vulgar error of those who explain the par-
ticular time specified in the forms of these indulgences, (as, e.g., a
year, or a month, or forty days,) as if it referred to a dispensation
from a period of penance to be undergone in Purgatory, or as if a
Pope could conceive the idea of limiting that period. For though,
as we have said, a Roman Pontiff may have authority to grant indi-
gencies [or the pardon of sins] as regards this present life, and as
regards the next life also, yet in no instance can we understand the
particular time specified in the granting of indulgences to refer to
the next life, as those have done, who ignorant of the origin of in-
dulgences, have imagined that the Pope not only shortens the full
term of a specified canonical penance, but also that when doing so,
as, e.g., when remitting a year of penance in his indulgence, he is
speaking of a year of penance to be undergone in Purgatory; as
regards another life he may, it is true, grant a remission of sins, but
he never specifies any particular period of time in this matter, except
it be in the case of shortening a certain portion of the full term of a
canonical penance. But if any reader wishes to understand the
full theological value and meaning of these indulgences, he should
consult writers on theology, and especially S. Thomas, Comm. in
Magistr. Sentent. in Dist. 20, qu. 1, art. 3, where he will find ex-
plained in a few words what is the teaching of the Catholic Church
on this subject.
CHAPTER IX.
OF EXCOMMUNICATION.
Excommunication is a penalty inflicted by the canons, by which
any one is separated from spiritual intercourse with the faithful.
This is the ancient meaning of this penalty. But as time went on
this excommunication began to be called a minor one; for what is
known as the major excommunication took its rise also in the
Church, and one who was punished by it was not only cut off from
all spiritual intercourse with the faithful, but from all temporal inter-
course also.
the two great Apostles : in the city of S. Peter," in that of London, the "Ca-
Westminster we have the "Abbey of thedral of S. Paul."]
OF EXCOMMUNICATION. 483
§ i. Of Excommunication in the first ages.
We have already explained that in former times excommunication,
which the Greeks called acpopujpbs, meant an actual separation (segre-
gate), from the ecclesiastical society of the faithful, [a cutting off from
the flock, as the word segregatio means] : for one who was excommuni-
cated was not allowed to take any part in the Sacraments and prayers
[of the Church]: though by acpopcafibs the Greeks sometimes meant
only that exclusion from partaking of the Eucharist, which was the
penance imposed on those who were in the fourth class of penitents.
From hence it is evident that canonical penance in ancient times
was in itself a kind of excommunication, which had its different
grades, like the four grades of penitents : for he would be considered
excommunicated who was simply forbidden to partake of the Holy
Communion, as being in the fourth class of penitents: or he was
considered excommunicate who could not even communicate in the
prayers of the faithful, because in the class of those called hearers:
and finally, he would be under a sentence of a severer excommuni-
cation who was obliged to take his place among the kneelers, for he
would not be allowed to communicate with the faithful in the hearing
of the Holy Scriptures and of sermons. Such appear to have
been the grades of canonical excommunication among the early
Christians.
But there sprang up also a severer kind of excommunication,
which cannot be said to have been a canonical penance, according
to what was understood by that name in those times : for he who
was thus excommunicate was one who was cast out of the Church,
and was reckoned as "a heathen man and a publican," for having
refused to do the public penance appointed by the Church: and
this was certainly not a canonical penance, but a means which the
Church used as an additional incitement to repentance, in hopes
that thus a very obstinate-minded man might be led to reflect upon
his conduct; and that, being thus brought to a better mind, he
would be induced to present himself before the bishop, and consent
to undergo a sentence of canonical penance. In fact this is the
"godly censure/' of which Tertullian speaks,1 truly called "godly or
divine," since it was according to a precept of Christ's that one
who had thrice been admonished was to be reckoned as a heathen
man and a publican. This was undoubtedly a most severe kind of
penalty, for the result of it was, that one who was punished with this
excommunication was no longer reckoned among the number of
Christians. But yet this kind of excommunication did not cut off
the excommunicated offender from intercourse with the faithful in
matters of civil life. This very clearly explains the words in which
the Apostolical Constitutions speak of it: "Continue with those,
1 Apolog. c. 39, ["Here too (in our tions, corrections, and godly censure,
congregations) are exercised exhorta- (censura divina.)"]
I I 2
484 POLITY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH.
then, whom for their sins ye [bishops] have excommunicated, con-
soling them, supporting them, and using with them this saying, "Be
strong, ye feeble hands."2 It was only, then, in sacred and not in
secular matters that it was unlawful to hold intercourse with excom-
municated persons. Nor was the Church's method of dealing with
them in this manner in any way opposed to the teaching of the
Apostle when commanding the faithful "with such an one no not to
eat :"3 for the Apostle gave that command to the faithful, not that
he might inflict an additional punishment on an excommunicated
person, as if the consequence of excommunication itself would be
that all would be forbidden to hold social intercourse with such an
offender; but his object was that by that means "the sinner might
be made ashamed," as he himself says, i.e., be ashamed of his sin,
and be ashamed to meet the eyes of others. That this is his mean-
ing comes out more clearly in words which follow [in another epistle],
where [speaking on the same subject] he adds, "Yet count him not
as an enemy, but admonish him as a brother."4 And this was the
meaning which Augustine attached to the Apostle's words.5 For if
none were allowed to hold social intercourse with offenders of this
class, because the Church regarded them in the light of heathen
men and publicans, it would have been unlawful also to hold this
same intercourse with other unbelievers, with whom the Apostle
never forbade Christians to eat, and to share freely all the duties and
intercourse of secular life.
From all this we clearly see that in former times the ancient
Christians knew nothing of the system of major excommunication, so
far as forbidding others to hold social intercourse with one excom-
municated is a part of it. And yet it is true that the modern
distinction between a major and minor excommunication has been
really borrowed by the Church from the ancient discipline, since
that separation (segregatio) from the Church, which was part of
the canonical penance of the fourth class of penitents, really
was a minor excommunication, excluding them, as it did, from the
Holy Communion only ; while that ejection from the Churchy of which
we last spoke, partakes of the nature of a major excommunica-
tion, though it was not then so violent in its character as it after-
wards became.
2 Lib. ii. c. 40. [The officer en- bishop: and also decrees that a synod
trusted with the power of excommuni- of bishops shall be held in each pro-
cation was the bishop of the diocese to vince twice a year to examine into cases
which the offender belonged. He sat of excommunication which had taken
with his presbyters to decide on the place. There was thus an appeal
guilt or innocence of the accused; but against an individual bishop, but only
when once guilt was established, the to those of the province. (See Smith's
bishop alone imposed the sentence, Diet. p; 642.)]
though instances abound of bishops 3 I Cor. v. 11.
consulting with one another in special 4 2 Thess. 111. 15. >
emergencies. The Council of Nice 6 L. iii. contra Parmeman. I. VII.
(can. 5) forbids any one bishop to re- eel. Erasm.
ceive delinquents cut off by another
OF EXCOMMUNICATION. 485
§ 2. Of the Excommunication of mediceval and 7110dern times.
To any one who reads the ancient formularies of excommunica-
tion, which we find in the Councils of Ephesus6 and Chalcedon,7
and who carefully weighs what we have said in the preceding para-
graph, it must be perfectly evident that there is a wide difference
between the effects of an excommunication of the early Church, and
of such a sentence in mediaeval and modern times.
For in the excommunications of the middle ages there grew up a
twofold distinction of character, which added a new power to this
kind of ecclesiastical punishment. 1. There was, in the first place,
a distinction between a minor and a major excommunication, one
which was unknown till the age of Gratian. We first read of it in
the Collection of Decretals. That was called a minor excommuni-
cation by which anyone is deprived* of a reception of the Sacra-
ment,8 which is commonly called by the canonists "being deprived
of a passive reception of the Sacraments." But that is a major ex-
communication by which any one is "deprived of an active and a
passive participation in the Sacraments f for one so excommunicated
is not allowed to partake of the Sacrament, or to perform any sacred
offices for others, not allowed to enter a church, or join the faithful
when at prayer,9 or take any part in Church elections,10 (one excep-
tion being made in case of an election to the Papacy, according to
the Bull of Clement, uNe Romani § ceterum" when cardinals, though
under a sentence of a major excommunication, were not forbidden
to give their votes in the election of a Roman Pontiff) : not allowed
to hold any social intercourse with other Christians,11 so much so
that any one who has even taken food with him, or transacted any
business whatever with him, becomes that moment liable to the minor
excommunication.13
# 2. The second distinction is between an excommunication in-
flicted a jure and ab honwie. The former is one which is deter-
mined by law: the latter is one which is determined by the Pope,
who passes sentence according to the circumstances of the case.
For in ancient times the punishment of excommunication was in-
flicted a jure by law, and also ab homine by man, i.e., by the Pope,
on those offenders who were guilty of crimes which brought them
within reach of the law. But in the middle ages that excommunica-
tion also came into use, by which any one is punished by a sentence
of the Popes enforced by law {jure lata) : and this is called ex-
communication ipso facto or la tee sentcntm, and is in fact a major
excommunication, since a minor is one enforced not ab homine but
I Act. 1 part 2. 10 Cap. ult. de Cler. Excommun.
7 Act. 1 and Act. 3. n Cap. Sicut Apostol.
8 Cap. Si celebr. de Cler. excom. 12 Cap. Significavit de sent. Excom-
9 Cap. Cum Excommunicato. Cap. munication.
Excommunicatos.
486 POLITY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH.
a jure; and these two at last become one, being directed against
those who are involved in a major excommunication. The number
of these excommunications lata sententice increased to an immense
extent, as we see in the canonists.
In these particulars seems to lie the distinction between an excom-
munication under the ancient discipline of the Church and one under
the new. The plan which I have imposed on myself does not allow
me to pursue the subject further. I must leave it to the canonists
to explain in detail, as it is their province to do, what is to be learned
about a major and a minor excommunication, and about a sentence
of excommunication passed ab homine or passed a jure.
But as regards the rite for excommunication, there were differ-
ences in this matter between the uses of primitive and of mediaeval
times: for in ancient times either the bishop imposed the penance,
which was, as we said, a kind of minor excommunication, using for
the purpose an office in the church consisting of certain precom-
posed forms of prayer: or he sentenced the impenitent offender to
expulsion from the Church, which sentence was carried into effect in
public also, but usually with no special form of words peculiar to the
occasion, for the more ancient records are silent about one. But
the chief and unvarying part of excommunication was that the
name of the excommunicated person was erased from the dip-
tychs; and this in itself was sufficient notice to the bishops of
the province,13 to prevent any one who was excommunicated by his
own bishop from being admitted to the Holy Communion by another
bishop. Moreover, as there was no special formula for the excom-
munication of the impenitent, so neither was there one for their
absolution either: but on their repentance they were placed by the
bishop among those doing canonical penance, and by this means
their punishment of expulsion from the Church would come to
an end.
But in the middle ages, when a major excommunication became
common, bishops used for the first time set forms of words, and a
solemn and terrible ritual, in passing sentence on the impenitent.
For subsequently to the ninth century the forms of the major excom-
munication were conceived in certain awful imprecations, like the
curses of the law of the Old Testament: and these imprecations the
bishop used to recite, generally at some particular part of a celebra-
tion of the mass, surrounded by his clergy, holding torches in their
hands, he himself holding a torch in his hand likewise^ while bells
rang out at irregular intervals. Then, when the recitation was
finished, both he and the clergy who responded Amen, Amen, {fiat,
fiat), hurling curses at the excommunicated, dashed their burning
torches on the ground. We read the forms of this excommunication
in Burchard. Adapted, therefore, to an excommunication of this
kind, there came also into use a certain new formula of absolution,
such' as we read in the office-books of the middle ages, which is
13 L. iii. contra Epist. Petiliani, c. 3, T. VII. ed. Erasm.
OF THE FASTS OF CHRISTIANS. 487
nevertheless deprecatory in form, as Morinus observes, when dis-
cussing that which also is found in Burchard.14 For the most re-
cent change in this matter of Church discipline ought to be no-
ticed. In former times, and down to the age of Gratian,15 excom-
munication was deprecatory in form, but about the end of the twelfth
century it was "indicative" or "imperative;" therefore the new
form of taking off an excommunication was pronounced indepen-
dently of any Sacramental confession, and by a judge called a Vicar
General, whose office it was to absolve offenders from a sentence of
excommunication, so far as they would be affected by it socially and
politically. A declaratory form of this kind of absolution is first
given by Cardinal Hostiensis,16 and it was by degrees introduced
among the Latins.
There is, lastly, one further fact which I ought not to pass over,
as it relates to a privilege enjoyed by Sovereigns. Any one whom,
in the middle ages, a Sovereign permitted to sit at his table, though
lying under the sentence of major excommunication, was thus imme-
diately absolved from it. We learn this from the testimony of the
Capitularies of the Frankish Kings, 1. vii. c. 383; the third canon
of the twelfth Council of Toledo; a Letter of Anselm of Canterbury
to Ernulph, and other sources. Therefore it was said by the Fathers
of the fifth Council of Toledo, in canon 5, "In all directions which
we have put forth, we reserve to the Sovereign the privilege of grant-
ing an indulgence to the offences of delinquents." Thus much about
excommunication.
CHAPTER X.
OF THE FASTS OF CHRISTIANS.
The custom of fasting seems to have prevailed among the more
ancient heathen nations, and was not confined to the Jews, or to
converts from heathenism to Judaism. We know from Scripture
that the Jews fasted on certain days appointed to be thus observed;
and that among the heathen nations of antiquity this custom pre-
vailed is clearly proved by Paganinus in his Dissertation, "On the
religious abstinence of the ancients." It was most right and natural
therefore that Christians should have their stated fasts, for these ob-
servances are entirely in accordance with the spirit of that new law
which commands that the flesh be afflicted, that the mind may rise
more readily to God.
The fasts of the Church may be included in three great seasons of
14 Decreti L. ii. 16 Summre 1. v. De Exconmumicat.
15 Vide ii. q. 3, c. 108. § Tertium est, num. 14 and 18.
488 POLITY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH.
abstinence. Those of Lent; of vigils; and of the four seasons
[or Ember days] : we must speak separately of each.
§ 1. Of the Institution ofLent\ its Fasts and Liturgical Services.
The most ancient stated season of fasting is with just reason sup-
posed to be that of the forty days of Lent. That from the very
beginning the Church observed fasts we know from the testimony
of the Acts of the Apostles, chapters xiii. and xiv.; and S. Paul
exhorts Christians to the observance of them, that the flesh may be
subdued to the spirit.1 But, besides those fasts which were observed
by individuals as occasion might require, the Church had an annual
fast of forty days. This fast was instituted by the Apostles in imita-
tion of the examples of the Saints Moses2 and Elijah,3 and of our
Lord Jesus Christ :4 such [at least] is the teaching of Tertullian,5
Epiphanius,6 Augustine,7 Jerome,8 the Roman Pontiff Leo I.,9 and
others of the early Fathers of the Eastern and Western Church.
Hence among them there constantly occurs the mention of this fast
of Lent—Quadragesima—or forty days' fast; rrj? TeaaapaKoa-Trjs, as it is
called by the Greeks in the first Council of Nice,10 and the Council
of Laodicea.11 Baillet is therefore mistaken in the opinion which
he expresses in his history of the fast of Quadragesima,12 that it was
not yet firmly established in the Church, in all parts of it, in the
fourth century. For Basil, in the second discourse which he delivered
on fasting, says, "At this time, through the whole world proclama-
1 I. Ep. ad Cor. vii. 5. [" Quadragesima sane jejuniorumhabet
2 Exodus xxxiv. 28. auctoritatem, et in veteribus libris ex
3 j Kings xix. 8. jejunio Moysi et Elise; et ex Evan-
4 o)t Matt. iv. 2. gelio, quia totidem diebus Dominus
5 L. advers. Psychic, de Jejuniis, c. jejunavit."]
2 [Tertullian, speaking of the period 8 L. 2 contra Jovin. ; et Ep. 54 ad
during which our Lord was under the Marcell. [al. 41, "Nos imam Quadra-
power of death, says, "Certe in Evan- gesimam, secundum traditionem apos-
gelio illos dies jejuniis determinates tolorum, toto nobis orbecongruo jeju-
putant (Catholici), in quibus ablatus est namus." So S. Jerome (in Isaiah c.
sponsus; ethos esse jam solos legiti- 58) says, "Ipse Dominus totidem die-
mos jejuniorum Christianorum."] bus in solitudine jejunavit, ut nobis
6 In Exposit. Fid. c. xxii. [Epipha- solemnes jejuniorum dies relmqueret. ]
nius says that the observance of every 9 Serm. 43, c. 2, [al. vi.] and Serai.
Wednesday, Friday, and Lord's Day, ix. [He calls Lent the apostolical m-
was appointed by the Apostles, who stitution of a forty days' fast, which the
commanded us to assemble for worship Apostles instituted by the direction of
on each of these days, and to fast on the the Holy Ghost.]
first two of them as being the days when 10 Can. 5, An. 325, ["It seems good
our LORD was betrayed and crucified. that two synods should be held m the
Of Lent he says, The Church has in year. ^ . . Let one synod be held before
like manner been accustomed to observe Lent."] _
the forty days' fast before Easter week. n Can. 50, An. 320, [Forbids to
"TV 5e Teo-crapaKoartjv <r\v irpb ruv eat anything on the Ihursday of the
kirrk fiuepw rod ayiov Yldcrxa &><Ta6r<os last week in Lent; or, during the
(f)vKdrr€LP zfaeev rj avr>n 'EiacAr)<ria, iv whole of Lent anything except dry
vr)0-Teiai<> SiareXovaa."] foc!?'lx ^ t t- v< t i
7 Epist. 55 [al. 119] ad Januar. 28, u Oper. T. I. Edit. Lugd.
OF THE FASTS OF CHRISTIANS. 489
tion is made of the fast." And the same assertion is made, in almost
the same words, by Gregory Nyssen in a discourse delivered by
him at the beginning of Lent.13
It will be worth while to explain here the intention of the Church
in thus laying so much stress on the particular fast of Quadragesima.
Cassian, quoting the words of an Abbat Theonas, thinks this
fast was established, that we might give to God tithes, as it were, of
the whole year. Thus Theonas speaks: "If the total number of
the days of the year be divided by ten, we have as the result thirty-
six and a half days: and so in seven weeks, if the Lord's Days and
the Sabbaths be deducted, we have left thirty-five days set apart for
fasting."14 Similar was the opinion held by the earlier Greek Fathers.
Hence among the Latins, when Gregory the Great is explaining the
meaning of Quadragesima, he says, "We give as it were the tithes of
the year to God."15
From this then it follows that in former times the Quadragesimal
fast must have consisted of thirty-five or thirty-six days. This is
implied by Theonas and Gregory, and other Fathers, who must have
made a mistake in their calculation of the tenth part of the year, if
the fast of Lent had been longer than thirty-six days. In ancient
times, indeed, in the Eastern Church, the fast was not kept on
Lord's Days or Saturdays, as we are told by Chrysostom, Epipha-
nius, and Sozomen in the places above referred to; hence ancient
writers say that the Oriental Christians kept the fast for seven weeks;
but others, as e.g. all the Latins, used to fast on the Saturdays also,
omitting to do so only on the Lord's Days in each week: therefore,
as Cassian informs us, they observed the fast for six weeks only.16
But both Churches, the Greek and the Latin, fasted nevertheless for
the same number of days, as has been said.
But although there was a difference in the uses of the two Churches
in this matter, yet everywhere the law about keeping the fast was
one and the same, a law which, according to the teaching of the
Fathers, was a natural result of the inviolable decree of eternal
punishment. Thus Cyril, Patriarch of Alexandria, says: "I should
like to ask them which they think more to be dreaded, the keeping
of the fast, or eternal punishment ?"17 Therefore Ambrose exhorts
and persuades the faithful, saying, "It is no light sin to break the
fast of Quadragesima, which has been imposed [on believers] by the
Lord."1^ Nay the Church used to threaten with the penalty of ex-
communication any one, "who, unless compelled by bodily neces-
sity, should break those traditional fasts which are generally ob-
served by the Church."19 Such was a decree of the Council of Gangra.
13 Oper. T. II. Edit. Paris. fratres, leve peccatum est, fidelibus in-
H Collatione xxi. c. 25. dictam Quadragesimam a Domino vio-
15 Homil. 16, in Evang., ["Quasi lare." He goes on to argue that it is
anni nostri decimas Deo damus."'] imposed on us by the example of our
16 Collat. xxi. cc. 24, 25. Lord's forty days' fast.]
17 Horn. 1, Paschal. 19 Can. 19, ["EiTtsTw a<TKov,u4v(ov
18 Serin. 25, [al. xxi. "Non enim, xcopis aco^ariKris avdynris inrepTi<pavevot-
49° POLITY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH.
In the matter of the fast itself the ancient discipline also was very-
severe; for, according to Tertullian, it was not lawful on a fast-day
even to taste water: "Nature herself," he says, "will plainly tell
what she ever finds us like before food and drink have mingled with
our still virgin saliva :"20 [how much more fitted for handling of
Divine things than when satiated with food.] But that cannot be
called virgin saliva with which water has been mixed. Hence in
Prudentius, the Martyr Fructuosus, to whom his brethren had offered
a cup of water, that he might in some measure recruit his strength,
refused the cup, saying,
"Jejunamus . . . recuso potum;
Nondum nona diem resolvit hora."
"We are fasting ... I refuse the drink:
The ninth hour has not yet brought the fast-day to an end."21
On a day of abstinence, then, the ancients used not even to drink
anything until the ninth hour. The sick only were allowed a drink
of cold water, as Jerome relates ;23 he says cold water, for the use
of hot water was more usual among the ancients than that of
cold.23
The fast was broken at the ninth hour—three o'clock, when the
day began to decline. There was therefore only one meal eaten in
the day, no supper being ever taken. We are told by the Apos-
tolical Constitutions what kinds of food were in former times allowed
commonly: "Ye must so keep the fast as only to take bread and
salt and vegetables [and water for your drink]: ye must abstain from
drinking wine and eating flesh."34 This seems to have been the
more ancient rule of discipline, observed by almost all Christians;
for in the fourth century it became a general custom among the
Greeks to eat dried fruits; for the Council of Laodicea directed that
during the whole of Lent "dry food" should be eaten (xerophagia)^
"We must fast the whole of Lent, taking dry food." But the use
of this dry food was of earlier date among the Latins, for they took
it [in Lent] as early as the second century, according to Tertullian:
to koX ras Trapatedojx&as vr}(Trelas els 22 Epist. ad Eustoch. v. 19, Epitaph.
rh noivhv Koi <pv\arroperas wo rrjs in- Paulce, lib. iii. Ed. Canisn, p. 551, [Ep.
nXricrlcts irapaXvot, aTroKvpodvros if abr$ xxii. § 7. Speaking of his temptations
reXetov Xoyccrpov, avdde/xa S<tto>." The in the desert S. Jerome says, "De cibis
canons of the Council are directed et potu taceo, cum etiam languentes
against certain fanatics who denounced (Monachi ?) aqua fngida utantur, et
the eating of flesh-meat, and so despised coctum aliquid accepisse, luxuna sit. ]
the Church fasts. Date of Council is 23 Vide Chokier, in Face Hist. Part
uncertain: Bright thinks it met a.d. h c- 13.
-. ° 21 Lib. v. c. 17, ['V<W XpO)yU€^0i
20 De Teiun c 6 [''Ipsa natura apry teal aXl iced Xax&vois" &c]
enunciavit, qualesnos ante pabulum et 2* Can. 50, [An. 320, "Set *a<rav
potum in virgine saliva exhibere con- r^v reo-o-apaKoar^u voareveiv Zypocpct-
suevit."] yovrras."}
21 Hymn, de S. Fructuos.
OF THE FASTS OF CHRISTIANS. 49 T
he speaks of those fasting as "abstaining from all flesh, their food
unmoistened by any juiciness, or by any kind of specially succulent
fruit; as not eating or drinking anything with a winy flavour."26
And this rule of discipline continued in use a very long time among
the Greeks, for they in the twelfth century, according to Balsamon,
everywhere took beans and dried fruits.27 About the seventh cen-
tury the Latins, however, commonly disdaining dry food, began to
allow themselves the use of not only cooked vegetables, but also fish,
and sometimes birds, because they believed that birds as well as
fish sprang from the water [as we are told by Moses in the account
of the creation]: and Socrates tells us that this custom spread also
to the Orientals.28 Hence in the middle ages Christians everywhere
used also to eat eggs and cheese on Saturdays and Sundays, but
Councils expressly forbade this.29
Lastly, we may remark that the time of the Lenten fast has by no
means been one and the same since the founding of the Church.
For in the second and third centuries the fast lasted from the Mon-
day following Quinquagesima Sunday until the Thursday before
Easter—each Sabbath Day and Lord's Day being excluded from the
fast : this was the time of its observance, as we have said, especially in
the Eastern Church.30 Some think that in the fourth century, espe-
cially at Rome and in other Latin Churches, Christians never fasted
on a Thursday during the whole of Lent; and they trace this custom
to a decree of Pope Melchiades, who, as they say, added the week of
Sexagesima that the fast of the Quadragesima might be kept entire:
a record of this history may be read in Gratian,31 and any one who
reads it there may believe or disbelieve it according to his pleasure.
But the origin of Septuagesima is generally attributed to the Greeks,
who, in imitation of the Latin fashion of not fasting on Thursdays,
added to Lent another week, called Septuagesima. This much is
certain; that in the fourth century the Fathers of the Council of
Laodicea directed that the Lenten fast should begin from the Mon-
day after Quadragesima Sunday, and continued till the Holy Sabbath
[Easter Eve]: this decree may be read in Gratian,32 and in the fiftieth
26 Ibid. c. I, ["Jejunantes ab omni and Gerund. An. 517. [(1) Forbids to eat
came et omni jusculentia, et vividiori- eggs or cheese in Lent, even on Satur-
bus quibuscunque pomis, ne quid vino- days and Sundays (aTre'xeo-flcu u>ov teal
sitatis vel edamus, vel potemus."] rvpov); (2) excludes from the Easter
27 In can. 14, Cone. Ancyr. [An. communion, and from eating meat for
314. This canon deprives those clerics twelve months, those who break the
who obstinately, through superstition, Lenten fast; invalids must get adispensa-
refuse to touch meat, and vegetables tion from a priest; (3) orders two Litany
cooked with meat.] seasons of three days to be observed
28 Hist. Eccl. 1. v. c. 22, ["Some annually in November and Whitsuntide
abstain from all animal food (ifi^xav with abstinence from meat and wine.]
MxovTai) : some eat only fish of things 30 V. Binium, Cone. T. I. in Vita
that have life; some, besides fish, eat Telesph. Pap.
also birds, saying that Moses tells us 31 Cap. Jejunium, 4: De Consecr.
they also sprang out of water."] Dist. 3.
29 Concil. CEcum.VI. [Constantinop. 32 Cap. Non liceat, 7 ; De Consecr
An.692,]c.56;Tolet.VIII. An. 653,0.9, Dist. 3.
492 POLITY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH.
canon of the same Council in Labbe. Hence it was decreed in
the same Council that only dry food should be eaten on the fast of
the Thursday in the Great Week [Thursday before Easter] also, as
we have mentioned. But whether the Latins followed the Orientals
in this matter is uncertain; for Pope Gregory the Great is univer-
sally believed to have originated that rule which we now keep, that
Lent is to begin on the Wednesday after Quinquagesima Sunday
[Ash Wednesday].33
^ But from the writings of Gregory himself it is quite clear that in
his time Lent began from the Lord's Day, and not from the Wed-
nesday. It may be well on a subject not unimportant to quote
Gregory's own words; which will help us much in the understanding
of old Sacramentaries. The words of that celebrated Pontiff are as
follows: "As regards the season of Quadragesima there is thus
far a point which can be understood. For from this present day,"
(that was the Lord's Day, as appears from the Gospel Lection, which
is the same as that for our first Sunday in Lent,) "even until the
joys of the Easter Festival, is a period of six weeks, which makes
up the number of forty-two days, and provided the six Lord's Days
among these are subtracted from the fast, the days of abstinence
which remain are not more than thirty-six in number."34 It thus
appears that they began Lent on a Lord's Day, for otherwise the
days of Lent would have been forty-six, not forty-two; but that the
fast began from the Monday following this first Sunday in Lent, for
the number of days being thirty-six shows clearly on what days the
fast was kept. This rule continued to be observed in the Roman
Church till the ninth century, according to the testimony of Araa-
larius, in whose times Christians used to fast on thirty-six days.35
The Fathers of the eighth Council of Toledo indicate that a similar
rule was observed by all the Churches of the West; following up the
intention of Pope Gregory and other early Fathers, that Council re-
garded Lent as the tenth part of the whole year, saying thus: "For
since the days of Lent are computed to be the tenth of the whole year,"
&c. And how could the days of the fast have been equal to the tenth
of the whole year if they had been more than thirty-six in number?
But the plainest and most explicit testimony is that of Isidore of
Seville, who thus describes the rule of his time : " In the calculation
of Lent," he says, "there is exactly made up the sum of the tenths
required by the law. For thirty-six days is the tenth part of the
whole year; for if we take away from Lent the Sundays, on which
no fasts are kept, we have in the days which are left as it were the
tenth of the year, on which days we meet at church,"36 &c. The
33 V. Microl. in Observ. Eccl. prop. galium decimarum expletur. Totum
47, and Rupert. Abb. De Eccl. Off. 1. enim anni temp us triginta sex numero
i_ c. 6. dierum decimatur. Subtractis enim
34 Homil. i6inMatth. a Quadragesima Dominicis diebus, qui-
35 De Div. Offic. 1. i.e. 7. bus jejunia resolvuntur, his diebus, quasi
36 De Eccl. Offic. 1. i. c. 37, ["In pro totius anni decimis, ad ecclesiam
supputatione Quadragesimse summa Le- concurrimus," &c]
OF THE FASTS OF CHRISTIANS. 493
same account is found of the other Churches of the West in Alcuin,
in an epistle to him from Charlemagne which he gives.
But from the eleventh century a new custom grew up of beginning
Lent on the Wednesday before the first Sunday in Lent, which is
now the use among all the Latins, with the single exception of the
Church of Milan, which is tenacious of the old rule, and even in our
day does not begin the Lenten fast till the Monday after the first
Lord's Day in Lent. Perhaps some have thought that this Latin
method of beginning Lent is the more ancient of the two from hav-
ing read in the Gregorian Sacramentary that Mass inferia quarta in
capite jejunii, "for the Wednesday at the beginning of the fast."
But that Mass and the title of that Liturgy are altogether very modern,
as I shall show in the History of Liturgical MSS.
I may here bring forward one argument more, to take away, if
possible, the doubt which some may yet feel from this last named
cause. Against the Mass of that Sacramentary let them weigh the
one which is used on the first Lord's Day in Lent, for in the secreta
of that Mass there occurs the following, "Let us solemnly offer the
sacrifice for the beginning of Lent," &c.; and the prayers for the
Monday after the first Lord's Day in Lent speak in the very same
way about the beginning of the fast: from this it is evident that in
former times Lent began on the Monday of the first week in Lent,
and that the Mass for Ash Wednesday was lately added to the Sa-
cramentary, the prayers being taken from that of the same Monday
of the first week in Lent.
Without wishing to keep ordination candidates too long on this
point which I am explaining to them, I would further remark, that,
from the ninth century, and perhaps earlier, the Wednesday after
Quinquagesima Sunday was nevertheless called caput jejunii, the
beginning of the fast, though in altogether a different sense: for as
since the eighth century, this, as we shall explain, was the day on which
penitents began their course of penance, they began their fast also
from this day; therefore perhaps it is that the mass also speaks about
the beginning of the fast, for it even then might very appropriately
begin to be recited at the imposition of a sentence of penance, though
it is not till later, after the eleventh century, as I have said, that
these prayers are found in the Gregorian Sacramentar}', which before
that were used specially for the Monday aforesaid. Hence docu-
ments of that age never say that Lent began on a Wednesday, but
yet they say that that day was called the beginning of the fast (caput
jejunii) as is distinctly e.g. intimated by the Fathers of the Council
of Meaux, who say, "After the Wednesday, which is called the be-
ginning of the fast, on which day all the penitents receive the impo-
sition of hands, that they may devote themselves to the work of
penance only and to the Divine Offices."37 If Wednesday was really
37 Anno 845, c. 76, ["Nemo comi- tentes maims impositionem ad vacan-
tum, aut quisquam ex judicaria potes- dum solummodo pcenitentise et divinis
tate, post quartam feriam quse caput omciis accipiunt, placitum aut mallum
jejunii nominatur, in qua omnes pceni- tenere prsesumat."]
494 POLITY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH.
the beginning of the Lenten fast, the Fathers, in the words cited
above, would not have said that it was called the beginning of the
fast, but that it really was so.*
But in ancient times Christians of the Eastern Church refrained
from fasting on Lord's Days and Sabbaths in Lent: perhaps the
early Church did so in imitation of the Old Testament Saints, as is
said of Judith, that "she fasted on all days except Sabbath-days and
new-moons and feasts of the house of Israel."38 Wherefore it was
usual both with the Eastern and Western Churches to omit the
observance of Saints' Days when they fall on days of abstinence.
Thus the Fathers of the Council of Laodicea directed that it was
not fitting "during Lent to keep the birth-days of the Martyrs, but
that the commemorations of the holy Martyrs must be held on Sab-
baths and Lord's Days."39 And because the Festival of the An-
nunciation fell on a day in Lent, the Latins [at the Council of
Toledo] transferred it to a part of the year which would not inter-
fere with the solemnity of the fast,40 [the 18th of December, though
it was afterwards restored]. Hence the Greeks, not being accus-
tomed to transfer that festival, refrain from fasting on that day. But
this rule, according to which Christians abstained from fasting not
only on Lord's Days but also on the Sabbaths, seems to have been
observed among the Latins down to the sixth century: for at that
time Councils everywhere directed that "with the exception only of
Lord's Days a strict fast should be observed, during Lent as also on
Saturday, at the direction of the priest, and under threats of severe
penalties."41 As early then as those times the old custom was re-
tained among Oriental Churches only.
In concluding this paragraph I may add a few words with reference
to the Liturgy of Penitents, who used to be put to open penance on
Ash Wednesday (feria quarta cinerum), with certain special cere-
monies.
On the Wednesday, then, after Quinquagesima Sunday, commonly
called Ash Wednesday, both those who had for some time been
undergoing a course of penance (for a public course of penance was
begun immediately after the confession of a sin) and those who on
* [Pelliccia singularly omits the proof with the celebration of Good Friday,
afforded by the Roman Breviary, in (See above pp. 338, 339.)]
which the Lenten Hymns and Respon- 41 Cone. Agathen. An. 506, c. 12,
sories do not begin till the first Sunday and Aurelian. IV. An. 541, c. 2. _ [(1)
in Lent.] "Omnes Ecclesise filii, exceptis diebus
38 Cap. viii. v. 6. dominicis in Quadragesima, etiam die
39 Can. 51, [l'Ov 5e? eV reacra- Sabbato, sacerdotali ordinatione et dis-
paKoarfj fxaprvpoiv ya/eOKiov iirire- trictionis comminatione jejunent." (2)
Aelv, aAAa tup ayicov fxaprvpcov [xvziav "Quadragesima ab omnibus ecclesiis
iroielv 4v vols aaPfiarois Kal Kvpia- sequaliter teneatur, neque Quinquagesi-
kcus."] mam aut Sexagesimam antepascha qui-
40 V. Cone. Tolet. X. An. 656, c. 1, libet sacerdos prcesumat indicere; sedne-
[Orclers that the feast of the Annuncia- que per Sabbata absque infirmitate quis-
tion shall, in future, be kept on De- quam solvat Quadragesima jejunium,
cember 18th, because, falling in Lent, nisi tantum die dominico prandeat, quod
it interfered with the fast, and often sic fieri patrum statuta sanxerunt."]
OF THE FASTS OF CHRISTIANS. 495
this day were about to begin to do penance for the first time—all
these presented themselves to the bishop before the doors of the
church clothed in sackcloth,42 while the bishop, as it used to be in
former times, or the parish priest also, as it was in the middle ages,
invited the people, and especially penitents, to come to confession.
Therefore it is that Ratherius, Bishop of Verona, orders parish priests,
to invite people to confession on the Wednesday before. Lent.43
Law-suits were therefore forbidden on this day, that Christians might
not in any way be hindered from doing penance; which, besides
other evidence, appears from a direction of the Council of Meaux
in the ninth century, in which it was decreed, that "no magistrates
or judges should presume to hold any court or public meeting* after
the Wednesday which is called the beginning of the fast, the day on
which all penitents receive the laying on of hands, that they may
devote themselves only to penitence and the offices of divine ser-
vice." This discipline was kept up as long as the orders of peni-
tents continued; and though after the tenth century public peniten-
tial discipline became, as we said, obsolete everywhere, yet the
custom still survived for the faithful to confess their sins to their own
presbyter at the beginning of Lent: and this custom had the force of
an ecclesiastical constitution, as we infer from an ancient office-book
of the Church of Tours written after the tenth century, in Martene,
in which among the sins, which were to be laid bare to a presbyter,
we read: "I did not confess in Lent, as is commanded."44 Hence
in recent times the Fathers of the Council of Trent said: "Then in
the Church universal, to the great benefit of the souls of the faithful,
is observed that wholesome custom of making confessions in the
holy and most acceptable season of Lent—which custom this Council
most cordially approves and adopts, as a pious practice, and one in
any wise to be retained."45 Henceforth it has been recommended,
though not commanded, to the faithful, to make a confession of their
sins at the beginning of Lent: and therefore very many do not at all
fear to put off their confession for a long time, even till after Easter.
But Bellarmine in his posthumous notes to the Council of Trent
teaches that this is not only an abuse, but that the Fathers of that
Council expressly said the beginning of Lent was the right time.
He says that the words of the Council must not be understood of
the end of Lent, though an abuse has crept in as if they did, but of
the beginning of that season, as was wisely ordered in former times.
And now we proceed to describe the ritual, as we find it in old
42 Cone. Agath. ibid. (?) 45 Sess. xiv. c. 5, [This canon of the
43 In Epist. Synod, in D'Acherii Council of Trent establishes the ne-
Spicileg. T. II. cessity of confessing in every mortal sin
* [Cone. Meldense, An. 845, c. 76, which, by diligent self-examination, can
"Placitum aut mallum tenere prsesu- be brought to remembrance. With re-
mat;" "Mallum (or malum) = publi- gard to venial sins it states, that it is
cus conventus in quo majores causae not absolutely necessary to confess them,
disceptebantur," &c. (Du Cange.)] and that they may be expiated in many
44 De Antiq. Eccl. Rit. 1. i. c. 6, other ways.]
Art. 7.
496 POLITY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH.
Sacramentaries, of imposing and undergoing penance in public at
the beginning of Lent.
The penitents assembling within the church, close to the doors,
"with heads bowed down and on bended knees," as Optatus, Bishop
of Milevi, tells us, and bare-footed,46 waited for the bishop, the
clergy the while chanting the Penitential Psalms: as the bishop
approached them the deacon said, "Let us pray;" then the bishop
recited prayers over them—those which we have in old Sacramen-
taries under the title "For the beginning of Lent," or "Sexa-
gesima;" when the prayers were concluded the penitents said a
general confession of sins in a precomposed form; and a second
time the bishop offered up other prayers in their behalf; then taking
the ashes handed him by a deacon, he sprinkled them over the peni-
tent's head, saying the words (especially since the twelfth century,
as is plain from Penitentials of the time), "Remember, man, that
dust thou art, and unto dust shalt thou return;" and immediately he
put on the penitents a hair-shirt, saying, "Break thy heart, and
humble thy soul in sackcloth and ashes; for a humbled heart God
does not despise." And then the bishop offered the concluding
prayer. The first part of the service being thus over, the bishop then
cast them forth outside the doors of the church, saying: "Lo, thou
art cast forth this day from the bosom of thy mother the Church for
thy sin, as Adam the first man was cast forth from Paradise for his
sin." To which the choir responded, " In the sweat of thy face thou
shalt eat bread."47
This was the whole office of the imposition of penance. Those
who were to undergo the penance were restricted to a certain
secluded part of the church, specially kept for them, near the door,
as we have described. Here they remained till the Thursday before
Easter, on which day, as we said, penitents used to receive absolu-
tion from the bishop.
§ 2. Of the Fasts of the Four Seasons.
This fast, commonly called the fast of the four seasons (quatuor
temfiorum), [Germ. Quatember, Eng. E?nber\ is one of the very
highest antiquity; for very ancient records testify to its observance
in every part of the Church; and therefore, as the origin of it is in-
volved in obscurity, there is good reason for regarding it as an
Apostolical institution.48 But the Apostles perhaps borrowed this
46 Contr. Donatist. 1. ii. c. 25, 26. erect. "Has plebes coegistis flectere
[Optatus charges the Donatists with et inclinare cervices, et serie capitum
having compelled faithful bishops to do juncta, massam pcenitentiam facere."
penance, though it was a thing unknown . . . "Super eorum vel earum capita
among Catholics for any bishop to do velamina poenitentiae tenditis."]
penance ; and with having obliged faith- '17 Ex MS. Poenit. ap. Morin. 1. iv.
ful laity, even women and children, to c. 18, p. 149.
prostrate themselves as penitents on the 48 Vide Patrum et Concilior. testi-
earth, whereas Christians prayed, not monia apud Anton. Augustin. In Epit.
lying on the ground, but with head Jur. Can. 1. xii. tit. 19. [Leo the Great
OF THE FASTS OF CHRISTIANS. 497
fast from the old law, as the Jews used to observe fasts on the fourth,
fifth, seventh, and tenth months. The fast is generally called the
fast of the four [or Ember] seasons, because thus each of the four
seasons of the year is thus consecrated by a three days' fast: a fast
is thus thrice, kept in the spring, summer, winter, and autumn quar-
ters of the year.
In ancient times, however, Christians did not observe these fasts
on the same days as we now do: for the days in each season of the
year varied, according to local circumstances, in different places, as
we are told by Isidore of Seville.49 The observance of those par-
ticular Ember days which is now in use among ourselves, would
appear to have been fixed about the eleventh century, and expressly
after the Council of Clermont held by Pope Urban II. (a.d. 1095.)
§ 3- Of the Fasts of the Vigils and the Stations.
The day before any feast-day in the Church is in our time called
also a day of vigil, a name derived from ancient discipline. For in
former times on the eve of the day preceding a festival the faithful
used to assemble at church, and there spend the whole night in the
offices of liturgical psalmody: this practice first began when the fes-
tival of any Martyr was celebrated. Basil says : "Now even from the
hour of midnight, ye have been assembled at the holy church of the
Martyr, and have continued praising in hymns the God Himself of
martyrs even until day, awaiting our coming."50 It appears from
these words that Christians used to pass the whole night without
sleep, continuing the service of psalmody till break of day. There-
fore that fast was called a vigil [or watch], which began after vespers,
and was concluded by a celebration of the mystical liturgy and a
reception of the Eucharist.
This fast of the vigils was also sometimes designated by the name
of a station, as a station, such as we have before described, used to
be proclaimed, which on the festivals of martyrs was accompanied
by a fast; so that the word station, as used by the Fathers of the
first age, meant 2. fast. Thus Tertullian says: "Daniel was without
food during a station of three weeks."51 But when stations were
held on Lord's Days and other days in the morning, then they could
not be accompanied by a fast. It is useless then for Aubepine
to attempt to lay down a distinction between a station and a fast :5~
for it is self-evident that only that station which was celebrated
speaks of the four fasts in Semi. 19, speaks of four fasts to be observed "se-
"Jejunmm vernum in Quadragesima, cundum Scripturas sacras," i.e. those
sestivum in Pentecoste, autumnale in in Lent, Pentecost, the seventh month
mense septimo, hiemale autem in hoc and the first of November, (Jer. xxxvi'.
qui est decimus celebrarnus;" and in 9.)]"
Serm. 79 he says they rest on Apos- 50 Horn. 13 in Psalm, cxiv.
tolical tradition, i.e. perhaps on Church 51 Lib. de Anima, c. 24(?)'[" Daniel
authority; they are not observed in the trium hebdomadarum statione caruit
Eastern Church.] victu."]
49 De Div. Offic. i. c. 37, sqq. [He ^ Observat. 1. i. c. 16.
K K
49& POLITY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH.
by night, could be kept also as a fast, such as was the station which
was held on the vigils of Martyrs. But since a vigil always implied
a fast, which could not be kept on the Lord's Day, because^ as
Augustine says, "it would be a scandal to fast on the Lord's Dayj"53
therefore if a vigil occurred on the Lord's Day, the fast was kept on
the Saturday, according to an old custom of the Church.
This is all we need say about fasts, since we have already spoken
about the Rogation days, and other fasts of that kind, and we
should not have time to enumerate all the separate fast-days, which
occur throughout the year.
§ 4. Of the one common daily meal; of breakfast and supper of the
early Christians.
What is thought of chief importance in a fast is that there is only
one daily meal in it. But we are told by Cassiodorus that the an-
cients, especially the Western nations, were in the habit of taking
only one meal in the course of the day: "It was the custom of the
ancients," he says, "to take food once only."54 But this was a con-
sequence of the mode of life usual among the ancients, who were
so taken up with the work of the day, especially that done in the
open air in the country, that it was late before they took their food.
Hence Salvianus, describing the most ancient customs in this matter,
says, "Was the penurious life which the rustics then lived, even
tolerable to them, so full as it was of groaning and sorrow? When
they could only eat their cheap and rustic meals before the hearths
on which they had cooked them, and were never allowed to take
even them except at the hour of evening?"55 From this ancient
custom however the fashion survived even among the Romans and
other more polished nations of taking only one regularly prepared
and served up meal (ceena)* which was their (prandium) or dinner:
for as we take this meal at noon, so they took it about sunset.
Hence it would be a matter of reproach to any one to take a meal
in the middle of the day, as Cicero finds fault with Verres for doing,
53 Epist. 86, [Ed. Migne, xxxvi. § "CaW was still the name by which
10 "Dominico die in quo scandalum they called that meal; and the old early
est ieiunare."] dinner (now an extra meal) was called
51 Comm in Psalm, xiv., [" Antiquis "Prandinm." "Coma apud antiquos
mos erat semel cibum sumere."] dicebatur quod nunc est prandium; Ves-^
65 De Gubernat. Dei, 1. i. c. 2, pcrua, quam nunc coenam appellamus.
["Numquid parcam illam tunc, agres- (Festus, s.v. Coma.) The ancient use
temnue vitam cum gemitu et dolore to- still prevails on the continent: e.g., in
lerabant cum viles et rusticos cibos ante France, where the roll and cup of coffee
ipsos quibus coxerant, focos sumerent, at rising represents the "jentaculum:
eosque ipsos capere, nisi ad vesperam, the dejeuner a la fourchette at 11 or
nonliceret?"] I2> the "prandium: the lunch or
* r" Carta" is said to be kindred with goftter, at 1 or 2, the merenda; the
"Qoivv? the ordinary Greek word for dinner at 5 to 8, the "coena; and the
banquet The early midday dinner of supper at night (the rere-supper of
the ancient Romans was called "Cana:" Tudor England), the "comissatio, or
when they began to dine late, first at carouse.]
three o'clock, and then in the evening,
OF THE FASTS OF CHRISTIANS. 499
charging him with having "wasted his days in banquetings, and his
nights in wantonness."56
But though the ancients kept their principal meal {prandium) for
the evening, yet by degrees it became a habit amongst them sparingly
to recruit their strength by eating during the day, both at noon, and
at other hours of the day: for at noon they used to take a little food
as it were "by the way," which they used to call prandere as it were
"snatching" a meal. Hence the saying of Festus : "The ancients used
to call the meals prandicirfa, because they were snatched, so to speak,
in the middle of the day."57 In fact this prandium used to be taken
not sitting but standing, as Suetonius plainly tells when speaking of
Augustus.58 They used also to take [early] in the day a meal called
"jentaculum," a kind of soup (juscuium), which was really rather a
drink than anything of a meal (prandium), as is truly pointed out
by Dorleantius, when speaking of the ancient Gauls ;59 and so the
French now express taking supper (ccenare) by the word souper, a
term expressive of the noise made by "supping up;" for to our
primitive ancestors spoons were unknown, and people used to suck
up soup with their mouths. But whatever food was taken either
before or after mid-day, especially by the artizan class was called
merenda, i.e. an "afternoon luncheon:" whence the expression of
Plautus, "See, if you please, that you do not go away anywhere to
luncheon."60 Hence it is plain that very many otherwise learned
writers, as e.g. Bulengerus,61 Cockierius,63 Dunneus,63 &c, are mis-
taken when they think that the ancients only took food once in the
day: it is true indeed that they only sat down once in the day to
a regular meal in the evening, as we have said, but during the day
they used to keep up their strength by meals, called jentaada, and
merendce, and especially by the meal called prandium, taken in the
afternoon.
From these remarks it will be easily understood in what the fast
56 Orat. in Verr. v. 10, 26 ; Add. G0 Mostell. iv. 2, 50, [49], cf. Isidor.
Lipsii Excurs. ad Tacit. Annal. lib. xiv. Origg. xx. 2. [Plautus says, ''Vide
A., ["Diem conviviis, noctem etiam sis, ne forte ad merendam quopiam di-
stupris."] vorteris." Isidore says, "Mereuda est
57 S. h. v. p. 61, ed. Dacier. cfr. p. cibus qui declinante die sumitur, quasi
371; and Senec. Ep. 84, 87, [(1) post meridiem edenda, et proxima cce-
'' Prandicula antiqui dicebant, quod na:, unde et anfeeauia a quibusdam
scilicet medio die caperentur." (2) Se- vocatur. Item //lereudare, quasi men die
neca says of it, " Panis deinde siccus et cdere" Pie elsewhere gives another de-
sine mensa prandium, post quod non rivation: "Ulerenda, quod antiquitus
sunt lavandce manus:" he implies that id temporis pueris operariis cibus panis
it was a hasty meal, such as sailors, merits dabatur, aut quod meridient, i.e.
(Juv. Sat. vi. 101,) or soldiers, (Liv. soli, ac separatim, non ut in pran-
xxviii. 14,) partook of when on duty, dio, aut in ccena, ad imam mensam."
without sitting down.] Festus, p. 123, ed. Mull., says, "Mc~
5S In August, c. 8S. renda dicitur cibus post meridiem qui
59 Comm. in Tacit. Ann. 1. i. c. 12, datur."]
[The Roman breakfast was called " jen- ,a De Conviv. Veter. 1. i. c. 6.
taculum," because derived ajejunio sol- 6- Fac. Histor. Part. 1, c. 6.
veiidOy according to Isidore, answering b3 De Veter. Luxu, c. 9.
to the Greek d/cpa-rio^a.]
K K 2
500 POLITY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH.
of the ancient Christians consisted; for they were not allowed to take
dinner, or breakfast, or luncheon, {prandium, jentaadiim, merenda^)
which used to be eaten during the day: but only supper (coena) which
was to them instead of a dinner. But afterwards by degrees a new
custom grew up in the social life of the Western Roman Empire, as
the manners of the Romans became more effeminate; and they in-
dulged in a larger meal (prandium) at noon; so that not once only,
but twice in the day they would take a regular meal, not standing
up, as formerly, but sitting down to regularly served up dishes: this
custom they borrowed from the effeminate Greeks (Grceculi) who
used to take food very often during the day: wherefore Plautus says
of some one who took many meals in the day that he "lived like a
Greek," that he spent life in breakfasting, taking luncheons, gorman-
dising, and in playing the Greek.64 And from that time, therefore,
[a similar change was observable] among Christians also: their old
custom died out of taking food on fast-days only in the evening; for
they did not like to act differently from what was now the new
fashion, and so they began to take food at noon, thinking they satis-
fied the conditions of a fast, if they abstained from suppers and other
meals such as breakfasts (coma aliisque jentaculis).
But through the first three ages of the Church the severer custom
was maintained, and began by degrees to be given up in the fourth
century; hence after the fifth century it began to be the fashion to
have the one common meal about noon, only once a day; and there-
fore in the first four centuries that one meal is called by the Fathers
"ccena.,,r° But subsequently, when the Christians, as they dined at
noon, were not strong enough to do without food till dinner next
day, they began by degrees to take some food and drink after even-
ing, though they did not like to call it coma, because it was too light
a meal to be called by this name. Commonly therefore both laity
and clergy called it a "refection" [refreshment], borrowing the name
from the monks, who about the same time began the custom of
meeting together of an evening to hear readings from the Scriptures
or the early Fathers, and who used to take a little wine and a
crust of bread, or some dried food, on these occasions upon fast-
days. Meetings together of this kind they also called "colla-
tions :"66 whence at length the light refreshment itself (refcctiuncula),
which was taken during the reading and listening, began to be
called a "collation," and it is called so in our own day. We
must however bear in mind that down to the age of the Schoolmen
Christians never took anything on fast-days except dry food and
some wine or water, though after the fifth century refreshments such
as we have described were provided out of a regard for the weakness
of men: but in the fifth century the rigour of the ancient discipline
64 Ibid., ["Jentando, meridiando, Epist. 24, ad Amand.; Ambros. in
comessando, pergrcecando vitam du- Hexaemer., &c.
cere.»] 6f) Ex Regula S. Basil. Latin, antiq.
G5'Vide August. Serm. 62 de Temp. vers. c. 53, ap. Haeffen. 1. ix. tract. 1,
[Ed. Migne, cxlii. in Append.]; Paulin. ex ilia S. Benedicti, c. 42.
CANONICAL PURGATIONS OF THE -MIDDLE AGES. 501
began to be relaxed by slow degrees, those who were fasting being
allowed to take fish also for a collation, and no measure being fixed
of the drink allowed them. And therefore, though the Schoolmen
have taken up all kinds of opinions, and raised all kinds of useless
questions on the matter, only the name of collation has in point of
fact survived [as a relic of what it really means]: so that no small
amount of labour was undergone by Councils and by the more
sensible Theologians of the last age, in hopes that, as far as they
could do, the decaying discipline of fasting might be placed under
certain rules and within certain limits and checks.
If the reader wishes to know more on this subject, he must consult
the Doctors of moral theology.*
CHAPTER XL
OF THE CANONICAL PURGATIONS OF THE MIDDLE AGES.
A practice grew up, chiefly in the middle ages, called a "canonical
purgation." By this name was meant a mode of action by which
any one might in those times be cleared of a crime laid to his
charge, when nothing with any certainty could be determined by a
judicial investigation respecting the guilt of some suspected person;
for if an accused person had been legally convicted, there was no
room for a canonical purgation.
Among the forms of canonical purgation, which were of very great
variety in their character, the most important were these three: a
purgation by the Cross: by reception of the Eucharist: and by Oath.
A purgation of this kind was called canonical, because it had been
ordered by actual canons of councils in the middle ages, and by
Pontifical Constitutions of those times. Hence in a Collection of
the Decretals of Gregory IX. there is one entitled " On Canonical
Purgation," Lib. v., tit. xxxiv. In the Capitularies of the Frankish
Kings there is frequent mention made of the "Judgment of the
Cross," which is called " the Cross," e.g., thus, "if the accuser in any
suit come forward, and is unwilling to accept any proposed settle-
ment of the matter, let them contend in a field of battle or by the
* [The Apostolical Constitutions, Bk. Christ Jesus our Lord, throuo-h
vii. ch. 49, give an early example of a Whom glory, and honour, and power
"Grace" said at meals: it is called, be unto Thee, world without end.
"Ei>xb «V apiary" "Prayer at the. Amen" This "Grace" is quoted (in
midday meal:" "Blessed art Thou, O the treatise De Vi?-ginitate, §§12 1-
Lord, Who feedest me from my youth, inter Athanas. Opp.) as'one in' use
Who givest food to all flesh. Fill our among Christians. On the subject of
hearts with j oy and gladness; that hav- 'l saying Grace'' and '' drinking healths,''
ing always all sufficiency, we may see also above, pp. 286, 2S7/I
abound unto every good work, in
5°2 POLITY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH.
Cross."1 And again : "Let one who asserts that wrong has been done,
and is willing to contend the point, have liberty to do so either in
court, or by wager of battle, or by the Cross."2 From whence it is
plain that liberty was given either to an accused or to an accuser
either to decide by a judicial process, that is to dispute the matter
in court, or to contend on the field, that is to fight by armed force,
(which was done in single combat, and was the popular kind of
ordeal), or to contend ad crucem, i.e., to have recourse to the purga-
tion of the Cross.
What the purgation of the Cross exactly means cannot be easily
explained. Amerbach argued from two texts of the Capitularies
referred to that by the word cross was meant certain weapons which
were so called from the figure of the cross which they represented,3
for in testimonies referring to the subject the word " contending" is
used: but if the combat must be fought with the Cross, the Cross
must be a kind of weapon. Besides the shape of the weapons which
were generally used in the middle ages, to judge by the monuments of
those times, favours the conjecture of Amerbach. Certainly the
spears presented in a fashion the figure of a Cross. But though so
far as appearance goes, this conjecture seems a very probable one, it
is yet entirely refuted by the testimony of the Council of Verberic
in the diocese of Soissons, which was held in the middle of the
eighth century: "If any woman has given out that her husband has
never been living with her as his wife, let them then go forth to the
Cross, and if it be the truth, let them be separated, and let her do
what she pleases."4 A judgment cannot be tried or decided by
arms between a man and a woman: and therefore we must conclude
that the expression exire ad crucem, and judgment by the Cross, did
not mean that Christians in the middle ages engaged in combat
when they appealed to this ordeal, but that the trial by the Cross
must have meant something else.
Gretser has expressed his opinion that the trial by the Cross
meant by an oath taken on the Cross, or holding a Cross :5 but
though oaths may have been taken in those days by swearing on the
Cross, or holding a Cross, this could never be called the judgment
of the Cross, for the expression will not bear such an interpretation.
What then does "contending by the Cross" mean? for the expres-
sion is a very common one in documents of the middle ages. Was
it a contest waged by swearing? It could not possibly mean this:
therefore the "purgation of the Cross" cannot have been effected
by swearing on oath, and the more so because when the same docu-
1 Capit. 1. iii. c. 46, ["Si auctor ve- :i Apud Gretser. 1. ii. de Cruce, c.
nerit, et rem accipere noluerit, campo 21.
vcl Cruce contendant."] 4 An. 752, can. 17, ["Si qua mulier
2 In Append. Capit. 1. ii. c. 33, proclamaverit quod vir suus nunquam
[" Dicens quod illis sit damnum fac- coiisset cum ea, exeant inde ad Crucem,
turn, et hoc contendere voluerit in ju- et si verum fuerit, separentur, et ilia
dicio, aut in campo, aut ad crucem, li- faciat, quod vult."]
centiam habeat."] 5 Grets. ibid. 1. ii. c. 16.
CANONICAL PURGATIONS OF THE MIDDLE AGES. 503
ments speak of a purgation by oath, as they often do, they use
language altogether different from what they use when speaking of
one by the Cross.
Two testimonies are extant of that age, which have plain reference
to this method of purgation. We read the first in Ripuandius.6
According to him, an accused, whose guilt is not established, is
ordered to stand against a Cross, that is before the figure of a Cross,
during forty nights, [some say with his arms extended in an horizontal
position, so that he forms the figure of a Cross], if he should be
able to stand this time in that position he was innocent, if he fell [if
his arms dropped], he was accounted certainly guilty. But this was a
very peculiar kind of canonical purgation, not used anywhere except
in a few parts of Germany. But the most common purgation of
the Cross is that which is described in the laws of the Frisiones,
[North Holland], of which it will be worth while to give an account
here. It distinctly explains all the ceremony by which we clearly
see the force of the expression "Contending by the Cross:" that
it was in fact a contest by lots, and that by this method the whole
trial was conducted. The account is as follows: "If any one has
been slain in an insurrection or popular fray, and the murderer
cannot be discovered it is lawful for one who wishes
to seek on whom to lay the guilt of the crime, to arraign for the
murder as many as seven men, and charge some one of them with
it, and each of these ought to clear himself of the crime laid to his
charge by taking the solemn oath with his own twelfth hand :* then
they must be taken to a church, and lots must be placed on the
altar: or, if no church is at hand, on the relics of saints. The
lots ought to be of the following description: two dice made of
wood broken off from a tree, which they call tenos or dice,
one of which is to be marked with the sign of the Cross, and so
known : the other to be left without any mark at all upon it. These
two dice, wrapped in clean wool, are to be laid on the altar or on
relics: and a presbyter, if one is present, or if no presbyter is at
hand, an innocent child, must draw one of the lots off the altar;
meanwhile God must be invoked in a prayer that, if the seven men
who have taken an oath respecting the commission of the murder
shall have sworn truly, He will show it by a clear sign. If they draw
the lot which is marked with a Cross, they shall be innocent who
have sworn; but if the other one is drawn, then each one of the
seven men shall take his own lot, i.e., his wooden die, and mark it
with a mark of his own, so that it may be recognised by him and the
other bystanders; and they shall be wrapped in clean wool, and be
laid on the altar or the relics, and a presbyter, if one be present, and
if not an innocent child, as before, shall take each of the lots one
by one from off the altar, and give it to him who recognises it as his
own lot: and the man, whoever he is, whose lot happens to be the
fi In Legib. tit. 7, apud Goldast. T. * [The meaning of this expression is
III. explained below.]
5°4 POLITY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH.
very last drawn, shall be compelled to make composition for the
murder, while the others, whose lots have been previously drawn,
shall be pronounced innocent: while if, as we have said above, at
the first casting of the lots, that one which is marked with the Cross
be drawn, all the seven who have taken the oath shall be pronounced
innocent, as we have said; and the accuser, if he pleases, may arraign
another set of men on charge of the same murder, and whoever has
been so arraigned must clear himself of the charge by the more
complete and solemn oath (perfectorio sacramento) on his own twelfth
hand; and with this the accuser must be satisfied, no further trial by
lot shall be compulsory on any one."7
The judgment [or purgation] of the Cross, then, was not a simple
trial by oath, but it was managed by a drawing of lots, preceded by
the taking of a solemn oath. And we read of the same method of
purgation as this in the Laws of the Lombards,8 and among the
Franks as part of the Salique law,9 and among the English, according
to^ Bede,10 and of its being in use among other Western nations:
this canonical purgation continued in force perhaps till the thirteenth
century, though in some places it had become obsolete earlier, as is
evident from the Laws of the Lombards,11 by which in that age this
trial was forbidden, "lest by any man's rashness the Passion of
Christ be brought into contempt," as the doctors of that time say
was often the case.
A second kind of purgation used to be managed by reception of
the Eucharist: for he who had been accused, used publicly to receive
the Eucharist from the hand of a presbyter, while at the same time
a certain form of imprecation was used to this effect, that he might
not swallow the Eucharist, or that if he did take it, he might imme-
diately fall down if he were guilty. See the formula used at this pur-
gation, and the manner of using it, in the Chronicle of [the Abbey
of] Hirsauge by the Abbat Trithemius: and we are told by Lam-
bertus Schafnaburgensis in Baronius that it was used also by Pope
Gregory VII. But although this purgation was used as a " testimony
of innocence/' yet it will be readily understood that it was very
often abused by abandoned men of that period, for which reason,
that Christians might not fall into the condemnation threatened
by the Apostle [Paul against profaners of the Sacrament],12 the
Church, about the twelfth century, forbade this form of purgation
being used.13
Lastly, there was a third kind of canonical purgation which was
effected by an oath, which kind became common in those judicial
investigations, in which the examination of the judge could not dis-
cover any mode of proof;14 for there would be no need of this pur-
7 In Legib. Frision. tit. 14, § 1, apucl 12 1 Corinth, xi. 29.
Gretser. ibid. 1. ii. cap. 25. 13 V. Balsam, in c. 16 Syn. (Ecum.
8 L. ii. tit. 28. VI.
9 Cap. 1. H Ex Legib. Baiular. tit. 15, ["In
10 De Remed. Peccat. c. 4. quibus nullam probationem cliscussio
11 L. ii. tit. 55. judicantis inveniebat."]
CANONICAL PURGATIONS OF THE MIDDLE AGES. 505
gation by oath when the judge had been clearly convinced of the truth
of a charge. This kind of canonical purgation is spoken of by
Hincmar as most commonly adopted in ecclesiastical and foreign
causes, and as having come down from the earliest ages.15 And
already in the Roman laws themselves an oath was constantly the
mode of putting an end to strife and controversy, as the various
titles of the Pandects show, and as is well known and admitted by
those versed in law. And from the Romans the custom was copied
by other countries, and appears to have been in common use among
the Western nations. Hence even the Pontiffs of the Roman
Church used this mode of purgation, as the Monk of S. Gall says of
Leo III. :16 and the same is told us of the Popes Pelagius, Dama-
sus, Xistus III. and Symmachus, by Anastasius the Librarian.17
This oath used first to be taken on a copy of the Gospels, as we read
in Anastasius, in his histories of the Popes referred to. But in the
beginning of the middle ages, the custom began of taking the oath
over the relics of Martyrs and other saints: for those who were
going to take it used to stand by the tomb of the Martyr, generally
in the presence of the bishop himself, or at any rate of some wit-
nesses, and " laying their hand upon the shrine containing the relics,"18
swore upon it: this was called sacra facere (to perform sacred rites).
We find the actual form of the oath in Gregory of Tours, who tells
us that the jurator (as he was called who in that age was thus put
upon his oath for an end of strife), used to say these words, "By this
holy place, and by the relics of the blessed Martyrs, I swear,''19 &c.
While taking the oath he used to lift up his hands on high.20 If for
any reason those who were to swear could not go to a tomb of a
Martyr, they took the same form of oath over the relics of saints
conveniently placed for them to do so in the presence of a jud^e or
of a bishop.
But it was required that this oath of purgation should be taken
not only by the party accused of any crime, but also at the same
time by certain others also who were selected by the jurator himself:
those thus selected are called in the Leges Baiularise, " Conjura-
tores,"21 or "Juratores Sacramentales/'22 or simply " Sacramentales."
^ Opusc. xiii. interrog. 6, ["In ec- ventu cum magna examinatione judicio
clesiasticis et externis legibus receptis- synodico purgatus a quinquaginta sex
simam, et a primis saeculis usitatanv'] episcopis." "Symmachus, incrimina-
16 In vita Caroli M. apud Lindebrog. tus, facta synodo purgatur a crimine "1
in Glossar. in voc. Purgatio. 1S In Codic. Leg. Alemann. tit' 6
In illor. vitis: [" Pelagius, tenens
[u Manum supra capsam ponebant."]
Evangelia, et crucem Domini super 19 Histor. Franc. 1. iv. c. 47, [" Per
caput suum in ambonem ascendens sa- hunc locum sanctum et reliquias Mar-
tisfecit cuncto populo et plebi, quia tyrum beatorum juro," &c]
nullum malum peregisset contra Vigi- -° Mir. de Glor. Mart.' 1. i. c. 20
lium." "Damasus accusatus est invi- [" Manus, ante altare staiis,' sursurn
diose et incriminatus de adnlterio, et extulit:" so "elevatis manibus/5 pas-
facta synodo, purgatus est a quadra- sim.]
ginta quatuor episcopis." "Xistus 21 In Chron. S. Dionysiano ap. Mart
III. incriminatus ..... audiens hoc in Thesaur. Vet. Monum. T. V.
Valentinianus Augustus jussit concilium "In Lege Salica.
sanctse synodi congregari, et facto con-
506 POLITY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH.
And according to the rank of the jurator, and the nature of the
crime laid to his charge, the judge used to determine the number of
the Sacramental jurators,23 who did not usually exceed twelve in
number: sometimes there were three, sometimes five, sometimes
seven of these Sacramentales.
We must not omit to notice that in the codes of laws of the
Western nations in mediaeval times, as in those of the Alemanni,
Frisiones, and Franks, the number of these Sacramental jurators is
usually defined by the following peculiar formula. Let him take the
oath with the sixth hand, the seventh hand, the twelfth hand, &c, i.e.,
let the accused swear with six, seven, or twelve Sacramental jurators.
It was called the sixth, seventh, &c, hand, as Odoricus Raynaldus
supposes,24 because whoever swore the oath lifted up his hand:
therefore the number of hands held up denoted the number of the
Sacramental jurators. But there seems, from the laws of the Ale-
manni, in which the ceremony of this oath is more plainly described,
to. have been a different meaning of this formula: "These sacra-
mental oaths ought to be taken in such a manner that these jurators
shall lay their hands on the shrine of relics, and only he whose
cause is the subject of the inquiry shall say the words and lay his
hand on the top of the hands of all the others.25 From this it is
plainly evident that when the oath was said to be sworn on the
sixth, seventh, or twelfth hand, the expression meant that the jurator
who took it had his hand on the top of five, six, or eleven other
hands, which, as the law referred to expresses it, he held grasped
together {comprehensas habebat). For this explanation exactly ac-
cords with the wording of the formula of that age: for the wording
of it is not, " Let them swear with the twelfth hand," but let him only
swear with the sixth, seventh, &c, hand, who was held to be guilty
of the crime, as if it were said that he should swear upon six or
seven hands. From this explanation it follows that the number of
the sixth, seventh, and twelfth hand, whatever it might be, did not
mean that this was the number of the Sacramental jurators, as all
learned men have heretofore thought, but in these numbers there is
likewise comprehended the principal jurator himself: so that if there
were five jurators taking the oath, he himself, with his own hand,
made the sixth hand; if there were six jurators, his hand would
make the seventh, and so on. To make this quite plain it will be
well to notice accurately, in passing, the text of Marculf in the
passage cited above: "It was decided, that out of the five named
persons, this one should take the oath over the shrine of S. Martin
by his own seventh hand, with twice three others/' Hence it ap-
pears that the seventh hand meant that of the jurator himself, which
placed upon the six men's hands who swore with him, made up the
number to seven.
Towards the end of the middle ages this canonical purgation fell
23 Vide Marculf. Formular. 1. i. 24 Ad Ann. 1119, num. 24.
c. 38. 25 Tit 6'
OF PLEBEIAN PURGATIONS OF THE MIDDLE AGES. 507
into disuse by degrees, for men by their perjury often profaned the
relics of the Martyrs, as the histories of those times constantly tes-
tify, and as we read also in our history of the second translation of
the body of S. Januarius, when the Neapolitans used this purgation
over the tomb of that Martyr in the chapel of the Neapolitan ceme-
tery, as we shall describe more at large in our Dissertation concern-
ing that Cemetery.
CHAPTER XII.
OF PLEBEIAN PURGATIONS OF THE MIDDLE AGES.*
Distinct altogether from canonical purgation, there was another
kind, known as the plebeian purgation, so called from the fact that it
never received the approbation of the Church; she, on the contrary,
disapproved of it so much as a barbarous system by which men
seemed as it were to abuse the power of God, that it was given up
altogether. This plebeian purgation was of three kinds: i. The trial
of single combat: 2. That of cold or hot water: 3. That of hot
iron. We will describe each in order.
§ 1. Of Purgation by Single Combat.
When a crime had been committed, the author of which could not
be certainly known, the suspected person used sometimes to clear
himself by a single combat or duel: the duel being fought either by
the man himself who lay under suspicion of the crime, and his
accuser : or by some other two men agreed upon by the accused and
the accuser.
This kind of purgation, however, was formerly peculiar to the
northern nations, for it was principally among the Danes that quarrels
were thus settled by a duel -} though it was not unusual among the
Saxons, Lombards, Franks, Gauls, and Spaniards, and some others
enumerated by Theophilus Raynaudus.2 Among these nations,
provision, we are told, was made by the law that controversies should
be determined by a duel, when the truth could not be certainly
arrived at by a judicial trial. Hence among these nations the clergy
themselves and even the monks were allowed to settle disputes by a
duel, and as by reason of their orders and clerical dignity they were
as a rule exempt from duelling, the duel was fought for them by
others.3 He who was the conqueror in the combat was looked upon
* [So called because these ordeals 1 Ex Krantio in Hist. Danise, 1. ii.;
were practically restricted to the com- 1. v. and vii.
monalty, while the "patrician" ordeal - T. IV. Ascetic. 1. iv. de virt.sect. c. ".
was the wager of battle.] 3 V. Delrio, Disq.Mag. 1. i. sect. 1, c.9.
5°% POLITY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH.
as innocent, and the conquered as guilty: for it was thought that
God gave strength to the innocent, and took it away from the guilty.
Therefore if any quarrel had arisen between Churches or between
monasteries, then such Churches and monasteries used to commit
the settlement of the dispute to two duellists, when the arguments
on either side were doubtful, and when there seemed no probability
of a legal settlement which would be satisfactory. We have con-
stantly examples of this kind in the writers of chronicles, and in
other histories of the middle ages.
But to this barbarous purgation, which in the code of the laws of
the Lombards themselves, is deservedly called an impious law,4 the
Church was all along opposed, and both laity and clergy were forbidden
by her to have recourse to it, the latter being punished by deposition,
as appears from one of the Decretals of Gregory IX., entitled, "On
Fighting Clerics/'5 and another called, " On the plebeian Purgation,"6
while for laymen the penalty was excommunication.7
After the thirteenth century this kind of purgation fell utterly into
abeyance, and has not ever been since revived.
§ 2. Of a Purgation by Water and Iron.
These two methods of "purgationes vulgares" had probably been
in use long before that of the duel. Certainly among most ancient
nations there was a custom of their proving innocence of alleged
crimes by means of a mode of appeal to extraordinary tokens; one
of which had the sanction of God among the Jews in that trial [by
the water of jealousy] which He appointed in the case of a woman
suspected of adultery.8 Such too was the method by which the
vestal virgins cleared themselves of suspected guilt.9 So the guards
of King Creon, in Sophocles, who were accusing one another of the
4 Libr. I. tit. 6. encounter, forbids him Christian burial:
5 L. v. tit. 14, ["De clericis pug- also excommunicates the instigators,
nantibus."] abettors, and even spectators of a
6 lb. tit. 35, ["De Purgatione Vul- duel.]
gari."] 8 Numb. v. 12—31.
7 In Cone. Trident, sess. 25, c. 19. 9 Ex Livio, xxix. 14, and Ovid. Fas-
[This canon of the Council of Trent tor. 4, 305, &c. [The references from
insists on the total cessation, through- Livy and Ovid do not bear out Pellic-
out Christendom, of the detestable cia's statement. In the story referred
custom of duelling, which it declares to the actual test was the Vestal draw-
to have been introduced by Satan for ing a ship, with an image of Vesta
the ruin of souls: enacts that all em- on board, by means of her girdle or
perors, kings, princes, and other lords, of a rope only: the ship had "stuck
granting a spot of ground for a duel, fast and remained immovable," she
shall be, ipso facto, excommunicated, dragged it to the shore, and by this
and deprived of the lordship of the action was honourably acquitted. But
town or place in which they permitted in Poole's Synopsis, notes on Numb, v.,
the duel: sentences the duellists and some curious ordeals among the heathen
their seconds to excommunication, loss are mentioned, somewhat resembling the
of property, and perpetual infamy ; and Water of jealousy, and perhaps to be
if either of the parties shall die in the traced to it, as their origin.]
OF PLEBEIAN PURGATIONS OF THE MIDDLE AGES. 509
secret burial of the dead body of Polynices [which they had been
set to watch,] say to the king:
i(^/j,€j/ 5' eroLpLoi teal fxudpovs aipetv %epo?^,
tco\ irvp Zizpireiv,"
"We are ready to grasp masses of red-hot iron in our hands,
And to pass through fire,"10
that so they might prove to him their innocence. The Christians of
the middle ages must, therefore, have borrowed these kinds of ordeals
from the ancient customs of Pagan nations. In such cases when
any one wished to attest his innocence, and there was no sufficient
proof to establish it, he used to plunge his hands and arms into
boiling water; this was called the purgation by boiling water; or
his hands and feet were bound together, and he was thrown into a
vessel full of cold water, which was called the cold water purgation;
or he grasped in his hands a red-hot ploughshare, which was called
the purgation by fire or by red-hot iron. These purgations are con-
stantly enjoined in the Laws of the Lombards, Frisiones of Holland,
Saxons, and other nations.
But when the purgation by scalding water was to be resorted to
the priest used to offer the sacrifice of the Mass, called in mediaeval
Sacramentaries Missa judicii, "the judicial mass," at the conclusion
of which a vessel of hot or boiling water was brought to him, and
over this the priest used to offer those prayers, by the first of which
he exorcised the water, and in the second he prayed to God to show
who was guilty. There are a great number of prayers of this kind in
the Sacramentaries of that age, and the reader will not be displeased
if we quote two of them here, as illustrating more clearly the man-
ners of those times.
In these words, then, taken from an ancient ritual,11 the priest
used to exorcise the water:
"I exorcise thee, thou creature water, in the name of God the
Father Almighty, and in the name of Jesus Christ, that thou
mayest become exorcised water, to put to flight all the power of the
enemy and every phantasm of the devil: so that if this man, now
about to put his hand into thee, be innocent, as he is reputed to be,
the compassion of Almighty God may deliver him; and if (which God
forbid) he be guilty, and shall have dared presumptuously to put his
hand into thee, may the power of the same Almighty God deign to
make this manifest concerning him, so that all men may fear and
tremble before His Holy Name, Who liveth and reigneth," &c.
After this exorcism had been recited, he added this prayer:
"O Almighty God, we unworthy sinners Thy servants most ear-
nestly make now our humble supplications to Thee. Be pleased, O
Lord, to manifest Thy holy, true, and righteous judgment unto us in
10 Antigone, v. 264. n Ap. Mabill. in Anal. T. I. in App.
5IQ POLITY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH.
this also, that we may judge this man aright in this matter. If by
any malice, through his own cupidity, or by the instigation of the devil,
he is guilty in deed or in will; and if he is wishing to subvert judg-
ment in this our trial, or to do such violence to it as to dare to put
his hand presumptuously into this water, be pleased of Thy goodness
to declare this unto us, that it may be discerned in his hand, what he
has done unjustly, so that henceforth he himself by a true confession
and by acts of penance may be brought to amendment of life; so
shall Thy holy and true judgment be declared among all nations
by Thee, the Redeemer of the world, Who livest and reignest," &c.
Then, if one who was by such a purgation as this seeking to establish
his innocence, was able to hold his hands in the water, and draw
them out of it unscalded, he was held by all men to be innocent;
on the other hand, if he either could not bear the heat of the boil-
ing water, or drew forth his hands from it scalded by the heat, he
stood convicted of his crime in the presence of his judge and of his
accuser.
The purgation by cold water was something altogether different.
It did not consist, as Delrio and some others have thought, in the
accused person putting his hands into cold water, for this experiment
would have been of no value whatever: but the method of purga-
tion was the following, as described by Boece :13
"The huge vessel to be used for the purgation of a man must be
filled to the very brim with cold water: and the man, naked, and
held up from above, and suspended by the aid of a sufficient number
of other men over the water, must suddenly be dropped into it:
and if he fell so heavily, and sank so deeply that he would be
immerged, so as to sink to the very bottom of the vessel, it would be
held that he was convicted of the crime, and he was condemned
accordingly; but if he did not sink so deeply as that, he was held to
be innocent, as one who was not weighted or pressed down with the
load of any guilt."*
When a suspected person was about to undergo this ordeal, he
used to go to a priest three days before that one appointed for the
purgation; these three days, moreover, he spent in fasting: and on
the day itself of the trial the priest used to celebrate mass in his
own church, allowing him to be present, and himself to offer the
oblation [for consecration]. At the conclusion of the celebration,
this priest used to pronounce a benediction, in a certain form of
words, over the water prepared for the purgation: the prayer which
he thus used as a benediction was rather a certain kind of adjuration,
as is clear from the one which is attributed to S. Dunstan: for the
priest used to pray God to give to the waters such a power that they
might receive into themselves those innocent of the crime which should
12 Cap. Relat. Ne Clerici vel Mo- ment, and is as described in the prayer
nachi 12. immediately following: the text is cor-
* [There is some blunder here: in nipt, or Pelliccia failed to notice the
the Forms of Ordeal in a vat of water contradiction.]
the test is the reverse of Boece's state-
OF PLEBEIAN PURGATIONS OF THE MIDDLE AGES. 5II
be investigated, and drag them down into the depth, but might
repel and reject from them those guilty of the crime charged against
them, nor consent to receive the body, which, emptied of the burden
of goodness, "the wind of wickedness has made light, and turned
to this wickedness: but that the body which lacks the weight of
virtue may also lose the weight of its own natural substance in the
waters."13
Such was the second kind of vulgar purgation by cold water.
Lastly, there was a third kind of ordeal called the purgation by
fire, or by hot iron: which was borrowed to a certain extent from the
heathens, from the Ethiopians, Acarnanians, and many other nations,
as Tiraquellus proves.14 But in the middle ages this heathenish
purgation came into common use among Christians, who, daring to
tempt God, used to require one who was suspected of a certain
crime to touch with his hands or other members, a ploughshare, or a
heavy piece of iron of a certain weight, made red-hot in the fire:
and if he should be burned by it, he was proved guilty in the eyes
of his judge and the world: while on the contrary, if his limbs
were not burned, he was proved to be innocent.
Those who were going to try the experiment of purgation by fire,
first began a public fast, and after that they were brought before the
priest in the place where in the presence of the judge and the plain-
tiff or accuser, and other witnesses, the iron was put in the fire and
made red-hot. Meanwhile the priest recited two or sometimes three
prayers over the iron, the second of which I here subjoin: the others
may be found in the Dissertations of Goldastus and Muratori.
This adjuration, then, was made by the priest, who after the offering
of the first prayer and the conclusion of the litanies, said as follows:
"O God, the righteous Judge, Who art the Author of peace and the
Judge of equity, we humbly beseech Thee that it may please Thee
to bless and sanctify this iron ordained to make a just examination
of any matter of doubtfulness: grant that if he is innocent who
shall take in his hand this heated iron, he may prove to be unhurt
thereby: and that if he be in fault and guilty, grant that of Thy
great goodness his guilt may be made manifest, as he most righte-
ously deserves. Through our Lord," &c.
This prayer being recited, the priest gave to those who were pre-
sent holy water to taste, sprinkling them and the ground on which
they stood with it, and then drawing forth the iron from the fire, it
was placed before him who was to undergo the purgation. He
grasped the hot iron in his hand, and carried'it for a distance of nine
feet :_there he flung down the iron: the judge bound up his hand,
securing the bandage with his own seal: then after three days the
hand was examined: if no trace of the fire was left on "it, he
was innocent: if the hand appeared marked, he was held to be
guilty.
13 Vide Goldast. in Antiq. Aleman. u Not. ad Dies Gen. Alex c iS
T. II. Coll. 4. - • o.
512 POLITY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH.
Such are the three methods of plebeian purgation which were at
length justly and deservedly condemned by the Church; for although
during the course of the middle ages this kind of plebeian ordeal was
so far in use in the Churches, especially those of France and Germany,
that some provincial councils seem to have expressed approval of it,
yet both Roman Pontiffs, as e.g., Cselestinus, Innocent, and Hono-
rius in the aforesaid title of the Decretals, and also canons of coun-
cils in the very plainest words absolutely forbade its practice among
Christian people. These decisions were confirmed by the Council
of Palencia in Spain in the fourteenth century, the directions of
which were subscribed by Alphonso VIII. himself, King of Aragon,
in whose time this profane custom was entirely given up. It may
be worth while to quote the words of this council: "In our detesta-
tion of the abuse of that plebeian purgation, which has been forbidden
by councils, by which those suspected of crimes had recourse to red-
hot iron or boiling water to clear themselves from the charge, we
direct, that those who command such a purgation to be made, who
hold, exhibit, guard, or take for this purpose iron or water of this
kind, since by them God seems to be tempted, and by such purga-
tions the innocent are unjustly punished; we direct that all such
persons be ipso facto excommunicated."15
Ever since the fourteenth century, therefore, the plebeian purgations
such as we have described, have been entirely swept away from our
judicial system both by the laws of the Church and the laws of the
state.
We have now brought our fifth Book to a conclusion, having said
enough on these subjects. We may now pass to our sixth and
last.
15 Cap. 30, An. 1322.
Book m.
OF THE OFFICES FOR MARRIAGES AND
FUNERALS.
The two subjects which it now alone remains for us to treat of in
this our concluding Book, are matters in which the Christian Church
has gained an easy superiority, as it was natural she should, over all
other communities in the heathen world. For though in every part
of the world marriages may be celebrated, and though not even the
wildest Hyrcanian tribes neglect to render some offices of kindness to
the sick and to the dead, nevertheless the Christian religion has dis-
charged both these duties in a manner more excellent, and a spirit
more sublime, than any other religious system could have done. As
regards marriage, Christ has so honoured that union between a man
and his wife as to make it a great Sacrament, and so that bond of
nature which was instituted tby God in the very beginning of the
world, has been made even more holy by Him, grace being given, by
virtue of that Sacrament, to husbands and wives, to do the duties of
that state more honestly and easily: and as regards the sick, whereas
in former ages it was the duty of their own friends to care for them,
now, according to the command of Christ, that duty of caring for
them has devolved also on all who are Christians: so much so, that,
as that great enemy of our religion, the Emperor Julian, bears witness,
Christians rendered even to the heathen the more humane offices of
kindness: writing to Ursacius, he said he was grieved that in this
matter the Christians were superior to the Pagans \ "It is in truth,"
he said, "a disgrace to us that there is no one among the followers
of the impious Galilean," (so this impious man called Christ,)
"who would not as carefully attend on our people as he would on
his own in time of sickness or death." And if it was customary for
the heathen to pay proper honours to the dead, Christians ministered
to them more holy mysteries; for, being fully persuaded, as they
were, of the dogma of the life to come, the offices which they rendered
to the dead were not as the empty rites of paganism, but were full of
use and meaning. The very genius of our religion then has invested
these highest duties, connected with matrimony and charity, with a
greater degree of sanctity than they had before.
Having therefore now fully treated of other matters, both sacred
and sacro-political, which bear on the duties of the Christian Repub-
L L
514 POLITY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH.
lie, some remarks in this book, on the subjects of matrimony, and
the care of the sick, and the last respects paid to the dead, will be
appropriate: for we shall thus lay plainly before our readers almost
the whole polity of the Church, of ancient, mediaeval, and more
modern times.
SECTION I.
OF MARRIAGE RITES.
As regards all matters which relate to marriage, either regarded as
a contract, or regarded as a Sacrament, information must be sought
from those learned in civil and ecclesiastical law, and from the writ-
ings of theologians; we are only concerned to speak of those rites
with which marriages were celebrated in the Christian Church; for
besides that which is essential to matrimony itself, in the sense of a
civil contract and of a Sacrament, the Church introduced into the
celebration of it certain religious ceremonies, some of which are of
very high antiquity, and were sanctified by the Church herself, while
others were adopted by her in consideration of the sanctity of matri-
mony itself.
CHAPTER I.
OF THE PUBLICATION OF ESPOUSALS.
Espousals,—" spemsalia"—(omitting other meanings attached to
the word by those learned in Law,) was the name given to that con-
tract which was entered into, before a marriage, between the man
and the parents of his future wife; for it was customary for these
latter to promise that they would give her in marriage, and for
the former, that he would take her to wife: for, as we are told,
"He who was about to marry a wife made a formal stipulation be-
forehand that she should be given in marriage to him."1 Therefore
it is that Tertullian calls espousals or betrothals, "Prior contracts in
writing of natural espousals and marriages."2 Between this contract
and the nuptials themselves a certain interval of time used to elapse,
that the man might become better acquainted with the woman's
character and tastes, and get his household affairs in readiness for
bringing home his wife.
Either before or after the due performance of these ceremonies of
betrothal, it was the custom in the first ages of the Church for the
parents to inform the bishop of this marriage contract, that he might
ratify it by his sanction and consent [as not hindered by any cause
1 E Gellio, Noct. Attic. 1. iv., c. 4, 2 Lib. de Veland. Virg. c. 12, ["Ta-
["Qui uxorem ducturus erat, stipula- bellas priores naturalium sponsaliorum
batur, earn in matrimonium ductum el nuptiarum."]
iri."]
TIMES AND PLACES FOR CELEBRATION OF MARRIAGES. 515
or just impediment]. We have plain testimony in the words of that
illustrious Bishop and Martyr of the second century, S. Ignatius, to
this preliminary being necessary, where he says: "It becomes those
men that marry, and those women that are given in marriage, to take
upon them this union with the consent of the bishop, that their
marriage may be according to the will of God, and not their own
concupiscence."3 Hence even in our own times we in a certain
sense give notice to the bishop of marriages being contracted, by
giving it to his Vicar, that the subsequent marriage may take place
in due form and order. The bishop then informed the clergy and
the rest of the faithful of the matter,—for it was fitting that nothing
should be done in the Christian commonwealth without the know-
ledge of the whole society; therefore even in the second century it
was considered criminal for marriages to take place before they had
been publicly given out in the church, so that Tertullian could say,
"With us clandestine marriages also," i.e., (and then he adds what he
means by this word clandestine,) "such as were not publicly notified
beforehand to the Church, are in danger of being judged as adultery
and fornication."4 So common was it in that age for Christians to
notify beforehand to the Church, i.e., to their fellow-believers, any
marriages which were to take place. This previous publication
(professio) of weddings, which we call proclamation, was effected by
the Church in various ways down to the very last century, when the
Fathers of the Council of Trent laid down some definite and more
accurate rules for the public notices of marriages to take place.5
CHAPTER II.
OF TIMES AND PLACES FOR CELEBRATION OF MARRIAGES.
From the first ages marriages were celebrated in the church itself
on certain stated days, on which there was the less likelihood of a
congregation of the faithful being present. Hence Tertullian says
they took place "in the presence of the bishop, priests, and deacons,
3 Epist. Ignat. ad Polycarp. 11. 5, 5 Sess. 24, cap. 1, De reform, matr.
[" npeirei to7s yafiovai k<x\ reus yatuov- [Orders curates to publish the names
fxsvais, ^€Ta yvufxrjs rod 4iriaic6irov t?> of those about to contract marriage, on
svaxrw iroielaQcu, ha 6 yd/jLos f) Kara rhv three consecutive festivals, in church,
QebuKal/j.^ /car' diridvfLiav" According during the solemn Mass; orders that
to Bingham this was to prevent "un- two or three witnesses be present at the
equal" marriages, as between Christians marriage, and declares all marriages to
and Jews or heathens, &c] be null which are not solemnised in the
4 Lib. de Pudic. c. 4, ["Penes 110s presence of the clergyman of the parish,
occulta quoque conjunctions, id est, or of some other priest having his per-
non prius ad Ecclesiam professa?, juxta mission, or that of the ordinary. The
mcechiam et fomicationem judicari peri- Latin of the first part of this canon is
clitantur."] given below, p. 518, note 19.]
L L 2
5J6 POLITY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH.
the widows also being present in the church."1 From these words it
would seem that weddings did not usually take place on days when
the faithful were at church for the celebrating of the Holy Sacrifice,
otherwise the expression of Tertullian would have been superfluous
when he said that the widows also were present; for can it be said
that they were ever not present at the celebration of the liturgy? It
is, rather, a plain inference from Tertullian's words that other women
were not present at a celebration of a marriage, either virgins or
matrons: but that the service was conducted in the presence of only
the bishop, the clergy, and the widows of the Church (i.e. the
deaconesses), a rule which the Church evidently considered best for
the honour and respectability of those concerned. The bishop and the
clergy (to which order deaconesses belonged) represented the Church,
and the parents were present; and hence the same writer Tertullian
says, "How can we find words to describe the happiness of that
marriage which the Church joineth together, and the oblation con-
firmeth" (which was brought to the altar by the betrothed parties
themselves), "and the angels proclaim when sealed, and the Father
ratifies? For not even on earth do sons marry rightly and lawfully
without the consent of their fathers."3 Hence from the beginning of
the Church the Fathers held those weddings to be clandestine which
were not celebrated publicly in the Church itself; this was every-
where the ecclesiastical law, and in the middle ages these canon laws
were ratified by laws of princes: thus in the Capitularies of the
Frankish Kings we read that " all the people and the nobility should
be married in public: it was decreed that this rule, that weddings
should be public, should be binding on all those who desire to
marry."3 And so even among the Orientals also, in the middle ages,
marriages were celebrated in a church only, as we are told by Isaac,
Bishop of Langres. "Weddings," he says, "ought to take place in
church in presence of the people."1. Hence, though in that age
some might wish to be married in domestic and private oratories,
everywhere they who dared to celebrate a marriage in these places
were punished by excommunication, as we read in the Synodical
Statutes of William Major, Bishop of Angers,5 and in the 5th
Article of the Council of Sens by Tristan, Archbishop of that place.6
But we must remark that sometimes in the middle ages marriages
were celebrated in a private house, and in some exceptional instances
in the marriage-chamber itself, which singular fact we certainly read
1 Lib. de Monogam. c. 11, ["Coram nation of "conciliat" appears in the
Episcopo, Presbyteris, Diaconis, inter- text.]
venientibus etiam in ecclesia viduis."] 3 L. ii. c. 150, and 1. vii. c. 179,
2 Lib. ii. ad Uxor. c. 8, ["Sufficiam ["Ut oranes laici publicas nuptias turn
ad enarrandam felicitatem ejus matri- nobiles . . . et sancitum est, ut pub-
monii, quod Ecclesia conciliat, et con- licre nuptia? ab his, qui nubere cupiunt,
firmat oblatio, et obsignatum angeli fiant."]
renunciant, Pater rato habet." An- 4 Can. tit. 5, c. 6, ["Nuptise fieri
other reading is "obsignat benedictio." debent in ecclesia coram populo."]
The reading which Pelliccia gives is 5 Spicil. T. II.
probably the correct one; his expla- G Ibid. T. V.
TIMES AND PLACES FOR CELEBRATION OF MARRIAGES. 517
in the history of S. Amator, Bishop of Auxerre ;7 but generally in
the middle ages also this was a privilege allowed by the Church
to great princes only, such as emperors, as Theophylact Simo-
catta tells us happened in the case of the Emperor Maurice,8 and
in the case of the Emperor Frederick and Elizabeth, sister of the
king of England, as we are told by Matthew Paris.9 But in the
course of the middle ages this custom everywhere prevailed among
feudatarii, feudal lords who lived on their own feudal estates ; so that
at length in some places it was only those who belonged to the
lowest class of the common people who used to go to the church for
the celebration of their marriages.
But as regards the proper time for the celebration of marriages,
we infer from the passage of Tertullian quoted above, that they
were never celebrated on those days on which there was a solemn
celebration of the liturgy; therefore it was that the Church down to
the middle ages never allowed them to take place on the Lord's
Day,10 seven days' penance being imposed on any one who married
on that day.11
But as a general rule it was the custom of the Church that mar-
riages should not be celebrated either on those days which were
appointed to be observed as fasts, or on those when a high celebra-
tion of the liturgy took place; hence it was directed that those
couples should be punished by separation which had been married
either between Septuagesima and the octave of Easter, or during the
three weeks preceding the Festival of S. John the Baptist, or during
the interval between Advent and Epiphany.12 In the same way in
some places marriages were unlawful on Wednesdays and Fridays,
these being fast-days of the Church. This rule we meet with in the
Excerpts of Egbert, Bishop of York, referred to above.13 But in the
fifteenth century, when the Council of Sens was held, the rule of
the Church was that on certain periods of the year, viz. Advent,
Septuagesima, and Rogation Days, marriages should not be lawful.1*
In this matter generally in our own times that rule is observed which
was made by the Fathers of the Council of Trent,* though in some
7 Apud Bolland. die 1 Maii. Laodicea, An. 320 (?), forbids to cele-
8 Hist. Mauricii, 1. i. brate marriages and birth-day feasts
9 In Chron. during Lent, "oh 5e? Iv reo-aapaKoajr}
10 Ex Cone. Aquisgr. Art. 3, can. yd/xovs fj yei/4d\ia iirireKeiv." Lent
18, An. 836, [The title is, Ut placita cl was the only unlawful time then.]
nuptice dicbus dominicis non fiant; the 13 Ibid.
canon, "Jejunium dominicis tenere, et 14 Art.-3, cap. 5, An. 1485.
canonica inlerdicit auctoritas, et resur- * [Sess. 24, c. 10, confirms the an-
rectionis dominicse tanta solemnitas. cient prohibitions to celebrate mar-
Et ideo placita illis diebus, neque nup- riages between Advent and Epiphany,
tias, pro reverentia tantse solemnitatis and between Ash Wednesday and the
celebrari visum est."] octave of Easter. Can. 3 of the Council
11 Excerpt. Egberti Ebor. Episc. c. of Selingstad, a.d. 1022, forbids mar-
106, ap. Marten. riages at these times ; also during four-
12 Ex Cone. Herd. ap. Grat. 33, q. 4; teen clays preceding S. John Baptist's
[This canon is thought to be spurious, Day : and on any fast or vigil.]
but the 52nd canon of the Council of
5*8 POLITY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH.
places other seasons also are excepted, in which marriages are not
allowed, according to the peculiar polity of individual Churches; this
was especially the case in some of the Churches of Germany, as we
have been told by Mabillon in his " Iter Germanicum."15
At what hour marriages took place in the first ages of the Church
we are altogether ignorant, for we have no ancient documents which
supply information on this point. But in the middle ages it was a
very general custom for a betrothed couple to receive the benedic-
tion in the morning after Mass; therefore it was directed in the
Council of Rouen in the eleventh century,16 " That marriages should
not take place in secret, or after dinner, but that the bride and bride-
groom should be fasting when they received the blessing from the
priest in the church, the priest himself to be fasting also." Hence,
when in the sixteenth century betrothed couples, under a vain appre-
hension of spells and witchcraft, wished to be married at night, that
they might keep it a secret from others, councils everywhere directed
that the nuptial benedictions ought not to be given at night from
any fear of such spells and witchcraft:17 and that weddings should
not take place before sunrise either:18 and they are said "to commit
a grievous sin who, from any fear of witchcraft, procured the be-
stowal of the nuptial benediction either by night or clandestinely."19
After the seventeenth century parish priests by degrees began to
allow couples to receive the nuptial benediction at any hour of the
day; and so the discipline of the middle ages became obsolete,
which required those that were to be married to be present at a
celebration of mass, and to receive the blessing after it was over.
For which reason in the middle ages the nuptial benediction
used to be given at the high altar,20 and afterwards it was given
to the married people near the inner doors of the church. But
at the present day, since, as we said, the special nuptial mass
has been given up, the nuptial benediction is usually given in the
sacristy.
15 De Eccl. Augustana S. Ulderici. 19 Cone. Remen. An. 1583, [" Gra-
16 Cap. 13, An. 1072, [" Ne nuptice viter peccare (qui) noctu, vel clanculum
in occulto, neque post prandium fierent, benedictionem nuptialem sibi dari pro-
sed sponsus et sponsa jejuni a sacer- curabant propter metum maleficii."
dote jejunoin ecclesia benedicerentur."] This Council of Rheims simply quotes
17 Cone. Melodun. An. 1579, ["Nup- and republishes the canons of the
tiarum benedictiones noctu prsestigio- Council of Trent. The 13th canon
rum metu, &c."] says, "Antequam matrimonium con-
18 Cone. Turonen. An. 1583, c. 9, trahatur, ter a proprio contrahen-
["Omnes conjunctiones conjugum pa- tium parocho tribus continuis diebus
lam in conspectu ecclesiae, prcesente festivis in ecclesia, inter missarum so-
parocho, vel alio sacerdote de ipsius lemma publice denuntietur." (See
parochi vel ordinarii licentia, et duo- above, eh. i. note 5.)]
bus vel tribus testibus non ante solis 20 Ex Act. Mediolan. Eccl. part 2,
ortum cum celebritate et solemnitate," ap. Martene, ["Ante ipsum altare
&c] majus."]
ABOUT MARRIAGE RITES. 519
CHAPTER III.
ABOUT MARRIAGE RITES.
Marriages have been held, among all nations, to be matters of high
importance, as being the bonds by which societies are held together:
and for this reason even the more ancient pagan nations have always
observed, in the celebration of them, a certain display of rites and
ceremonies. Hence Christians have also had their own peculiar
ceremonies in connexion with the bestowal of the nuptial benedic-
tion: of these, some have been the outgrowth of their religion itself:
others, though they were formerly in use also among the heathen,
have been in a certain sense sanctified by their adoption into the
Christian Church.
§ i. 0/ Tablets of Marriage Contracts and of the Betrothal Ring.
The first peculiarity in the ceremonies connected with betrothals to
be noticed is, that the written records (tabula) of the marriage con-
tract, which contained the settlements of the future marriage, were not
only drawn up with the consent and approval of the bishop, as we
said in the first chapter, but, in the fourth century, the agreement
was made in his presence; they were also subscribed by the bishop
himself,1 in the presence of the clergy and certain witnesses, in whose
hearing these written records were read out.3 Afterwards, in the
middle ages, the Church thought it sufficient for the betrothals to
take place in the presence of the parish priest, or his vicar, and to be
ratified in the presence of the bishop's vicar, or his delegate, to whom
the promise of the approaching marriage was in this manner made
known.
In ancient times, on the very day of the betrothal, the bridegroom
used to offer and present a ring to the bride. Among the more
ancient Eastern nations this was a custom of the very greatest an-
tiquity; for we read that Judah gave his daughter-in-law Tamar a
ring of betrothal :3 and this proves that Pliny was also mistaken,
when he wrote that the use of rings was not known before the Trojan
war.4 Tertullian, moreover, called it an ante-nuptial ring, pronubum*
because it was given before the marriage. We are told by Isidore
1 Ex. August. Serm. 332, ["Istis 5 Apologetic, c. 6, ["No woman
tabulis subscripsit Episcopus."] knew aught of gold, save on the one
2 Idem, Serm. 51, § 22, and 278, §9. finger on which her husband had placed
[" Recitantur tabula?, et recitantur in the pledge of the nuptial ring." "Au-
conspectuomniumattestantium." "Con- rum nulla norat prater unico digito,
vincunt te tabulae quae scribuntur in ma- quern sponsus oppignorasset pronubo
trimonio."] armulo." The ring was originally given
3 Genesis ch. xxxviii. at the espousals, not at the wedding;
1 Hist. Nat. 1. xxxiii. c. 4. [He ob- it was used as an "arrha" or earnest of
serves that in the Homeric poems there a future marriage. The origin of the
are no traces of them.] marriage ring, as distinct from the be-
52° POLITY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH.
what was the more ancient form of this ring, for he writes that it bore
on it as a device two right hands joined together, the symbol of a
mutual covenant,6 which is at the present day still common among
our people, especially in country parts. And as on the day of the
betrothal the bridegroom gave the bride a ring, so it was also
customary for him at the same time to give her a kiss, and also to
present her with a shoe, as we are told by Gregory of Tours in the
sixth century.7 And in some places, after the conclusion of the
espousals, the bridegroom used to send the bride one or sometimes
two rings;8 which after this she used to wear on her fingers: these,
as Isidore also tells us, were made of gold: though among the
Romans it was customary to send the bride not a gold but an iron
ring, as Pliny remarks :9 while among the French in the middle ages,
instead of a ring the bridegroom used to send the bride a denarius—
whence it became a saying among them, "to celebrate betrothals by
a coin and a denarius according to law."10 In Edmund Martene there
is a picture given of this coin, such as was used in betrothals; on the
obverse of it are two lilies, commonly called lilies of Angers, sur-
rounded by the words Denier-Townois, and on the reverse side is a
cross, and round it the words, Pour-Epouser.
But in the middle ages it was universally the custom for the ring
to be given by the bridegroom to the bride on the day of the marriage
itself, before the doors of the church. For the priest used first to
receive the ring, and to say over it a certain form of benediction.
We will transcribe one of these forms taken from a MS. Pontifical
of the eleventh century belonging to the monastery of Lerins :—
trothal ring, has been traced to the allusion perhaps to the ancient adage,
tenth century, and is supposed by some "Quicquid pes tuus calcaverit tuum
to have been introduced in imitation of erit." Compare the Scriptural custom
the ring worn by bishops. (See Riddle's of taking possession by casting down
Christian Antiq. p. 714 note, and Smith's the shoe (Ps. lx. 8, and cviii. 9.)]
Diet. s. v.)] 3 isidor. Etym. 1. xx. (?)
6 Origin. 1. vii. c. 21. ["Mutui 9 Hist. Nat. 1. xxxi. c. 1, ["Etiam
foederis ^signum .... dextras simul nunc sponsse annulus ferreus mittitur,
junctas."] isque sine gemma." The right of wear-
7 De Vit. Patr. c. 20, § 1, [" Dato ing a gold ring remained for several
sponsse annulo, porrigit osculum, prsebet centuries at Rome the exclusive privilege
calceamentum, celebratsponsaliumdiem of senators, magistrates, and equites,
fastum." So De Vit. Patr. xvi. "cum while all other persons wore iron ones;
calceamenta deferret," &c. The Bene- several noble families adhered to the
dictine editors remark on this: "Some simplicity of primitive times, and used
say the bride and bridegroom exchanged iron rings to the last. (See Smith's Diet,
shoes in sign of mutual affection. Others Gr. and Rom. Antiq. s. v.) Possidius
that the ring and the shoe were given to tells us S. Augustine never carried a staff
the bride by the bridegroom in token of in his hand (clavis), or wore a ring; yet
his taking possession of her. For thus he had a signet-ring with which he sealed
in a certain way her feet and hands were his letters, as he tells us in Ep. 59 (217).
bound in subjection to her husband." About the same time we learn that
In Smith's Diet, of Christian Antiq. "Avitus, Bishop of Vienne, used an
p. 1802, is given an illustration of a iron signet-ring."]
foot-shaped ring, possibly a betrothal 10 Apud Bignon. in Form. v. [" Cele-
ring; the signet (or bezel) of such rings brare sponsalia per solidum et denarium
is in the form of the sole of a shoe, in secundum Legem."]
ABOUT MARRIAGE RITES. 521
"Creator and Preserver of mankind, Giver of all spiritual grace,
Author of eternal salvation, do Thou, Lord, send Thy blessing on
this ring, through our Lord, &c.
Let us pray.
"Bless, O Lord, this ring, which we bless in Thy holy Name, that
this espoused woman who shall wear it as a pledge of fidelity, may
continue in Thy peace, and may devoutly persevere in the integrity
of the faith, and may ever live and increase in Thy love, and come
to a good old age, and may length of days be multiplied to her,
through Jesus Christ, &c.,;11
Then the bridegroom, taking the ring from the hand of the priest,
and the priest holding the hand of the bride, the bridegroom put the
ring on the bride's first finger, saying, after the priest, "In the Name
of the Father," then he put it on her second finger, saying, "and of
the Son," then on her third, saying, "and of the Holy Ghost:"
lastly, taking it from this one he put it on the fourth finger of her
left hand,13 on which finger she wore it for ever after: the wedding
ring in this point differing from the episcopal ring: for the latter, as
a mark of full and perfect chastity, is publicly to be worn on the right
hand, as the Pontifical office-book, referred to above, explains.
In some places in the middle ages, the priest used himself to give
the ring to the bride, and the bridegroom putting it on her hand,
together with the priest, the former said, De cet anneau je vous epouse,
"With this ring I thee wed;" and meanwhile he placed the ring on
her thumb and forefinger, then on the middle finger, and lastly on
the medical {medico) one,* saying, Et de mon corps je vous honore,
"and with my body I thee worship:" and leaving it on that finger,
he put three denarii either into the right hand of the bride or into
her purse, saying, Et des rues biens jevous done, "and with my worldly
goods I thee endow." This was the office for matrimony in some
parts of France, especially of the province of Rheims, down to the
sixteenth century, as we find it in a ritual of Rheims of that date.13
Among the Greeks, the use of wedding rings is still kept up ; "For
the priest takes two rings from the altar, one of gold, the other of
silver, presenting the gold ring to the man, and the silver one to the
woman, while reciting a prescribed form of words; afterwards the
godfather or sponsor changes the rings, while the priest offers a
prayer." Allatius tells us of these points in the Greek ritual.u
Among the Latins, the rite of blessing the ring was kept up until
the fifteenth century, as is clear from the office-books of that age cited in
11 Apud Mart. Ord. 3. gitus quartus annularis ... idem et ?nedi-
v2 Ex Isidoro de Div. Off. 1. ii. cinalis." The note in Migiie explains
c. 20. [" Annulo eorum corda jun- this, "Medicinalis quod ab eo sinistra
gantur. Unde et quarto digito annulus manus digito nervus quidam tenuissimus
idem inseritur, quod in eo vena quaedam ad cor usque pertineat, ergo is erit potius
(ut fertur) sanguinis ad cor usque per- medicinalis, quam dexter." (Macrob.
veniatj" because from the fourth finger and Aulus Gell.)]
a certain vein flows to the heart (Aul. 13 Apud Martene, 1. i. c. 9, Art. 3.
Gell. Noct. Att. x. 10.)] u De Perpet. Consens. Orient, et
* [Isidore says (Etym. xi. 71,) "Di- Occident. Eccl. 1. iii. c. 16.
522 POLITY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH.
Martene. It was continued in the Church of Milan for a very long
period, and in some places the custom is observed at the present
day, as may be seen in the Ambrosian Ritual edited by Cardinal
Caesar Monti.
§ 2. Of other ceremonies in the Marriage Service.
Pope Nicolas L, in the ninth century, describes in a few words
all the ritual connected with the celebration of marriages, where he
says: "We will try to describe for you the usage which the holy
Roman Church has received from antiquity, and which the Church
retains up to this day in unions of this kind. Our people, then,
when they enter upon marriage covenants, whether male or female,
do not wear on their heads a band of gold or silver or any other
metal. But after the espousals, which are promised covenants of
future marriage, and which are celebrated by mutual consent of those
who contract them, and of those in whose power they are; and after
he who has betrothed a bride has engaged to himself her whom he
has betrothed with the espousal gifts (arrhis)% by decorating her finger
with the ring of fidelity, and has delivered the dowry agreed on by
both parties, together with a writing containing the agreement, and
in presence of witnesses chosen on both sides; [after all this business
of the espousals is over, then] either shortly afterwards or at some
convenient time (that nothing might be presumptuously done before
the time appointed by law) both are led to the performance of the
marriage covenant. And first, they are placed in the church, bringing
oblations which they ought to offer to God by the hands of the priest;
and so at length they receive the benediction and the heavenly veil ■
and afterthis, going out of the church, they wear crowns or garlands
upon their heads, which are kept in the church itself for that purpose;
and the celebration of the nuptial festivities being thus over, they are
now sent forth to lead one undivided life together, as the Lord may
dispose it."15
Such, according to the testimony of Pope Nicolas I., is a concise
account of the ceremonies observed at celebrations of marriages, ac-
cording to the ancient rites of the Roman Church. These ceremonies
we will now explain more in detail.
And first, as to the head-bands of gold or other metal of which
Pope Nicolas speaks, these were perhaps in common use among
the Bulgarians, to whom he was writing; but neither at Rome nor
elsewhere do we hear of their being worn on the head by newly
married women, or by those about to be married. Among the ancient
* [The meaning of the word "ante" espousal gift of Christ the Bridegroom
is espousal gifts or earnest money, "earn- of the Church: the earnest and pledge
ests" and pledges of future marriage. in the heart of "the future marriage" of
Compare the expression of S. Paul, the Lamb.]
"He hath given us the earnest of the 15 In Respons. ad Consult. Bulgar.
Spirit." The Holy Spirit is the blessed c. 3, [written a.d. 860.]
ABOUT MARRIAGE RITES. 523
pagans it was customary to put a certain girdle on a newly-married
woman, made of sheep's wool, and fastened with an Herculean knot,
as it was called, which the husband unfastened with his own hand in
the marriage bed for the sake of good luck, as Hercules had left
seventy children, according to the explanation of Festus.16
But when the espousals had been completed, and the day appointed
for the celebration of the marriage had come, the bride and bride-
groom were conducted to the church either by the parents or, more
generally, by the bridesman, or Paranymphus. The bridesman was
the bridegroom's "very confidential friend, privy to the secrets of the
bedchamber," as Augustine says.17 This custom did not differ much
from one common among the pagans, for whom it was usual for the
bride to be conducted by three boys wearing the toga prsetexta, who,
as they supported her by the arms, sang Hymen, 6 Hymencee.1* But
among the Christians it was customary for the parents to carry also
to- the church the nuptial tablets, a record of the marriage settle-
ments. From an old picture in Buonarotti of a bride and bridegroom
painted on an ancient glass,19 we conjecture that it may have been
customary for these marriage contracts to be placed close to the
young couple: for in the picture a volume is held near the bride,
and by this, the great scholar Buonarotti himself thought the tablets of
the marriage contracts are meant to be represented.
The bridesman, then, used to conduct the betrothed couple to the
door of the church, and there place them before the priest. In
ancient times we do not read of the priest asking them any questions;
for in the first ages there was no one who was not constantly in the
habit of attending the services of the church; and the bishop would
be satisfied that those who came to be married were well acquainted
with the precepts of the Gospel, and all its rules and duties for married
life. It was not till afterwards, when the old power of religion began
to lose its hold on the minds of Christians, that it was necessary that
those who came to church to be married should have to answer a
number of questions put to them to test what they knew. Hence, in
the more ancient Sacramentaries, such as the Gelasian and the older
Gregorian, we meet with no rubric directing those interrogations to
be put, such as we find in almost all offices for marriages written since
the tenth and eleventh centuries.
The priest, having put to them the questions required by the rubrics,
then blessed the ring, both by prayers and by sprinkling it with holy
water, and censing it; he then brought the betrothed couple into the
church, where they knelt down before him, while he recited certain
^ S. v. Cingulum. Nupt. c. 19 and 23. [A Roman bride is
17 Serm. 293, §7. ["Amicus interior, here spoken of; she was accompanied
conscius secreti cubicularis." From the to the house of her husband by three
betrothal until the marriage, among boys, wearing the dress of childhood;
the Jews, all communication between one of them carried before her a torch,
the betrothed pair was carried on through the two others walked by her side sup-
this "friend of the bridegroom."] porting her by the arm.]
18 V. Plaut. Casin. 4, 3, et notas 19 Osserv. sugli Ant. Vetri, Tav. xxi.
Penulii ad Ant. Hothoman. de Ritib. fig. 3.
524 POLITY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH.
prayers over them, which vary in almost all the ancient rituals of the
Latins, as we see in Martene. Then the priest joined their right
hands together, as we notice he does in the picture in Buonarotti re-
ferred to above. This custom was indeed a usual one among the
nations of antiquity, as we learn by the history of Tobit f° and Ter-
tullian speaks of a ceremony of the same kind, as coeval with the age
of Isaac and Rebekah; he calls it dexterce colluctationem?'1 the right
hand's embrace; and further, in Gregory Nazianzen there is extant a
certain formula of that age which the priest probably used when he
joined together the right hands of a married pair. For it is thus ex-
pressed: "I join the right hands of the young couple together, and
both of them to the hand of God."23 While their right hands were
joined together the priest put the questions about their mutual con-
sent. Then the man answered, "I, N. take thee for my wife f and
the woman said, "I take thee for my husband ;" and Richard, Bishop
of Salisbury, says that " In these words there is great force, and they
constitute the matrimonial contract."23 The formula which occurs in
our office books, "I join you together in the name," &c, is wanting
in all the ordinals and rituals which are older than the fifteenth
century, as is plain to any one who reads the offices collected by
Martene and others by Mabillon in his new Appendix of Analecta.
In ancient times at this place the priest used to deliver a veil to
the woman, since, as we said, the nuptial benediction used not to be
given on a day when a celebration of the liturgy took place. But
when in the middle ages the custom began of having a special
nuptial mass celebrated, as we shall describe, at which the betrothed
couple were present, the presentation of the veil to the bride, and the
giving of the benediction itself, usually took place during the cele-
bration of this mass.
It was the custom among the Romans for the bride to have her
head covered with a flame-coloured veil (ftammeuvi), that is, a red
[or, rather, a yellow] veil. Hence Catullus:
"Tollite, 6 pueri, faces:
Flammeum video venire."24
"Take the torches, boys, I see the wedding-veil approaching."
20 C. 7- v. 13. 22 Epist. 57, [Al. 44,] ad Anys.
21 Lib.deVel.Virgin.cn. ["Des- ["Juveniles dexteras inter se jungo,
ponsatae quid em habent exemplum Re- atque utrasque Dei manui." Bingham
beccae, quae cum ad sponsum ignotum says this last is plainly but another ex-
adhuc ignota perduceretur, simul ipsum pression for the benediction.]
cognovit esse, quern de longinquo pros- 23 In Constitut. c. 56. [" In his verbis
pexerat, non sustinuit dexterse collucta- vis magna est et matrimonium contra-
tionem, nee osculi congressionem, nee hitur."]
salutationis communicationem, sed con- 24 Carm. 36, v. 101, [The veil of a
fessaquodsenserat,idest,spiritunuptam, Roman bride was of a bright yellow
negavit virginem velata ibidem." He colour, and her shoes likewise; her hair
says also, "Rebeccam quidam adhuc on this occasion was divided with the
velant," as if the custom was not uni- point of a spear. (Smith's Gr. and
versa!.] Rom. Antiq.)]
ABOUT MARRIAGE RITES. 525
Among them this veil was a symbol of the perpetual [covenant of]
marriage. It is thought then by Buonarotti that for the first three
centuries the Christians, at Rome, at least, did not like to wear a veil
of this kind, being averse to any profane omen of the heathen; and
he endeavours to prove this from the picture of a bride which is seen
in his book, copied from the painting on glass referred to above, in
which picture the head of the bride appears to have no veil cover-
ing. The painted glass discovered at Rome is a proof to Buonarotti
of what the custom of the Roman Church was. But whatever may
be the conjecture of Buonarotti, the use of the bridal veil was
common among Christians from the earliest ages, as, amongst the
older writers, Tertullian attests in the second century. He says of
the heathen virgins: "They are veiled at their espousals, because
they are joined in body and spirit to a man by a kiss and joining of
their right hands together, which was the first unsealing in spirit
of their virgin bashfulness."35 We find expressions to the same
effect in the writings of S. Ambrose26 and Isidore.27 And as
regards the Church of Rome, Pope Siricius in the fourth century
tells us28 that a similar custom prevailed there also; and Nicolas
I. writes that espoused people received a celestial veil, and that
this custom had been borrowed from the ancients.29 In former
times this bridal veil was put only on the head of the woman
at the same time with the benediction; hence the saying of S.
Ambrose: "Marriage ought to be sanctified by the sacerdotal
veil and by the benediction.''30 He calls it a sacerdotal veil be-
cause it was put on by the priest; for in another place he calls
it the nuptial veil.31 Wherefore those who were married a second
time, as they did not receive a nuptial benediction from the
priest, did not receive a veil from him either, in token that
all their bashfulness had departed from them. But in mediaeval
times the veil was thrown over bride and bridegroom alike, during
the recital by the priest of the words of the nuptial benediction, as
may be seen in almost all the office-books edited by Martene [de
Ant. Eccl. ii. ix.].
But further, in the middle ages, immediately after the priest had
pronounced the benediction on the ring, and had offered a prayer at
the doors of the church that God's heavenly blessings might be
25 Ibid. c. 11, ["Etiam apud eth- jectas .... velantur dum nubunt ut
nicos velatce ad virum ducuntur. Si verecundiam muliebritatis agnoscant,
autem ad desponsationem velantur, quia jam sequitur hide quod pudeat."]
quia et corpore et spiritu masculo mixtce 2S Epist. ad Eccl. Mediolan. cont.
sunt per osculum et dextras, per qua: error. Joviniani.
primum resignarunt pudorem spiritu."] 29 Ibid. [Quoted above; see note 15.]
26 Lib. Exhortat. ad Virgin, c. 6, 30 Epist. 19, [Al. lxx. "Cum ip-
[Ambrose observes the word "nup- sum conjugium velamine sacerdotali
tials" is derived from the word ob- et benedictione sanctificari oporteat."
nubere, to veil.] He adds, "How can that be called a
27 De Eccl. Offic. ii. 20, ["Fcemime, marriage where there is no agreement
dum maritantur velantur, scilicet, ut of faith ?"]
noverint, se per heec viris suis esse sub- 31 Lib. de Virginit. c. 151, [de Just.
526 POLITY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH.
given to the married pair, leading them both towards the altar, he
placed them either immediately in front of the altar itself (as is plain
from a Rennes Missal) or in the choir, giving his right hand to the
woman and his left hand to the man, as is directed by a rubric in
a Lerins Pontifical of the tenth century. Meanwhile the priest
began the mass, the married pair holding in their hands, the while,
lighted candles and the offertory, i.e. the oblation, which according
to ancient custom was to be made on the altar, to which Tertullian
alludes when he says that a marriage was confirmed by the oblation.32
A subdeacon or one of the clergy received their oblation from them
and placed it on the altar as an offering • and the priest, just before
the actual Communion, turned to them, and placing the veil over the
pair gave them the benediction, the various forms of which, together
with the Missa Nuptialis de Trinitate, may be found in Martene's
collection of Ancient Rituals.
When the benediction was concluded the priest went on with the
mass, and after the words "Pax Domini sit semper vobiscum," before
giving the usual kiss of peace to the deacon or cleric, the bridegroom
went up to him, and receiving " the peace" from the priest conveyed
it to his wife, giving her a kiss.33 This nuptial kiss must justly be
considered one of the most ancient of the marriage rites, according
to Tertullian's account, who, speaking of betrothed virgins among
the heathens, says, "By a kiss and a joining of their right hands
together, they were united both in body and spirit with a man."34
Thus then while they joined their right hands together the man and
the woman kissed one another; and this nuptial kiss, as being an
emblem of lasting peace between man and wife, was retained by the
Church of the middle ages among the ceremonies observed during
the celebration of the nuptial mass. Lastly, the priest administered
the Communion to the wedded pair, as may be gathered from a
number of office-books, as those of Gelasius and of Rheims, and the
Ordo Gellonensis; and the same was the rule in the Greek Church
also.35 It was the custom everywhere among the Latins in the middle
ages, when the newly married did not communicate, for the priest at
the conclusion of mass to pronounce a benediction over some bread
and a cup of wine, which he gave them to taste, as we read in the
Victorine Ordo of the eleventh century, and the Lerins Ordo in
Martene; the same custom has to a certain extent been kept up
among the Greeks to the present day, as marriages may frequently
be celebrated in a house, in which case the priest blesses a cup of
wine, which he then gives to the married couple to taste.
The whole of the marriage service was included in these rites
which we have described; at the conclusion of which the married
people left the church and returned home, both wearing crowns,
Virg. c. 17, "Crinem flammeo nuptiali cepta pace a sacerdote ad sponsam
dicatum."] ferebat, osculans earn."]
32 Lib. ii. ad Uxor. c. 8, [quoted 31 Ibid.
above.] *b V. Arcud. lib. vii. c. 32.
33 Ex Pontif. Lirinen. ibid. ["Ac-
ABOUT MARRIAGE RITES. 527
which, according to the testimony of Nicolas I., the priest used to
place on their heads. This ceremony of crowning the bride and
bridegroom is a piece of very ancient ritual indeed; it is mentioned
by Chrysostom,36 Theodorus Studita,37 and other old ecclesiastical
writers noticed by Ducange.38 This crown appears to have been
turret-shaped, as we infer from the Acts of S. Amator,39 and from
the History of Gregory of Tours.40 It was also in use among heathen
nations. Hence Catullus, celebrating the nuptials of Julia and
Manlius in the poem quoted above, says in the 6th verse, (Carm.
36, 6,)-
"Cinge tempora floribus^
Suaveolentis amaraci."
"Bind thy temples with flowers of sweet-smelling marjoram."
The Greeks in our own day weave nuptial crowns or garlands of
this kind out of olive branches bound round with white and purple
wool.41
As the married pair left the church and returned home, they were
accompanied by the same circle of friends, the parents, and brides-
man, the bridegroom remaining at the house of the bride's parents
until night; this was usual in the first ages of the Church, as it was
the custom among the ancient Romans. On the arrival of night
the bridegroom took the bride home, friends and others carrying
torches. Hence Ambrose when rebuking the marriage of a widow,
says: "Or when night is kept up with lighted torches, does
she not think the obsequies of a funeral procession, rather than
the marriage-chamber, are prepared?"43 When they were about
to retire to rest, the priest entered the marriage-chamber and
gave it his benediction, accompanied thither by the clergy; first
sprinkling the room with holy water, and then reciting one of the
Psalms, as, e.g., "Blessed are they who dwell in Thy house," &c.;
he then offered a prayer over the marriage-chamber,—various forms
of which are given in ancient office-books, as may be seen in Mar-
tene and Mabillon. And at last he gave the married pair the final
benediction,—the same in form as that which we here transcribe
from the Lerins Pontifical, before referred to: "The Lord bless
86 Horn. iii. in c. 3, 1. ad Timoth. 3S In Glossar. in v. arecpavos.
[Horn. ix. in 1 Tim., the symbol of tri- 39 Ap. Bolland. die 1 Maii.
umphant resistance to lust, &c. "Am 40 Hist. 1. i. c. 42, [A betrothed bride
tovto <TTe<pavoi reus K€(pa\ais iTrnidevTai, said, "Pro mundi vita transfixas manus
avufioXov ttjs fit<ris, '6n a-nrrrjroi ytvS/x- suspicio Redemptoris, nee cerno diade-
€voi ovru Trpoo-epxovTai rfj etV?7, on fxii mata gemmis insignibus coruscantia,
Kar-qyoiviaB-qaav vtto ttjs r|^ovrjs.,, He cum illam spineam miror mente coro-
adds to this, "Should he wear a crown nam."]
upon his head, who had given himself 4l Apud Goar. in Not. ad Eucho-
up to harlots, and been subdued by log.
pleasure?" showing that a crown at 4'2 Lib. de Vid. c. xv., ["Vel cum
matrimony was given as a reward for accensis funalibus nox ducitur, nonne
previous chastity of life.] pompce funebris exsequias magis putat,
37 L. i. Ep, 25, ap. Baron, ad aim. quam thalamum prceparari?"]
S02, n. 25.
528 POLITY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH.
your bodies and souls, and give you His blessing, as He blessed
Abraham, Isaac, and Jacob. Amen. May the hand of the Lord
be over you, and may He send His holy angel to guard you all the
days of your life. Amen."
On the first morning after the wedding night the parents used,
according to a custom of the greatest antiquity, to bring certain
presents to the bride; this custom is mentioned by Callimachus in
his Hymn to Diana, and by Juvenal in Sat. vi. 205, &c.
*' nee illud
Quod prima pro nocte datur, cum lance beata
Dacicus et scripto radiat Germanicus auro."
"Nor that which is given on the first night, when in the happy dish
The Dacic and the Germanic shines with the inscribed gold."*
These presents were no doubt given to the newly married bride,
that she might allow herself to be seen; therefore in former times
the Greeks called them oTTTrjpia,—in Callimachus, i.e., (according to
the interpretation of the ancient scholiast of Callimachus,) -ra virlp
tov Ihelv cwpa,—gifts for seeing her. In the middle ages the Greeks
called these 0eiopr}7poL, as we read in Novell. II. of Constantine
Porphyrogenitus, and in Harmenopolus,43 and in Grseco-barbarian
glossaries they are called aOpyfiara.
Before concluding this paragraph we must notice that in the mid-
dle ages newly-married people were not allowed to go to church till
the thirtieth day after their wedding. Of this rule an explanation is
given by Egbert, which is in accordance with the sentiments of
S. Gregory: "The conjugal union cannot be effected without grati-
fying the carnal will; for a period then they must refrain from
entering a holy place, because this very gratification of the will
can never be without sin."44 Hence Theodore Archbishop of
Canterbury, in the seventh century, made a decree, "That married
people must, after a first marriage, refrain from entering a church
for thirty days, at the end of which time they must do penance for
forty days, and give themselves unto prayer, and after that commu-
nicate with the Oblation."45 Therefore in the liturgical office-books
of the middle ages we find a mass which is to be celebrated on the
thirtieth day after a marriage, and which was the same as the wed-
ding mass, with the exception of that one prayer which is called infra
actionem, as we read in the Gelasian Sacramentary and Sacramentary
of Gellone of the ninth century, and that of Rheims in Martene.
In the same Sacramentaries there is extant a similar mass for the
anniversary of a wedding day as it came round; and among the
* [The "happy dish" was so called bearing Domitian's image, and so
because on the wedding night it was named from his victories over Dacians
presented by the husband to the bride and Germans.]
filled with gold coins ;—" inscribed 4:i Lib. iv. Tit. 7.
gold." = coins having the names and u In Excerpt, c. 110.
titles of the Emperor inscribed on them; 45 In suo Capitulari n. 14- Spicileg.
the Dacic and Germanic were coins T. IX.
ON OFFICES FOR SECOND MARRIAGES. 529
Greeks there was, in the middle ages, a mass in use called a septen-
nial mass,—which was of the same kind. Hence the expression,
efiSojLicnigeiv, which we find in Amphilochius.46
We have now said all that need be told about the chief parts of
the marriage service, and the chief points in its ritual.
CHAPTER IV.
ON OFFICES FOR SECOND MARRIAGES.
Even among the heathen second marriages were generally looked
on as arguing a want of moderation ;x therefore it is that Plutarch
says, "First marriages are happy and auspicious, but second mar-
riages are unhappy and detestable."2 So strongly was this felt that
a [woman's] second marriage was looked on by them as almost adul-
tery, as Martial shows when he says: "She who marries so often
does not marry; she commits legal adultery."3 In the Christian
Church the Fathers did not indeed condemn second marriages: on
the contrary the Council of Nice condemns the errors of Montanus
and Novatus on this subject;4 and the Fathers did not regard such
marriages in the light of adultery; but yet for all this the Church did
not recommend such marriages, but only tolerated them. S. Jerome
when he wrote against Novatus speaks the mind of the Church on
this matter; where he says, "We do not so much like second
marriages, as allow them."5 This sentiment he explains more fully
in another passage : "The Apostle's wishes are one thing; what he is
compelled to be willing for is another. His concession about second
marriages is a proof of my lack of self-restraint, not of the Apostle's
will in this matter. . . . The Apostle has two wills on the subject, one
which commands . . . another which grants an indulgence He
wishes us to continue after marriage even as he himself.... but if
he sees that we are not willing as he is willing, then he grants an indul-
gence to our lack of self-restraint."6 Therefore the Church made much
of widows who did not contract second marriages, and looked on
46 Homil. Trep\ v-naTrdvrris. 3 Epigr. 6, 7; 5, [" Qusenubit toties,
1 Vid. Valer. Maxim. 1. ii. c. I. non nubit; adultera lege est."]
2 In Problematib. Prob. 99. [Ter- 4 Canon 8, [Requires that clergy
tullian, in "Exhortat. ad Castitatem," among the "Cathari," who wish to
gives some instances of the honours paid be reconciled to the Church, and to hold
by the heathen to monogamy : men- orders in it, must undertake in writing
tioning among others, that the wife of to conform—to the Church—especially
a Flamen must be but once married to communicate with those who are
(the wife of one husband), and that twice married (Biydfiois Koivavelv.)]
the chief Pontiff must not himself marry 5 Epist. 2 ad Marcell, [Al. Ep. 27.
a second time—must be the husband "Nos secundas nuptias non tarn appe-
of one wife. Compare 1 Tim. iii. 2, timus, quam concedimus."]
and Titus i. 6.] 6 Epist. ad Gerontian. (?)
M M
53° POLITY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH.
them as forming a part of the clerical order: for, as Tertullian says,
"The widow has a somewhat harder task [than the virgin], because
it is easy not to desire that which thou knowest not, and to turn
away from that which thou never hadst; more glorious the
continence which hath a sense of its own right (to marry), which
knoweth that which it hath seen; the virgin may be deemed the
happier; but the widow is the more enduring; the one, because she
hath ever had the good; the other, because she hath gained the
good for herself: in the one (the virgin) grace, in the other (the
widow) virtue, is crowned."7
Wherefore second marriages among Christians, especially in the
middle ages, were restrained by special laws within certain limits;
widows were never allowed to marry any one without the consent of
their parish priests, and the knowledge of the people of the parish
as it was decreed in the Capitularies of the Frankish Kings.8 They
were moreover not allowed to marry before a year after their hus-
band's death, by canon law and by imperial edicts, especially those
in the Theodosian code :9 as we there read; "If any woman who
has lost her husband shall be in a hurry to marry again within the
space of a year (we make this very small addition to the former ten
months' waiting time, though we think it very short), let her be
branded with marks of infamy, and forfeit all the honours and rights
which belong to a lady of honourable degree and to a noble personage,
and let her be deprived of whatever property she had possessed from
the goods of her former husband, or in right of her spousal dowry,
or by the assignment of her deceased husband. And let her know that
she must expect no subsidy to be given her from our bounty or pen-
sion-list (beneficium—vel annotatio.)" And the law as regards men
was, a man who had lost his wife might marry again when his wife
had been dead two months, but not before.10 Afterwards this an-
cient law, so far as it related to the second marriage of women, was
confirmed by Innocent III. in the law of the Decretals.11 And as
by an Imperial edict "subsidies" were never allowed to widows who
married again, so the Church, in pursuing the same system of dis-
cipline, not only excluded a digamist from the office of the priest-
hood but from the alms of the Church: and a woman was looked
on as unworthy of alms who had stooped to a second marriage.13 ^
We must now describe the service that was used at the celebration
of second marriages.
And first: when a man married a widow, though he used to put
7 Lib. i. ad Uxor. c. 8. timum gradum connubia non ducant:
8 Lib. vi. c. 408, ["NeChristianiex neque sine benedictione Sacerdotis^qui
propinquitate sui sanguinis connubia ante innupti erant, nubere audeant."]
ducant, nee sine benedictione sacerdotis 9 Lib. iii. tit. 8, leg. i. de secund. nupt.
cum virginibus nubere audeant; neque 10 Ex Capit. 72; Theodori Cantuar.
viduas absque suorum Sacerdotum con- Ep. ibid., [" Muliere mortua, post men-
sensu, et conhibentia plebis, ducere sem alteram," &c]
pnesumant." By a preceding capitular n Decretal. 1. iv. tit. 21, c. ult. _
(130) it is ordered, "Christiani ex pro- 12 Hieronym. Ep. 2, ad Nepotian.
pinquitate sui sanguinis usque ad sep- T. I. Ed. Francof. p. 11.
ON OFFICES FOR SECOND MARRIAGES. 531
a ring on her finger as a part of the service, yet she wore a glove on
her hand at the time: this rule was especially observed in the middle
ages, as we read in the rubrics of the Pontifical of the Codex Vic-
torinus in the eleventh century, quoted by Martene.
Secondly; no sacerdotal benediction was given at one of these
second marriages; "For," says Hilary the Deacon, "God decreed
to man one wife; on her the blessing may be pronounced, but not
on a second wife."13 Therefore S. Caesarius thus exhorted Christians
of his time: "If any man wishes to take a wife, as he desires to find
her a virgin, so let him be a virgin till his marriage; because if he
is not, he and his wife will not deserve to receive the benediction at
their marriage."14 The same Church discipline was in force in the
seventh century, as we know from the testimony of Theodore, Arch-
bishop of Canterbury,15 and was strictly maintained in the Western
Church down to the thirteenth century, as we are told by Durandus
of Mende in these words: "The benediction ought not to be
given at marriages, except when a virgin marries with a virgin. . . .
And further, any presbyter who gives the benediction to a man mar-
rying a second wife is suspended from his office and benefice, and
must be sent to answer before the Apostolic See."16
^ Those who had been married before were only present at the ser-
vice of the mass, but were not allowed to adorn themselves with
the bridal veil or flammeum, at their wedding: nor when it was
over, were they in former times, among the Greeks, presented with
crowns by the priest, as was done, in the manner we have described
at any one's first wedding.17 This distinction was observed among
the Greeks till the time of the Emperor Copronymus; but when he
took Eudoxia as his third wife, and she had been given the marriage-
crown, then from that the custom began of putting the crown on
those who had been twice married :18 but this seems to have been
the case only in the Church of Constantinople, perhaps, and some
few other local Churches of the East, since we are informed by
Allatius, "That down to his time, according to a rule strictly ob-
served, and the custom of antiquity, those who had been married
before were not crowned at their wedding."19 Where however diga-
mists were crowned, there was a difference in the way the crown was
worn: for one who was a virgin had a crown placed on the head,
but a widow or a widower had one placed on the shoulder; the
13 Comment, in c. 4, Epist. 1 ad 16 Rational. 1. i. c. 9, 15.
Timoth., [" Unam uxorem decrevit 17 Ex Isidor. de Div. Offic. 1. ii. c.
Deus, in qua benedicatur, neque enim 19. (?)
secunda benedicitur."] is v Theodori Studitse Epist. 25 ap.
Serm. 289, ibid., ["Iterum atque Baron. An. 802.
iterum rogo pariter et contestor, ut qui » De Consens. Orient. &c, 1. iii. c.
uxorem optat accipere, sicut illam vir- 13, ["In reliqua Grcecia secundum ex-
ginem mvenire desiderat, ita ipse usque actam disciplinam, et antiquain consue-
ad nuptias virgo sit, quia si non fuerit, tudinem, bigamos non coronari." "fO
benedictionem accipere cum sponsa sua Styafios ov areyavovTat" was a familiar
non merebitur."] Greek saying.]
15 Capital, xvi. ibid.
M M 2
532
POLITY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH.
former wearing the chaplet on the head, the other on the shoulder,
as we are told by Theodorus Studita.20
Lastly; although the Church allowed second marriages, yet she
imposed canonical penance on those contracting them, which ex-
cluded them from the Holy Communion, and they were reckoned
among those sentenced to the minor excommunication. This was
the more ancient rule of the Church, as we learn from the Councils
of Ancyra,21 Laodicea,22 and Neoc^esarea.23 In the fourth century
the period of this penance lasted sometimes for a year, sometimes
for two years f^ but in the seventh century the Latins limited the
time to one year, according to the testimony of Theodore, Arch-
bishop of Canterbury,25 who perhaps introduced into the Western
Church a rule of discipline which he brought from the Eastern Church.
Then, as those marrying for the second time were under this sen-
tence of penance, a presbyter was not allowed to be present at their
marriage feast, as we read in canon lxxxix. of Egbert, Archbishop of
York, a canon reckoned by Gratian among those of the Council of
Neocaesarea.26 Hence it follows that no nuptial benediction could
be pronounced by the priest on their marriage-chamber, as used to
be done in the case of those married for the first time.
These were the rules connected with second marriages. For against
20 Epist. ad Naucrat.
21 Can. 19, [" "Oaoi TrapOe/iau iiray-
y€\\6fX€:VOL ad€7odcrL 77}u iirayyeXiav,
rbu t&v diyafxcou '6pov iicirXripovTCtiO'ai'."
So likewise the Apostolical Constitu-
tions condemn, on the same ground, the
second marriage of a Church-widow,
"not because she married a second
time, but because she has waxed wan-
ton against Christ, and not kept her
promise (of widowhood.)" They allow
a second marriage, in ordinary cases:
they reprove a third, as showing a want
of self-restraint: they forbid a fourth, as
sin. (Const. Apost. iii. 1, 2.)]
22 Can. 1, [Admits after a time, and
after some chastisement in prayer and
fasting, to Communion, those who have
married a second time '' freely and law-
fully" and without any secresy; "Titpl
rod heiv Kara rbi/ itcK\r}(nao'7LKbi/ ku-
v6va rovs iAevdepoos koI vo/jilfxcos crvv-
acpdei/ras devrepoLS yd/xois, fJ.7] Kadpo-
yaptas Troi^&avras, bxiyov xP^vov nap-
(XQovtos kolI ax°^acr^PTCOJ/ rc"s ^pocT-
euxous K<x\ j/r)(neiai.s, Kara (Tvyyvd)\xt]v
airoStboaOai clvtchs tt]V icoivuiviav wpi-
aaixzv" Some think the canon means
that a space of time was to intervene
after marriage, devoted to prayer and
fasting, before they presented them-
selves at the Lord's Table. The "ec-
clesiastical canon" referred to in it may
be the eighth of the Council of Nice,
which is not against, but in defence of,
second marriages.]
23 Can. 3, ["irepl roiv irKtiarois yd-
/xois, TrfpiirLirrSuTcou 6 fxkv xpdvos <ra<p})S
d u>pi<x\xkvos, rj §€ avaGTpo(p)i kol\ r\ 7rl(rris
avTccv (Tvvreixvei Thv xP^vov-" This
canon against "those that have fallen
into several marriages," is probably
aimed at marriage after divorce.]
24 Ex S. Basil. Epist. ad Amphiloch.
can. 4. [a.d. 326—379; he fixes one
year as the period of the suspension of
digamists from communion.]
25 Capitul. 14, ibid.
26 In c. de bis 31, q. 1, [Cone. Neo-
cces. An. 314, c. 7 : he was forbidden
to be present, on the ground that his
presence would be incompatible with
his assigning a penance for it, as the
canon implies he would have to do:
"UpecrfivTepov eh yd/xovs SiyafxovvToov
fx^ eaTLacrOcu, iirel fxtrdi/oiav alrovuros
rov diyd/AOv, rts errrcu 6 TrpeafitfTepos,
6 81a rrjs eo-ndcreoos crvyKaTaride/j.evos
toIs ydfiois;" We may suppose the se-
verity of the Church against second
marriages was partly with the object of
discountenancing divorce. It is against
marriages after divorce, not after death,
that some of the severe expressions of
early writers are directed.]
ON THE CARE OF CHRISTIANS FOR THE SICK. 533
those who made third marriages the Church exercised a far severer
discipline, as we learn from Basil before cited, and from the
Constitution of Constantine Porphyrogenitus: in the Eastern Church
fourth marriages were absolutely forbidden among Christians; but
the Western Church never gave its sanction to any fixed rule of dis-
cipline in this matter, not fixing any ecclesiastical or civil limit to
marriages, as we learn, among other documents, from the case of a
woman and a man mentioned by S. Jerome; the former of whom
had married her twenty-second husband, and the latter his twentieth
wife.27 And with this we may conclude what we have to say on the
marriage rites of the service for second marriages.
We might here treat of the subject of Purification after Childbirth,
and about the mother's first coming to church; but as these seem
appropriate subjects for discussion in a Dissertation on the Domestic
Life of Christians, we shall reserve what we have to say on these
matters, and on the subject of mid wives and nurses, to that Disser-
tation.
SECTION II.
ON FUNERAL RITES.
We are now about to put the finishing touch to this epitome [of
Christian Antiquities]; and we shall make the funerals of Christians
the subject of our closing remarks.
But as in this subject there are some matters peculiarly relating
to the commonwealth of the Christian Church, which have to do
with the care of the sick and of the dying, [though not bearing
directly on funerals], it will be necessary first to explain all such
matters as these, and so we shall naturally come to speak finally of
the last Funeral Rites themselves.
CHAPTER I.
ON THE CARE OF CHRISTIANS FOR THE SICK.
Christians who were well instructed in the precepts of Christ and
His Apostles considered the care of the sick to be one of the first
duties of charity, as the history of that age everywhere testifies. In
fact, even in times of fierce persecution against the Church, bishops
nowhere cease to urge on Christians the discharge of their duties to
27 Ibid. [Hieron. Ep. 123, ad Age- uxores, alteram quae vicesimum secun-
ruchiam (§ 907), "Vidi duo inter se dum habuisset maritum, extreme sibi,
paria, vilissimorum e plebe hominum ut ipsi putabant, matrimonio copula-
comparata, unum qui viginti sepelisset tos."]
534 POLITY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH.
the sick; as e.g. Cyprian, writing to all the clergy of his Church, thus
exhorts them: "I am sure that you will diligently take care of the
widows and of the sick, and of all the poor."1 In this the first age
of the Church the house of every Christian might be used by others
as an infirmary (nosocomium), as the Acts of some of the Martyrs in-
form us. This was a designedly established custom. For as there
were then public Infirmaries of ^Esculapius in almost every city,
in which it was allowable for those who were sick to lie down
and so put themselves under the protection of the god ^Esculapius,
the bishops in their earnest desire to keep their people sound in the
faith, felt great anxiety lest the Christians, if they were not helped
by one another, should resort to those public Infirmaries of the god
of medicine, and so, when there, should be compelled against their
own will to show some sort of homage to the Pagan religion. The
plainest evidence which is extant of this zeal of the Christians in
taking care of the sick, is in a letter of S. Dionysius, Bishop of Alex-
andria, written in the middle of the third century when a terrible
plague was raging at Alexandria. After describing the plague he
adds the following words: "Most of our brethren, from their ex-
ceeding great love to one another, recklessly heedless of all care for
their own safety, and mutually clinging one to another, while they
visit among the sick with a feeling of security and boldness, and
are assiduous in their ministrations to them, and in their efforts to
cure them, have died in the Lord together with them: with the
greatest cheerfulness taking infection from the sickness of others, and
in a way drawing on themselves the disease with which their neighbours
were dying Thus many who had attended on others in their
sickness, and had restored them to their former health, have them-
selves died: and in this way the noblest and best of our brethren, in-
cluding several of our presbyters and deacons, have met their death."3
And how far Christians were before the heathen in this matter has also
been shown by the same prelate Dionysius \ for he adds, "But the
heathen behaved in a way the very reverse of this; for when any
among them showed symptoms of falling ill they drove them away,
and fled away from their dearest relations, and left them half dead
in the highways, or cast out their dead bodies unburied."
This was in fact a prominent characteristic of the Martyrs, as
Eusebius writes of Seleucus, that "he showed himself an overseer
(episcopus) and a guardian of the poor and the sick, a very father
and guardian to them."3 And Nilus bears the very same testimony
to Theodotus, the Martyr of Ancyra,4 when writing about him as "one
who fully sympathised in the sufferings of others, full of love for
them, helping the infirm .... also laying his hands on^ them, by
whatever incurable sickness they were afflicted, he delivers them
1 Epist. 36, ad Presbyt. et Diacon. 2 Infragm. Ep.ap.Euseb.H.E.vii.22.
\n Ox , "Viduarum et infirmorum et 3 De Martyr. Pakest. c. 11.
omnium pauperum curam, puto, dili- 4 Apud Ruinart. Acta Mart.; ap.
genter habeatis."] Bolland. T. IV. Man.
OF THE HOSPITALS FOR CHRISTIANS. 535
from that disease, giving them his prayers instead of medicine."
They were ready to aid the sick by temporal and spiritual ministra-
tions j nor was this done by men only, but by Christian ladies also;
for though the deaconesses were specially charged with the duty
of thus waiting on women who were sick, as we mentioned in our
Second Book, nevertheless other women also showed the same spirit
of charity and the same interest in taking care of the sick; such a
testimony is specially borne to an English lady in an account of the
Acts of the Martyr S. Boniface given by the same author Ruinart.5
Therefore it was that the heathens also were so filled with admira-
tion at this charity of the Christians, that they embraced Christianity
itself, convinced by this argument alone of the truth of its doctrines,
as we are told, among other witnesses, by that very ancient writer
the author of the Life of S. Pachomius, who was himself converted to
Christianity by the sight of this active charity which Christians in
Thebes showed one towards another.6
From all this it may be plainly inferred how great was the care
which the early Christians took of the sick, as we will now explain
a little more in detail.
CHAPTER II.
OF THE HOSPITALS FOR CHRISTIANS.
History tells us that the origin of public hospitals for the sick is
almost as early as the origin of great human societies themselves.
The most celebrated cities of antiquity, as well as those of inferior
note, raised public edifices, which any sick person might resort to,
and there put himself under medical treatment. But these were
public temples dedicated to ^Esculapius, under whose special pro-
tection all sick people were considered to be: for, as Tertullian says,
^Esculapius may be considered to be the first who invented medi-
cines.1 Hence in Cilicia, JEgae,2 Epidaurus,3 Athens,"4 Alba Julia,5
Smyrna, Syracuse, Naples, and other illustrious cities of antiquity,
there were celebrated Infirmaries for the use of the sick, dedicated to
^Esculapius; some of these were standing in the time of Constan-
tine, as e.g. the one at JEgze, which, as we are told by Eusebius,6
was levelled to the ground by command of that Emperor, because
5 Ibid. c. i. 2 Ex Philostr. in Vita Apoll. 1. i.
6 Apud Bolland. die 14 Maii. c. 5.
1 L. de Coron. Milit. c. 8, ["Let 3 Ex Livii 1. 45, c. 28.
iEsculapius be the first that invented 4 Aristoph. Plut. 653, &c.
medicines (primus medelas explora- 5 Ex lapide ap. Gruter. p. 70.
verit): I remember that Esaias also pre- 6 In Vita Const. Magni, 1. iii. c. 56;
scribed something medicinal to Heze- [Eusebiushere calls the god the "cUemon
kiah, when he was sick."] of the Cilicians," and says the world
536 POLITY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH.
of the inveterate superstition with which the heathen world regarded
it; and over the destruction of which the sophist Libanius greatly
mourns in the third of his orations.7
But these public infirmaries were so built, that besides the
shrine of ^Esculapius, they had large buildings also in which were
ranged (icXi'vac, lectuli) couches, on either side, where the sick
could lie down, who, from that circumstance, were called kXlvlkoI
[clinics]. Over these couches were suspended certain tablets, on
which were written up different cases, stating what had been the
complaint of each patient, and by what medicine he had been re-
stored to health. Such is the description which Strabo gives of that
great Nosocomium at Epidaurus.8 Then the sick were persuaded
by the priests of ^Esculapius and by the servants of the institution,
that the god would himself administer or prescribe medicine for
them in their dreams: this lying down in expectation of a dream
was called by the Greeks kXIuglv, and by the Latins clinare: thus Lu-
cretius, speaking of a certain Paullus, who was expecting dreams from
./Esculapius, says, "Paullus must lie down and dream."9 Hence the
Greeks called the god ^Esculapius 6veipo7ro/bL7rbs} the dream-sending
god,10 and the Latins, in Prudentius, Deits clinicas, the sick-bed
god.11 From this it is clear that the name of sick-bed patients, or
clinics {clinici) was the name specially given to those sick persons,
who used to lie down in the temple of ^Esculapius waiting to receive
dreams sent by him; which the Latins afterwards expressed by the
word incubare, as Servius explains it: he says, " They are properly
said to lie down who go to sleep waiting to receive answers from the
gods."12 Whence the expression in Plautus:
"Ideo fit, quia hie leno aegrotus incubat
In ^Esculapii fano."13
From what has now been said we have demonstrated, that even
from very ancient times different cities had their own infirmaries
wondered after him as one who appeared rent. Quod in fano yEsculapii usque
to persons when asleep in his temple, hodie error ethnicorum celebrat, mul-
and healed their diseases: "fxvpicov torumque aliorum; quse non sunt aliud
€TTTor]/j.€ycci/ eV avrcp ws kv £ir\ crojTTJpi nisi tumuli mortuorum." See note ad
Kal larpcj), 7rore fxkv tirHpaivoixevcp rots loc. in Migne, Patrol. XIX.]
ijKadevSovai, irore Be rcov ra ado/xaia 7 Apud Troz. in Supplem. Thesaur.
Ka[xv6vr(av ioo^4vcp ras vdcrovs." He Othon. T. VI.
adds that when this temple was suddenly 8 Geograph. 1. viii. p. 374.
surrounded and destroyed by Constan- 9 Lib. ii. v. 243, [" Paullum clinare
tine's troops the imposture was disco- necesse est."]
vered, and some impostor detected 10 Apud Liban. ibid., [" Somnia mit-
(though the reading of this sentence tentem."]
varies.) S. Jerome, in his commentary H In Apotheos. v. 273.
on the words of Isaiah lxv. 4, "which 12 Vid. hunc et Cerd. ad ^Eneid. 1.
lodge in the monuments," speaking of vii. v. 88, [" Incubare dicuntur propria
the same wide-spread superstition, says, hi, qui dormiunt ad accipienda respon-
"In delubris idolorum dormiens; ubi sa."]
stratis pellibus hostiarum incubare so- 13 In Curcul. Act 1, sc. 1, v. 61.
liti erant, ut somniis futura cognosce-
OF THE HOSPITALS FOR CHRISTIANS. 537
for the recovery of the sick. Let us now describe how this matter
was managed among Christians.
In the first age, i.e. from the time of Constantine the Great, the
Christians made it the special duty of the bishops to erect in-
firmaries for the sick; and they were therefore generally built be-
hind the bishop's house: this we know from history was the arrange-
ment down to the middle ages; S. Epiphanius is the first, however,
who speaks distinctly to this effect, who, referring to Eustathius,
Bishop of Sebaste, says, "He ordained Aerius a presbyter, and made
him superintendent of the hospital (gevohox^ov) [at Sebaste in
Pontus], which is called in Pontus ir-u)x°'TP0(ti^L0V-> a poor-house. For,
he adds, it is customary for the bishops of the Churches to set up
homes of this kind, out of their love of hospitality, in which they
gather together the maimed and infirm, and to provide them, as far
as possible, with the necessaries of life."14 And he goes on to tell
us that in these Xenodochia [or "houses for strangers," i.e. "hos-
pitals"], beds were provided for the sick. After this Palladius,
Bishop of Heliopolis, when speaking of the mountain of Nitria or
Netria, says, that, "On this mountain Netria there is a very large
church; and near the church there is built a Xenodochium (a hos-
pital); and on this mountain there are residing medical men
and pastry-cooks."15 From these expressions it is quite plain that
"Xenodochia" was not yet the name of places intended for the sup-
port of strangers, but of actual infirmaries for the sick, as medical
men and cooks are said to have lived in them. Xenodochia
was a sort of general name for establishments of this kind which
served both purposes, [as homes for the sick and for travellers.]
Gregory the Presbyter tells us that Basil the Great, Bishop of Csesarea
in Cappadocia, built a very large hospital at Cassarea. He says,
"Basil the Great raised buildings on a most extensive scale, pro-
viding an annual income, by money which he had collected from
rich men of ample means, who were moved by a wise impulse
to give liberally to this object: into this establishment he gathered
together all his sick people, calling these buildings which he had
reared tttivx^ (ppovTtarijpia, "Institutes for the Poor."16
Naturally, therefore, these Institutes for the poor were in that age
called nosocomia, "infirmaries," for men widely known for their piety
and holiness did not grudge spending their lives in these institutions,
in hopes of assisting the infirm, and instructing and educating them
in Christian piety; for, passing by other such evidences of Chris-
tian love which we might mention, the same Gregory the Presbyter,
whom we referred to above, tells us of Gregory of Nazianzus, that
disliking the din of a city life, he took refuge in a home for the sick,
soothing the troubles and burdens of sickness by his ministrations
and fatherly counsel.
14 Adv. Hcer. 1. iii. de Hoer. Aeriana, 16 In vita quse legitur initio Oper. S.
[Hseres. 75, § i.] Gregorii Nazianz. T. I.
15 Hist. SS. Patr. ad Laus. c. 6.
538
POLITY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH.
But we are also told by this same Father, Gregory of Nazianzus,
that in those times bishops used to build most extensive hospitals.
Speaking of that hospital which, as we have said, Basil had built, and
which had been erected outside the city walls, he says, "Go forth
a little from the city, and behold the new city ?w such was the
size of the buildings [that it resembled a little town]. Chrysos-
tom also erected many hospitals of this kind at Constantinople,
for "when he had in hand any superfluous funds from his see
he erected new homes for the sick with them," as we are informed
by Palladius.18
[S. Jerome remarks that Fabiola was the first person who founded
a hospital,* but] from what we have said we must infer that he did
not in any way mean, in his epitaph upon Fabiola, to attribute the
actual origin of hospitals to her labours, but that he praised her for
the noble hospital that she built at Rome at her own expense.
And this leads us further to remark, that in the West, especially in
the smaller cities, where there were no public hospitals, and where
the poverty of the bishops did not allow them to build any, these
institutions were in the bishop's own house; and therefore it is that
Possidius tells us that Augustine and the sick had one common table
between them.19
But [at Rome] in the middle ages it began to be the custom to
erect hospitals either actually in the deacons' quarters (Diaconitz),
or else round the buildings of the Diaconia, and over these the
Regionary Deaconst were set as superintendents, as documents of
that age constantly inform us.
17 Orat. 3. [Orat. 20, p. 359, ed.
Colon., "Paulum extra civitatem pe-
el em offer, ac novam conspice civita-
tem." The passage is translated in
Smith's Diet. p. 7S7, "Go forth a little
from the city, (Csesarea in Pontus,) and
behold the new city, the treasure-house
of godliness .... in which the super-
fluities of wealth, nay even things not
superfluous, have been laid up in store
at his (Basil's) exhortation, .... in
which disease is investigated (<pi\ocro-
(pelrai) and sympathy proved. . . . We
have no longer to look on the fearful
and pitiable sight of men like corpses
before death, with the greater part of
their limbs dead [from leprosy], driven
from cities, from dwellings, from public
places, from water-courses Basil
it was more than any one who persuaded
those who are men not to scorn men,
nor to dishonour Christ, the Plead of
all, by their inhumanity towards human
beings."]
]8 In ejus vita c. 5, [p. 19, ed. Mont-
faucon. "Cum superessent pecuniae,
nova quoque infirmorum receptacula
construxit." Palladius relates that S.
Chrysostom diverted the superfluous ex-
penses of his see to the maintenance of
the hospital {voo-oKOfxstov), and that as
the need increased he founded several,
over which he set two presbyters of
high character; that he engaged further
physicians and cooks, and kind unmar-
ried attendants, to work under them,
(lb.) From Chrys. Horn. 66 in Matt,
we learn that the number of poor women
receiving relief every day at Constanti-
nople from the Church was 3,000 : that
the maimed and distressed were also
provided for.]
* Ep. 77, [al. 30], c. 6.
19 In ejus vita cc. 22, 23, ["Besides
herbs and pulse, some flesh was served
up for strangers and the sick." Pie
adds that S. Augustine always took
wine himself. In c. 23 he says,
"Compauperum semper memor erat,
eisque incle erogabat, unde et sibi suis-
que omnibus secum habitantibus, hoc
est, vel ex reditibus possessionum Eccle-
sise, vel etiam oblationibus fidelium."]
f ["Regionary Deacons = the Seven
OF THE HOSPITALS FOR CHRISTIANS. 539
Lastly, we may observe that hospitals in former times were not
like wide areas, as they are with us, but that they consisted of a
number of separate little houses, so that each of the patients could
be lodged in a small apartment of his own. We know this from
what Procopius tells us: for describing a hospital which the Em-
peror Justinian enlarged and restored, he says, that "he very much
enlarged it both in the number of the little houses which he built, and
in the annual revenue with which he endowed it."20
§ i. Of Nurses for the Sick, or Superintendents of Hospitals.
In the first age of the Church the bishop in his own person used
to direct the management of the hospitals, and all authority con-
nected with them was lodged in his hands, especially as their revenues
came out of the incomes of the bishops. But when the business of
the Church began to make other very large demands on the bishops,
they delegated the charge of the hospitals either to some presbyter or
deacon, or sometimes to the minor orders of the clergy, who acted
in them as the bishops' vicegerents, especially in all spiritual matters,
for in the matter of expenses the bishop's steward (peconomus) supplied
all those necessaries of which the patients stood in need.
But when hospitals began to be erected on a much larger scale,
and men of wealth endowed them with annual incomes, then the
management of the temporalities and of the spiritualities of a hos-
pital was entrusted to a regularly appointed superintendent, who was
bound in those days to give account to the bishop, by whom he
had been appointed, of all the moneys that passed through his
hands. But after this, in the fifth century, the unholy hunger for
gold seized, in several instances, on that class of clerics whom
the bishops appointed as hospital superintendents, and they made
great efforts to shake off all obedience to the episcopate. To meet
this evil the Fathers of the Council of Chalcedon directed [a.d.
451] that clergy who were set over poor-houses and hospitals, and
establishments of that class, should continue to be under the juris-
diction of the episcopate.21 The bishops usually entrusted presbyters
with this office: thus we find Eustathius, Bishop of Sebaste, appoint-
ing Aerius to this post: and S. Chrysostom giving it to two presbyters
Deacons of Rome, appointed, as dis- £0 De /Edific. Justinian. 1. i. c. 2,
pensers of the Church's alms, to take [" Auxisse, qua numero domunculamm,
charge of the seven regions (diaconiae) qua annuo censu."] Hist. Byzant. T.
into which the city was ecclesiastically III. [According to the Byzant. Hist, it
divided. Each Diaconia had its hall was his own palace which Justinian
for the distribution of charity, with its gave up for the sick.]
chapel annexed. These last remained -1 Can. 8, ["Let the clergy of the
when the original purpose of the Dia- poor-houses (irrcax^i^v), monasteries,
conia had passed away; and they have and martyries, remain under the autho-
risen to the dignity of churches, of rity of the bishops in each city, accord-
which there are now fourteen, each ing to the tradition of the holy Fathers,
assigned to one of the Cardinal dea- and let them not through self-will with-
cons." (Smith's Diet. s. v.)] draw themselves from the rule of their
54° POLITY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH.
of his own Church, who were eminent for the holiness of their lives;
and S. Basil conferring it on a Presbyter Chorepiscopus (presbytero
chorepiscopo) :22 and we find a presbyter of Alexandria mentioned by
Palladius2* as superintendent of a xenodochium, and the historians of
the Christian Church bear the same testimony everywhere.
But in the middle ages the bishops generally conferred this post
of Superintendent on regionary deacons, as we have said. And
these deacons at times, according to the spirit of the age, treated the
rules of the infirmaries with careless contempt, and either did not
admit sick people into them, or showed no energy in their work as
managers; and the result was that at last the charge of hospitals
was entrusted by degrees to the monks. And though these men at
first gave themselves very heartily to the work, yet either under the
pretence of more professional claims, such secular business being
certainly incongruous with a monastic life, or on other excuses they
neglected the duties of the hospitals, so that on every side the funds
fell off, and the sick were entirely neglected. And, therefore, in the
last century the old hospitals were by degrees re-established, and
were put on an almost entirely new footing.
§ 2. On Visitation of the Sick, and their Cure by Prayer.
In the first ages, when, as was said, the Christians were afraid to
resort for healing to the [temples of ^Esculapius, which were used as]
public hospitals, and generally [in time of sickness] remained at
home, they were not allowed to want any necessaries that they
required; for deacons used to visit them every day, that they might
report to the bishop all cases of misfortune and sickness, as we read
in the Apostolical Constitutions.24, Deaconesses did the same for
women who were sick; for these ladies, as Epiphanius tells us, were
appointed to minister to women in cases where their ministrations
were needed, as, e.g., when a bath was required, or a medical exami-
nation of their persons.25 And it was the duty both of the deacons
own bishop." Canon 3 of the same tion of the bishop is clear from several
Council speaks of the Diocesan com- of his letters.]
mitting to a bishop, clerk, or monk the 22 Epist. 143, [al. 419. S. Basil, re-
charge of orphans or widows who are ferring to the hospital built by himself,
not provided for: "It is evident in fact speaks of it as managed by a Chorepis-
that a regular system of providing for copus, "rb rrrwxoTpocpe'ioi; rb Trap' clvtou
the poor in connexion with the Church (jov xoop^ttlo-kSttov) olicovov/j.tvov."]
VII.
was organized in the middle of the fifth 23 Ibid. c. i
century." As early as A.D. 511 we find 24 L. iii. c. 19, ["'Tis your duty,
the sixteenth canon of the first Council who are deacons, to visit all those that
of Orleans, directing "Ut Episcopus stand in need of visitation {iivio-Ktyeoos),
fiauperes et infirmos tueatur" "Epis- and tell your bishop of all those that are
copus pauperibus vel infirmis, qui de- in affliction, for you ought to be like
bilitate faciente non possunt suis mani- his soul and sensation, active and at-
bus laborare, victum et vestitum in quan- tentive in all things to him."]
turn possibilitas habuerit largiatur." 25 In Expos. Fid. c. 21, [" 8icuc6-
That in the time of Gregory the Great vicraai 5e KaOidTavrai els vivripscriav
the xenodochia were under the jurisdic- yvvaiKwv jx6vov, dia. tV o"6/aj/<Jtt;to, ai>
OF THE HOSPITALS FOR CHRISTIANS. 541
and the deaconesses to keep the bishop informed of sick cases, and
he and the presbyters visited them daily: for this, S. Augustine ex-
pressly tells us, was the rule of the Church ;26 speaking of a certain
Innocentius, an ex-advocate to the deputy of the praefect, he says,
"He was attended by medical men for the fistula, and he was visited
every day by holy men, the then Bishop of Uzalus, Saturnius of
blessed memory, and by the presbyter Gelosus, and by deacons of
the Carthaginian Church."
Although, however, Christians made use of any medical skill they
could command, they yet placed their chief reliance for the recovery
of the sick in God Himself and the patronage of the Saints: for this
reason they used also to lay flowers upon the relics of Saints, and
then bringing them from thence they used to apply them to the
diseased members of the bodies of the sick, and by this means they
were generally immediately cured.27 Sometimes the bishop himself
or the presbyter would bring some Martyr's memoria to a sick man,
or the sick would be anointed with oil which was burning before a
Martyr's tomb : and this application of spiritual remedies was followed
by unfailing effects, according to the constant teaching of S. Augus-
tine above referred to, and of the early Fathers generally; so that it
was a saying in those days that sick people could be healed by oil
and water, that is, by oil brought from the tombs of the Martyrs,28
and by holy water, on which the benediction had been pronounced.29
Moreover the bishops themselves used to exhort the faithful to offer
prayers to God for the recovery of the sick, and they used to offer
public prayers for them at the more solemn celebrations of the
liturgy \ whence we find a solemn mass of the middle ages, as it is
given in a MS. Pontifical of Nivolo, Bishop of the Church
of Soissons, cited by Martene, as follows: "After the first collect
no other one used to be said, except (as is there directed) we
Xpeia Karao-ralt], Kovrpov eveica % iiria- 2S V. Tertull. L. de Scap. c. 4,
Ktyects a-cofxdrooy." So Epiphanius says ["How many honourable persons, (for
an order of deaconesses was necessary I speak not of common men,) have
in the Church, mentioning it as one of been healed either of devils or of infir-
their duties to minister to women in mities. Even Severus, the father of
Baptism, sickness, and death. (Hseres. Antoninus, was mindful of the Chris-
79, 3 and 4.)] tians: he sought out Proculus a Chris-
26 De Civit. Dei, 1. xxii. c. 8 § 3. tian, ... the steward of Euodia, who
27 August, ibid. § 10. [A blind had once cured him by means of oil,
woman touched her eyes with flowers and kept him in his own palace even to
which had been in contact with the his death." The fulness and the con-
relics of S. Stephen, and "forthwith fidence of such statements made by the
saw," (" Oculis admovit: protinus early Fathers on the subject of mira-
viclit.") S. Augustine adds to this, cles are well known]; Pallad. in Hist,
that many books would have to be Lausia. c. 13 and 20; Theodoret. de
written to recount all the miracles of Patr. c. 8 and 13; Hieronym. in Vita
healing alone which had been wrought S. Hilarion., [" Constantia qucedam
by means of S. Stephen's relics in sancta femina, cujus generum et filiam
Calama and Hippo, in the ten years de morte liberaverat unctione olei."]
during which those towns had possessed 29 V. Theodor. ib. 21, and Pallad.
them: that some seventy accounts had ib. c. 30.
already been written of them.]
542 POLITY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH.
made mention^ of the memorial festival of any Saint, or where, in
case of urgent necessity, we cried to God in behalf of the sick, for
whom our holy Mother the Church has always been accustomed
to pray."30
§ 3. How the Church dealt with those at the point of death.
Besides the Sacraments of the Eucharist and Extreme Unction
(on the first of which we shall speak in a special dissertation in a
third volume, and on the second of which we shall speak particularly
in the next chapter), Christians used other helps also, for those who
lay very near the point of death. We may here, by way of illustra-
tion, mention three, which were specially used by Christians in the
middle ages.
I. There was, first, the custom of lying down in haircloth, with
ashes sprinkled over them, in which way the last Sacraments
were received by the dying.
II. Then there was the custom in the Eastern Church of wearing
a monastic habit during the closing hours of life.
III. And there was, thirdly, the custom of tolling bells during the
last agony.
As regards the first custom, subsequently to the fifth century
Christians, when dying, used to leave their bed, and to lie on the
ground with bare haircloth, sprinkled with ashes, spread under them,
and thus to receive the Sacraments [of the Church]. This is
first told us of S. Martin, Bishop of Tours, by Sulpicius Severus:
for he when at the point of death lay down on sackcloth and ashes;
and when his disciples begged to be allowed to spread at least some
poor bed-clothes under him, he said, It is not fitting, my sons, that a
Christian should die anywhere but in sackcloth and ashes.31 And
the same story may be read of S. Arrigius, Bishop of Gap:
"Lying with his naked body before the altar of S. Eusebius, with
haircloth and ashes under him, he thus received the viaticum of the
Body and Blood of the Lord from the hands of Bishop Isicius, and
the presbyter Diaconius."33
Among a great number of documents of this kind, which might
be readily quoted, we may refer to one bearing on the subject, which
may be taken as a specimen of the rest, the case of Louis VI.,
king of France; who, on the approach of death, "ordered a carpet to
be spread on the ground, and ashes sprinkled over it in the shape of
a Cross, and being placed upon this by the help of his attendants,
and supporting his patient endurance by the sign of the holy Cross,
he thus breathed his last."33
30 Ibid. 1. i. c. 4, Art. 3. 32 In ejus vita ap. Sur. die 14 Sept.
31 Epist. ad Bassulam de obit. S. 33 Ex Eugen. Abb. in ill. Vita in
Mart. Dissert. 3, Mabill. ad saec. Benedict.
OF THE HOSPITALS FOR CHRISTIANS. 543
But if among the laity this custom depended on the piety of a
dying man, among monks in the middle ages it was appointed by
the rule of their order [that death should be met in this way], as we
learn from the Customary of the monks of Cluny, from whom a
great number of congregations of monks afterwards took their rules.
"The servants of God, the monks of Cluny, when they perceive
the hour of their departure is at hand, spread out a piece of hair-
cloth, over which they sprinkle ashes, and lifting the sick monk out
of bed, they lay him down on the ashes fu and I have read in the
Acts of the Monks of La Trappe, written in the modern French
language, that this ancient rule of Cluny is observed among them
also.
II. To come now to our second point. As in the middle ages,
an entrance into the religious life was reckoned among the different
grades of penance, of which we have spoken in a preceding Book,
dying people, who wished to do penance, and to give a test of the
state of their soul to others, would put on the monastic habit, and
also take on themselves the vows of the order the dress of which
they adopted. Mabillon tells us of an instance of this kind in the
Latin Church. The Emperor Lothair did penance in this way:
"Being seized with a mortal illness, and having no hope of recovery,
he entered a monastery at Pruym, in the Ardennes; renouncing the
world he received the tonsure, and adopted the monastic habit and
mode of life, and so, within six days, he died."35 The Emperors
Isaac Comnenus and Manuel Comnenus,36 in the Eastern Church,
did the same, and John de Brienne, King of Jerusalem.37 Nor was
this a custom observed by laymen only, but bishops also did the
same, as Theophanes tells us it was done by Paul, Patriarch of Con-
stantinople ;38 and in the Western Church it was done by Hugo and
Robert, Bishops of Auxerre, and by Bernard, Bishop of Hildes-
heim. Nay, even among ladies it became customary thus to do
penance at the last hour, as we gather from a document of the thir-
teenth century, the Charter of the Institution of the Monastery
of Val cles Ecoliers, "They are not to admit women to take their
monastic habit except when at the point of death."39
^ But if any one who seemed at the point of death took the monas-
tic habit, and afterwards recovered, it was not allowed him then to
leave the monastery, to the rules of which he had vowed his obedi-
ence, and to live elsewhere, but he was regarded as in reality a
monk, so that any one would be branded as an apostate, who thus
on recovery should refuse to remain in the monastery and to embrace
a monastic life.40 Hence S. Peter Damiani, in whose time this
34 In Vita S. Uldrici Consuet. 1. v. 3S Inter Script. Rerum Constanti-
c. 29. nopolit. T. V. ad An. 7S4.
35 Prsef. in ssec. IV. Benedict. 39 ApudMabil. ib. skc. VIII. ["Mu-
36 Vide Leuncl. in Jure Grceco-Rom. lieres ad habitum suum non recipiant,
1. iv. nisi in extremis."]
37 Ex Rainaldo ad An. 1239. 40 V.Orderic.Vital. deAdelard.Presb.
544 POLITY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH.
custom was at its greatest height, took the trouble to write a book
against a certain bishop, who had taught that any one who had
assumed the monastic habit when he thought himself dying, was at
liberty, if he recovered, to embrace the monastic life or not as he
pleased.
III. About the period of the eighth century a third custom also
sprang up to which we have referred, that of tolling a bell
when any one was in his last agony. According to Bede, this
was done in England after the soul had departed.41 But the usual
custom was for the bells to be tolled, that the dying person might
have the benefit of the prayers of the faithful. Hence we read of
S. Sturmi, Abbot of Fulda, that when he felt death approaching, he
bid them run quickly to the church, and he ordered that all the
bells should be tolled.43 This custom now survives among monks
only.
CHAPTER III.
OF EXTREME UNCTION.
The Sacrament of Extreme Unction, appointed to be given to
the sick, was administered by the Church to them only when
they appeared to be in the last extremity of the disease. Nor
did the bishop administer it to all sick persons indiscriminately;
not giving it, e.g., to those criminals who were condemned to
death, nor to those who were undergoing a sentence of penance i1
nor was it allowable to administer it to infants, but only to
adults who were of a certain age determined by the canons,
though these canons did not begin to be passed till the middle ages;
first, the age of fourteen was fixed as the earliest at which this Sacra-
ment might be received, as we read in various episcopal constitutions
referred to by Martene.3 But after the thirteenth century the ages
of ten years and eight years were fixed as the age for first receiving
it, as we learn from the statutes of the Church of Paris, from the
statutes of Germanus, Bishop of Orleans, and other monuments,
to be found also in Martene. Lastly, it was directed that children
who had not the use of their reason, fools, madmen, and idiots,
ought not to be allowed to receive the anointing of Extreme
Unction.3
41 Hist. 1. iv. c. 23, ["Audivit no- this ad ecclesiam jussit omnes et clog-
tum campanse sonum, quo ad orationes gas," (h.e., campanas) "pulsari im-
excitari solebant, cum quis eorum de peravit."]
sseculo fuisset evocatus, speaking of 1 Ex Innoc. I. Epist. ad Decent.
monastery bell tolling for the death 2 L. i. c 8, art. 1.
rlulda.] 3 Ex Statut. Eccl. Paris;
1 Ap. Mabill. ibid., [" Currere ci- Guiliel. Macloviens. Episc.
OF EXTREME UNCTION. 545
§ i. What was the ti?nefor administering to the Sick the Sacrament of
Extreme Unction.
Martene is correct in saying that it was not till a period subse-
quent to the twelfth century that this sacrament [of the unction of
the sick] received the name of Extreme Unction; for though the
ancients ministered this sacrament to the sick, yet in no part of the
Church did they wait to give it till the last stage of life was reached,
when a sick man is no longer master of his faculties. We may fur-
ther add, that this abuse, by which this sacrament is now usually
given to the sick as they are about to breathe their last, chiefly
prevailed in the middle ages; therefore it is that the Fathers of the
Council of Trent, in the Catechism of that Council, teach, that " they
commit a very grievous sin who are in the habit of waiting to anoint
a sick person till all hope of his recovery is gone, and till his life and
his senses begin to fail him."*
But that this part of ecclesiastical discipline may be very clearly
explained, it will be necessary to refer to that Church custom
of giving sick people the sacrament of Unction before fortifying
them with the viaticum, as was usually done; for since we read that
this custom prevailed almost everywhere in the middle ages, no
one will deny that the Christians borrowed it from the early Church.
We have innumerable documentary proofs of this discipline sup-
plied by the history of the mediaeval Church. Thus Theodore,
Archbishop of Canterbury, in his Penitential instructs presbyters as
follows: "From the sick lying in danger of death, a simple confes-
sion of sins must be required When they have been anointed
with holy oil, let them be refreshed with the communion of the
viaticum, as the statutes of the most holy Fathers require." The
same directions are given to his clergy by Riculf, Bishop of
Soissons: u It _ is required that presbyters, after the confession
and reconciliation of their sick people, shall anoint them with
the holy oil, and then communicate them."* Martene above re-
ferred to, brings forward a number of proofs on this point • it will
be sufficient for me to refer to the fact that this mode of anointing
the sick had not yet become obsolete in the twelfth century, as is
evident from the history of Henry I. King of England, as related by
Ordericus Vitalis.5 And yet, with Martene, we must admit that an
opposite custom to this was also observed in some Churches, for from
several documents which he has collected, it is plain that the viaticum
was sometimes given after the unction, [not at the same time with it.]
* [The Council of Trent (Sess. xiv.) without sin; (4) the TrpecrjSuT epoi of
decrees that Extreme Unction should whom S. James speaks are priests, not
be given to those in danger of death, merely old persons.]
but that if they recover they may re- 4 C. 16.
ceive it again. It passed four canons 5 L. xiii. c. 8, ["Denique catho-
on the subject; (1) it is a sacrament licus rex. . . . absolutionem et pceni-
instituted by our Lord; (2) by it grace tentiam a sacerdotibus accepit, oleique
is conferred, sin remitted, and the sick sacri unctione delinitus . . . k Deo se
comforted; (3) it may not be despised commendavit."]
N N
546 POLITY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH.
We must lastly say a word as to a twofold cause, owing to which,
after the twelfth century, the old discipline became obsolete, and the
anointing was conferred only upon people at the very point of death.
The first occasion of this abuse was the wild teaching of some
pious men, who taught that after receiving this sacrament, it was not
lawful for men and women to have any conjugal intercourse, or to
eat any flesh, or to walk on bare feet. This foolish teaching turned
the minds of sick people away from receiving the sacrament of unc-
tion, so that they did not receive it till all hope of life was gone.
Hence in the same age Councils tried earnestly to free the minds
of Christians from this false opinion. They taught, "that after re-
ceiving this sacrament it was lawful for husbands and wives to have
conjugal intercourse as before f6 and they condemned the opposite
doctrine as heresy. For the Council of Exeter says, "Forasmuch
as some ignorant laymen, having erroneous views of this sacrament,
avoid it from a foolish notion that after receiving it a man is thence-
forth entirely debarred from eating meat, or walking bare-foot, or
having even conjugal intercourse with his own wife, we enjoin parish
priests to preach the contrary doctrine, where they know such heresy
to have sprung up."7
A second cause why this abuse increased in the Church, was the
greed and avarice of presbyters; they used to leave a sick man,
after receiving unction, well nigh stripped of all his property; for
one rule was that the sheets in which the sick man was lying when
he was anointed, should become the property of the presbyter who
ministered the Unction;8 another that the sick man should also
bestow on him at least two cows; and another, that the twelve
lights, which must be lighted during the administration of the Unc-
tion, should also be given to him.9 Therefore it was that the Wal-
densian heretics called this sacrament " the last piece of pride," as
being in that age, especially the twelfth and thirteenth centuries,
the monopoly of the rich only; and the result of all this was, that,
first, only those who had given up all hope of life cared to receive
this sacrament; and that, secondly, presbyters would not administer
it to any poor persons, as they were not able to incur those expenses
which the sacrament of extreme unction involved. And although
after the fourteenth century Councils everywhere opposed this abuse,
so that the teaching of that false doctrine no longer prevailed, and
the avarice of presbyters was not so widely prevalent as before,
still the abuse had taken such root among Christians, that the custom
still continued much in the manner we have described, so that down
to our own day no one desires this sacrament to be administered to
him except he thinks his death very nearly approaching.
6 In Constit. Synod. Richardi Ep. Andegav. Spic. T. II., ["Linteamina
Sarum. c. 68, ["Post susceptum hoc quibus jacens inungebatur."]
sacramentum licitum esse reverti ad 9 Ex Reinerio 1. adv. Valdens. c. 5,
opus conjugate."] [" Vaccse saltern duse; duodecim lumi-
7 Cap. 6, An. 1287. naria, &c."]
8 Ex Statut. Synod. GuiH. Episc.
OF EXTREME UNCTION. 547
As regards the age of those who might be thus anointed, we
may remark, that no law of antiquity on this head has come down
to us; it is certain only that, in the middle ages, "all those who
had come to years of discretion were eligible for receiving the sa-
crament of extreme unction;"10 and we also know from the same
authority, Odo, Bishop of Paris, and from whatever synodical statutes
were passed in that age, that in those times the fourteenth year of
any one's life was called the age of discretion. But in some parts
of the Church this sacrament used to be given only to Christians
who were a little older than this; this was the case especially in the
thirteenth century, for we are told by William Durandus, that "any
one who is to be anointed ought to be at least eighteen years old."11
And in Martene we read the verses of some anonymous poet of that
age who tells us of the same rule,—
"Non nisi mense semel aliquis communicet seger;
Hie idem solo non bis unguatur in anno:
Octo decemque annos natus unguendus habebit;—"
i.e., "Let not a sick person communicate oftener than once a
month; and let him not be anointed twice in the same year; when
he is eighteen years old he may receive the unction."
§ 2. On the Liturgical Rites of Extreme Unction.
That " the elders of the Church" have, from the very foundation
of the Church, been the ministers of this sacrament, we know as a
certain fact from what S. James tells us in his canonical Epistle
(ch. v. 14, 15), and therefore, as Pope Innocent I. writes in the
early part of the fifth century, "In any case where a bishop is able
to do so, and where he considers the person worthy of receiving a
visit from him, he can without hesitation both give the benediction,
and anoint him with the chrism."13 And we constantly read in the
Lives of the Saints of some people being anointed by the bishops
themselves. And Innocent, above cited, says that it is the bishops
who have authority to administer this sacrament, from the very
fact that they have the right of making the chrism itself, [the matter
of the sacrament]. Hence it follows that in the fourth and fifth
centuries, Bishops alone had the power of consecrating the oil for
extreme unction, both in the Latin and in the Greek Church,
as Innocent says generally that the bishop alone made the chrism
itself.'* But it is thought that subsequently to the seventh century
presbyters were allowed, in the Eastern Church, to make the oil for
10 Ex Stat. Synod. Odon. Parisiens. 12 Epist. ad Decent.
Ep., [" Omnes a tempore discretions * [This decretal of Innocent I. is
paratos ad sacramentum extreme unc- not accepted as genuine by modern
tionis."] critics ; it thus supplies no real evidence.
11 Ration. 1. i. c. 8, [" Irmngendus A decretal is, canonically speaking, an
debet esse ad minus decern et octo answer of a Pope in reply to some ques-
annorum."] tion propounded to him.]
N N 2
54& POLITY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH.
anointing the sick; this at least is the opinion of Martene, on the
authority of Theodore Archbishop of Canterbury, who says in the
seventh century, "According to the rule of the Greek Church it is
lawful for a presbyter to make the chrism for the sick; but in the
Roman Church it may be made by a bishop only."13 Thus even in
those times the rule in use among the Latins was already the more
ancient one, though the rule of the Greeks was then, as now, one of
greater latitude, allowing the presbyters that same liberty which they
have at the present day of making the chrism, as we learn from
Arcudius,14 and Allatius.15 Whereas, then, the Greeks consecrate the
oil at the time when the sacrament of extreme unction is to be
administered, the Latins, on the other hand, in accordance with an-
cient ritual, use oil which the bishop has hallowed on Thursday in
Holy Week.
But to come to the rite itself. In the middle ages it was usual
for the sick man who was to be anointed, if his strength was equal to
it, either to kneel down or to sit down, as Rituals published by
Martene tell us. The oil used to be brought from the church to the
sick person by the first of the presbyters, wearing his "alb, stole,
amice, and chasuble," accompanied also by the other presbyters of
the same parish, together with a deacon carrying the oil and the Book
of the gospels, with the candle-bearers going before, one of whom
carried a taper in his right hand, and a thurible with incense in his
left, the Priest who was to officiate carrying the office-book in which
the service for this sacrament wras written. In this way they came
to the house of the sick man. On entering the house the Priest
first offered a certain prayer, and approaching the bed, while he
sprinkled holy water all round the room, he said, "Why hast
thou called for us, my brother?" To which the sick man responded,
"That ye may vouchsafe to give me the holy unction." (Ut quid
nos vocasti, frater 7 Ut unctionem mihi tradere dig?iemini.) Then
the Priest stood up and held a short colloquy with the sick person,
and, when he had heard his confession, he anointed him with the
holy oil.16 But if the sick person was very weak, he either rose from
his bed when the priest came to him, or stood on the bed itself,
and so first of all received his penance from the priest, the priest
putting haircloth on his head, sprinkled with ashes, and making on
his breast the sign of the cross with the ashes, and then concluding
the rest of the service as we have described,17 beginning with a
certain long Litany of All Saints, as we see especially ordered in two
ninth century Pontificals, one of Tours and another of Moissac, in
Martene; and this rule about saying litanies was commonly followed
in our Church of Naples also, as we gather from certain of our
office-books of the ninth and tenth centuries, which are kept in the
13 In Capitular. MS. ap. Marten. 1G Omnia ex Pontific. Gemmaticen.
ibid. saec. VIII.
14 L. v. c. 2. 17 Ex Pontif. Prudent.Trecen. Episc.
15 L. iii. c. 16. Scec. VIII.
OF EXTREME UNCTION. 549
Library of the Holy Apostles, and from another MS. copy of the
same century, that of the Bailiff of the Benedictine nuns of the con-
vent of Donnalbina* But about the tenth century, besides the
Litanies the seven Penitential Psalms were also introduced into the
service, as may be seen in an office-book in the King's Library, and
others in Martene, in which the sick person is directed to say the
Creed and the Lord's Prayer before he is anointed.
It was never the custom for all the priests who were present in
the sick room to take part in the ministration of this sacrament itself,
since the chief one amongst them used to be the one who actually
anointed the sick man, but all the others offered prayers over the
sick man, with imposition of hands, while one only anointed him
with the oil. This is plain to any one reading the rubric of the
rituals collected both by Menardus and by Martene, in which only
one Presbyter is mentioned when the actual anointing is spoken of.
The use of the Greek Church is, therefore, peculiar in this matter,
for among them, as we are told by the same authority, Arcudius,
the sick are anointed by seven, or at least three, priests. I know not
what proof Martene can have found in the rituals which he has
edited on which he founds his opinion; for he argues, from their
silence on this subject, that it was the custom also among the Latins
in the middle ages for the sick man to be anointed by several priests;
for if we examine the rituals we find that [so far from being silent on
the subject] all the priests are expressly ordered to pray for the sick,
but one only of them to anoint him; though we may here remark
that in former times, in the Western Church, that is, in the first age,
it was customary among the Latins for one presbyter by himself to
perform the whole office of the unction of the sick; it appears at
least to us that Gregory of Tours,18 and Caesarius of Aries,19 prove
this in what they say on the subject.
The rites which precede the Unction being concluded, the priest
used to apply the holy oil to the sick man. In the middle ages
almost the whole body was anointed; the rituals of the time cer-
tainly imply this. So it is ordered in that one of Prudentius, of
the date of the eighth century, which directs that the oil be ap-
plied "to the eyebrows, to the inside of the ears, to the extremity
of the nostrils, to the outside of the lips, to the feet, on the throat,
on the neck, on the shoulder-blades, on the navel, or on the part
where the pain is the worst." Therefore in the office for the anoint-
ing of nuns (which we suppose was borrowed from offices used at the
time for the anointing of other women also), there was a special
rubric that "the anointing, which in the case of men was round the
navel, should in the case of these sisters be on that part of the
* ["Donnalbinre" suggests "White- mius quidam ... .a sancto Nepotiano
ladies" as the equivalent, but the Bene- visitatus, atque oleo sancto perunctus,
dictinenuns wear black: it may be an tribuente Domino redditur sanitati."]
English " Whiteladies1' that is intended, 19 Serm. 265 in Append. Oper. S.
some unknown convent of that name.] August. [Al. Serm. de Temp. 215;
18 Hist. Franc. 1. i. c. 41, ["Arte- (quoted below, in note 24, p. 552.)]
55° POLITY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH.
breast which was round the throat, and the anointing of the throat
be given to the chin."20
But the manner in which the sacrament of anointing the sick was
administered, both to laymen and to Presbyters, is described in
an anonymous poet quoted by Martene; it will not be out of place
to transcribe his verses here, for students of ecclesiastical history will
find them no little help towards understanding writers of mediaeval
times:
"Hunc non in capite si confirmatus, inungas,
In confirmatis non frons, sed tempora debent
Ungi, Pontifices ungunt quia Chrismate frontes;
Hinc oculos, aures, nares, loca post labiorum,
Pectus, utrasque manus ungas, postremo pedesque.
Non ungas scapulas, quia mysterio caruerunt.
Presbyteri palmas non intus, sed foris ungas:
Dicunt doctores, quod eas non ungere fas sit,
Quas unxit Prsesul, dum Presbyterum faciebat,
Ungere non debes segrum, quern Prsesul inunxit.
Si facit infirmus crisim, tunc cuncta laventur
Membra; quod inde lavas totum jaciatur in igne,
Si trahit ungendum dolor extremus, sine psalmis
Hunc ungas citius, ut non moriatur inunctus."
"Not on the head, if he hath been confirmed,
Not on the brow, must the anointing be,—
Whereon the bishop's chrism erst hath been :—
But on the temples must the oil be poured,
And on the eyes, the ears, the nose, the mouth,
The breast, both hands, and last of all the feet;
The shoulder-blades must not anointed be,
Because in them is nought of mystery.
An elder's palms thou must anoint without,
But not within, because the presbyter
Hath by the bishop been anointed there
When made a priest,—so doctors read the rule,—
Nor may a priest the holy unction give
To that sick man who once before received
The sacred rite by bishop's hands bestowed.
If the dread crisis hath already come,
The sick man's members must be first wash'd o'er,
And all wash'd thence be cast into the fire;
If the last agony is seizing him,
Then must the holy oil be quickly poured,
Without the recitation of a psalm,
Lest that the sick man unanointed die."
From the chief points of the discipline observed in the administra-
tion of extreme unction, which are here described, and which corre-
spond exactly with the teaching of William Durandus on the subject,
we may conjecture that the poet did not live earlier than the thir-
teenth century,* at which time Church discipline on this point, such
as he describes it, was in full vigour.
20 Ex Statut. Gilbertinar. T. II. Mo- * [William Durand, Bishop of Mende,
nast. Anglican. died at Rome, Nov. I, 1296.]
OF EXTREME UNCTION. 551
But further: This liturgical rite of unction used, in the middle
ages, to be repeated again in seven days, as appears from almost all
the rituals which Martene has edited, and from others in Menardus:
and from this we must infer that it was mostly after the seventh
century that this discipline became the rule, and that it lasted in
force until about the twelfth century: for it is the teaching of the
doctors of that time that the anointing must on no account be re-
peated; nay, they have given their express opinion that extreme
unction ought not to be administered twice, any more than baptism:
and among those who held this view must be reckoned Ivo of
Chartres, and Theobald of Sens, and other very eminent waiters of
that age.
As regards the form of words which was used in the actual admi-
nistration of this Sacrament, the subject would be too long to enter
on now: for it is a disputed point, and we do not wish to involve
ourselves or our readers in scholastic discussions. There is by no
means a uniformity in the older rituals in this matter, though we may
remark that we generally find an absolute rather than a precatory
form of words prescribed in them.
We may now briefly point out how very different from the sacra-
mental unction which we have been describing, was that anoint-
ing of the sick with oil which was sometimes used in the Church.
We meet with innumerable testimonies in ecclesiastical history
which leave us in no doubt on this subject; and the teaching of them
all is that the oil used by the early Christians was consecrated with
a simple benediction; and that the purpose for which they used it
was the curing and healing of the sick. Thus Palladius writes of
those old abbats of whom he speaks, that they healed the sick by
anointing them with this holy oil which they had consecrated by
pronouncing a benediction on it,21 and the same testimony is given
by Theodoret,22 and by Jerome when he is speaking of Hilarion.23
Can any one, then, fail to see what this oil and this anointing
were? There can be no doubt on the subject; for these writers
referred to tell us that it was the abbats themselves who consecrated
this oil by benediction: and as in those days these abbats were
chosen from among laymen, it could only be from a feeling of con-
fidence in the love of God that they used this oil; and we find they
always tell us that they applied it to the sick with the simple sign
of the cross only, without any set form of words or other liturgical
rites. It is evident therefore that they used this oil only for the
purpose of healing the body. How then can this be the oil of which
the Apostle S. James speaks in his epistle, unction which, as he
tells us, conveys with it the forgiveness of sins [and must, as he
directs, be administered by presbyters]? Hence, as S. Augustine
says, "By this sacrament of unction both the healing of the soul
'J1 In Ilistor. ad Laus. c. 13, c. 43, many instances of miraculous use of
c. 30, &c. oil by laymen and women, see Smith's
2- In Vit. Pair. c. 8, c. 13, c. 26. Diet, of Christ. Antiq. pp. 1455, 2004,
23 In ejus Vita, (quotedabove.) [For 2043.]
552 POLITY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH.
and the forgiveness of sins are conferred fu and of S. Chrysostom
who also speaks of this anointing as a sacrament: he says, "Priests
are given power to forgive sins not only when they regenerate us,
but also afterwards: for 'Is any sick among you? Let him send
for the elders of the Church, and let them pray over him, anointing
him with oil/ "25 The prayer by which sacramental virtue is infused
into the oil, is that prayer which, according to the Apostle, accom-
panies the anointing, and which it is the office of the presbyters to
minister.
No one, then, can fail to see how wide is the difference between
that sacramental unction we have described, and that pious anoint-
ing in use among the early Christians: as at the present day among
ourselves sick people use oil from lamps which burn before the relics
of Martyrs or the images of Saints.
I have thus briefly given an account of this subject, that ordina-
tion candidates may not be led astray in their conclusions, in their
reading of ancient writers, nor be hindered in their studies by the
fallacies of heretics.*
CHAPTER IV.
ON CEREMONIES OBSERVED AFTER DEATH.
The rites which we have hitherto described all relate to offices
rendered by the Church to those who were at the point of death, but
had not yet departed this life. But the Church showed no less
anxious care for those who were actually dead: she showed them all
just marks of respect: ordering all her arrangements with this special
purpose, that she might not only minister to the body which had
been consecrated by sacraments, but to the spirit also, which was her
chief concern.
We need feel no surprise that besides [this reverence for the
dead] Christians also from the very first ages gave even overmuch at-
tention to funeral rites; for in this matter they preferred in a certain
sense retaining the Jewish ritual, the funeral rites among the Jews
being much like those of almost all other nations of those times.
24 Serm. 215 de Tempore. [Al. 265 25 De Sacerd. 1. iii. c. 6, ["ov yap
in Ap. "Quotiens aliqua infirmitas su- flr* av rjfias avayevvaxri fx6vov, aXKa koX
pervenerit, corpus et sanguinem Christi ra /xera ravra avyx^p^v exovaty e£ou-
ille qui aegrotat accipiat: et inde cor- aiav ajbLapr^fxara' 'aadevri yap ris, (j>rj-
pusculum suum unguat; ut illud quod alv, eV vfXLV; TrpocricaXeadorQcv robs Trpea-
scriptum est impleatur in eo, 'Infirma- Pvrepovs,'" k.t.A.]
tur aliquis? inducat presbyteros,' &c. * [The English first Service Book of
(James v. 14.) Videte, fratres, quia qui in Edward VI. retained a form for anoint-
infirmitate ad ecclesiam concurrent, et ing the sick, to be used, "if the sick
corporis sanitatem recipere, et peccato- person desires it."]
rum indulgentiam merebitur obtinere."]
ON CEREMONIES OBSERVED AFTER DEATH. ^53
Hence even in the Acts of the Apostles, which give us the his-
tory of the infant Church, we read what great care they took of
the bodies of the dead. For when Stephen died, devout men
took charge of his body and "made great lamentation over him/'1
And what Kowejo^ or wailing-lamentation means, Jerome explains,
where he says, "It is not to be wondered that in Old Testament
times a great mourning was made for Moses and Aaron, when they
died, as even in the Acts of the Apostles, when the light of the
Gospel was already shining, the Church of Jerusalem made great
lamentation for Stephen : a lamentation not to be understood in the
sense of its being a test of the feelings of the mourners, but in that of
the pomp of the funeral, and the large attendance at the obse-
quies."2 Hence it is evident that the Christians did not altogether
disdain to copy Jewish ceremonies in the matter of their funeral
rites. And that the Church has been guided by a sort of tradition,
reaching back even to those early times, in the arrangement of
funeral obsequies, may be gathered from the language of Origen, who
says, that "he had learned from a tradition of the Church how to
pay honour to the rational soul [at a funeral] and to commit its
earthly remains with due honours to the tomb."3 Hence it was that
the Christians were not afraid, even in the presence of the heathen
themselves, to show due honour to the dead at their funerals; among
innumerable documents in proof of this we may refer to that testi-
mony of the Proconsular Acts of S. Cyprian, Bishop and Martyr,
where we read that, "to avoid the curiosity of the heathen, the body
of S. Cyprian was borne to the nearest resting-place, accompanied
by a procession bearing tapers with prayer and great triumph."4
For at the time of his death the persecution had begun to slacken
a little, as I shall explain in the Dissertation on the Neapolitan
Cemetery. For I shall show that immediately after S. Cyprian ob-
tained the crown of martyrdom, the violence of the persecution was
somewhat modified, and I shall thus endeavour to explain what
seems a difficulty in the Acts of Cyprian, and to refute an erroneous
opinion of Baronius, who has made a mistake in this matter hitherto
undetected by critics.
Augustine briefly explains what were the intentions of the Church
in performing these offices for the dead: after referring to these
offices of piety he says, "These references to Scripture do not
teach us that there is any feeling in dead corpses, but they mean
that the bodies of the dead are subject to the providence of God,
to whom even such works of piety are well pleasing, because of the
faith assured to us of a coming resurrection."5 For these reasons it
1 Chap. viii. v. 2. [In the original, 24; Tob. ii. 9, xii. 12, and especially
ilKoiT€Tbp iieyav" "a great beating."] the narrative of our Lord's burial)
2 Epis. 25 ad Paid, de obitu Blasil. "non hoc admonent, quod insit ullus
§ S» [Ep. 39-1 cadaveribus sensus, sed ad Dei provi-
3 Lib. contra Cels. c. 8. dentiam, cui placent etiam talia pietatis
4 V. Acta ap. Ruinart. ofncia, corpora quoque mortuorum per-
5 De Civit. Dei. 1. i. c. 13, ["Istae tinere significant, propter fidem resur-
auctoritates," (i.e. Gen. xlvii. 30; 1. 2, rectionis astmendam."]
554 POLITY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH.
was dear to the heart of Christians to perform these last offices of
kindness to the dead, not only in the case of their own relations, or
in the case of the noble and the wealthy, but also for the poor: as
Lactantius testifies; "The burial of the poor and of strangers is the
last and the greatest act of kindness that piety can render."6
As regards the actual funeral rites themselves, it must be allowed
that Christians used almost the same ceremonies at funerals which
were at that time in use among the Jews, and other nations also,
except for the omission of whatever formed a special part of the Old
Testament law, or partook of the spirit of the profane religious cere-
monies of the heathen.
§ 1. Of the washing and anointing of the corpse.
When the last breath was out of the body, the nearest relations
used to lay out the corpse, and with their own hands close the eyes and
mouth: which custom was also common to the nations of antiquity,
as we learn from Homer.7 Hence S. Dionysius, Bishop of Alexan-
dria, describing the death and burial of the Martyrs, says: "Taking
the bodies of these Saints up in their hands, and clasping them in
their bosoms, they close their eyes and their mouths."8
When the eyes and mouth had been closed, the body used to be
washed, according to a very ancient custom, which was in use both
among the Romans and other nations,9 and which was adopted also
by the Jews, from whom probably the early Christians first borrowed
it: for S. Luke, when speaking of a certain Christian lady who had
died, says she had been washed by her friends.10 Hence among all
Christians, especially those of the Latin Church, the custom of wash-
ing the dead was kept up down to the ninth and tenth centuries;
at which period the latest evidences of this custom are found in
certain sacramentaries of that age, and in other contemporary writers;
nor is it easy to see for what reason after this date (the tenth cen-
tury) writers preserve a total silence on the subject of this washing
of the dead; whatever conjectures I have formed on the point I
shall lay fully before the reader in my Dissertation on the Neapolitan
Cemetery, when there will be an opportunity of dwelling more at
large on the subject.
The washing of the body was followed by its anointing, by which
the corpse was entirely preserved (or embalmed) {plane curabatur):
6 Instit. Divin. 1. vi. c. 12, [" Ulti- their bosoms, cleaned their eyes and
mum et maximum pietatis officium est closed their mouths, carried them on
pereerinorum et pauperum sepultura."] their shoulders," &c]
7 Iliad. 1. xi. v. 452. 9 Vid. Virg. iEneid. iv. v. 683;
8 Ap. Euseb. Hist. Eccl. 1. vii. c. 22. cfr. Herod. 1. iv. c. 71.
[Speaking of the pestilence which vi- 10 Acts ix. 37. ["The ceremonial
sited Alexandria, he says, "This very importance attached to washing the
form of death, with the piety and ar- body may be inferred from the frequency
dent faith which attended it, appeared with which it is mentioned by Gregory
to be but little inferior to martyrdom of Tours, when we can discover no
itself. They took up the bodies of the other reason for his noticing it.
saints with their open hands, and on (Smith's Diet. p. 1427.)]
ON CEREMONIES OBSERVED AFTER DEATH. 555
indeed among all nations which washed the bodies of their dead, a
final ceremony of anointing the body [before burning or burying it]
prevailed, as we see among writers of ancient history. The Chris-
tians, then, after washing their dead used then to anoint them;
whence the saying of Tertullian, "We certainly do buy incense: if
Arabia be questioned, let the Sabaeans know that their wares are
more freely and expensively lavished on Christian burials than on
censing the gods."11 Under the name of incense Tertullian includes
all those sweet spices of which unguents were made for the anointing
of dead bodies. But after the fall of the Roman empire, the Chris-
tians used myrrh only in an anointing for the burial, as we know
from the testimony of Rufinus of Aquileia, quoted by Josephus
Launzonus: "Myrrh is a very bitter kind of spice; with it the
bodies of the dead are anointed, for it preserves from putrefaction,
and keeps off the worms."13 And so Prudentius:
"Aspersaque myrrha Sabaeo
Corpus medicamine servat."
"And sprinkled myrrh preserves the corpse
By a Sab^ean medicine."13
The reader will observe from this that it was not for the same
reasons that heathens and Christians anointed the bodies of their
dead \ for the former did so that the body might be burned more
easily; but the latter abhorred cremation of their dead, and anointed
the corpse with perfumes that it might be embalmed and preserved
from corruption. Belloni has, I am aware, assigned other reasons
for the Romans anointing their dead ;14 but these it would be foreign
to my present purpose and beyond the limits of my work to ex-
amine.
The Christians not only thoroughly anointed the bodies of the
dead with myrrh, to preserve them from corruption, but they were
accustomed in the middle ages to use sweet spices also at their
burials, as we learn from Gregory of Tours,15 and also from Ni-
cephorus, who tells us that sometimes in the Greek Church bodies
11 Apolog. c. 42, ["Thura plane nos 12 De Pollinctura et Balsamatione
emimus: si Arabia qucerantur, sciant apud veteres c. 10, [" Myrrha est species
Sabcei pluris, et carius suas merces Chris- valde amara, de qua ungitur corpus
tianis sepeliendis profligari, quam Diis mortui, ut non putrescat, et pellit ver-
suffumigandis." Another reading gives mes."J
"non" instead of "nos,"and"querun- 13 Cathemerin. Hymn. 4, [At the
tur" (complain) instead of "qucerun- opening of graves in the catacombs,
tur" (are questioned.) But as frankin- a sweet, spicy odour has often dif-
cense was undoubtedly used in Chris- fused itself from the tomb: this is
tian burials, the two members of the referred to here by Prudentius. Myrrh
sentence would thus directly contradict is the dried juice of the Arabian
one another. And that the reading fol- shrub.]
lowed by Pelliccia is the true one ap- 14 L. ii. Observat. c. 47.
pears from the context also. (See 15 Hist. 1. iv. c. 9 (?) [But he refers,
Pamphlet on Incense by Dr. Little- at times, to the sweet smell arising when
dale.)] the tombs of saints and martyrs were
556 POLITY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH.
were anointed with honey.16 This kind of unction became at last
obsolete, as well as the washing.
When the body had been anointed they used to wrap it in linen,
and to bind it round with swathing-bands, so that the spices and
unguents might be more tightly fastened to the flesh ;* this also pre-
vented all exposure to the outer air. Among the Latins they used
linen for wrapping dead bodies in, but besides this they used gene-
rally also a piece of very fine muslin as part of the burial clothes, as
may be seen in the genuine Acts of S. Clement of Ancyra,17 and in
the Roma Subterranea of Bosio and Aringhi: these writers tell us
that nearly all the bodies of Martyrs and other Christians which
were dug up at the cemeteries were found wrapped round with linen
swathing bands. Hence it seems surprising that Henricus Valesius
should have thought that this custom of wrapping linen round the
dead should have been peculiar to the Christians living in Egypt
only, seeing that his own words are, "Among the early Christians
there was another custom; for they used to dress the bodies of their
dead in the most costly garments/'18 But though it is true the
Christians used to adorn dead bodies in costly clothing, yet it was
after they had taken this care [to wrap them in swathing-bands], that
they thus dressed them up: and this anointing of the body would
have been altogether purposeless if it were not wrapped tightly round,
after the anointing, with swathing-bands also; and it is not impro-
bable Valesius meant that the ancients put on this clothing on the
body over the ligatures of the swathing-bands; for it is, I think, im-
possible that a man so eminent, and brought up in the study of old
authors, could have overlooked the testimonies of the Acts of the
Martyr of Ancyra, and of Gregory of Tours, and of the Acts of S.
Cuthbert, quoted in Mabillon :19 it is impossible for him not to have
opened (e.g. in De Glor. Conf. 63 and 18 Ad Euseb. Hist. Eccl. 1. vii. c.
84:) this arose, we may believe, from the n, (?) ["Apud antiquos Christianos
spices buried with the body, though it alius mos esset: vestibus enim cada-
was thought by the spectators to prove vera amiciebant et quidem pretiosissi-
the sanctity of the person who occupied mis. "J
the tomb.] 19 Ssec. XIII. Annal. Ord. Benedict.
16 Hist. Eccl. 1. xii. c. 46. [In Gregory of Tours we read of a
* [This custom was observed in our bishop who in a vision was told to pre-
Lord's burial, and furnishes one of the pare for his burial by getting himself
incidental proofs of His resurrection, clean linen clothes, (H. F. ii. 5,) and
as referred to in S. John xx. 6. For of a nun who was buried, "induta lin-
our Lord's Body was buried with a teis mundis," (H. F. vi. 29.) The
mixture of myrrh, which fastened the linen was sometimes waxed. In one
cloths to the body, and which binds life of S. Cuthbert we are told that his
linen to flesh with as much tenacity as body was " in sindone cerata curatum."
lead. And if any one had taken away, And we read of S. Udalric that "a
or stolen the body, he would not have shirt {c ami sale) covered with wax"
spent so much time, and been at the was carefully put on his body, "lest
pains to unwrap it, and to lay the the priestly apparel in which he was
cloths apart, and to wrap the napkin clad should be quickly destroyed by
by itself. (S. Chrysostom, quoted by the earth." (See Smith's Diet. p.
Wordsworth, ad loc.)] 1428.)]
17 Ap. Ruinart.
Ql< CEREMONIES OBSERVED AFTER DEATH. 557
seen what has been said by Prudentius,20 Jerome,21 and other writers
both of early and mediaeval times: and all these testimonies show
that the custom of wrapping the bodies of the dead with swathing-
bands was one which was common among all nations. In the middle
ages they called these linen grave-clothes "exequia" as we see
noticed by Du Cange from a sermon of S. Zeno on "Faith and
Hope."22
As regards dressing up the body, there was a custom among the
very early Christians of dressing the bodies of their dead, especially
of the Martyrs, in costly robes. We find proofs of this custom in
Eusebius; for speaking of Asturius, [a senator], who had been pre-
sent at the trial of a Martyr, [Marinus], he says, "After being present
at the punishment inflicted on the aforesaid Martyr, he took the
body, vested in a white and costly dress, upon his shoulders, and so
bore it to the grave."23 Hence it was the duty of friends in the
first ages carefully to dress the bodies of those dear to them in very
costly clothes belonging to themselves. This seems to be proved by
Origen. "Friends," he says, "used to send costly clothes that their
dead friends might be dressed in them."24 From hence originated
the custom which has come down to our own time of dressing the
dead in the clothes which they kept for their best during life: even
the very poorest have been no exception to this rule. This has been
the custom since Jerome's time, for speaking on this subject he says
[of Paula], "What poor man who died was not wrapped in her gar-
ments?"25 In fact it was one of the works of Christian charity to
borrow proper clothes with which to adorn the bodies of the poor.
In the middle ages it seems to have been the custom for bishops
and others of the clerical order to be dressed for burial in the proper
ecclesiastical vestments, as is shown by the writer of the Books de
Divin. Offic, who passes under the name of Amalarius,26 and chiefly
by the writer of the Acts of S. Birinus, Bishop, in Surius.27 Baro-
nius28 is of opinion that this was not a modern custom among
bishops and others in holy orders, but an old custom which the
Church has retained from the very beginning.
As it was usual, in the middle ages, for bishops in all parts of the
Church, and for clergy of major and minor orders, to grow beards,
the beard and hair of a cleric used to be shaved off after death.
20 Ibid., meris suis impositum cadaver Candida
[" Candore nitentia claro et pretiosa amictum veste bajulavit."]
Prretendere lintea mos est."] 24 Lib. i. Comm. in Job. [" Qui amici
21 Epist. ad Innocent. [Ep. 1, Of a mittebant vestes pretiosas, ut in eis
woman unjustly put to death he says, amicos mortuos obvolverent." This
they wrapped the blood-stained corpse commentary is placed by Migne amono-
in a linen cloth. "Clerici, quibus id the spurious works of Origen.]
ofncium erat, cruentum linteo cadaver 25 Epist. ad Eustoch. de Epitaph,
obvolvunt, et fossam humum lapidibus Paullce Matr. lib. iii. Ep. 8, ed. Ca-
construentes, ex more tumulum pa- nisii. [Ep. 10S § 5.]
rant."] 26 L. iv. c. 41.
22 In Gloss. Latin, in h. v. -27 Die 3 Decembr.
23 Hist. Eccl. 1. vii. c. 16. ["Hu- 2S Ad An. 283, n. 4.
55^ POLITY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH.
This is clearly shown in the Acts of the translation of the body of
S. Eligius [or Eloy], Bishop of Noyon [a.d. 665], mentioned in
Mabillon. He tells us, "Presently, when the body of the Saint was
brought to light, it was found in so perfect a condition that you
would think it was still living in its tomb. Moreover, the beard and
hair, which according to custom had been shaved off after death,
had in a wonderful way grown again/'
In all these various ways was the body cared for after death.
§ 2. Of the laying out of the body, and of other offices which preceded
the funeral.
After the early Christians had taken all this care for the dead
body, in the way we have described, they then laid it out for burial:
i.e., they laid it in some decent place; this was anciently in the
ccenaculum of the house, which, as we have said,29 was situate in the
upper story of the building; thus we read in the chapter of the Acts
of the Apostles, already referred to, that they laid Tabitha in an
upper chamber. (Acts ix. 37.) This was, probably, a custom pecu-
liar to the Jews, for the Romans used to lay the bodies of their
dead behind the entrance of the house. We may suppose that the
Christians borrowed this custom from the Jews, and adopted it
during the first three centuries, as in those times, when they were
constantly exposed to persecutions, they would thus be able to pay
the last sacred offices to their dead in a place of comparative
security. Hence, as soon as peace was restored to the Church, the
Christians began to lay out their dead publicly.
The dead body was placed on a bier, round which lighted can-
dles were burning : there is certainly no reason to suppose that Chris-
tians borrowed this ritual from the Jews, for the silence of Holy
Scripture on the point leads us to conclude that the use of lighted
candles formed no part of their funeral rites. Among the Romans,
on the other hand, the custom of carrying lighted torches at a
funeral was so very ancient, that the very word funics, "funeral"
itself was derived from the funales, a species of torches, which
they used to carry in the funeral procession.30 For since with them
such processions always took place at night, artificial lights were ne-
cessary, that, as they said, "By appliances for light by night the dark-
ness might be lightened."31 The same custom (for the same reason)
prevailed among the ancient Greeks also, as is proved by Mores-
tellus.32 Wherefore from the very earliest times of the Church
lighted candles were placed round the bier on which a dead body
lay. We know this from the Proconsular Acts of Cyprian, where we
29 Book ii. sect. 1, c. 1. 31 V. Lips, in not. ad Taciti Annal.
:i0 V. Isid. Orig. xi. 2, xx. 10, [u Fu- iii. 2, [" Ut nocturni luminis instru-
nalia s\ml, quae intra ceram sunt, dicta a mentis tenebrse clarescerent."]
funibus, quos ante usum papyri cera cir- 32 De Pompa Funerali in Gmev.
cumdatos habuere majores, unde etfiine- Thes. T. VIII.
ra dicuntur."] Serv. ad Virg. JEn. i. 727-
ON CEREMONIES OBSERVED AFTER DEATH. 559
read that "his body, to avoid the curiosity of the heathen, was laid
out in an adjoining place, carried there surrounded by wax candles
and wax torches, (for "cum scholacibus/'33 and not "cum schola-
ribus," is the true reading of this passage: though Baronius, Aringhi,
and others read "scholaribus," and waste their labours in toiling
over the interpretation of an unmeaning word). So likewise in the
Acts of S. Clement of Ancyra, "the faithful Sophia lights a great
number of lamps round the dead body of Clement."
Here it is well to remark that the Christians had a perfect abhor-
rence of those funeral dirges which used to be sung by hired female
mourners (proficcs),* as entirely out of keeping with the doctrines
of their faith. For the Romans used to call in certain women, who
stood round the bier, and sang certain songs, composed in honour
of the deceased, and generally with an accompaniment of flutes,
whence the expression in Ovid:
"Tibia funeribus convenit ista meis:"
"That flute is one fit to be played at my funeral."34
Theocritus and Bion,35 among other Greek writers, prove that the
use of hired female mourners at funerals is of the highest anti-
quity: the last named Greek poets have given us specimens of the
songs sung on these occasions, which used to begin with the excla-
mation, at, at, adding then the name of the deceased, as Adonis and
others, from which we infer that in former times among Oriental
nations these women only uttered repeatedly the name of the de-
ceased, and also the exclamation at, at. And here we ought to take
the opportunity of explaining the origin of this funeral wail, at, al'.
Hesiod, the oldest of the Greek poets, has told us what it is: when
relating the death of Elinus (who was afterwards called Linus, as we
are told by Pausanias, ix. 29, 3,) the son of Urania, he says that
certain women who were present bewailed Elinus, whom they called
Ailinus, according to the Greek pronunciation of those times; hence
it came about that ever after female mourners at funerals retained
this exclamation "az" prefixing it in their wail to the name of the
deceased. [?] From this word "ai" came in some way the word "lieu,"
alas, used by the Romans, the word which hired female mourners
used among the Latins, and the word "At" which is in use among
the Italians, has the samet derivation. [?]
I have said this much on the subject of hired mourners and min-
strels that I might show that Christians had a great abhorrence in
every way of them, as savouring of the spirit of heathenism. And
for this reason it is surprising to me that Spondanus, a man in other
33 Ap. Ruin, post Acta Diaconii * [c'Ea quae pneficeretur ancillis,
Pontii. ["Ejus corpus propter Genti- quemadmodum lamentarentur, prrefica
Hum curiositatem in proximo positum est dicta." (See Bingham, xxiii.iii. 18.)]
est cum cereis et scholacibus." Scho- 34 Trist. v. i. 48.
laces = scolaces ((TK6\ag), obsolete 35 Theocrit. Id. ii. 55, iv. 40. Bion.
word, meaning funes torti, "twisted 37, 63, &c.
ropes."] f [All this explanation seems absurd.]
560 POLITY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH.
respects learned in Church history, in his work on Christian burials,
is of opinion that from the very foundation of the Church, the Chris-
tians, and even the Apostles themselves, allowed the employment of
hired mourners. He cannot have observed the words of Acts ix.
39, "When Peter was come, they brought him into the upper
chamber: and all the widows stood by him weeping, and showing
the coats and garments which Dorcas made." (So was she called in
Greek, whose Hebraeo-Syriac name was Tabitha.) Upon this, then,
Spondanus thinks, that the widows mentioned were deaconesses,
on whom, among Christians, the old office of the praeficae (hired
female mourners) devolved, and that the weeping here mentioned
was the official grief of these hired mourners round the bier of the
deceased lady. But if Spondanus had reflected that these women
showed S. Peter some garments which had been given them by
Dorcas, he would easily have understood that these widows showed
real and not mere official grief for the death of one who during life
had treated them with so great charity and kindness. And besides,
if they had been deaconesses, who were doing only their duty, how
can we suppose that S. Peter would have put them forth out of the
room, as that passage in the Acts distinctly tells us that he did?
Spondanus clearly falls into a mistake, in his anxiety to trace to
the Acts of the Apostles the custom of having hired mourners.*
But though the Church condemned these dirges for the dead, the
heathen custom of hiring female mourners was, nevertheless, long in
full force among Christians, especially those of the Eastern Church;
so much so that in the fourth century Chrysostom strenuously in-
veighs against this abuse.36 It is true, however, that from the very
beginning of the Church the Latins disliked the employment of
hired mourners, though the Orientals, on the other hand, even down
to the age of Belloni, employed them in their funerals f and even
in those villages of Greek Christians which there are in either Cala-
bria, hired female mourners still weep round a corpse, or follow it
to the grave. And though in former times Christians had no hired
female mourners, their place round the bier in the house of the dead
was taken both by clergymen and deaconesses, who kept vigil round
the body, not with wailing, but with the singing of Psalms. The
Christian religion is averse in its very genius to grief and lamenta-
tion, and from the very first the Fathers of the Church have been
anxious to impress the truth of this fact on her faithful members.
Therefore it was that Cyprian said, "The faithful dead are not to be
thus wept for, lest we give occasion to the heathen to reproach us
with reason and justice, for mourning as lost and as annihilated those
* [Frequent allusion is made in Scrip- 31 (Migne $7, 374,) he says, £c Let no
ture to the minstrels employed as pro- one beat the breast, or wail, or impugn
fessional mourners among the Jews. Christ's victory .... to magnify thy
See 2 Chron. xxxv. 24, 25; Eccl. xii. offence, thou bringest in hired female
5; Ter. ix. 17 20; Amos v. 16; S. mourners;" showing the practice was
Matt. ix. 23.] still prevalent in the Church.]
30 Homil.' 3 in Ep. Rom. [In Horn. 37 V. Petr. Bellonium. 1. ii. c. 14.
ON CEREMONIES OBSERVED AFTER DEATH. 561
whom we assert to be alive with God."38 For this reason, then, S.
Gregory Nyssen in a letter which he addressed to the Nuns on the
death of his sister Macrina, exhorts them to give expression to their
sorrow in the pious singing of Psalms rather than in loud outcries of
lamentation: from whence it seems that even then the singing of
Psalms formed part of the funeral vigils; and this we learn further
from an ancient writer of the Lives of the Fathers, who, when describ-
ing the death of S. Pachomius [a.d. 350], tells us that the monks,
the disciples of Pachomius, "having cared for his venerable body
after the custom .... as was meet, passed the whole night watch-
ing by the body, singing psalms and hymns/'39
We see, therefore, that Christians from the very foundation of the
Church used to watch during the night beside the bodies of their
dead, as we are distinctly told in the Proconsular Acts of S. Cyprian
they did, and as we learn from other more ancient documents
quoted by Aringhi.40 And this discipline continued during the first
ages of the Church: but in the middle ages, when the clergy had
become careless in their duties, and when the funeral vigil was no
longer kept by them, but left to the relations of the deceased, or to
others, an abuse in this matter gradually grew up, and it became the
custom for those who had charge of the bier to sing songs of heathen
poets [instead of the Psalms of Scripture]; therefore it is that the
Fathers of the second Council of Aries condemned this profane
custom, and because of the ignorance of the laity which in those
times was so great that they certainly would not know the Psalms,
the council directed, that " if people wished to sing [round the bier]
they should sing xhzKyrie eleison."^ Yet among monks the old custom
survived down to the twelfth century: for they used to keep night
watches by their dead, singing psalms round the bier, as we learn
from S. Peter Damiani.42 But since the twelfth century that custom
38 S. Cyp. Lib. de Mortal. § 22, 40 Rom. Subterr. T. I. [Tertullian,
[Migne, IV. 234, "Fratres nostri non a.d. 195, speaks of " the prayer of the
sunt lugendi, accersitione Dominica de presbyter" being offered before the
sseculo liberati, cum sciamus non eos funeral, "Cum in pace dormisset, et
amitti seel pnemitti, . . . nee accipien- morante adhuc. sepultura, interim ora-
das esse hie atras vestes, quando illi ibi tione presbyteri componeretur" &c
indumenta alba jamsumpserint, occasio- (De Anima, 51.)]'
nem dandam non esse gentilibus, ut nos 41 Cone. Arelaten. II. c 5 An
merito ac jure reprehendant, quod quos 452 (?) [But a Capitulary of Charl
vivere apud Deum dicimus ut exstinc- lemagne (vi. c. 197) directs that during
tos et perditos lugeamus; et fid em the funeral office, if the people do not
quam sermone et voce depromimus know the Psalms, the men should re-
cordis et pectoris testimonio non pro- peat Kyrie Eleison and the women
bemus Quid non properamus Christe Eleison, while they were beino-
et curnmus, ut patriam nostram videre, chanted. And the 22nd canon of a
ut parentes salutare, possimus! Mag- Council of Toledo, a.d. 5S9, forbids
mis llhc nos carorum numerus expectat, the singing of anything but Psalms at
parentum, fratrum, nliorum frequens funerals of the religious, condemning
nos et copiosa turba desiderat, jam de the singing of the common heathen
sua incolumitate secura et adhuc de song and violent beating of the breasts
nostra salute solicita," &c] &c] *"'
39 Ex vers. Dion. Exig. 1. i. [Vita 42 Epist. 5.
53, Rosweyd 138.]
O O
562 POLITY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH.
has become obsolete even among monks, and it had long before that
died out among the laity; among whom almost the only relic which
remains of the ancient discipline is that sometimes monks are called
in to recite prayers round the bier, as Chrysostom describes being
commonly done in the fourth century.43 "Why," says S. Chrysostom
in the passage referred to, "dost thou call in the. presbyters and
singers? Is it not that they may give thee consolation? Is it not
that they may do honour to the departed?" But now this old custom
of keeping a vigil by the dead has altogether ceased: neither is it
now certain whether in former times it used to be kept in the
house, before the dead body was removed from thence, or in the
cemetery: this point cannot easily be determined because of the
conflicting evidence of ancient testimonies. We suppose, therefore,
that in the first ages this might be done either at home or in the
cemetery, according to circumstances, but that it was generally done
in the former place: but that subsequently to the fourth century
Christians kept these vigils by their dead first in the cemeteries,
and afterwards in later ages in the church itself.
Before the funeral procession set forth, and the body of the
deceased was carried out, the bishop, attended by his clergy, used
formerly to come to the house of mourning, and standing by the
bier, used to offer up certain forms of prayer, praying to God for
the soul of the departed.* Then he presently gave the saluta-
tion to the dead, and so in like manner after him the other clergy
saluted the body also. What this salutation exactly was, or in what
formula it was expressed, we are entirely ignorant, for history is
silent on the subject, nor does that writer of the "Ecclesiastical
Hierarchy"t to whom I am indebted for what I am saying on this
part of the subject describe it: though we read there the most
43 Horn. 70, ad Popul. Antioch. to be with him, and give him a portion
* [In Const. Apost. viii. 41 we have in the bosom of the patriarchs ....
such a prayer for the departed: "Let where there is no sorrow, grief, and
us pray for our brethren who are at rest mourning, but a place of rest for the
in Christ, that God, the Lover of godly, a land where the upright rest
mankind, Who hath taken to Himself together, and where those therein see
the soul of him [our brother], will for- the glory of Thy Christ: through
give him every sin voluntary and invo- Whom all glory, honour, and wor-
luntary, and be merciful and gracious ship, thanksgiving, and adoration be
to him, and give him a portion in the unto Thee in the Holy Spirit for
land of the holy, who are at rest in the ever. Amen."]
bosom of Abraham, Isaac, and Jacob, f [Eccl. Hier. v. iii. 2, i.e., Pseudo-
with all those that have pleased Him Dionysius; he is describing the service
and done His will from the beginning which took place in the church, and he
of the world, in that place from whence says after the bishop's prayer the last
sorrow, grief, and mourning are fled kiss was given, "-npoaeXQccv^ 6 0e?os
away."' Another prayer by the bishop Upapxns* f^xVx Upurarriv in avr$
follows: "O Thou immortal and ever- -noie'cTai, not ficra tt]v euxV, avr6s re 6
lasting GOD, look down now Upapx^s aaird^erai nrhv KeKoifxr)ix4vnu^
upon this Thy servant whom Thou hast ical per* avrhu ol irapSvres airavrss"
chosen out of this world and received The Council of Auxerre (Cone. Autiss.
to another state: pardon him if will- c. 12) a.d. 578, forbids to give the
ingly or unwillingly he hath sinned Holy Eucharist or the kiss to the dead,
against Thee: grant him merciful angels "Non licet mortuis nee eucharistiam
ON CEREMONIES OBSERVED AFTER DEATH. 563
ancient funeral offices of the Church which have come down to us,
writers before him preserving a total silence on these points, and
no vestige of this salutation being extant either in the office-books
of the middle ages, or in liturgical writers : for which reason it is
wanting in the Roman Ritual also.
After the bishop had given the salutation to the dead, he used to
pour oil on the body. This rite, as also the preceding, is a singular
one, and is perhaps only known to us by the single evidence of the
writer referred to,* as neither the other Fathers nor any Rituals have
ever made mention of it. No doubt the sprinkling of holy water seems
to have been a rite in common use, but not this anointing with oil.
The Carthusian commentator on Dionysius thinks that in those
times oil was used instead of holy water, and that perhaps it used to
be the custom for the bishop to anoint the bodies of the dead with
oil [in place of sprinkling holy water around]; but that the meaning
of Dionysius was not at all what that commentator on him supposes,
is evident from the actual words which Dionysius has used in the
passage referred to; he says that the bishop used to pour oil over
the dead body; therefore we understand from this that there was
some kind of anointing, rather than of aspersion of oil in use; of
this he is speaking.
The writer of the Ecclesiastical Hierarchy goes on to describe the
ceremonies which were next observed. "After this," he says, "the
relations of the deceased, according to the degree of their relation-
ship, expatiate on the blessedness of the departed, and sing songs of
praise to Him Who hath given him the victory, and pray that their
last end may be like his." In this description he seems to include
both the funeral oration and the service of psalmody, both of which
formed part of the funeral rites of the early Christians. On the sing-
nec osculum tradi, nee velo vel pallis kiss, the bishop "poured oil on the de-
corpora eoram involvi," (alluding to parted, and then after offering a sacred
some superstitious uses,) but the custom prayer for all present, laid the body
is always carefully observed in the away with other sacred bodies of the
Greek Church at the present day: and same (ecclesiastical) rank." Theodore
Dr. Neale says, in his translation of the of Canterbury, 668, says, "there was
beautiful Hymn of the Last Kiss (Aeirre in the Church of Rome a custom of
reXevTcuov acriraaixhu Sco/xev), that "it carrying monks or religious men to a
forms, perhaps, one of the most strik- church when dead, and anointing their
ing portions of the service of the breasts with chrism, and there celebrat-
Eastern Church. It is sung towards ing masses for them." (Capit. 90, Labbe.
the conclusion of the funeral office, Cone. VI. 1S77.) So in the Greek
while the friends and relations [before Church at the present day oil is put on
bearing the body to the grave] are, in the corpse immediately before burial,
turn, kissing the corpse, the priest do- (Euchol. Goar, 53S.) Pseudo-Diony-
ing so last of all." S. Ambrose men- sius says, in explanation of this, "the
tions it in speaking of the funeral of his unction at baptism calls the initiated
brother Satyrus, "Procedamus ad tu- to the sacred strife, but the oil now
mulum, sed prius ultimum coram po- poured on the body shows that he who
pulo valedico, pacem prcedico, osculum has fallen asleep has fought the sacred
solvo." (Ambros. de Excess. Satyri, c. fight, and is perfected." (Ibid. Quoted
17, quoted in Smith's Diet.)] in Smith's Diet. p. 1433, I434-)]
* Hier. Eccl. v. iii. 2. [After the
0 0 2
564 POLITY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH.
ing of the psalms we have already touched : but although the Christians
borrowed the custom of making a funeral oration partly from the
heathen, among whom it was a very ancient custom, still it was from
a much holier cause that the Christians used to pronounce a pane-
gyric on their dead, whose works justly deserved to be commended
with high and unfeigned praises.
In the first ages of the Church this funeral panegyric was delivered
by private individuals, as the above-mentioned writer seems to show.
But after peace was granted to the Church, the most illustrious men
in the Greek and Latin Churches used to pronounce them over
eminent persons in the highest style of eloquence. Some of their
funeral orations have come down to our own times: we have, e.g.,
that one which was delivered by Gregory Nyssen on the death of
Melitius; that by Eusebius on the Emperor Constantine: those
by Gregory Nazianzen at the funerals of Basil and Csesarius: that
of Ambrose on the Emperor Valentinian, and those on his own
brother Satyrus, and a great number of others, fragments of which
may be found in the Church histories of Theodoret and Nicephorus.
On the occasions of the delivery of such funeral orations as these,
vast crowds of people used to be present at the place of inter-
ment: this custom prevailed everywhere, especially after the eighth
century.
In these details are included the ritual ceremonies which the
Church observed at the house of the deceased, before the body was
carried thence. Let us now pass on to the funeral itself.
CHAPTER V.
ON THE FUNERAL PROCESSION, OR OBSEQUIES.
For the first three centuries there was no opportunity for Christians
to have funeral processions: all they could do was to carry their
dead secretly to the cemeteries and there inter them; and that they
might avoid being seen by the heathen, their funeral processions
were conducted without any preparation which might attract atten-
tion, though at times when the fury of persecution was slackened
they would openly perform the funeral rites as best they could, as we
have said respecting those of S. Cyprian. • -, , •
But after the time of Constantine, Christians openly carried their
dead in funeral processions, and by command of that prince the
Church made some special regulations on this subject. Among the
Romans there was a particular class of men called "bearers," {san-
daplarii,) from sandapila, a " bier/' on which they placed the body,
and it was the duty of these bearers to carry the dead to the place
of burial We find Juvenal, Martial, and other Latin writers men-
ON THE FUNERAL PROCESSION, OR OBSEQUIES. 565
tioning these men. Sometimes the Romans called them, as we said,
Sandapilarii, and sometimes they called them Vespillones} But in
ancient times it was never allowed to the Christians to employ these
vespillones, seeing that they buried their own dead themselves in the
cemeteries; so that led by the example of Tobit, and the "young
men" mentioned in the Acts, no man amongst them was ashamed
to carry their dead to burial; though it is probable that if the parents
of the deceased were present, they would discharge the office of
"bearers;" as we infer from the so-called Areopagite already
quoted, who tells us that the nearest relatives used to carry the
dead body to the bishop of the place, that it might be interred by
him.
But before the age of Constantine a special class of clerics had
been appointed for the duty of carrying out and burying the dead.
These were called by various names. Among the Latins they were
generally called fossarii, or fossores, grave-diggers, from their office of
digging out the earth while getting ready the niches in which the dead
were buried; sometimes they are called Zaborantes, "labourers," as
we read of them in an old version of S. Epiphanius, and in a writer
of commentaries on the Gospels under the name of Ambrose; while
in the middle ages they were called (by a change of the letter v into
a b, as was done in those times), bespUZones. The Greeks called them
copiata, or veKpo-Tairroi. Du Cange was of opinion that in the first
ages they were called arenarii also, meaning by that name that they
used to dig out the niches in the cemeteries, which were called also
arenaria in the Acts of the Martyrs. Du Cange met with this name
for them in the Schedule of Petitions by Marcellinus and Faustinus :*
it \s there said, "Turn Damasus cum perfidis invitat Arenarios, qua-
drigarios et fossores omnemque Clerum." But whether Du Cange
has correctly interpreted this passage will be examined in our Disser-
tation on the cemetery of Naples.
The existence, then, of a distinct class of men for these duties is
of very great antiquity; for these fossarii, or fossores, or copiatce, as
the Greeks called them, are mentioned by S. Ignatius in his Epistle
to the Church of Antioch, and by Epiphanius in his Compendium
of the Doctrines of the Catholic Faith, and by other ancient writers.
But it is still a disputed point whether the fossores occupied the
position of a distinct order among the clergy or not; this seems to
be affirmed by the writer of a letter to Rusticus of Narbonne, which
1 Sueton. Domitian. c. 17, and Eu- tino tempore^ All funerals in ancient
trop. vii. 34. De Sandapilariis vid.Ju- times were performed at night; but
venal. Sat. yiii. 175, ibique scholia, afterwards the poor only were buried at
["Inter carnifices, et fabros sandapila- night, because they could not afford to
rum," "among hangmen and coffin- have any funeral procession. (Smith's
makers." Sandapila was a bier, or Diet, of Greek and Roman Antiq. s.
coffin, for the poorer sort, especially v.)] ; Sidon. Apollin. Ep. ii. 8; Mar-
for those who were executed, or slaves. tial. viii. 75, 9 (14).
It was carried by bearers called Vespa> * [This is a well-known document
or Vespillones, because they carried out addressed to the government of the
the bodies of the poor by night {vesper- day.]
566 POLITY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH,
is circulated under the name of Jerome, and is to be found in the
ninth volume of his works: for that writer says, "First among the
orders of the clergy is the order of fossores, who after the example
of Tobit are charged with the burial of the dead.55 They are also
spoken of as a distinct order among the clergy by the writer of the
work "Notse Tyronis," mentioned in Thomassin, who reckons them
as the last of the ecclesiastical orders. Hence another question
arises among learned men, what grade these men held among the
clergy, whether the last (as some say) or the first (as others). It was
the opinion of Thomassin,2 and of Alexius Symmachus Mazocchi,3
that the fossarii held the lowest place among the clerical order, but
to my mind a dispute on the class of fossores seems to be altogether
superfluous : for except these two references which we have quoted,
the ancients preserve a total silence about this class of clergy: but
if they existed at all, how could it be possible that they should have
been passed over by those very ancient writers who have treated
separately of all the orders of clergy? My own opinion is, that this
office of grave-diggers was one which in former times was discharged
by all the minor orders of clergy alike, as occasion offered; that it
was rather an office devolving on the minor clergy, the name of a
clerical office, rather than of a clerical class : and hence, when the
writer of the letter to Rusticus calls the fossarii the first among the
clergy, and the author of the "Notce Tyronis55 calls them the last,
each of them was speaking of what the duty of the clergy was in this
matter. The former writer commended the performance of this
duty to the dead, and urged on the clergy that there was no disgrace
to them in burying the dead as Tobit did: the latter writer called
those who did this duty the last, as it was one which would cer-
tainly devolve on the junior members among the minor orders. And
we have the authority of Jerome for speaking positively on this point:
for speaking of the funeral of a woman whose body had been
pierced with seven wounds, he writes that these pious funeral offices
were performed by the clergy indiscriminately.4 "The clergy," he
says, "whose office it was, wind up the blood-stained body in
linen, and piling up the grave with stones, make the usual sepulchral
mound.55 Hence in the more ancient Euchologies of the Greeks
the office of the copiata is spoken of as one discharged by the clergy
indiscriminately, as we see in the Appendix to the Euchology of
Goar.
One thing, then, from what we have said, seems clear, that in the
first ages of the Church the clergy themselves did all the work con-
nected with funerals and the burial of the dead, as is specially
proved by the last quoted passage from Jerome.
2 Vetus et Nova Eccl. Disciplina hi quos copiatas recens usus instituit
P. I, 1. ii. c. 103, n. 16. [They are nuncupari." (See Bingham, iii. viii. 1.)]
reckoned in the Theodosian Code 3 Dissert, de Cathedr. semp. unica,
among the inferior clerical orders, e.g., pag. 143, ad Mat. 40.
"Clericos excipi tantum, qui copiatse T Epist. ad Innoc.
appellantur," &c. "Clerici vero, vel
ON THE FUNERAL PROCESSION, OR OBSEQUIES. 567
But the Emperor Constantine, when he gave to the Church her
political rights, copied the example of the ancient Romans, and
made most excellent laws for all matters relating to the burial of
the dead. He appointed for this purpose five hundred and fifty
institutions with their bearers, undertakers, grave-diggers, and super-
intendents of undertakers; and these officials he made free from
taxes, and loaded with other privileges, that they might give their
undivided attention to the work of taking charge of the dead, carry-
ing them forth and burying them. By bearers (lecticarii) we may
understand either the makers of biers for carrying dead bodies on,
(lecticce,) or the bearers of them at funerals, it is uncertain which.
The undertakers (libitinarii) were those officials who undertook to
get everything ready that was needed for a funeral. The grave-
diggers (copiatcz) from tco7rtdiv, for "to labour or assist," were those
who carried the bodies and undertook any other laborious work that
was needed. The superintendents (deca?ii) were amongst those who
prepared the requisites for the funeral, and were ready to perform
the actual rites of burial: they were also overseers of the other
officials, for their body was divided into certain distinct classes.
These offices, with their same duties and privileges, were confirmed
by Arcadius and Theodosius :5 afterwards Anastasius increased the
number of the lecticarii and decani, and in this his example was
followed by Justinian6 and Leo the Philosopher.7 For Justinian
divided them further into deairice (sets of ten), and in the 59th
Novel he defined their stipends more exactly; and this corporation
of men, though various changes were made in it, survived down to
the fall of the Greek Empire, as we learn from innumerable docu-
ments of the writers of Byzantine history, referred to by Du
Cange.
But though during the first age of the Church funeral rites in
honour of the dead could not be performed with any fixed order
of arrangement, but were managed as well as the circumstances of
each occasion allowed, still from the fourth century Christians were
followed to the grave by what was often a very large concourse of
people, consisting of the clergy and of laity of both sexes. In the
Apostolic Constitutions priests are directed to sing Psalms when
conducting a dead body to the grave.s We are told too that the
populace and the rest of the Christian people used to be present at
the funeral obsequies: especially is this mentioned by Gregory
Nyssen. He says, "He divided into different companies the'vast
crowds of people who flocked to the funeral, making the crowds of
5 L. N011 plures, C. de Sacr. Trin. thren that are asleep in the Lord." In
6 Novel. 43, [Prsef.] the funerals (i^cdois, the goings forth)
7 Novel. 43. of those who have fallen asleep, con-
8 Constit. 1. vi.c. 30, ["Assemble in duct them with singing, if they are
the cemeteries, reading the holy books, faithful in the Lord," for "Precious in
[lessons from Scripture,] and singing the sight of the Lord is the death of
for the martyrs which are fallen asleep, His saints:" and again (it is said),
and for all the saints from the begin- "Return unto thy rest, O my soul, for
ning of the world, and for your bre- the Lord hath rewarded thee."]
568 POLITY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH.
women and young girls walk with the choir, and the crowd of men
join in with the monks who were assembled; each one had his own
place assigned according to the calling of each, as regularly arranged
as if it had been the meeting of a choir for singing psalms: they all
fell into an order of procession so aptly formed that a perfect
harmony prevailed among them all."9 Thus Gregory describes the
funeral procession which took part in the burial of his sister Macrina,
at which, besides the Presbyters and clergy, there were also present
monks, nuns, and the whole congregation of Christian people. It
was a general rule that the Priests everywhere should be present
wherever there was a funeral procession, singing psalms and carrying
wax candles. Thus Jerome, describing the obsequies of Paula, says,
"The priests carried lamps and torches before her at the funeral."10
The people and the monks used to join together in singing psalms
and hymns, as we know from the law of Justinian: "Psalms and
hymns are sung by the faithful and by the religious men at funeral
processions of men who have died."11 "Religious men" is the
name by which monks are spoken of in the peculiar phraseology of
the Novelise. There are innumerable passages in the writings of
almost all the Fathers, which might be quoted in proof and in illus-
tration of the use of psalmody and of lights at funeral processions
by the Church from the beginning: but these I pass by: we ought
to notice however, what Chrysostom tells us, that there were special
psalms in former times sung by the presbyters when conducting a
funeral procession. We may here quote his words: "Consider what
thou singest at the time when marching in a funeral procession.
1 Return unto thy rest, O my soul, for the Lord hath rewarded thee.'
And again, 'I will fear no evil, for Thou art with me :' and again,
'Thou art my refuge from the trouble,' [which compasseth me
about,]" &c.13 Augustine also when speaking of the obsequies and
funeral of his mother, mentions that the psalm beginning "My song,
O Lord, shall be of mercy and judgment," was sung, with which
psalm the funeral service was then begun.13 From these testimonies
of Chrysostom and Augustine, it is plain that other psalms also
were sung while the procession marched to the grave. In fact, in
those Rituals which were published after the ninth century there is
quite a different arrangement of funeral psalms, and not until after
the twelfth century did it become general to sing the Miserere with
the gradual psalms at funeral processions, as is done among us
according to the service of the Roman Ritual.
9 Epist. ad Olymp. u Horn. 4 in c. 2 Ep. ad Hebneos.
10 Epist. ad Eustochium Virg. de [He adds, "Consider what these psalms
Epitaph. Paula?, 1. iii. Ep. 8, [Ep. 108 mean. If thou believest, why dost thou
§ 29, "She was borne by the hands of weep? If thou believest not, why dost
bishops, who even put their shoulders thou sing ?"]
to the bier, while other Pontiffs carried 13 Confess. 1. ix. c. 12 § 31, [Evodius
lamps and candles before her." This seized a psalter and began to chant the
was at Bethlehem, a.d. 386.] Psalm (ci.), the whole family respond-
11 Novel. 59. ing.]
ON THE FUNERAL PROCESSION, OR OBSEQUIES. 569
That a cross was carried at the head of a funeral procession is
plain from the anonymous Lives of the Fathers in Surius, of which
a new and revised edition has been published by Bellori: there
we read respecting the burial of S. Lupicinius, "For the proces-
sion along the road was formed of groups of singers with lights,
crosses, &c." Chrysostom gives an explanation of the lights and
the psalmody, where he says, "Tell me what mean these shining
lamps? Are we not conducting the dead forth as we should
athletes ?"u He alludes here to lamps which were carried in triumph
before successful athletes, who had been victors in the games. He
then proceeds : ." But what do the hymns mean which we sing then?
Are we not giving glory and thanks to God because He has now
crowned him that is departed?" From the above quotations, and
from other expressions in Chrysostom's works, it is plain that in his
time not waxlights, but lamps, were used among the Greeks at
funeral processions: while on the other hand wax tapers or torches
were used by the Latins at theirs.
From the documents relating to ancient discipline which we have
thus brought forward, it is clear that the manner of conducting funeral
processions which has been introduced by friars, or confraternities, as
they are commonly called, is a novel and objectionable one: for
these confraternities carry their dead to the grave without any singing
of psalms. When speaking of the calamities with which the Church
was afflicted in the middle ages through the ravages of the Vandal
heretics, Victor of Utica mentions this grievance among others, that
Christians were not then allowed to sing psalms in their funeral
processions. "Who can bear," he says, "who can be able to
think of it without tears, how he [the king of the Vandals] com-
manded the bodies of our dead to be carried in silence to the
grave without the usual solemnity of the singing of hymns?"15
And it may be that about the fifteenth century the same innova-
tion as is here lamented is to be traced to the ignorance of the
members of confraternities, most of whom were incapable of chant-
ing the psalms.
But we must here remark, that ever since the time of Constantine
the Great there has been a marked and wide distinction observed
between the funeral^of an ordinary Christian and that of a person of
wealth and distinction. For the emperor, in the laws and constitu-
tions which he drew up for the guidance of the undertakers at
funerals, strictly provided that the common people should not be
burdened with funeral expenses. Hence he ordered that at every
funeral a bier should be provided grafts* to the people, that it should
be followed by one community of monks, (asceterium,) eight nuns, and
\\ 2??d* ?°S'4§5-;r j,,., • 39' "Evei7 man (at these meetings)
15 Hist, de Pevsec. Vandal, lib. 1. placeth there a small gift on one day in
* [Bingham (xxm. 111. 7) observes that each month, or whensoever he will
"in the first ages the poor were buried at These are, as it were, the deposits'of
the common charge and charity of the piety: for afterwards they are not dis-
Church," quoting from Tertullian, Apol. bursed in feasting and in drinking and
57° POLITY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH.
three acolytes. By this the best possible provision was made for the
funerals of poor and indigent persons. But if any one wished to be
buried with a grand funeral procession, there were three kinds of biers
in which the remains might be carried to their last resting-place, called
the bier of the Studium, of S. Stephen's, and of the Great Church
respectively: the first two to be used at the funerals of persons of
"glorious memory," the third if the deceased were persons of "illus-
trious memory." These funeral biers were to be hired for certain
fixed prices, the first two for ten gold pieces (solidi)) the third, for
four. In like manner as regarded the number of Superintendents,
and of Communities, and Canons who were to form part of the
procession at the funeral of any eminent or rich man, he [Justinian]
ordered that all these matters were to be regulated according to
the condition of the deceased.16 When, therefore, there was an
ordinary funeral of one of the common people, a very small pro-
cession followed the body to the grave: and the Fathers, from
whom we have just quoted above, when they describe a funeral as
attended by all the clergy, the monks, the virgins of the Church,
and a crowd of the common people, are speaking of the burial
of some man of eminence or of some illustrious lady. Hence, as
from the time of Constantine till the middle ages these matters were
regulated by law in the East and in the West, we find in the Western
Church it was the rule in each parish that the clergy of each district
(diaconia clerici), should attend the funerals of any that died in their
own special parish: therefore in our own day every parish has its
own "parish clerk," whose duty it is to attend to the parish funerals,
a surviving relic of these old confraternities. But as those of the
clerical staff of each parish assisted at funerals gratuitously, they used
therefore to be supported from the funds of the Guild of the Cross,
(stauritcey) or those of some other confraternity, (fratrice).^ For all
these confraternities have fixed endowments, out of which those
who undertook to be responsible for funerals are supported. But
when the system of Church endowments, or patrimonies, was firmly
established, the revenues of the confraternities became an endow-
ment for the clergy: and they, disdaining to undertake the office of
those ancient confraternity brothers, left the office of conducting
funeral processions to very low persons, who were clerical only in
the dress which they sometimes wore, and who received some chari-
table dole by way of payment, the amount of which would de-
pend on the spirit of the particular town or village in which the
funeral took place. Thus the ancient discipline connected with
the burial of the dead became almost entirely obsolete, and as the
pious interest taken in it by the clergy died out, the ordering of
funerals lost altogether the dignity which was anciently attached to it.
in disgusting haunts of gluttony, but for any who in the mines, or in the is-
for feeding and burying the poor, for lands, become their Creed's pensioners,
boys and girls without money and with- so that it be^ only for the sake of the
out parents, for old men now house- way of God."
ridden, for the shipwrecked also, and 1G Novella 52, c. 6, &c.
ON THE FUNERAL PROCESSION, OR OBSEQUIES. 571
In this manner, then, the clergy used to conduct the dead body to
the Cemetery, where in former times the bishop was himself in readi-
ness to finish the concluding portion of the burial service, as is plain
from what is said in the Apostolical Constitutions: "Finally, those
who are carrying the body bring it to the bishop, who gladly re-
ceives it from them, and performs the funeral rites."17 What these
funeral rites mean the same writer presently explains: "After this
the venerable prelate offers the most holy prayer over the body."
By the prayer thus named is meant a celebration of the liturgy, as
we know from expressions we constantly meet wdth in the Apostolical
Constitutions. For from the very beginning of the Church the
burial service was concluded by a mass, which used to be celebrated
before the body was actually interred, traces of which custom are to
be seen in Origen,18 and in Tertullian.19 Hence Augustine, when
describing the funeral of his mother, says: "For neither in those
prayers which we poured forth to Thee, when the sacrifice of our
ransom was offered for her, the body being already placed near the
tomb before its burial [as is the custom there]," &c.20 The same
testimony is borne by Possidius respecting the funeral of Augus-
tine himself, where he says, "The sacrifice was offered* to God for the
commendation of his body to the ground, and he was then buried."21
Eusebius has given us a full description of the funeral of Constantine
the Great, and he says, "The holy sacrifice was offered for him,
before the interment of the body."23 Lest I should be tedious, I
pass by a vast number of documentary proofs of this custom of
having a celebration; but it is worthy of note that it was continued
down to the middle ages: so much so that in no part of the Church
did a funeral take place without the mystical liturgy being cele-
17 Ibid. [These particulars are taken 20 Confess. 1. ix. c. 12, ["Nam ne-
from Dionysius, (Eccles. Hierarch. vii. que in iis precibus, quas tibi fudimus,
p. 359), not from the Apostolical Con- cum offeretur pro ea Sacrificium pretii
stitutions, which is plainly a misprint.] nostri, jam juxta sepulchrum posito ca-
1S Coram, in Job. c. 3. [He speaks davere, prius quam deponeretur, sicut
of a funeral feast on the anniversary of illic fieri solet," <S:c.]
a burial, a memorial of rest to the dead, * \_Oblatum, i.e., "presented," not
and "in odorem suavitatis in conspectu "slain." So it is plain from Scripture
seterni Dei."] and elsewhere that it was the special
19 Lib. de Cor. Milit. c. 5 (?) [Const. duty of Jewish priests to present the
Apost. vi. 30, direct, "Offer both in blood or wave the offering, but not to
your churches, and in the cemeteries slay the victim.]
the acceptable Eucharist, the antitype 21 In ejus Vita init. Oper. [c. 13,
of the royal Body of Christ." By the "Pro ejus commendanda corporis de-
29th canon of the third Council of Car- positione sacriticium Deo oblatum est,
thage (quoted above, p. 363), which et sepultus est."]
requires the Holy Communion to be — De Vit. Const. 1. iv. c. 71, ["tcx
taken fasting, it is ordered that there is rf?s ivdeov Xarpeias 5t5 ebx&v avs-nXj]-
to be no celebration at a funeral if povv .... /jlvcttiktis Xeirovpyias <x£iov-
it take place in the afternoon, but fxzvov kcu Koivuvias <5<xiW airoXavov
prayers only: "Si aliquorum pome- tvx&v" "They performed Divine Ser-
ridiano tempore defunctorum sive epis- vice with prayers; he was deemed
coporum seu clericorum sive ceterorum worthy of the mystic liturgy, and en-
commendatio facienda est, solis oratio- joyed the communion of holy prayers."]
nibus fiat."]
572 POLITY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH.
brated for the deceased. Therefore it is that the aforesaid Victor
of Utica complains of the barbarity of the Vandals, because they
would not allow these celebrations of the Eucharist at funerals to
take place [all the clergy being driven away]: for he says, "Who
shall now bury us, when we are dead, with the solemn prayers?
Who shall offer for us the accustomed rite of the Divine Sacri-
fice ?"23 Hence in all MS. liturgical office-books we find a special
and peculiar office for the celebration of a funeral mass, though we
can clearly see from a reference to the same MSS. that there was
not any general uniformity and sameness in that office. Of course
the "Order of the Mass for the Dead," which we have in the
Roman missal is certainly less ancient than some others, and did
not come into use till late in the middle ages: it is easily open to
any one [who doubts this] to compare it with the orders of the
Gelasian, Gregorian, Gallican, Mozarabic, Italian, and other Sacra-
mentaries, and such a comparison places the matter beyond all
doubt.
In ancient times, i.e. in the first ages of the Church, the Holy
Sacrifice was celebrated not only on the same day that the deceased
died, as we have been describing, but it was also offered on the
third day after the death. In fact, during those three days both
clergy, and the relatives, and other Christian people, used to spend
the whole time in offering certain forms of prayer at the grave in
the cemetery; as we learn from Augustine, who thus speaks about a
young man—a servant of Evodius—who had died : " Death released
him; and we gave him honourable obsequies, as he deserved; and
worthy of so noble a soul; for three days together we sang hymns
of praise to God at his grave; and on the third day we offered the
sacraments of our redemption."24 Hence we read this direction in
the Apostolical Constitutions : "Let the third day of those who
have fallen asleep be celebrated with psalms, and lessons, and
prayers, because of Him Who rose again the third day."25 It is
also directed in the same place that the ninth and the fortieth days
after a funeral must be devoted to the same religious services; say-
ing as follows, "Let the ninth and also the fortieth day be also for
the commemoration of the dead." And this custom of thus ob-
serving the ninth and fortieth day was everywhere observed in
the Church in the middle ages: and monks, especially in the
Latin Church, observed in addition the thirtieth day also, as we
find in Mabillon's Prefaces to the Annals of the Benedictine
But* besides these days which we have mentioned, the day of the
anniversary of a death was always observed by the Latins and by the
Greeks, as a day of prayer and celebration of the liturgy: this was
23 Victor Utic. de Persec. Vandal. 24 Epist. 258, ad Evod. [Ed. Migne,
lib ii ("" Quis nos solemnibus oratio- clviii. § 3- "Tnduum hymms Domi-
nibus'sepulturi sunt morientes? Quibus num collaudavimus . . . et redemptionis
Divini Sacrificii ritus exhibendus est sacramenta tertio die obtulimus. J
consuetus?"] 2fi L. vin. c. 42.
ON THE FUNERAL PROCESSION, OR OBSEQUIES. 573
the case when the early Church was scarcely yet founded. For
Tertullian tells us that in his times on the day of any Christian's
death, and on the day of his birth, oblations used to be offered, which,
according to liturgical use in those days, were specially made in the
name of the dead. He says, "We offer, on one day every year,
oblations for the dead as birth-day honours."26 But whether by this
expression "Birth-day" is meant the day of death or the day of na-
tivity, it is superfluous to inquire: all should read the mass of
information on this subject which has been collected by Sabbatini and
the learned Mazocchi, in their commentaries on the Neapolitan Calen-
dar. We know from Origen that the early Christians used to cele-
brate the anniversary of this day with large congregations and certain
services of special solemnity: he thus describes the different obser-
vances: "Congregations assemble on these anniversary days held
in memory of departed parents, or friends, or any, whoever they are,
who had departed ■ this life in faith;" (we observe from this that no
one, whether poor or rich, was passed over without such an anniversary
celebration of the Liturgy); he continues, " First of all those present
at this assembly, priests and people together, give God thanks for
those who have thus departed in the faith; and they all pray for
themselves also, that they may have a pious and peaceful end."27
Whence Gregory Nazianzen, in his funeral oration for his brother
Caesarius, says: "We have one kind of service in their honour now
(in this present liturgy), we shall have another kind when we offer
the tribute of anniversary honours and commemorations."*
Thus then, in former times, Christians used to keep up the cele-
bration of the third, seventh and fortieth day of the death of the
deceased, by a celebration of the liturgy at the grave: this we know
from the testimony of Augustine in the letter above referred to, and
Ambrose also says, "Now we return to the grave on the seventh
day—a day which is symbolical of the rest into which our brother
has entered."28
But although the Church has been guided by a sort of tradition
in thus observing these days by the celebration of a funeral liturgy, yet
we must admit that in this matter, as in some others, the early
Fathers, and those following the teaching of the Apostles, had also
in a certain sense the wish to sanctify by a more sacred mystery
what was already a pious custom among the heathen. For they too
had their novendiale sacrificium (sacrifice on the ninth day) • as a
sacrifice was offered for a dead person on the ninth day after his
funeral. Whence the words of Horace, Novendiales dissipare pul-
26 De Cor. Mil. c. 3, ["Oblationes * [Orat. vii. § 17. Apostrophis-
pro defunctis annua die facimus." So in ing his deceased brother, he says too,
Exhort. Cast. c. II; and de Monogam. c. "Every year will we, at least those
10, "Oblationes annuas reddis;" "Of- who are left alive, offer honours and
fert annuis diebus dormitionis ejus."] rites of commemoration."]
2' Coram, in 1. Job. c. 3. "[Migne 2S Orat. de fide Resurr. T. III. nov.
places this Commentary among the edit,
spurious works of Origen. ]
574 POLITY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH.
veres (to disturb the ashes buried nine days after death).29 See
further on the subject of Novendiales in Kirchmann.30 The Church
therefore, with the object of effacing from the minds of Christians
these profane rites by the real religion [of the Gospel], appointed a
celebration of the liturgy to take place on the ninth day after a
funeral; especially as these old heathen ninth-day sacrifices and fes-
tivities were so endeared to the hearts of Christians of that age, that
even as late as the times of Augustine—or of Hilary the Deacon—
some used to keep up these heathen feasts for the dead, which the
former justly complains of.31 But Christians, besides the ninth day,
which for the reason we have mentioned, they kept so sacred, added
other days also, as the thirtieth and the fortieth, following in this
the example of the Saints of the Jewish Church : for, as Ambrose
says of the thirtieth day, "It is written in Deuteronomy that the
children of Israel wept for Moses for thirty days, and so the days of
weeping and mourning were ended. There is authority for each
observance, by which the necessary duty claimed by piety is dis-
charged."33 Of the fortieth day we read in the Apostolic Constitu-
tions as follows: "We keep the fortieth day according to a form
observed by the ancients; for the people in this way mourned for
Moses."33 [The reasons thus given for this custom seem sufficient]:
and we are therefore justified in rejecting the reasons which the
Pseudo-Amalarius3i and Albinus35 allege in explanation of the sacred-
ness of the numbers thirty and forty as mere invented mystical
meanings.
On these days, then, the Church used to have a celebration of the
mystical liturgy for the deceased, who was in this way commemo-
rated by her. In the first ages this was done by offering an oblation,
29 In Epod. 17, 48, diales" "The mourning for the dead
[« Nee in sepulchris paupemm pru- lasted nine days after the funeral, at the
dens anus e which time a sacrifice was per-
Novendiales dissipare pulveres!"] f^^t^^jmmdiaU-'' &<"&**•
30 De Funer. 1. iv. c. 2, cfr. Lips. 31 Quoest. 172, in Genes. [He says
ad Tacit. Ann. vi. 19 ; Serv. ad /En. v. Christians ought to give up their ob-
64—66, servation of nine days of mourning as a
[" Pneterea si nona diem mortalibus £eathfn ccustom> and nowhere W-
oim,lw tioned in Scripture, 'Ad hac consuetu-
aimum, ,. , ., r,. „-,'
Aurora exhderit," &c., "ponam d"lf Prohibendi. ]
certamina classis." 33 Orat infun Theod.
66 Ibid. [Const. Apost. vm. 42, "Let
"If too the ninth morning shall bring the ninth day be celebrated in remem-
forth to mortals a genial day. ... I brance of the survivors and the de-
will propose contests for the fleet." ceased: and the fortieth day (thirtieth
Servius remarks on this: "Among our as some read) according to the ancient
forefathers when any one died, he was pattern, for so did the people lament
kept seven days; on the eighth clay he Moses; and the anniversary clay in re-
was burned, and on the ninth (his ashes membrance of the person himself; and
were) buried. This is the reason of let alms be given to the poor out of his
Horace's using the expression noven- goods for a memorial of him."]
diales dissipare pulveres ; and the public 34 De Eccl. Offic. 1. xxxii. c. I.
shows, which were instituted in honour 35 De Div. Offic. cap. de die iii. vii.,
of the dead were also called noven- &c.
ON THE FUNERAL PROCESSION, OR OBSEQUIES. 575
the relations of the deceased making an offering to the altar for the
dead by name; therefore canons sometimes refuse to allow the pri-
vilege of bringing an oblation for those who have died impenitent, for
it wras forbidden to their relations to make offerings for them at the
altar. Hence perhaps the custom has come down to us of making
some offering to that church in which one who has died was buried,
after it became lawful to bury in churches also. Wherefore in the
middle ages at the funerals of the nobles it was usual to make offer-
ings of suits of armour or of horses to that church in which they
were buried, as we see in the Constitution of Pope Nicolas III.
[1277—1280] \ in France this custom had not become obsolete even
in the sixteenth century, as we read in Edmund Bullai of its being
done at the funeral of Charles of Lorraine. But when the order of
the mass for the dead came into use in the middle ages, then on
these days the liturgy for the dead was celebrated expressly for the
deceased by name; a custom which continued to be universally ob-
served to the thirteenth century, since which time it has been kept
up generally by monks only. Yet in the more ancient sacramen-
taries of the middle ages there are great numbers of masses of this
kind, among which may be mentioned that singular one in the Sa-
cramentary of Gregory, which has this title prefixed to it: "Mass
for the dead who desired penance and did not obtain it."
{Misses pro defunctis desiderantibus ficenitentiam et minime conseque?i-
tibus.) I shall have occasion to speak of this in my history of MS.
Liturgies of the Latin Church.
But lastly. At the conclusion of the celebration of the liturgy the
bishop and presbyters used to give a kiss to the deceased,* accord-
ing to directions given in the Apostolical Constitutions: this custom
was perhaps in the first ages peculiar to the Greek Churches, [though
afterwards it became more general]: and after this the body was at
length committed to the earth.
Of the prayers which followed after the funeral liturgy we have no
knowledge. In the rituals of the middle ages they vary considerably:
and those which we have now in the Roman Ritual (as that one be-
ginning with the words Libera, &c.) are wanting in office-books older
than the tenth century.
After these prayers the funeral ceremonies were followed by the
feast of the Agape,36 which was a supper given chiefly to the poor by
the relations of the deceased: to this custom Tertullian alludes,37
* [This was mentioned above in its in the fear of God, that ye may be able
right place; the ceremony of the last to intercede for those who have de-
kiss seems to have concluded "the ser- parted." S. Paulinus, a.d. 397, de-
vice in the church," when the body scribes the funeral feast given by Pam-
was carried there before taking it to the machius, on the death of his wife to the
grave, as was often the case.] poor of Rome in the church of S. Peter.
36 Gregor. Naz. Epist. 21 ; S. Paulin. (Epist. xiii. n.)]
Epist. Si, &c. [Aug. de Mor. Eccl. i. :i7 De Anima, cap. 4. [Tertullian is
34. Const Apost. viii. 44, say, "In here reproving the " pareritations"—the
the memorice of the departed, feast sacrifices in honour of deceased parents
when invited in an orderly manner, and —of the heathen. ]
576 POLITY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH.
when he writes, "Moreover thou callest the dead free from care,
whensoever thou retirest without the gate to the tombs with thy
meats and feasts, making an offering rather to thyself than to them;
or returnest somewhat drunken from the tombs." But Origen speaks
distinctly of this custom, where he says, "We make commemora-
tions of the saints; and of our parents, or friends who die in the
faith, we devoutly keep up the remembrance, while we rejoice in
their refreshment, and pray for ourselves that we too may have the
same pious consummation in the faith: we celebrate their memories,
calling together our religious, and our priests, inviting at once our
clergy and our laity; satisfying with an abundant feast our poor and
needy, our orphans, and our widows, that our festivity may be a fit-
ting memorial of the rest of the departed souls, whose memory we
are celebrating."38 But, as usual, the want of moderation shown by
some Christians turned this pious custom into an abuse; therefore
the Church forbade altogether these funeral agafice; for (in the words
of S. Augustine when speaking of the morality of his times), "There
were many who drank to a luxuriant excess over their dead."39 The
reader should refer to canon xxviii. of the Council of Laodicea in
Martin of Braga,40 canon lxxiv. of the sixth Council of Constan-
tinople; and canon ix. of the Synod of Auxerre.
Such is a description of the whole of the Burial Service of former
ages; from it the reader may judge what and how great is the anti-
quity of these funeral rites which are in use among Christians of the
present day.*
38 Ibid. palm and olive, as those who celebrate
39 L. de Moribus Eccles. 1. i. c. 34, a victory. They strewed over the body
[" Novi multos esse, qui luxuriosissime leaves of laurel and ivy, the emblems
super mortuos bibant . . . et super se- of immortality; they carried lighted
pultos se ipsos sepeliant."] lamps or torches in like token of Chris-
40 Can. 69. [Cone. Laodic. A.D. tian joy; fragrant clouds of incense rose
320, c. 28, forbids the celebration of as in a Roman triumph. They did not
Agapse or love-feasts in churches; '' ob march in sad silence to the grave, and
Se? eV to?s KvpiaKols %) eV reus iKKAyariais attended by hired mourners, but they
ras Xeyo/J-ej/as ayairas Troielv, koX iv rep chanted as they went hymns of hope
oUcf} rov Qeov iaOieii/ teal aKovfiira and joy." (Smith's Diet, of Antiq. p.
(TTpcdvvveiv." Cone. Carthag. A.D. 692, 253.) The "hearty thanks" which we
c. 74, is the same exactly as this canon give to God at the grave for the deli-
of Laodicea. Cone. Autissiod. a.d. verance of our departed friends out of
590, c. 9, forbids dancing, singing, and the miseries of this sinful world are as
feasting within churches, "Non licet it were a faint echo of these old funeral
in ecclesia choros ssecularium vel puel- anthems and psalms of the early Church,
larum cantica exercere, nee convivia in "Right dear in the sight of the Lord
ecclesia prseparare, quia scriptum est, is the death of His saints;" "Turn
'Domus mea domus orationis vocabi- again unto thy rest, O my soul, for the
lur.'"] Lord hath rewarded thee;" "The
* [Dean Plumptre aptly remarks on souls of the righteous are in the hand of
the funerals of the early Church, "The God." The "Moravians,"amongst other
Christian Church gave to the funeral primitive customs which they retain, keep
procession somewhat of the character up that of pronouncing a funeral ora-
of a triumph. Those who took part in tion on the departed, and that of singing
it carried in their hands branches of hymns round the grave.]
OF THE BURIAL-PLACES OF CHRISTIANS. 577
CHAPTER VI.
OF THE BURIAL-PLACES OF CHRISTIANS.
On the subject of Christian burial-places, of which we have now
to treat, we propose to speak very briefly: it seems best to treat the
whole subject in this brief way now, as it will be discussed more
fully in our Dissertation on the Cemetery of Naples. We will there-
fore now give a brief preliminary sketch of the history of Christian
sepulture, as far as relates to the burial-places where Christians were
interred.
It is certain that in the first ages the Christians interred the bodies
of their dead outside their cities, following in this matter the civil
institutions [of the nations of antiquity] especially of the Romans,
among whom extra-mural interment was enjoined by the laws of the
Twelve Tables. In these subterranean places, then, the Christians
buried their dead.
But these places had already been excavated, that earth or stones
might be dug out from thence for the purposes of building: the
Christians merely constructed, in the sides of them, niches {loculos)
in which they stowed the bodies. Such burial-places were usually
called Cemeteries (dormitories); but sometimes Catacombs : both
names are Greek words, which we shall explain in our Dissertation.
These loculi were constructed in the arches of the cemetery, on
either side of it, each loculus being often capable of holding only
one body, so that after one had been buried in it, the mouth of
the loculus was closed up with cement and bricks. The object of
this was not to prevent any stench which might arise when the body
turned to corruption, but it was done for the more religious preserva-
tion of the body; for, as has been said, in those times the bodies
of the dead were embalmed at least with myrrh, so that they could
not possibly be liable to corruption.
In such cemeteries as these the Christian Republic, not only when
under heathen governments, but also when peace was restored to tl.e
Church, laid the bodies of their dead; for both in the West and also
in the East, the ancient law, requiring the dead to be buried outside
the cities, continued in full force.
The first who made a departure from the strictness of this law
was the Emperor Constantine the Great; for it was his wish to be
buried in the vestibule of the Church of the Holy Apostles at Con-
stantinople \ and the Church thought well to gratify the wish of so
great a prince :l though in the case of all other Christians, at that
time, both clergy and laity, the old discipline was strictly enforced.
The example of Constantine was followed by the Emperors Theo-
dosius and Honorius;- and the result was that by degrees others
1 Ex Euseb. in vita Const. 1. iv. 2 Ex Chrysost. Horn. 26, in Epist.
c. 71. [His sons buried him in the 2 ad Corinth.
"atrium" of the church.]
578 POLITY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH.
also, especially the nobility, had the same desire to be buried in
church \ therefore decrees were made by the Emperors Gratian and
Valentinian [a.d. 381, putting a check on this], and directing that,
"The abode of Saints and Martyrs should not be given up as a place
to bury dead bodies in." [Justin. Codex, i. ii. 2.] Therefore, being
thus supported, the Church made strenuous efforts to retain the
ancient discipline, and in every place resisted the abuse which in
some places had crept in, and the desire to be buried in a church,
which was becoming universal. This appears very plainly from the
statutes of Pope Pelagius II. [a.d. 580]: and from the 18th canon
of the first Council of Braga in Spain • the 17th canon of the Council
of Tribur; the 52nd canon of the Council of Mentz in Germany; the
9th canon of the Council of Meaux in France; and the 6th canon
of the Council of Nantes in France.* And precisely similar is the
testimony which we gather from the Acts of the Translations of the
Martyrs.
But for some reasons, which we shall discuss separately in our
Dissertation on the Cemetery of Naples, after the seventh century,
the ancient rule began to be relaxed in this matter by little and little,
and some at least were allowed to be buried, if not within the church,
at any rate around its enclosure: and this had become a general
custom in Italy in the sixth century, as we gather from a decree of
Pelagius II. Hence in the ninth century, bishops, abbats, presby-
ters of very high rank and position, as well as laymen who were dis-
tinguished by their holiness of life, began to be buried within the
church, as we learn from the 52nd canon of what is commonly called
the fourth Council of Mentz, held in a.d. 888 [813]; and the
17th canon of the Council of Tribur, held in the year a.d. 895. And
Evagrius tells us that in the Eastern Church it had become cus-
tomary to allow emperors, bishops, and presbyters, the same privi-
lege also.3 But the privilege which the Church at first allowed only
to a few, began by degrees to be thrown open to other Christians;
so that at length, after the eleventh century, the old rule had prac-
tically become obsolete, and any one might be buried in the churches
themselves, and the nobles had their family tombs within them.
I am aware that Louis Antony Muratori, in a special dissertation
* [The Council of Braga (Cone. are ("ubi corpus et sanguis Domini
Bracar) a d ^63 (can. 18) allows bu- conficitur.") The Council of Mentz
rials around, but not within, churches, (Cone. Mogunt.) a.d. 813,.can. 52, says,
giving as a reason the respect due to "None shall be buried in the church
the Martyrs' (remains) ; "corpora nullo except bishops and abbats, and worthy
modo intra basilicam Sanctorum sepe- presbyters and faithful laymen. I he
liantur, sed si necesse est de foris circa Council of Tribur a.d. 891, can. 17,
murum basilica .... hoc venerabilium forbids the burial of laymen within the
martyrum debet reverentia obtineri." church; adding that if the number ot
The Council of Nantes, a.d. 660 (Cone. tombs is so great that the ground can-
Nannet c 6) allows burials in the not well be levelled, the place must be
atrium,'or forecourt, in the cloister, and turned into a cemetery and the altar
in the outbuildings, but strictly forbids removed elsewhere where the Sacn-
them in the church, or near the altar, fice maybe religiously offered to God. J
where the Body and Blood of the Lord 3 Hist. 1. iv. c. 30.
OF THE BURIAL-PLACES OF CHRISTIANS. 57 9
addressed to Ciampini, which he has written, has maintained that the
custom of burying within churches is of greater antiquity than I have
represented: but it would be easy to show that this writer, though
in other respects very celebrated for the skill which he has shown in
the interpretation of monuments, is in error in this opinion about
burials in churches : but it would be superfluous to do this now, as
I shall prefer submitting this question to the examination of the
learned in the same Dissertation on our Cemetery to which I have
before referred.
And this is all I would here say on the history of the burial-places
of Christians, reserving to my Dissertation, already mentioned, a
fuller treatment of the very important points connected with the various
heads of this subject.
Thus in these six Books presented to the reader we have briefly
included what ought to be known about the Ecclesiastical Polity
of ancient, mediaeval, and modern times: my object being to smooth
the path of candidates for Holy Orders in studying for themselves
the Fathers, the Councils, the Historians of the times. As to the
Dissertations which follow, I am in hopes that they too will prove
of the greatest value to ordination candidates, since in them will
be illustrated, in a simple and unbiassed manner, several leading
particulars connected with ecclesiastical discipline, which will thus
perhaps make plain also the internal policy of the Church. For it
is not without design that we have selected different topics, which
we shall separately and fully discuss : for they are subjects which
cannot be treated with the brevity we have imposed on ourselves in
the present work: subjects which are involved in greater obscurity
than those we have now handled; and which have to be treated at
much greater length, for they lie more hidden away in the lurking-
places of the past.
p p
APPENDIX I.
OF THE POSSESSED.
As the Christian Church had a special and peculiar mode of treat-
ment for those who were vexed by a devil, we have thought it worth
while to describe here the leading features of this part of Church
discipline.
There is no doubt that in former times the Church was unwilling
to reckon the possessed (energumeni) among the faithful who _were in
the enjoyment of full Christian privileges, from an opinion that it
was generally those who were joined to unclean spirits by gross immo-
rality, who were vexed with a devil; for the Apostle when speaking
of good men says, " He that is joined unto the Lord is one spirit."
And therefore the Church remanded to the position of penitents
such Christian people as were under the influence of a devil; that
when they had by this penance expiated their crimes, they might,
with souls cleansed from guilt, deserve to be admitted again among
the number of steadfast believers (stantes fideles).
But as in ecclesiastical documents possessed persons are almost
always reckoned among that class of penitents who were called
Mourners, they must have been put on a sort of common footing
with them. Yet no one has as yet explained in what part of the
Church these demoniacs used to be placed, though this matter is
plainly referred to by the seventeenth canon of the Council of An-
cyra, in which demoniacs are called "Hiemantes"—exposed to wintry
storms. The words of the canon referred to [quoted above, p. 426]
direct that "those who have been guilty of unnatural crimes, and
who are or have been lepers, must pray among the Hiemantes;" and
where in the royal and other collections this canon reads "Hiemantes?
in the epitome of the canons by Fulgentius Ferrandus—can. cxlix.—
the reading is, "inter energumenos" Similar is the version of Diony-
sius Exiguus, "The Council directs them to pray among those who
are vexed by an unclean spirit." See also the same explanation given
by Isidore Mercator, Martin of Braga, and others. But in the inter-
pretation of this word Hiemantes, many have fallen into a strange
mistake: amongst others Joseph Catalani in his Commentaries on
(Ecumenical Councils, lately published at Rome : for that writer
is of opinion that the demoniacs were called Hiemantes, because, as
he says, " Those who are tortured by a devil, and vexed by an un-
clean spirit, seem to be tossed by a sort of tempest of the soul,
APPENDIX I. 58l
squinting their eyes, foaming at the mouth,"1 &c.; and he supports
his view by some authority from S. Basil, which has not even the
most remote connexion with the subject of demoniacs. I am sur-
prised at the interpretation poit upon the expression by this and other
writers; for there is nothing new in this word Hiemantes, in eccle-
siastical documents; for this was the name given to those who were
kept in the open air outside the church porch, which, as we have shown
in our fifth Book, was the position assigned to penitents of the first
class; as therefore they remained in the open air, they would be
exposed to the cold, the rain, and all inclemency of stormy weather;
and for this reason they were called Hiemantes [i.e. exposed to
wintry storms]. Hence Isidore Mercator, before quoted, says that
demoniacs when they are at prayer " are tossed by a tempest/'
But the discipline which the Church observed towards them itself
gives the rational explanation of the position occupied by demoniacs.
Those who were stationed among the first class of penitents stood,
as we have said, under the open sky outside the church porch, as
the Church did not yet regard them in the light of actual penitents,
but almost on the same footing as heathen, who had not yet been
admitted among the catechumens. And so with the demoniacs:
the Church did not regard them either as actual catechumens, though
before they became possessed they might have entered the catechu-
menate. This is proved by the answer given by Timotheus, Bishop
of Alexandria; this question was submitted to him for solution \ "If
a catechumen become possessed by a devil, and either he, or his
friends for him, wish that he should receive Holy Baptism, ought
he to be baptized or not, especially if he be in danger of death?"
The answer the bishop made was, "Unless the demoniac has been
cleansed from the unclean spirit, he cannot be admitted to Holy
Baptism; but if he is at the point of death, in that case he may be
baptized." It is evident from this that the Church regarded de-
moniacs almost in the same light as heathens: and as she thus clas-
sified them together, it will not be regarded by any as a matter of
surprise, that she removed them to the first class of penitents, and
it is no wonder, as they were made to stand outside the church
porch in the open air, that for that reason the Church called them
Hiemantes, or exposed to the winter storms.*
To these arguments I may add the words of the canon itself which
the Council of Ancyra passed: we there read, "The Holy Synod
directs that the demoniacs pray 'eh rovs x€llLla£0lLlev0V9''" This
word xeiiULa^°fl^V0V^ used by the Council, comes from the word
1 Vol. II. p. 156. are some impious furies of lusts so far
* [Bingham remarks (Bk. xviii. ch. transgressing all the laws of nature,
iv. § 13) that there is a passage in Ter- both with respect to bodies and sex,
tullian which makes this explanation of that we do not only expel them from
the word very natural. For speaking the doors (lim-ine) of the church, but
of the ancient discipline, and distin- from any covered place belonging to
guishing the degrees and malignity of the church, as being monsters rather
heinous offences,Tertullian says, "There than common vices.'' (De Pudic. c.4.)]
5^2 POLITY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH.
Xet/nd^oju.ai, tempestate jactari: which also comes from xeWa> hiems,
and xG£/"a£>, Memo: hence Latin interpreters have rightly translated
"7ov9 x€L/u>a£o/uL€vovs" by "Memantes" or, as Isidore renders it, from
the first meaning of the word, qui tempestate jactantur: from whence
we may see that the very meaning of the word "xupago/ievovs"
itself best explains the condition of those who, being stationed in
the open air, outside the church porch, where the Mourners stood,
from that circumstance used to feel the violence of the winter, and
used to be exposed to the inconveniences of climate and weather.
We conclude, then, that the demoniacs used to be among the
"Mourners/' and so were stationed outside the church, and said
their prayers there.
Since therefore the Church included demoniacs among the peni-
tents, she undertook to cure them by a certain peculiar mode of
treatment. Hence in the liturgy, after the bishop had dismissed
the hearers among the catechumens, he offered prayers for the
demoniacs, accompanied by the laying on of hands. The whole
service is thus described by the Apostolical Constitutions. "After
the catechumens have left the church, let the deacon say, 'Pray to
God, ye who are possessed by unclean spirits; let us all make earnest
supplication for them that God the lover of mankind will by Christ
rebuke the unclean and evil spirits; and that He will deliver His
suppliants from this strange tyranny and power of the enemy; that
He who rebuked a legion of demons, and the prince of evil, the
devil, will Himself rebuke now also these apostates from the love
of God; and rescue His own workmanship from his power, and
cleanse those creatures which with His great wisdom He hath made.
Let us still pray earnestly for them : save them, O God, and raise
them up by Thy power.' "2 After these prayers the deacon said,
"Bow down your heads, ye energumens, and receive the blessing f
and then the bishop reciting over them some forms of prayer, which
are given in the next chapter of the Constitutions, gave them the
benediction; and at last the deacon commanded them to go forth
from the church.
Chrysostom confirms the account of the service here given: he
says, "At that time" (after the reading of the gospel and the bishop's
sermon) "the deacon brings in the demoniacs for that purpose, and
bids them bow down their heads."3 The words, "The deacon ^brings
them in," show that they were stationed outside the church. This
comes out more plainly from the words of Chrysostom which follow,
"He brings them in, because it is not allowed them to pray with the
brethren, that so thou, moved with compassion for them, because
they are so bitterly afflicted, and because they cannot lift up their
2 L. viii. c. 6. [The bishop's prayer the Serpent, that murderer of men.
in the next chapter thus refers to the bound to us, as a sparrow to children,"
completeness of our Lord's victory over &c. {6 rbv avdp<oiroKt6vov o<piv decr^cvrr}^
Satan; "O Thou Who hast bound the irapabovs 7]\uv u>s (TrpovQiov iraidlois.)]
strong'man and spoiled all that was 3 Horn. 3, inter 50, edit. T. III.
in his house .... Who hast delivered Edit. Paris.
APPENDIX I. 583
own voices, mayest use thy power for their defence,'' &c. If the
demoniacs had been placed among the hearers in the church porch,
Chrysostom would not have said, " It is not allowed to them to pray
with the brethren;" for the hearers, who were stationed in the
porcues, used to pray with the brethren. The same expressions also
occui in the Books [of Pseudo-Dionysius the Areopagite] De Eccle-
siastics Hierarchies^
The more ancient rule, then, of the Church was that the de-
moniacs should not be present at the services of the Church, nor
have the right of the oblation, nor have their names kept on the
diptychs,5 nor be admitted to holy orders; or, if they were in holy
ordeis, that they should be deposed.6 But by degrees, after the
fourth century, the ancient discipline gave way to a gentler system.
We learn this from the first Council of Orange, held in the fifth
century :7 which directs that the communion be given to baptized
Energumens who do all in their power to become healed, and who
obediently follow the counsels of the clergy under whose care they
are placed [because the virtue of the Sacrament may strengthen
them against the attacks of the devil and purify them]. The Church
used to give them the Holy Communion at those times when they
were in any degree in their right mind. Such was the teaching of
Timotheus, Bishop of Alexandria,8 who says, "If a demoniac do not
divulge the mystery, nor in any way blaspheme it, let him be allowed
to partake of it, but not every day: it is sufficient if he take it only
at the stated times/' i.e., on those days, on which according to the
law in force in the time of Timotheus, it was binding on the laity to
communicate. That this was the discipline which prevailed in the
fifth century we know also from what S. Prosper, a writer of that age,
tells us about a demoniac girl, who was restored to her original health
on taking the Sacrament.9 But from the very first ages demoniacs
were never refused the Eucharist at the hour of death, as even the
very severe Fathers of the Council of Elvira directed.10
4 Cap. 3 et 4 [iv. 3.] jam aliqui ordinati sunt ab imposito
5 Cone. ■Eliberit. 0.29, [" Energu- officio repellendi."]
menus qui" ab erratico spiritu exagi- 'Cap. 14, ["Energumenibaptizati, si
tatur, hujus nomen neque ad altare de purgatione sua curant et se sollici-
cum oblatione esse recitandum, nee tudini clericorum tradunt monitisque
permittendum ut sua maim in ecclesia obtemperant, omnimodis communicent
ministret."] sacramenti ipsius virtute vel muniendi
6 Canon. Apost. can. 79, [" If any ab incursu dremonii quo infestantur vel
one hath a dremon, let him not be purgandi quorum jam ostenditur."]
made one of the clergy; nay, let him s Inter. 3 ap. Balsam, and in Jure
not pray with the faithful: but when Grceco Rom.
he is cleansed, let him be received; 9 L. de Predict. Dimid. Temp. c. 6.
and, if he be worthy, let him be or- 10 Can. 37. "De aiergumenis non
dained"]; and Cone. Araus. I. c. 16: baptizandis." "Eos qui ab immundis
[Forbids to ordain those who have been spiritibus vexantur, si in fine mortis
openly possessed by an evil spirit, and fuerint constituti, baptizari placet; si
deprives those who became so after fideles fuerint dandam esse communio-
ordination: "Qui palam aliquando ar- nem. Prohibendum etiam ne lucernas
repti sunt, non solum non assumendi hi publice accendant; si facere contra
ad ullum ordinem clericatus, sed et si interdictum voluerint, abstineantur a
584 POLITY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH.
The prayers for the Energuraens, which used to form part of the
service of the celebration of the liturgy, had, by the seventh century,
fallen out of use in the Greek Church; for the Abbat S. Maxunus
speaks of that discipline as entirely obsolete.11 But among the
Latins these public prayers for the possessed were still offered up
during the liturgy as late, probably, as the ninth and tenth century,
as I shall have to show in my History of the MS. Liturgies of the
Latin Church, in connexion with the Gregorian Sacramentary of the
Csesarean library.
But besides this public prayer and service for the cure of de-
moniacs during the celebration of the liturgy itself, there was also a
daily service for the laying on of hands on them by the exorcists, as
is directed by the fourth Council of Carthage, as it is commonly
called.13 Therefore the bishop, when ordaining exorcists, delivered
into their hands a little book containing the forms of exorcism, say-
ing, "Receive thou these and commit them to memory: and have
thou power to lay hands upon the Energumen, whether he be bap-
tized or a catechumen."13 From this we see that the formula for
exorcism used at the present day was the same in ancient times as
it is now. But this daily laying on of hands used to take place
because the demoniacs used to reside in cells (cubiada*) adjoining
the church. This we understand to have been the case from the
92nd canon of the same Council of Carthage, in which it is directed
"Let the demoniacs who have their home in the house of God be
provided with daily food by the exorcists at proper times." We
learn this also from Ambrose, for Paullinus relates that Ambrose
kept a demoniac servant of a certain count in the church of Am-
brose and cured him.14 This arrangement was made that the
possessed might be placed under the constant care of the clergy,
according to the canon of the Council of Orange above referred to:
and the same was done for Energumens in the Greek Church by
communione." This canon forbids em- church was a home to these homeless
ploying the demoniacs in lighting the sufferers, where they were daily visited
lamps of the churches: this prohibition and fed by the exorcists. Canon 92
implies they had been thus employed, directs thus, "Energumenis in domo
but that on account of some inconve- Dei assidentibus victus quotidianus per
nient results the practice was discon- exorcistas opportune) tempore ministre-
tinued. About a century afterwards tur."]
the 91st canon of the fourth Council of 13 Ex eod. Cone. c. 7, [" Exorcista
Carthage directs that in Africa they cum ordinatur, accipiat de manu epis-
shall be employed in sweeping the copi libellum, in quo scripti sunt exor-
pavement of churches, "Pavimenta cismi, dicente sibi episcopo, Accipe et
domorum Dei energumeni verrant." commenda memorise, et habeto potes-
As Bingham remarks, the exorcists tatem imponendi manus super energu-
were obliged to keep them employed menum, sive baptizatum, sive catechu-
in some innocent business: industrial menum."]
tasks suited to their condition, (iii. 4, * [The cubicula of a Church were
ym yj cells provided for spending the night in
11 Comment, in cap. 3, lib. Eccl. prayer ; only men were allowed to make
Hierarch. use of them.]
12 C. 90, ["Omni die exorcistse H In ejus vit. c. 11.
energumenis manus imponant:" the
APPENDIX I. 585
those presbyters who were entrusted with the office of exorcism.
But sometimes the demoniacs were cured at home, as is plain from
the Council of Laodicea, which directs, "None must exorcise de-
moniacs, either in churches or in private houses, except authorised
to do so by the bishops."15
Thus far we have been speaking of demoniacs who had been
baptized.
It is the opinion of Morinus that those demoniacs who had not
been baptized, but were undergoing probation as catechumens, were,
in former times, under the private charge of ordained exorcists, since
these unbaptized demoniacs never received the bishop's imposition
of hands in public at a celebration of the liturgy. But to my mind
this distinction seems to be altogether superfluous: for the Apos-
tolical Constitutions, Chrysostom and other authorities to which we
have referred, speak in general terms of all Energumens together:
and the Church, moreover, in her discipline towards them, made no
distinction between such Energumens as were only catechumens
and such as were full church members, who were labouring under the
same disease, in the forms of prayers which she used for them, and
which seemed excellently adapted to both Christians and heathen.
Only the Church did not admit any demoniac catechumens to bap-
tism unless they were either delivered from the evil spirit which pos-
sessed them, or were at the point of death.16
15 Can. 26, ["OwSe? iTropKl^iu rovs sufferers from some form of insanity : but
fXT] irpoaxdepras u-nb sttktkSttqv, fxr)re iv even if they were, the treatment they re-
rais iKKX-qalais firjie iv rcu< oiidais"] ceived tended to bring them to a sound
16 Cone. Eliberit. ibid. Arausic. I. mind. Instead of being left, as in
ibid., and Timoth. Rejp. 3, ibid. most Eastern countries, to go wild, like
[Cone. Arausic. I. An. 441, can. 15, the Gadarene, and other demoniacs of
directs that if demoniacs were in the the N. T., when the insanity was not
status of catechumens they might be dangerous, or to be brutally chained
baptized in cases of necessity, "Ener- and fettered if it was, they were marked
gumenis catecb"-.culb quantum vel ne- out as special objects of pity and of
cessitas exegent vel opportunitas per- special prayer; and were brought, by
miserit de baptismate consulendum;" their fixed place in the porch of the
i.e., (as we may infer from the canon of church, within the soothing influence
Elvira, quoted in note 10,) at the hour of psalms and hymns. It is not too
of death, even though there had been much to claim for the Christian Church
no complete cure. Dean Plumptre re- the credit of having taken some prac-
marks on the Church's treatment of tical steps, and those steps the first, to-
demoniacs: "The Energummi, as de- wards a rational treatment of the in-
moniacs may, it is said, be identified with sane." (See Smith's Diet. p. 544.)]
586 POLITY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH.
APPENDIX II.
ON THE ORIGIN OF THE STEMMATA, WHICH ARE CARRIED
IN A FUNERAL PROCESSION.
Time would not allow us to discuss here the origin of stemmata,*
but we shall speak fully on this subject in our next volume, in which
we shall devote a special dissertation to the origin and use of eccle-
siastical escutcheons. All we shall, therefore, now do is to explain
briefly the origin of carrying these escutcheons in funeral proces-
sions: and our remarks will serve as an appendix to our former
chapter on the subject of a funeral procession.
It was a general custom in the middle ages at the funerals of kings,
knights, or great nobles, for the arms (insignia) of the deceased to
be borne in the procession, by their relations or by some other
members of the aristocracy.
The most ancient record of this custom may be thought to be
that Constitution of Pope Nicolas III. in the thirteenth century, of
which we have spoken in the sixth Book, c. 6, sect. ii.; but there is,
to my mind, a plainer proof of it in the will of Francis de Palu, of
the date of a.d. 1456, in Menestrier; for he there directed that
at his funeral his sword should be carried by John de Seyssel, Mar-
shal of Savoy, and by William de Luyrieu, knight, lord of La
Cueille; his military drum by his brothers Philip and Anthony de
la Palu; his shield, on which were the family armorial bearings,
by William de Luyrieu and John de Lornay; and his labarum,
or military standard (called in the will son pennon) by Louis
de Gorreuod and John de la Teyssoniere. We notice a similar
direction given for the funeral of Louis Chasteigner, lord of Abe-
nese, in Duchesne, who in the third book of his History of the House
of Chasteigner, has given a full description of the funeral arrange-
ments. These armorial bearings used to be placed in the church by
the side of the bier, and when the corpse had been interred, they
were put round the tomb; and this duly arranged collection of
armour, armorial bearings, &c, was in the middle ages called by the
French le cabinet des amies. And after the fifteenth century these
same armorial bearings used to be embroidered in needlework or
silken banners, which were hung round the corona of the church, or
sculptured in basrelief figures of marble on the sarcophagus, as
may now be seen in mausolea of mediaeval times.
But as after the eleventh century, when the nobles joined m the
* [Stemmata were the pennons, or They are, of course, a very late post-
escutcheons of arms, borne in proces- crusade invention.] ,
sion at a knight's or noble's funeral.
APPENDIX II. 587
expeditions of the Crusades, certain figures were painted or engraved
on their shields, as was the universal custom among them then, these
figures being in the place of the old family escutcheon it there-
fore came about that for the first time along with the shields them-
selves, which were carried in the funeral procession, these family-
escutcheons were borne in procession also, being part of the shields,
as being represented on them. But as in those times, from the fif-
teenth century, as we see from the will of Francis de la Palu, a
certain kind of military standard (labarum) was carried in funeral
processions, we may, therefore, conjecture that in the same age also
the custom arose of carrying those small standards, as is done in our
day, and which we see carried by mutes (vespillonibus) and men
of that class at funerals. And I take it that coats of arms
began at length to be painted on these military standards, after the
custom of carrying shields and other pieces of armour at funerals
became obsolete: this fashion probably came into use by degrees in
the sixteenth century, for at that period escutcheons are to be found
on funeral standards instead of on shields, these standards being in
former times carried on each side of the bier of the deceased, sus-
pended from certain huge wax candles, as we see in a picture of
the funeral procession of Anne of Britanny, Queen of France, in
the same author Menestrier, where we see only three military
standards were borne at the funeral of a queen, a rebuke to those
who, according to the fashion of our day, everywhere ape a pageantry
suitable only for princes, so that we see unheard of and upstart men
almost buried beneath the multitude of pennons which are carried
at their funerals.*
Concerning crests and coats of arms on tombs and monuments,
which came into use in the fifteenth century, as appears from the
will of Isabelle de Harcourt, of the date of a.d. 1441, we will speak
in the same dissertation to which we have already referred, which
will appear in our next volume.
# [It has been shown that all the bearers of which were called draconarii^
details of an ordinary middle-class or vexilliferi. When Gregory of Tours
English funeral, plumes, staves, mutes, {Hist. Franc, v. 4) speaks of a proces-
&c, are survivals and relics of a great sion to a basilica, 'post crucem prsece-
baronial funeral of the middle ages. dentibus signis,' we are no doubt to
The custom of carrying banners in pro- understand that a cross headed the pro-
cessions in churches is probably military, cession, followed by banners. Similarly
not ecclesiastical, in origin. (Compare Honorius of Autun {Gemma Animc?, i.
the military standards of the tribes of 72) says, 'ante nos crux et vexilla ge-
Israel.) But however the custom origi- runtur.' An old use of Sarum ordered
nated it is plain (to quote Smith's Diet. a banner of sackcloth to be carried in
p. 2014) that "from an ancient period the procession at the Reconciliation of
banners were carried in processions, the Penitents."]
588
SUPPLEMENTARY NOTES ON CONFIRMATION, AND THE
EASTER SERVICES.
[The Roman and Eastern Churches claim Scriptural as well as patristic authority
for the use of the chrism at Confirmation. And we cannot say they are not amply
justified in doing so. Though at first the administration of Confirmation may
have consisted only in the laying on of Apostolic hands and of prayer, unction was
evidently added very soon. (See p. 18, note 105 ; p. 21, n. 2; p. 27, n. 3.) And
there is nothing unreasonable in interpreting some passages in Scripture as referring
to the chrism. The "unction" (xpivfxa) of I S. John ii. 27; the "anointing" of
2 Cor. i. 21 ; the "sealing" of 2 Cor. i. 22, Eph. i. 13, and iv. 30, may well refer
to an "outward sign" used in the Confirmation Service, as well as to the "inward
grace" whereby the Holy Spirit "witnesseth with our spirits that we are the
children of God." Blunt, in his introduction to our Confirmation Service, takes this
view; he says that "unction," and "sealing," and "anointing," as well as "the
laying on of hands" of Heb. vi. are names given in Scripture to what the Western
Church calls "Confirmation" and the Eastern "the seal of the gift of the Holy
Ghost. '' And the late Dean Stanley has remarked, *' In early ages, as in the Eastern
Church now, Confirmation was the title given to the unction which accompanied
Baptism." This, as Blunt has pointed out, is the meaning of the word in S. Am-
brose (De Myst. vii. 42); "Christ our Lord hath 'confirmed' you :" and this, as
Dean Plumptre remarks, (in Smith's Diet, of Antiq. s. v.), seems to be the mean-
ing of the word "Confirmation" as used in the Apostolical Constitutions, (iii. 17,
and vii. 22), "/3e/3afaxm tt\s dfxoXoyias," (<(r<ppayls rCou <rwdr)Koov:" i.e. not, (as
Bingham asserts) man's confirmation, but God's seal and confirmation of the bap-
tismal covenant. This indicates the line of teaching in explaining to our Confirma-
tion candidates the meaning of the Service. Blunt has shown that the sign of the
Cross (even if not the chrism) was retained in the Prayer Book of 1549; we may
suppose the chrism, if not retained, was among the precious things which those
who guided the vessel of our Anglican Church through the terrible storm of the
'' Reformation" period thought themselves obliged to throw overboard that they
might lighten the ship: but Christendom claims it as Scriptural as well as primi-
tive; and not without reason, as we have seen.]
[The Easter-eve midnight celebration of the early Christians, described by Pel-
liccia (pp. 370, 371), is still retained in the Eastern, though not in the Western,
Church. In the Roman Church Mass is never said at night except on Christ-
mas-eve, as described in the well-known lines of Scott:
"On Christmas-eve the bells were rung;
On Christmas-eve the mass was sung;
That only night, in all the year,
Saw the stoled priest the chalice rear."
But though the old midnight Easter-eve Mass is celebrated now on the morning
of Saturday, a curious trace of the primitive use survives in the fact that the old
language of the Mass remains unchanged, as when it was said at midnight; "This
is the night," and "On this most holy night," &c, are phrases several times re-
peated in the Preface and Collect of the Mass, and in the Exultet.
Another Easter Service, the " Benediction of Victuals," (p. 371,) obsolete in the
Roman Church, still survives in the East. In Russia and elsewhere it is cus-
tomary for the congregations to assemble in the churches for the Easter cele-
brations, from, midnight on Easter-eve till three o'clock on Easter morning; and
on the conclusion of the services inside the church the priest, going outside the
building, pronounces a benediction on various articles of food brought there by
the assembled worshippers who are kneeling around; the rich send joints of
lamb, &c, by their servants, the poor bring smaller articles, as butter, eggs, &c;
and each worshipper, on his return home, breaks his fast with the food thus
blessed. In this Easter custom we see an interesting connecting link between
the Old and New Testament Church; the Russian priests "say grace" over the
food brought by the people at Easter to the steps of their churches, as the Jewish
nation went up to the temple at the feasts to "say grace," as it were, before and
after the harvests, (Ex. xxiii. 16.)]
INDEX.
The references to the pages include those to the foot-notes on them. Except in
special cases the notes are not referred to separately.
Abbat, or father of monastery, 97, 98;
election of, 98 (n. 62); Abbat-Gene-
ral, 97.
Abbesses, high position of in middle
ages, 109, no; election and conse-
cration of, 105—107 ; age of, 108 (n.
63); abuses among, no ; Abbesses-
General, no.
Ablutions, after communicating, 225,
253 (and n. 220).
Absolution [a)Sacramental, (from sins);
(b) Canonical (from penance) ; history
of each, 458—468; ancient forms of,
460—462; names of, 459, 460; dif-
ference in form of in East and West,
462; when given in the Liturgy,
463 (n. 22); when to penitents, 459,
462—477; meaning and value of,
459 (n. 11), 460, 461.
Acolyths, one of the Latin Minor Or-
ders, 33 ; ordination of, 44 (n. 170);
duties of, at celebrations, 35 (and n.
78); at funerals, 570.
Advocates, Church, in the East, 62,
63; in the West, 63—65.
^Editui, or vergers, office and duties
of, 70.
Affusion, Baptism by, 17.
Agapae, or love-feasts, abuse of, 575,
576.
Agapetutae, 477 (and note *).
'AyloviSTipois, or "holy iron," meaning
and use of, 193.
Agnus Dei, (a) singing of at Baptisms,
18; during the Liturgy, 247 (and
note *), 248; at consecration of Chrism,
361; (/>) Confirmation medals so
called, 368 (n. 56).
Alaifxa, clerical offices so called, 37;
conferred by "appointment," not by
"ordination," ib.
Alapa, or slap given by the Bishop to
the confirmed, 26.
Alb, sacred vestment so called, 173,
174—176; 175 (n. 21); by whom
worn, 176 (n. 25).
Albs, white robes of catechumens, 18,
20; when laid aside, 20, 23.
Album, meaning of word, ^S8.
Alleluia, place of in Liturgy, 234; when
sung, ib.; omitted in Lent, 234 (n.
67), 356.
All Saints, festival of, 347, 348.
All Souls, festival of, 348.
Almanack, derivation of word, 297
(n. *).
Almoners and high almoners, 72.
Alms. [Oblations.]
Almuce, hood so called, 139, 182.
Altar, or "Table of the Lord," 157
—167; names of in early Church,
157; material of, 158 (and n. 7);
shape and construction of, 15S, 159;
numbers of, 161 (and n. 42); conse-
cration of, 161 ; position of, 159—
161, 160 (n. 29); decorations of, 162
—166; [see Cross]; stripping and
washing of, 363, 364, 363 (n. 27).
Altar-cloth, or mappa, name, material,
and origin of, 165, 166; always two
kinds of, ib.; number of in Eastern
Church, 166.
Ambo, or pulpit, position and use of
in churches, 150, 153, 154; various
names of among the Latins, 154.
Amen, meaning and use of in Litur-
gies, 231, 232; said by each com-
municant, after the consecration, 232
(and n. 47); and when receiving, ib.
and 250 (n. 197), 251 (notes 198, 200,
202).
Amice, or Amictus, vestment so called,
*74> 175 (and notes); various names
of, ib.
'Af-LQidvpai, description and position of,
155-
59o
INDEX.
Amula, and Ampulla, altar-vessels so
called, 170, 171.
'AvdSoxoi, or sponsors, 20, 21.
'Ai/dicei/ia, or altar-cross, 162.
Anne and Joachim, SS., festival of, 344.
Annotinum Pascha, anniversary of Bap-
tism, 371, 372.
Annunciation, feast of the, 338; dif-
ferent names for, ib.; rules about day
of, 256 (n. 10), 339.
Anointing. [Unction.]
Ante-communion service, 155 (n. *).
Ante-temple of church, 148, 149.
'AvrifjLevcrioi', use of, 165.
Antiphon, 210, 226, 227; antiphonary,
187; 214; antiphonal singing, 197—
199.
Apocrisarii, office of the, 134, 222.
3Att6(tto\os, Apostle or Epistle, 233,
235 (n- 72) > office-book so called,
185.
Appeal to Pope, 115, 123.
Apse of a church, 151; apsida gradata,
ib.
Archangel Michael, visions of, 347 (and
n. *).
Archbishops. [Metropolitan.]
Archchanter, Roman, 36, 201 ; influ-
ence of in England, 36 (notes 85,
88).
Archchaplains, or palace chaplains, 70
—73-
Archdeacons, origin and history of, 42
—45; earliest mention of, 53 (n. 11),
43 (n. 167); duties of, 42—45, 44
(n. 170), 52 (n. 6), 185 (n. 21), 189
(n. 9).
Archdeaconess, abbess so called, 48.
Archimandrite, office of, 95, 96 (n. 38),
97; meaning of word, 97.
Archpresbyters, position, and ambition
°f> 52> 53 » now called Deans and
Rural Deans, 52 (notes 1, 7).
Archreader, in Greek Church, 34.
'Apxbw (JLOvcuTTripitov, official so called,
60.
Arrha?, meaning of, 522 (and n. *).
Ascension Day, feast of, 373 (and
notes); special Litany before, 259.
Ash Wednesday, services of, 494—496;
formerly not reckoned part of Lent,
492—494, 494 (n. *).
Assumption of the B. V. Mary, feast
of, 345; special offertories on, 277.
Asylum (or Sanctuary), privilege of,
granted to churches, 188—191; mer-
cifully extended to precincts, 190 (n.
16); to whom denied in Scripture,
191 (n. 19).
Audientes. [Hearers.]
Augustinians, order of Friars, 102.
AijAt?, or atrium of a church, 149, 577
(n. 1).
AvTOK€<pa\oi, titles of, to whom given,
128.
Baldachino. [Ciborium.]
Bandages, Confirmation, 26 (andn. 64).
Banners, (a) in processions, 132 (n.
37), 395. 396, 587 (note #); (£) at
funerals, 586, 587.
Banns of Marriage, time in service for
publication of, 515 (n. 5).
Baptism, Sacrament of, 9—20; on what
days administered, 9—11, 335, 369,
373 (n. 90) 5 by whom, 11—13, 41;
in what vestments, 12, 13; in what
places, 13 (and n. 40), 14, 15; with
what ritual, 15—17; subsequent ce-
remonies, 18—20, 367 (note 51);
other names for, 2 (andn. 5), 373 (n.
90), 465 (note #).
Baptism, infant, 19 (n. 123), 439 (n.
*), 457 (n. 4.)
Baptisteries, or Illuminatona, 13—15;
other names for, 13 (and n. 45).
Basilica, meaning and origin of word,
145 (n. 19).
Basilican churches, existing specimens
of, 150 (n. 18).
Basilicarii, church officials so called,
70.
Beadles, church, 70; different names
for, ib.
Beards, clergy forbidden to wear, 30.
[See Tonsure.]
Bell, ringing of, at consecration in the
Liturgy, 246; in processional litanies,
&c, 262; at excommunications, 486;
at the "Gloria in Excelsis," 369; for
a departing soul, 544.
Bells, church, 192—194; Baptism of,
194.
Bell-ringers, 33 (and n. 60); must be
in Priest's orders, ib., 193 (n. 7) ; a
Deacon formerly employed, 192 (and
n. 4).
Bema, or "sanctuary," part of church
for the clergy, 148, 150, 151, 154;
various names of, 151 ; enclosed by
camellia 154; reader's bema, 155.
Benedict, S., restorer of monastic dis-
cipline, 96; chief feature of his rule,
96 (n. 36); general adoption of it in
the West, 96, 100, 107.
Benedictions of Christians, 282—292;
formularies of, 282, 283; of the sick,
283 (n. 3); of the bread (after Mass),
285, 286; of the table (at meals); of
water, 287, 288 ; of food, clothes, &c,
290—292; of victuals, 371; of the
wedding-ring, 520, 521. [See Font.]
INDEX.
591
Berretta, when first worn by clergy, 140,
182 (and n. 68).
Bigamists, or twice married, excluded
from taking Holy Orders, 29.
Birrus, (a) baptismal veil, 18; {b) short
cloak, 137 (and n. 5), 181 (n. 63).
Bishops, chief magistrates in the Church,
74—88 ; meaning of word, 74 ; names
and titles of, 75, 76 (and notes), 84;
election of, 76—79; age of, 79; con-
secration of, 79—81, 172 (n. 4); en-
thronization of, 82; ornaments of,
83—86; translation of, 83; support
of, 275, 91 (n. 9).
Bishops, missionary among the heathen,
82, 83.
Bishops, titular, 86—88.
Bread, unleavened for the Eucharist,
272. [See Oblations.]
Breviary, composition and author of,
197; origin of, 214.
Burial of the Dead, ceremonies con-
nected with, 552—576; washing and
embalming the body, 552—558;
keeping vigil by it, 558, 561; of-
fices before funeral, 562—564; pro-
cession and processional hymns, 565
—570; celebration of Eucharist at,
571—575; Minor Orders entrusted
with management of, 565—567;
Priests responsible for, 57.
Burial places of Christians, 577—579;
burials in churches, 577 (n. 1), 578
(n. *).
Cana, miracle of, Epiphany ceremony
commemorating, 335, 336 (andnotes).
Cancelli, chancel screen or rails, 154,
151 (and n. 20); chancel-gate of, 151.
Candelabra, or candlesticks, use of in
Divine service, 163,164. [See Lights,
Altar.]
Candle, Easter, or Paschal, 15, 150,
367, 368; benediction of, 367.
Canon, different meanings of word, 51,
206.
Canon, of the Mass, 242, 243; mode
of saying, ib.
Canon, Book of the, 1S5, called "the
Secret," ib.
Canonesses, order of, 109; called "Se-
culars," ib.
Canonical, or "Regular Clergy," 91,
92; origin of term, 51, 52, 91 ; how
supported, 91 (note 9).
Canonization of Saints, 3S2—386; origin
of, 382; manner of before and after
tenth century, 383, 3S4 ; first general
canonization by Pope, 3S4; how it
differs from beatification, 385 (11. 9).
Cantharus, church vessel so called, 149.
Canticles, list of, 209, 210 (n. 59); use
of in Offices, 209, 210.
Cantores. [Singers.]
Capitular Body, or chapter of clergy
and monks, 51, 96.
Capitula, or "Little Chapters," verses
of Scripture said after the Psalms,
207—209.
Cardinal Presbyters and Deacons, 54;
Bishops, 54, 55 ; monks, 121 ; origin
and meaning of name, 54, 55 (n. 9).
Cardinals, Roman clergy so called, 117
—121; origin and rise of, 117, 118;
college of, 118, 119; titles and
number of, 119, 120; distinctive
dress of, 120, 121, 120 (n. 22).
Carmelites, order and founder of, 101,
102.
Cassock, ordinary dress of clergy, 139
(n. 28); 179 (n. 52).
Catechumens, 1—9; grades of, 2; ad-
mission and training of, 3—5; ex-
aminations of, 7—9.
Cathedral, derivation and meaning of,
151 (n. 25).
Celebrant, position of, 159 (and n. 29),
160, 231.
Cellarer, or "Junior Dean" in monas-
tery, 97 (and n. 58).
Cemeteries, or Catacombs, 577;
churches and chapels in, 143, 144.
Censer. [Thurible.]
Chair of S. Peter, festival of, 337 (and
n. 31).
Chalice, altar-vessel so called, 167—
169; two kinds of, 16S; painted
glass, 377; chalice-tube, 169.
Chalice, mixed, the ancient rule, 239,
250 (n. 195).
Chapels, origin of, 57; private and
royal, 70, 71; derivation of word, ib.
and 71 (n. 5).
Chaplains, Bishops', 68; palace, 70—
73; noblemen's, 73, 74.
Chartophylax, office of, 61, 62.
Chartularii, Bishops', 66, 67.
Chartularius of the Roman Emperors,
72.
Chartulary, 26S (n. *).
Chasuble, vestment so called, 138 (and
notes), 172, 173 (n. 9), 179—181;
various names of, 172, 179, 1S0;
origin of word, 179 (n. 52).
Xtipodeaia and x^^porovia, difference
between, 36, 37; see also 77.
Xipvifiov and x^P^^g'to*', water ves-
sel so called, 152.
Choir, one of the divisions of a church
150—154 (n. 15); corresponded with
projecting part of the "solea," 149
(n. 13), 150. [See Solea.]
592
INDEX.
Chorepiscopi, office and duties of, 88—
90; 540 (and note 22).
Chrism, preparation and consecration
of, 24, 25, 547.
Chrismale, or baptismal veil, 18.
Christians, origin of name, 27 (and n.
3); divisions of into " Catechumens"
and "Faithful," I; other names
and nicknames of, 27.
Christian era, when time first computed
by, 300, 301.
Christmas Day. [Nativity of Christ.]
Christus, called by Romans Chrestus,
27; origin of mistake, ib.
Church, the Catholic, constitution of,
1 ; ministers of, 28; with what de-
sign founded, 293.
Churches, places for Christian worship,
141—145 ; of the first three centuries,
141—143; after fourth century, 144,
145; names of, 143—145 ; construc-
tion and plan of, 147—151 ; different
parts of, 152—156; consecration of,
146, 147 ; threefold division of, 148;
separation of sexes in, 149, 150.
Churchwardens, probable origin of, 33
(and n. 58).
Ciborium, or baldachino, origin, use,
and construction of, 151, 160—162;
position of, 151; Pyx so called, 170.
Circle and Crown, names of the Ton-
sure, 31 (and n. 33).
Circumcision, feast of, 333; double
origin of, 334; two celebrations on,
224; afternoon mass on, 334.'
Clergy, or Clerics, name of those in
Minor Orders, 28—32.
Clinics, *' baptized on sick bed," 29 (and
n. 13 ;) other meaning of word, 536.
Clovis, King of the Franks, baptism of,
10.
Ccena, meals so called, 498 (n. *).
CoenobitEe, monks so called, 92, 93.
Collars, coat, when first worn by the
clergy, 140.
Collation, origin and meaning of, 500.
Collects, prayers in Liturgy so called,
231 ; great number of on Good Fri-
day, 365 ; meaning of word, 231 (and
n. 36).
Colobium (or tunicle), deacon's vest-
ment, 181 ; worn also by subdeacons,
178 (n. 45) ; derivation of word, 181
(n. 59). . . .
Colum, or strainer, altar-vessel so
called, 169.
Commemoration of the Saints at a cele-
bration, 243, 244; of all the dead,
246, 348 (and notes).
Communion, Holy, ancient manner of
administering and receiving, 250—
253 ; with what words, 250 (n. 197);
in both kinds, 19,169,252, 253, 25i(n.
200), 371 > present mode of in Greek
Church, 362 (n. *); where the laity
communicated, 250, 153 (n.* and 8).
Competentes, or baptismal candidates,
2 (and n. *); position of in church,
432.
Compline, office of, 207; modern date
of, ib.
Confessio, name of a church or oratory,
144; of hollow part of altar, 158;
sometimes called "subcorpus," 158.
Confession, part of the Liturgy so called,
227; how and where said, ib.
Confession, sacramental, formerly made
publicly in church, 404; how made,
and to whom, 403—405; seal bind-
ing on all present, 405; made pre-
viously in private, 406; when public
was abandoned in East and West,
407; proper times for making, 408—
410 ; manner of making and hearing,
410—412; formerly made only to a
Bishop, 402 ; sins requiring such con-
fession, 405, 495 (n. 45).
Confirmation, 21—26; when joined
with Baptism, 21 ; when first sepa-
rated, 22; by whom administered,
22; in what place, and at what times,
23; at what hour, 24; at what age,
23; preparation for, 24; service of,
25, 26; called "the seal of the
Lord," 22 (n. 3), 25; Supplemen-
tary Note, p. 588.
Consecration, second part of Canon of
the Mass, 245, 246; difference as to
form of in East and West, 245 (and
n. 159).
Consecration of a church, 146, 147.
Consiliarii Deliciosi, 69.
Consistentes, fourth class of penitents so
called, 431, 432.
Constantine the Great, day kept in
honour of, and by whom, 341 ; bap-
tism of, 6 ; burial of, 577 (and n. 1);
reverence of for cross, 395, 396.
Convents. [Monasteries.]
Cope, Bishop's vestment so called, 180;
411 (n. 22).
Copes, worn by clerical guilds, ill;
out-door dress of clergy, 139.
Copiatse, grave diggers, 33/565~567-
Coronae lucis, use of, 164.
Corporal, use and origin of, 165, 166.
Corpus Christi Day, 268, 269.
Cottus (coat), contracted pallium so
called, 138.
Cotta, Italian surplice, 13.
Courts, Ecclesiastical, 399—407; origin
and constitution of, 399, 400; when
INDEX.
593
divided, and how, 402; anciently
but one, 401 ; Bishop the judge in,
400, 402; and the only minister of
penance, 402, 403; when his office
delegated to presbyters, 403, 404;
mode of conducting judicial investi-
gations, 404—407.
Credence tables, 166, 167.
Creed, Apostles', 8 (n. 76); Nicene,
ib.; when taught to catechumens, 8,
9; when sung at Liturgy, 237, (and
notes 86, 87); Athanasian, when
sung, 204.
Crosier, Bishop's, 85.
Cross, adoration, or cultus of, 388—
398, 365.
Cross, our Lord's, traditional shape of,
388, 389; height of, 389, 390 ; num-
ber of nails in, 392, 393; foot-rest
of> 393, 394; title over, 394.
Cross, the, finding of, 339, 340 (and
note *); exaltation of, 346.
Cross, as Church ornament, 162, 394,
395 > position of, ib.; and 162 (n. 2),
396 (n. 32).
Cross, stational, 395; Archbishop's
processional, 132, 133 ; Bishop's pec-
toral, 85, 86.
Cross, sign of, mode of making, 398
(and n. 41) ; use of in domestic life,
397 ; in consecrations of the elements,
&c, 244 (and n. 157), 397 (and n. 35);
in public places, 396 (n. 31).
Crown, Episcopal, 84 (and notes);
wedding, 527 (and n. 36); 531 (and
Crucifix, antiquity of, 390; as church
ornament,' 162, 390, 391, 392 (n. *);
retained in Lutheran churches, 397,
(n. 35).
Crucifixion, representation of on coins,
392.
Crusades, historical sketch of, 263—
266.
Cursus, or daily church office, 213 (and
n. 10).
Curtains, use of in churches, 14S, 155
(and n. 19), 161.
Cyprus, metropolitan of, 76; exarch of,
128.
Daily celebrations, what the antiquity
of, 222, 223, 255; clergy bound to
attend, 212 (n. 4), 222 (n. 12); an-
ciently always choral, 255, 256.
Dalmatic, Bishop's and priest's vest-
ment, 180, 181, 1S2; worn by Roman
deacons, 181 ; given latterly to dea-
cons at their ordination, 42.
Days of the week, origin of names of,
298.
Deacons, third order of the ministry,
2^> 39—42; election of, 39, 40;
ordination of in East and West, 42;
age for ordination of, 49 (notes 4 and
12), 134, 135; duties and privileges
of, 40, 41 (n. 141).
Deaconesses, clerical order of, 45—48;
ordination of, 45, 47 (and notes 213,
214); often called Widows, 45 (n.
181); age and qualifications of, 46,
J35 (n- 7); duties of, 46, 47, 16, 17,
540, 541 (n- 25); when office ceased,
and why, 47, 48 (and n. 217), 107.
Dead, burial of. [Burial of the Dead.]
Deans, or decani, 95 (n. 21), 97 ; name
of given to archpresbyters of cathe-
drals, 52 (n. 1); Rural, 52 (notes 1. 7).
Decanium, part of sacristy so called,
155-
December, feasts of, 349—354.
Decorations, church, 163.
Decretal, meaning of, 547 (note #).
Dedication, festivals of, 146 (n. 22),
147.
Defensores. [Advocates.]
Demoniacs {orE?iergumejii)) 580—585;
reckoned among penitents, 580 ; why
called "Hiemantes," 581, 426 (n. *);
services for, and treatment of, 582
-5S5.
Deputati, in Eastern Church, 35.
Diaconise, or Parishes held by Deacons,
Diaconicum, deacon's sacristy, 150,
155.
Diacomcon, small table so called, 166.
Dies festi, profesti, &c, explained, 298,
321.
Diptychs, use of in ancient Liturgies,
243, 432; other names of, 246.
Divine Service. [Liturgy.]
"Dominica in albis" Sunday so called,
23.
Dominicans, Friars so called, 101.
Door-keepers, or Ostiarii, or Porters—
one of the Minor Orders, 33, 35; by
whom ordained, and how, 35 (and
11. 80); duties of, ib. ; whether pe-
culiar to the West, 33 (n. 55), 35 (n.
79), 38.
Doors, church, description and date of,
152; separate for men and women,
35-
Doves, gold and silver for Reserved Sa-
crament, 162 (n. 5); see also 143 (n.
21).
Draconarius, office of, 395.
Dress (civil) of the clergy, 136—140;
when clergy first dressed in black-
in the East, 138; in the West, 140.
Drinking healths, 286, 2S7.
Q Q
594
INDEX.
Duelling, canons of Council of Trent
against, 508 (n. 7).
Dying, the; how the Church dealt with,
542-544.
Easter Day, called the Great Lord's-
Day, 324; the Holy LoRD's-Day,
371; how kept, 370—372; commu-
nion in both kinds on, 371.
Easter-eve, or the Holy Sabbath, Ser-
vices of, 366—370; midnight celebra-
tion on, 370 (and n. 62). Supple-
mentary Note, p. 588.
Easter, computation of, 300, 301.
Eastward position, (a) of churches, 148
(and n. *), 160 (n. 29); (6) of Chris-
tians at prayer, 148 (and n. 4); (c) of
altar and celebrant, 160 (and n. 29),
231 (and n, *).
Ecclesia, different meanings of, 143.
"EkSikoi, office of, 63.
'EK/cA7jo"i6/c5iKOi, 62.
Elements, 239 (n. t)« [See Oblations.]
Ember Days, 496; whether observed
in Eastern Church, 496 (n. 48).
Enccenium, 147, (and n. 30).
Epacts, period of, 302, 303.
Epiphany, festival of, 334—336; three
events commemorated on, 335 ; Bap-
tisms on, ib. ; in East same day as
Christinas, 352; other names of, ib.;
ceremonies of, 335, 336.
Epistle, reading of, in Liturgy, 233,
234 ; read from ambo, 150 ; by whom
read, 233 (and n. 58) ; called the
Apostle, 233.
Espousals, or Sponsalia ; ceremonies of
before marriage, 514; publication of,
514, 515 (and n. 5); written con-
tracts of, 514, 519; ring of, 519.
Eucharist. [Communion ; Liturgy.]
EvXoyia, or blessed bread, 283, 285,
286, 371 (n. 76); origin of word, 282.
Evangelarium, book of Gospel-read-
ings, 187.
Evening Communions, contrary to all
Church custom, 225,226, 364(11. 41).
Exarchs, Eastern, 127, 128.
Excommunication, history of, 482—
487; in early Church, 483, 484; in
mediaeval and modern, 485—487;
power of vested in Bishop, 484 (n.
2) ; mode of pronouncing in middle
ages, 486.
Exocatacceli, dignitaries so called, 59
—63, 59 (n. 2). . r e
Exomologesis, or discipline of confes-
sion, 408—412. [See Confession.]
Exorcism, of catechumens, 7; of de-
moniacs, 584; in ordeals, 509; re-
tained by Lutherans, 9.
Exorcists, one of the Minor Orders, 33
—35, 34 (and n. 74), 584; duties of,
7, 33—35. 34 (n. 75), 5^3, 5^4; or-
dination of, 584 ; office to be held be-
fore Holy Orders, 135.
Exposition of the Blessed Sacrament,
268, 269.
Exultet, chanted formula of blessing the
Paschal candle, 367, 368, 374.
Fabarii, name of singing men in Spanish
Church, 36.
Faithful, or jideles, name of baptized
Christians, 1; of catechumens, 3 (n.
6).
Fan, Eucharistic, presented to deacon
at his ordination, 42; use of in Li-
turgy, 60, 242, 243.
Fasts, of Lent [see Lent]; of Ember
days, 496, 497 ; of vigils and stations,
497, 498; how observed, 500, 501,
491 (n. 29).
Fasting, before singing the Divine Of-
fice, 36; before election of a Bishop,
77 ; before Confirmation, 23 (and n.
15); before Ordeals, 510, 511; by
presbyters at Baptism, 12, 13 (n. 39);
by all when receiving the Holy Com-
munion, 363 (n. 35); 571 (n. 19);
with what exception, 363 (n. *).
"Father," title of three senior monks
in monastery, 97.
February, meaning of word, 337; fes-
tivals of, 336—338; originally last
month in year, 295.
Feet, washing of catechumens', 18; of
poor people's on Maundy Thursday,
363, 364-
Ferise, or week-days, 305; meaning of
among Romans, 321; among Chris-
tians, 322; Ferial, probable origin
of word, 321, 322.
Ferula, or narthex of a church, 148.
Festivals, or feast-days, how divided,
333; immovable, of each month in
succession, 333—356; movable, 356
—375 5 reckoned from evening to
evening, 332, 333.
First-fruits laid on altar, 34 (and n. 66).
Flagellations, of middle ages, 452—
454; administered by the discipline,
ib.
Flagons, altar, 170.
Flammeum. [Veil, Bridal.]
Flentcs, or "mourners," first grade of
penitents so called, 425—427 ; Fledis,
426 (n. 38).
Flowers, natural and artificial, use of
in churches, 163.
Font, Baptismal, construction of, 14;
restricted anciently to cathedrals, ib.;
INDEX.
595
solemn consecration, or benediction,
of water in, 15, 369 (notes 59 and *),
283.
Fossores, or grave-diggers, clerics so
called, 565, 566.
Fountains, place and use of in churches,
149, 152.
Franciscans, Italian order of, 101, 403;
called "Minor Friars," ib.
Friars, Mendicant, 100—102; four or-
ders of, ib. 403.
Frontal, altar, 166 (and n. 39).
Funeral, meaning of word, 558 (n. 30).
Funerals. [Burial of the Dead.]
Galericulus, or clerical hat, 139 (and n.
26).
Galleries, in churches, 149 (n. 14).
Garsonostatios, part of church so called,
149.
Gates of churches. [Doors.]
Gazophylacium, store-room for obla-
tions, 275 (and n. 8).
Girdle, or Zdoi/j], vestment so called,
176, 177; ancient and modern forms
of, 177.
Glass, windows of in churches, 156
(and n. 34); altar-vessels of, 167,
168; discovery of, 167 (n. 3); use of
among ancients, 167, 168; early
painted, 377, 378.
Gloria in excelsis, singing of at Li-
turgy, 229, 230 ; very ancient version
of, 229 (11. 18); sung anciently only
by Bishops, 230.
Gloria Patri, or doxology, the, 211
(and n. 73), 214 (n. 16), 232 (n. 42).
Gloves, Bishops', 85.
Godparents, duties of, 20, 21, 26.
Golden number, 302; origin of, 295.
Good Friday, observance and services
of, 364—366, 366 (n. 47), 470 (n.
36); no consecration on, 364; an-
ciently no celebration on, 364 (n.
41) ; 365 (and n. 42) ; in middle ages
a Communion, but in silence, and in
one kind, 365, 366 (n. *).
Gospel, the, reading of at Liturgy, 150,
183, 235, 236; where read, 150,155(11.
23), 235 ; by whom read, 235 (and n.
72), people stood during, 236 (n. 7S).
Gospel of S. John, portion of on altar,
165 ; recited after Mass, 165, 254.
Gospels, Book of the, 183; appendage
to altar, 165; veneration for, 1S4;
use of at ordination of deacons, 42
(n. 150); of Bishops, 80 (and n. 59),
81 (n. 60); superstitious uses of, Si,
184 (notes 15, 16).
Grace at meals, 286; early specimen
of, 501 (n. *).
Gradual, or responsory, singing of, 234
(and n. 63).
Gradual, office-book so called, 187, 234.
Graphio7ies, or vicegerents in feudal
times, 65.
Great Week (or Holy Week), services
of described, 359—370; long fast
during, 359 (and notes).
Greeting-house, or vestry of church,
155, 156.
Gregorian Music, 198—202.
Guardian, or executor, no clergyman
allowed to be, 257 (n. 13).
Guilds, or Gilds, confraternities so
called, in (and n. 1).
Gynceconitis, Women's Gallery, 149 (n.
14).
Habit, the monastic, 137.
Hair, wearing of by the clergy, rules
for, 29—31 (and notes), 139 (notes
21, 26, 2S, 31).
Hair-cloth, hair-shirt of monks, 94;
spread under bare feet of baptismal
candidates, 7; penitents clothed in
on Ash "Wednesday, 495 : spread for
the dying to lie on, 542, 543 ; banner
of borne in processions to the church,
587 (n. *).
Hallelujah. [Alleluia.]
Hama, water-vessel for altar, 170.
Hands, imposition of, absolution of
penitents so called, 459, 460, 466,
467.
Hands, imposition of, used at (a) ad-
mission of a catechumen, 3 (and n.
15); (&) after Baptism, 21; (c) at
ordinations of Bishops, &c, 50 (and
n. 16) ; of Subdeacons, in the East,
39 (and 11. 115); of Deaconesses, 45
(and n. 1S7); {d) at reconciliation of
penitents, 40 (n. 134), 463 (and notes
22, 23), 471 (n. 41); (e) at unction
of the sick, 2S3 (n. 3), 549.
Hands, washing of; before praver,
152; before celebrating, 160 (and n.
32), 240; before communicating, 240.
Flearers, or A-iidic?it<:s; among cate-
chumens, 2 ; second grade of peni-
tents, 425, 427, 428, 436, 44S; place
of in churches, 14S, 427, 42S, 44S.
Hebrews, Epistle to, written by S.
Paul, 20S (n. 47).
Hiemantes. [Demoniacs.]
Holy Orders, Divinely appointed mark
of, 27, 2S; on whom conferred, ib.;
at what age in ancient and modern
times, 134—136.
Floly Places, {a) buildings for religious
worship, of the first Three centuries,
141—143; of a later date, 144—145,
Q Q 2
596
INDEX.
[see Churches]; {b) spots visited by
pilgrims, 262 [see Pilgrimages].
Holy Water, antiquity of use of, 287,
288; origin of, ministers for, ib.
Holy Week. [Great Week.]
Hoods, cowls, of monks and clergy,
139, 182; appendage of the cope,
182.
Hospitals, heathen, 535, 536; Christian,
537—539; connexion of Bishops with,
538, 539 (n. 21) ; nurses and super-
intendents of, 539, 540.
Host, elevation of, 182 (n. 68), 246,
250.
Hours of Prayer, or "Canonical
Hours," 195, 198 (and notes 22, 23),
204 (n. 13); meaning of word "Hour"
in speaking of our Lord's crucifixion,
204 (n. 15), 205 (n. 20); different
offices for, 204—207; Psalms proper
for, 206; private observance of, 212,
213.
Hours, Apostolical, 195.
Hymns, definition of,' 210; antiquity of
use of, 211; canons respecting, 197
(n. 15), 211 (n. 70).
Hypapante, festival of, 336.
Iconostasis, in Eastern Church, 161
(n. 39)-
Illalio, or immolatio, name for Preface
of the Mass, 241.
Images, or pictures, history and use of
in churches, 377—382; not used by
early Christians, and why, 377, 378;
when first used, 378—380; difference
between Eastern and Western usage,
380.
Images, graven, of Saints, 379 (n. 5),
382.
Impluvium, part of church so called,
148; use and decoration of, ib.
Incense, burned at celebrations from
the earliest times, 171 (and notes 26,
28, 30), used for censing the altar,
171, 228; for censing the elements,
239, 240; at funerals, 555 (and note
11).
Indiction, fifteen years' cycle so called,
303; origin and use of, ib.; way of
finding, 304.
Indulgences, origin of, 278, 279, 421,
478; history of early and mediaeval,
478—482; Plenary or Papal, 480
—482; vulgar errors about, 482.
Infant communion, 19 (and notes 123,
130).
Innocents, Holy, festival of, 355, 356;
custom of making boy bishop on,
356.
Instructor of catechumens, 4.
Interpreters, office of, ^.
Introit, antiphon so called, 226, 227.
January, meaning of word, 297; when
added to the year, 295, 297; when
year began with, 296; festivals fall-
ing in, 333—336.
Joachim, S., feast of, 344.
John, S., the Baptist, Nativity of, 341,
342; the Evangelist, feast of, 355.
Jubilee, year of, 375—377.
Judge, who had passed sentence of
death, not eligible for Holy Orders,
29.
Julian, year and style, 295, 296.
June, feasts of, 341—344.
July and August, feasts of, 344, 345.
Jurisdiction. [Courts, Ecclesiastical.]
Kalendar, history of Roman, 294—
299; of Christian to sixteenth cen-
tury, 299, 300 ; when based on Chris-
tian era, 301; corrections made in
by Gregory, 301—303.
Kalendars, civil, in use in Latin and
Greek Churches, 305—308; speci-
men of one, 307, 308.
KaQoAmbs, office of in Eastern monas-
teries, 97.
Kardbvcns, or immersion, baptism by,
17;
KardcrapKa, altar-cloth so called, 166.
Kiss of peace, at Baptism, 18; at the
Eucharist, 249, 257 (n. 15); at fune-
rals, 562, 563, 575.
Kneelers, or Substrati, third grade of
penitents, so called, 429—431 ; ge-
neral name for penitents, 429 (n. 44);
why so called, 462, 463.
Kneeling, in prayer, not allowed on the
Lord's Day, 328; nor between Eas-
ter and Pentecost, 328 (and notes *
and 28), 325 (n. 15).
Kyrie Eleisoji, singing of at Liturgy,
229; at funerals, 561 (n. 41).
Labarum, new sacred standard in place
of the Imperial Eagle, 395.
Lamps, or chandeliers, in churches,
164; various names of, ib. ; where
placed, ib.
Lamp-lighting, Hour of, or luccrna-
rium, 206.
Lapsi, or the Lapsed, use of term, I
(and n. 1); 402.
Lauds, office of, 203.
Laura (\avpa), or Labra, cloisters,
55, 94; name for "parish" in East,
94.
Leap-year, or bissextile year, 295, 296.
Lectionaries, origin and arrangement
INDEX.
597
of, 185 ; differences of in East and
West, ib.; meaning of word, 187.
Lections, readings from Scripture at
offices, 208, 209; at the Liturgy,
233 (and n. 52); 227 (and n. 3);
from Lives of the Saints, 208 (and n.
5o.)
Lectores. [Readers.]
Legates, Pope's, 133, 134; called "pres-
byters de suo latere" 133.
Lent, or Quadragesima, fast of, 356;
services for Sundays of, 356—359;
for the last week, or Great week, 359
—37o.
Lent, great antiquity of its institution,
359 (n. 18), 488 ; mode of observing,
489—491; of calculating time of, 491
—494; penances of, 494—496.
Letter, Sunday, origin of, 295, 298 (n.
14), 299; history of, 304, 305.
Libelli, (a) letters of recommendation
from Martyrs, 419—422; origin of
indulgences, 421; {/?) Histories of
miracles read in churches on Saints'
days, 267; (c) Penitentials, books
of rules, 474.
Library, part of church so called,
185.
Lights, altar, early and universal use of
at celebrations, 163 (and n. 12), not
allowed to stand on the altar by
Greeks or Latins, 164; position of,
163; retained by Lutherans on their
altars, 164 (n. 24).
Liminare, same as solea, 149 (and n.
I3)> 153-
Litanies, processional, 132, 258—262;
same as stations, 25S; occasions of,
193, 260; order and ritual of, 261,
262, 193.
Litany, meaning of word, 259; Major
and Minor, 259, 261.
Liturgy, or Divine Service, 190 ; mean-
ing of word, and use of in Scripture,
191 (n. 3); two-fold application of
term, 191; (a) Service of Psalmody,
*95—x99 5 V') tne Mass, 215, 217;
names of, languages of, ib.; how
people summoned to, 192—194; by
whom celebrated, 221—223; on what
days in the week, 223 ; at what hours,
225, 226 (n. 26); different parts of,
order of celebrating, 226—254.
Liturgies, Eastern, 217—219; Western,
219—221.
Lord's Day, observance of, 323 —333;
names of, 322, 323, 324 ; strict modes
of observance of, 325—32S ; what bu-
siness allowed and forbidden on, 329
—332 ; kept from evening to evening,
333-
Lord's Prayer, when taught to catechu-
mens, 4; when and how recited in
Liturgy, 247, 463 (n. 22); origin of
so saying it, 4, 5; said daily by all
clerks, 213 (n. 14).
Lord's Supper. [Liturgy.]
Magnificat, earliest mention of as Can-
ticle, 210 (n. 60).
Malluvium, church-fountain, 149, 152.
Maniple, Roman vestment so called,
179 (n. 49); origin of, ib.
Mansionarii, 70.
Mannale, name for orarium, 178.
Mappa. [Altar-cloth.]
March, festivals of, 33S, 339.
Marriage, rites of, 514—533 ; how con-
tracted, 519—522; places, times, and
hours for celebrating, 515—51S; at
what times unlawful, 328, 517 ; mode
of celebrating, 522—527; with de-
ceased wife's sister, 458 (n. 10).
Marriages, second, how performed, 529
—533; discountenanced by Church,
532 (and notes).
Martyries, or memorial churches of
Martyrs, 144; clergy attached to, ib.
Martyrologies, history of, 30S—314;
difference between them and Kalen-
dars, 308; first compilers of, 309—
312; mediaeval, 312, 313; modern,
313, 314; read in churches, 20S (n.
5o), 233 (n. 55).
Martyrs, veneration for, 315, 3S3, 419;
great numbers of, 317, 31S; com-
memoration days of, 316, 317, 305
(n. 28). [See Libelli.]
Martyrs, Acts of the, 314—321; origin
of, 314; how compiled, 315; col-
lected and authenticated, 315, 316;
read in churches, 316, and daily in
monasteries, 317 ; destruction of, 317;
editors and editions of ancient and
modern, 31S—321.
Mary, B. V., Conception of, 349, 350;
Nativity of, 297; Assumption of,
345; Presentation of, 349; Purifica-
tion of, 336, 337.
Mass. [Liturgy.]
Mass, how often celebrated anciently,
223 ; not two celebrations of on same
day, 224; with what restrictions
afterwards allowed, 225, 224 (n. 9);
not two at same altar on same day,
57 (n. 57), 225 (and n. 22).
Mass, of the Presanctified, 256, 362,
364; of the catechumens, 236 (and
n. S4); of the chrism, 25, 361 ; Low,
161; Dry, 256: Private, 254—256;
Seaman's, 256, 257; Wedding, 528,
529; for the dead, 257, 571—574.
598
INDEX.
257 (n. 15), 276 (n. 15); for recon-
ciling penitents, 361, 471.
Matins {matulince landes), ancient name
for Lauds, 203 ; parish priests obliged
to say, 212 (and notes), 214 (n.
15).
Matriculani, 33; matriculated, 33 (n.
60); 213 (n. 10).
Maundy Thursday, services of, 360—
364; why so called, 363; how many
celebrations on, 224, 361, 362; rules
for fasting at them, 363 (and notes);
oil consecrated on, 25, 361 ; penitents
reconciled on in Western Church,
469; Reserved Sacrament prepared
on in Eastern Church, 362 (and n. *).
May, festivals of, 339—341.
Meals of early Christians, names and
hours of, 498—501.
Merencla, meal so named, and why,
499 (and n. 60).
Metatorium of a church, 155 (and n.
28).
Metonic cycle, origin of, 295.
Metropolitan, or Mother, churches, 112,
113; to which title of applied, ib.
and 130 (n. 8).
Metropolitans, or Archbishops, 129—
J33; origin of, 112, 113; jurisdic-
tion of, 129, 130; ornaments of, 130
—133 ; ordinary dress of, 181 (n. 63);
called Primates, 112, 129 (n. 1).
Michael, S., feast of, 346, 347.
Milk and honey, given to Neophytes, 19.
Ministers and Magistrates of the
Church, 27, 28; superior and in-
ferior, ib.
Minor Orders, in Western Church, 27,
28, 33S7, 103 (n. 4); in Eastern
Church, 33, 34, 33 (n. 55) ; differ-
ence between Minor and Holy Orders,
28; qualifications and disqualifica-
tions for, 28, 29; names and number
of before and after the twelfth cen-
tury, 33; ordination of, 36, 37, 44
(n. 170), 89 (n. 10) ; duties of, 33—
37; some office of must be held, be-
fore holy orders, 37, 134, 135.
Miracles in early Church, by oil, on the
sick, 541 (and 11. 28), 551, 552 (n.
24) ; by holy water, 287 (and n. 2),
398; by sign of the cross, 398; by
relics, 541 (and n. 27).
Missal, when first compiled, 187; called
Plenarium, ib.
Mitre, Bishop's, origin of, S3, 84; nun's,
84 (and n. 85), 103.
Monastery, residence in, a penance of
the middle ages, 455.
Monasteries, for men, 93, 94; for
women, 104, 105.
Monks, history of, 92—100; vast
numbers of, 93; discipline, &c, of,
94> 95 ; whether in Holy Orders, 95;
privileges and duties of, 96, 97; re-
lation of to Bishops, 98, 99; and
clergy, 95; rules of, 96, 99, 100;
place in church of, 94, 150; dress
of, 94, 137; special name of, 278;
hear confessions, 403; priest-monks,
95 (n. 25).
Monomachia, or single combat, pur-
gation so called, 507, 508.
Months, division of time, 297; mean-
ing of word, ib.; origin of present
names of, ib.; Greek and Roman,
297, 298.
Mosaic work in churches, description
and origin of, 380, 381; varieties of,
381; probable derivation of word,
381 (n. *).
"Mother Superior," 105 (and notes 30
and 37).
Mourners. [Flentes.]
Movable feasts, 356—375; why so
called, 322, 323.
Music, Church, brief history of, 199—
202.
Names, new, given at Baptism, 6; and
at Confirmation, 24; each confirmed
by name, 24; entered in confirma-
tion registers, ib.
Nabs, or interior of church, 149.
Narthex of church, 148 (and n. 3).
Nativity of Christ, or Christmas Day,
feast of, 351—354; different days
fixed for, 351; kept same day as
Epiphany, 352, 353; Masses on, 224,
354; midnight celebration on eve of,
353' 354 5 supplementary note, 588.
Nativity, year of the, 354, 355.
Naves of churches, three separate, 149;
men's and women's, 149, 150.
Neophytes, discipline of, 19, 20, 23;
meanings of word, 19, 20.
Night-offices, or Nocturns, 203; origin
of all services, 225; said in monas-
teries, 206 (notes 31, 33); by pres-
byters, 213 (n. 14).
Nones, office for, 205; division of month
so called, 297, 298.
Nonni, officials in monasteries, 97 (and
n. 55).
Notaries, Bishops', 66—68; origin of
word, 66 (n. 5); College of at Rome,
6y; seven special Roman, 315, 316.
Nundincey or market-days, 298 (and n.
14).
Nuns {Sanctimoniales), 102—108;
numbers of in East and West, 103
(n. 4), 105 (n. 24); admission of,
INDEX.
599
103; dress of, 103, 107 (n. 55), 105
(n. 34); discipline of, 104—107;
consecration of, 24 (n. 39), 107, 108;
age for taking veil, 108 (and notes
61, 62); special day for, 103 (n. 14),
meaning of word, 102 (n. 1).
Oaths, taken at tombs of saints, &c,
505.
Oblations {a) Eucliaristic, for Holy
Communion, 237—239, 270—274;
when and how presented, 237—239;
in both kinds, 270—274; by each
communicant, 237, 270 (and n. 2);
privilege of offering to whom granted,
238, 458, 466, 257 (n. 13).
Oblations, (bread of), how and by
whom prepared, 271, 272; form and
shape of, 272—274, 273 (n. 20).
Oblations (b) daily, for support of
clergy, 274—277; disposal of, ib.;
41 Oblation Basket," 275; legacies of,
276; abuses and disuse of, 276, 277
—279; monthly for the poor, 569
(n. *).
October and November, feast-days of,
347—349.
GEconomi, or Church stewards, in the
West, 63—65 ; called "executors of
canons," 64 (and n. 14); in the East,
59, 60; high steward, 60.
Offertory, antiphon sung during the
Oblation at Liturgy, 238.
Office-books of Greek Church, 186; of
Latin, 1S7.
Oil of the Chrism, making, consecra-
tion, and use of, 24—26, 361 ; for
catechumens, 16 (n. 79); for the bap-
tized, 18.
Oil for the Sick, consecration of, 361;
use of, 540—545, 551, 552.
Olympiads, years computed by, why,
294, 295.
Omophorion, or Eastern Bishop's stole,
130, 131, 177 (n. 40).
Orarium, or stole, 173, 177, 178; dif-
ferent derivations of word, ib., and
177 (n. 41), 178 (notes 43 and 46).
In East name of Deacon's stole only,
177 (n. 40).
Oratio SacerdotiS) name for absolution,
460, 461.
Oratories, origin and purpose of, 144,
145; when celebrations allowed in,
145 (n. 13).
Orders. [Holy Orders ; Minor Orders.]
Ordinary, meaning of in English Prayer
Book, 43 (11. 159).
Ordination Service, when words " Re-
ceive thou," &c, were inserted in, 50
(and n. 23), 81.
Organs, in churches, history of, 156,
157 (n. 35-)
Ostiarii. [Door-keepers.]
Psenula, garment so called, 172.
Pall-altar, origin and materials of, 166
(and n. 39).
Pall, or Pallium, Archbishops', 130—
132; originally worn by all Bishops,
131 ; when first received by the Pope,
132; shape of, 131 (n. 23).
Pallium, habit of philosophers and
clergy, 136, 137; white worn by
Bishops, 137 (and n. 6).
Palm Sunday, names of, services of,
358, 359-
Parafrcenarii, or Bishop's equerries, S3
(and n. 59).
TlapafAovdpioi and TrpocryLOvapioi, 70.
Parishes, origin of, in town and country,
55,145; superintendents of in Eastern
towns, 55.
Parish-churches, parishioners obliged
to attend, and communicate at, 57
(and notes 34 and 35), 432 (n. 56);
services allowed in, 56.
Parish-clerk, origin of, 570.
Parish-priests, 54—58 ; called Cardinal
Presbyters and Deacons, 54, 55;
origin of in towns and villages, 55;
from whom selected, 54; duties of, 56,
57; names and grades of, 58.
Parliament, origin and use of name,
69.
Passion-tide, and week, 357, 358.
Pastoral-staff, (daculits), meaning of,
81 (n. 65); why called pedum, 85;
delivered to Bishop at his ordina-
tion, 81, 172 (n. 4), 85 (n. 101.)
Paten, altar-vessel so called, 169, 170;
two sorts of, ib.; word explained,
169 (n. 20).
Patriarchs of Churches, 121—128;
Western, 126, 127 (11. ^S).
Patriarch of Rome, 122, 123; of A11-
tioch, 123; of Alexandria, 123, 124;
of Jerusalem, 124; of Constanti-
nople, 125, 126.
Patrons not allowed to build churches
in order to share in the oblations, 276
(and n. 17).
Penance, canonical, discipline of, 412
—47S; four grades of penitents, how
named, 425—433, 462, 463; earliest
reference to them, 426 (n. 3S); clas-
sification of sins and their penances,
412—416.
Penance, system of up to time of No-
vatus, 417—419; clergy and laity
liable to, 423—425; discipline of
after Novatian heresy, 425—435;
6oo
INDEX.
how long kept up in the West, 435,
436; change made in the East, 436,
437, 436 (notes 65, 66); rules of in
early (437—442) and in mediaeval
times, 442—450; in what cases im-
posed by the Pope, 450, 451 ; disci-
pline of after twelfth century in
Latin (473—476) and in Greek
Church, 476—478.
Penances, pecuniary, 277—279; origin,
abuses, and disuse of, ib.
Penitential books, of rules for penances,
474, 444 (n. *); 476 (n. 3).
Penitentiary-priest, office of, 436.
Pe?isus or Compensus^ names for the
Divine office, 214.
Pentecost, Day of, 373—375; Bap-
tisms on vigil of, 373 (and n. 90);
memorial of fiery tongues on, 374;
octave of, 374, 375.
Peter, S., his connexion with Roman
Church, proofs of, 13 (and n. 40),
113, 114 (and notes), 122 (and notes
4, 5), 342 (and n. 61), 343 (and
n. *).
Peter and Paul, SS., feast of, 342, 343;
three celebrations on, 224.
Peter's, S., chair, festival of, 337 (and
n. 31).
Phelonion, different meanings of, 179,
180.
Pictures, sacred, in churches, 148, 152,
379 (and notes 4, 5); 380 (notes 6,
7,8).
Pilgrimages of Christians to Jerusalem,
262; to other shrines, 263; under-
taken as penances, 454, 455.
Piscina in churches, position and use
of, 160.
Plain-song, Spanish origin of, 36;
brought into England from Rome,
36; adopted and improved by S.
Ambrose and S. Gregory, 200, 201;
made obligatory in England, 36 (n.
88).
Plan of ancient churches, 147.
Planeta, proper name for chasuble,
179, 180, 179 (n. 52); origin of, 172;
given to Presbyters at ordination, 172
(11.4).
Plebs, or parish, 13; other meanings
of word, 13 (n. 48).
Poor-houses, 537, 539 fa- 21).
Pope, ancient title of all Bishops, 75;
meaning of word, 75 (n. 8).
Pope, of Roman Church, 113—117;
primacy of, 114, 115; election of,
116, 117.
Portico, or cloister of church, 148, 152.
Prandium, meal so named, and why,
499 (and n. 57).
Prayers, altar, always to be addressed
to the Father, 247 (n. 173).
Prayers for dead at all celebrations, 246
(n. 166), 248 (n. 178), 257 (n. 13);
on All Souls' Day, 348 (and notes);
at funerals, 562, 257 (notes 14, 15);
chief work of clerical guilds, in;
ancient specimens of, 562 (n. *).
Precenting the Psalms, by whom done,
35-
Preface of the Mass, 240, 241; different
names of, ib.
Presbyters (or Elders), name in New
Testament and early Church for those
now called Priests, 48 (and n. 1);
election of, 39 (notes 124, 125) ; at
what age ordained, 49, 50, 135, 136;
with what ritual, 50, 51, 172 (n. 4);
special duty of, 41 (n. 143); Presby-
ters of the palace, 70—73; cardinal,
54; Prior, 58 (and n. 43).
Presbytery, Bishop's, or Church's Se-
nate, 51 (and n. 26), 52 (and n. 35);
powers of, 51, 52.
Presbyterium, part of church. [Bema.]
Primates, or Bishops of (a) mother
cities, 112; (6) mother churches, 113;
what Bishops were so called, 128,
129.
Prime, office of, 204 ; origin of, 204 (n.
10).
Primicerii, who, and whence so called,
69, 70 (n. 43).
Primiclerus, or chief clerk of the Minor
Orders, 69, 70.
Princes of the Church (procei-es), 112,
. 113.
Prior, or president of monastery, 97.
Prothesis, or Eastern credence-table,
166.
UpSOvpov, 148.
Prose or Sequence, sung between Epis-
tle and Gospel, 235 (and n. 69), 374
(n. *).
Upoa^opd, name of Eucharistic Sacri-
fice, 215 (and n. 2).
Province, division of Church so called,
112; provincial councils, 129.
Psalmody, service of, 195—211 ; love
of early Church for, 195, 196; hours
for, 198 (and notes); parts and offices
of at the different hours, 202—207;
Psalms sung or recited from the first
antiphonally, 35, 197 —199, 199 (n.
27) ; private recitation of, 212—214;
obligatory on clergy, 212, 213.
Psalter books, editions of, 196, 197.
Pulpit, or reading-desk, 154 (and n. 9);
when modern tower-pulpit came in,
ib.
Purgations, or appeals to judgment of
INDEX.
601
God, 501—512; {a) canonical, 501
—507; by the Cross, 501—504; the
Eucharist, 504; the oath, 504—507;
{b) plebeian, 507—512; by single
combat, 507, 508; water, 509—511;
hot iron, 511, 512.
Pyx, for Reserved Sacrament, 170, 269.
Quadragesima. [Lent.]
Quinquagesima, or Camispriviitm Sun-
day, 349 (and n. *).
Rails, chancel. [Cancelli.]
Readers {lectores), one of the minor
orders, 33, 34; duties of, 34 (and n.
65), 68 (n. 27), 183; ordination of,
34 (and n. 71); boys admitted as,
x34> l3S (and notes 1—4); rules as
to tonsure of, ib. and 30 (n. 27).
Reconciliation of Penitents, last stage
in their discipline, 456—472; mean-
ing of, 458, 459; by whom publicly
administered; how far given by
deacons, 457—459; on what days
publicly given, 469, 470; with what
ritual in private and public, 470—472.
Regionary, title of honour at Rome,
given to Subdeacons and acolyths,
222; and to Deacons, 538 (n. *).
Regionary-Deacons, put in charge of
hospitals, 538.
Regular clergy. [Canonical.]
Relics, veneration for, 383, 384; use of
at consecration of churches, 146, 147;
as appendage of altar, 15S, 162 (and
n. 6) ; miracles by means of, 541.
Remobothi or Sarabaita?, erratic order
of monks, 94.
Renunciation of Satan by catechumens,
15.16.
Reserved Sacrament, vessels for, 158
(n. 12), 162 (and n. 5), 170, 269;
adoration of, 26S, 269; use of at sea,
257; for the sick, how prepared in
Eastern Church, 362 (n. *).
Responsories, or responses, portions of
Psalms sung between the lections,
209 (and n. 58).
Responsory, or Gradual, sung after the
epistle, 234.
Ring, betrothal, 519, 520; on which
finger placed, and why, 521 (and notes
12 and *); wedding, 519 (n. 5).
Ring, episcopal, 81, 85; meaning of,
81 (n. 65); given to Bishops in Wes-
tern Church at their consecration,
85 (n. 101), 172 (n. 4); by whom
worn in East, 85 ; never worn by S.
Augustine, 520 (n. 9).
Rituals. [Office-books.]
Rogations, name for litanies, 259.
Rogation Days, 372, 373.
Rose, Golden, ceremony of giving, 357.
Rubrics, or "red ink" directions for
the Mass, &c, 186, 187; anciently
written in separate books, ib. ; when
written in the Missal, 187, 188.
Rubrics, Books of, in Eastern Church,
186.
Sabbath-days (Saturdays) as well as
Lord's Days kept as festivals in East,
489, 491; special celebrations on in
East and West, 223.
Sabbath, Holy, name for Easter Eve,
366, 491; only Sabbath on which a
fast was observed, 366.
Sacellarius, Eastern Church dignitary
so called, 60.
Sacelli Prajfectus, 62.
Sacramentary of S. Gregory, 289.
Sacred Books and Service Books used
in churches, 183—1S8.
Sacristy, of church, 150; threefold divi-
sion of, 155, 156; in East more than
one, 150.
Saints, cultus of, 377, 3S6—$SS; anni-
versaries of, 3S7; album of, 388.
[See Canonization.]
Salt, exorcism and benediction of, 288,
289; given to catechumens, 7 (and
n. 65); 290.
Salutation of people at the Liturgy, 254.
Salutatorium, or vestry of church, 156.
Sandals, Bishop's, 84, 85; Deacons
forbidden to wear, 85.
Sceuophylacium, sacristy, or division
of sacristy for altar vessels, 150, 155;
Minor Orders not allowed to enter,
154.
Scriptures, Holy, use and knowledge
of in early Church, ^^y 34, (notes
65, 71), 196, 20S, 211 (n. 68), 233
(notes 52, 55), 309 (n. 5).
See, Bishop's, explanation of term,
_ I5i (». 25).
Sermons, Bishops', 154, 233 (n. 51);
^ 236 (notes S2, S3), 326 (n. 21).
Sext, Office of, 205.
Shaving. [Beards ; Hair; Tonsure.]
Shoe, presented to bride with wedding-
ring, 520 (and n. 7).
Sick, care of early Christians for, 533,
534; visitation of and cure by prayer,
54°— 542; communion of, 547, '362
(n. *). [See Hospitals.]
Sidesmen, of churches, 58 (11. ^j), 446
^ (n. *).
Singers, clerical, one of the Minor
Orders, ^3^ 35> 36, 13S ; different
names of, S3; called confessors, and
wh)% 33 (n- 56); ordination of, 56 (n.
602
INDEX.
25 ; schools for, 35, 36 (and notes
84, 85), 201; four principal at Rome,
239 (and n. *).
"Siavpa, monks' dress so named, 137.
Slaves, or serfs of the soil [servi mantis
morttice), rule for ordination of, 29
(and notes 16, 17).
Solea, raised part of church so named,
149 (n. 13); position and use of, 150;
called also liminare, 149.
Spoon, use of for communicating in-
fants and adults in East, 19 (and
n. 130), 169, 362 (n. #).
Sportula, or store-basket, 275 (n. 7).
Stantes, name of Christian laity, 1, 422,
431; of those not doing penance, 467.
Statio, fast so named, 497; station
days, 223 (and n. 3).
Station, or procession, 258; Liturgy so
named, 258, 259; "holding a Sta-
tion," ib.
Statue of our Lord, 381, 382 (and
notes).
Stemmata, or funeral pennons, 586,587.
Stephen, S., feast of, 355; relics of, 541
(n. 27).
Stewards, church. [GEconomi.]
Stole {a) name for vestments generally,
138 (n. 15), 171 (n. *), 177 (n. 40),
180 (n. 55); {&) for Orarium, par-
ticular vestment so called, 172 (n. 4),
177—179; by whom worn, 178;
when, 13 (and n. 39), 23, 178 (n. 44),
411 (and n." 22); in what fashion,
178 (notes 44, 46), 177 (n. 41).
[See Orarium; Epitrachelion ; Omo-
phorion.]
Subcorpus, part of altar so named, 158;
called also Confessio, ib.
Subdeacon, Domesticus, 38.
Subdeacons, or viroBiaKoi/oi, one of the
Minor Orders, 28, 37—39 5 age for
their ordination, 136 (notes II, 12);
ordination of, 38, 39 (and n. 115).
duties of, 37 (and n. 103), 38; seven
edit acts of Martyrs, 316.
Substrati, or prostrate worshippers, or
kneelers, grade of catechumens so
named, 2; of penitents. [See Kneel-
ers.]
Suburbicarian churches, 118 (n. 5).
Sunday. [Lord's Day.]
Supererogation, works of, 480, 481.
Surplice, and Cotta, names given to
Albs in the thirteenth century, 176.
Syncelli, or Bishop's domestic chap-
lains, 68, 69 ; special duty of, ib. and
90 (n. 3)- r n . _
Synod, meaning of word 111 Last, 59.
Synthronus, joint throne of Bishops
and Presbyters, 151, 156.
Tablets, altar, 164, 165; Votive {a)
Heathen, 266; (&) Christian, 267
(n. *) ; marriage contract, 519.
Ta|eis, name in East for Minor Orders,
36.
Te Deum, earliest mention of, 210 (11.
62).
Temple, or vabs of a church, 148, 153.
Temples, contrast between heathen and
Christian, 148.
Tenebrse, office of, 360, 361; when
said, ib.
Terce, office of, 204, 205.
Theophany, meaning of, 352; name
common to Epiphany and Christmas,
ib.
Throne, Bishop's, 151 (and notes 25,
26), 154; sermons preached from,
154.
Thurible, or censer, use of, 171; called
Thymiaterium, ib.
Tithes, history of, 279—282 ; difference
between oblations and, 279; volun-
tary, 280 ; when first obligatory, 281,
282; articles and productions liable
to, 282; fourfold division made of,
278 (n. 3)..
Titulus, origin of as name of church,
146 (n. 26); name given to Baptis-
teries, 13.
Tonsure, history of, 28—32 ; a distinc-
tive mark of the Minor Orders, 28;
different forms of in fourth and eighth
century, 30, 31; Roman, Greek, and
Saxon, 31 (and notes); when and how
given, 30, 32, 135; earliest allusion
to, 31 (n. 33).
Tract, singing of, in Liturgy, 235.
Transfiguration, festival of, 344, 345.
Tpair^6(popov, altar-cloth, so named,
166.
Trinity, Holy, picture representing, 378,
379-
Trinity Sunday, Octave of Pentecost
observed as, 374 (and n. 92), 375
(and n. 93).
Trisagion and Tersanctus, 241.
Trope, singing of, 227.
Tunicle. [Colobium.]
Typicon, one of the Books of Rubrics
in the Eastern Church, 186.
Unction, or anointing; (a) of the Bap-
tized, 16 (11. 79), 18 (and n. 105), 27
(n. 3) ; (fr) of the Confirmed, 24—26;
(<r) of Presbyters at ordination, 50;
\d) of the sick, 283 (n. 3), 541, 544,
545, 550—552 (and notes); when
first, and why, deferred till point of
death, 546; \e) of the dead, 554—
556, 563 (n. *).
INDEX.
603
Unction, extreme, Sacrament of, 544—
552; when the anointing of the sick
received this name, 545; when an-
ciently administered, 545—547 ; with
what ritual, 547—552.
Undertakers of funerals, before and after
the time of Constantine, 564—567.
Veil, Baptismal, 18; Nuns', 103 ; Altar,
161; Bridal, 524, 525, 531.
Vernacular, or Vulgar tongue, use of in
Services, 216.
Verses, or versicles, of the offices, 207,
208.
Vespers. [Evensong.]
Vespillones, office of, 565 (n. 1).
Vessels, altar, 167—171.
Vestments, sacred, 171 —182; origin
and early colour of, 171—174> 173
(n. 9), 175 (n. 17) ; names and uses
of, 174—182, 175 (n. 24); when
worn. [See Stole.]
Vestry, division of sacristy so named,
Viaticum. [Sick; Reserved Sacrament.]
Vibilia, heathen goddess so called, 396
(n. *).
Vicar, origin and meanings of word, 90
(and n. 1), 65, 66.
Vicars General, or Bishops' Vicars,
origin and duties of, 90, 402; super-
sede archdeacons, 45, 90; sometimes
another name for chorepiscopi, S8,
90; and for Vicedomini of feudal
times, 65.
Vigils, or "night-watches," 203, 497,
498.
Virgins, consecrated. [Nuns.]
Votive offerings. [Tablets.]
Wafers. [Oblations.]
War, views of Church on lawfulness of,
440, 441.
Washing of body after death, 554.
[See Hands, washing of.]
Water, Baptismal, consecration of.
[Font.]
Weather, forecasts of, in ancient Ka-
lendars, 307, 308.
Weeks, division of time into, 297, 298;
obscure origin of, ib.
Westminster Abbey, founding of, 481
(n. 2).
Widows, care of the Church for, 46
(and n. 202), 103 (n. 4), 104 (n. 18),
529, 530, 534 (and n. 1), 539 (n.
21).
Windows, chancel, 156.
Worship on earth, designed to be cease-
less, 293.
Xenodochia, or houses for strangers,
537-
Year, ancient and modern divisions of,
293—308 ; Chaldsean, Egyptian, and
Jewish, 294; Greek and Roman, 294
— 297; how many months in each, ib.
[See Kalendar.]
Year of confusion, 296 (and n. 7).
"Years of discretion," 23 (and n. 27);
409 (n. 4), 547 (and n. 10).
604
PRINCIPAL COUNCILS REFERRED TO BY PELLICCIA.
Latin Name. Modern Name. ^ a.d.
Agathense—Agde in Narbonnais . 506
Albiense—Albi, Languedoc 1254
Ancyranum—Ancyra (Galatia) .. 314
Andegavense—Angers 453
Antiochenum—Antioch 341
Aquisgranense—Aix-la-Chapelle.. 789
Arausicanum—Orange 441
Arelatense—Aries 314
Augustanum—Augsburg 952
Aurelianense—Orleans 511
Autissiodorense—Auxerre 578
Barcinonense—Barcelona 540
Bituricense—Bourges 1031
Bracarense—Braga 563
Burdegalense—Bordeaux 385
CabilonenseL—Chalons-sur-Saone 649
II. » » 8i3
Csesaraugustanum—Saragossa.. .. 381
Carnotense—Chartres 1146
Carthaginiense I.—Carthage 348
II. „ •••• 390
III. „ .... 397
IV. „ .... 398
Chalcedonense*—Chalcedon 451
Claromontanum I.—Clermont.. .. 535
II. „ ....1095
Coloniense—Cologne 1310
Constantinopo-
litanum I.*—Constantinople .. 381
II.* „ •• 553
III* „ •• 680
,, IV.—Cone, in Trullo or
Quinisext 691
it V.#—Constantinople .. 869
Coyacense—Coyaco 1050
Dertusense—Tortosa I429
Eboracense—York 1195
Eliberitanum—Elvira, Spain 305
Emeritense—Merida, Spain 666
Epaonense—Epaone 5*7
Ephesinum*—Ephesus 43J
Exoniense—Exeter 1287
Florentinum*—Florence 1439
Forojuliense—Friuli 79l
Francofordiense—Frankfort 794
Gangrense—Gangra 325
Gerundense—Gerona 5r 7
Hispalense I.—Seville 59°
II. ,> 618
Ilerdense—Lerida, Catalonia 523
Latin Name. Modern Name. a.d.
Lambethense—Lambeth 1261
Langesiense—Langeais 1278
Laodicenum—Laodicea 314
Lateranense I.*—Lateran 1123
II.* „ 1139
III.* „ 1179
IV.* , 1215
v.* „ 1512
Lemovicense—Limoges 1029
Liptinense—Leptines 743
Lugdunense I.*—Lyons 1245
II.* „ 1274
Matisconense—Macon 581
Mediolanense—Milan . 1565
Meldense—Meaux 845
Melphitanum—Melfi (near Naples) 1086
Metense—Metz 590
Milevitanum—Milevi (N. Africa) . 402
Moguntinum—Mentz 813
Nannetense—Nantes 658
Narbonense—Narbonne 5^9
Neocsesariense—Neocsesarea .... 314
Nicsenum I. *—Nice 325
II.* „ 787
Niddanum—River Nid in North-
umbria 7°5
Regiense—Riez (Provence); 439
Remense—Rheims 625
Rotomagense—Rouen 1072
Salegunstadiense—Selingstad 1022
Sardicense—Sardica (Sofia) 347
Senonense—Sens 601
Suessionense—Soissons 744
Tarraconense—Tarragona 516
Taurinense—Turin 39§
Ticinense—Pavia 850
Toletanum I. —Toledo 39S
II. , 531
„ III. „ 589
IV. ,, 633
Tolosanum—Toulouse 1056
Triburense—Tribur on Rhine 895
Tridentinum*—Trent 1545
Turonense—Tours 566
Vaurense—Lavaur 1368
Veneticum—Vannes 465
Viennense—#V ienne 1311
Vormatiense—Worms 868
Wigorniense I.—Worcester 601
II. ,, 1240
* Called CEcumenical by the Roman Church.
J. Masters and Co., Printers, Albion Buildings, Bartholomew Close, E.C.
UNIVERSITY OF MICHIGAN
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5 06438 9771



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