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UNIVERSITY OF MICHIGAN
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MEMOIRS
>
OF THE
LIFE
OF
THE RIGHT HONORABLE
WILLIAM PITT.
Pa
barty, succession of + Lines Winchester
BY GEORGE TOMLINE, D.D. FR.S.
LORD BISHOP OF WINCHESTER,
PRELATE OF THE MOST NOBLE ORDER OF THE GARTER.
THE SECOND EDITION.
VOL. III.
LONDON:
JOHN MURRAY, ALBEMARLE-STREET.
•
M.DCCC.XXI.
Printed by Luke Hansard & Sons,
near Lincoln's-Inn Fields, London.
PAINTED IN GREAY RETTAIN.
سے
LI.
!
*S
CONTENTS
OF THE
THIRD VOLUM E.
CHAPTER THE ELEVENTH:
Navy and Ordnance Estimates-Repeal of the Shop Tax-
Budget-Excise of Tobacco-Petition from Mr. Hastings—
Motion for the Repeal of the Corporation and Test Acts—
Slave Trade-Increase of the Capital of the East India
Company Prorogation of Parliament
page 1.
CHAPTER THE TWELFTH:
French Revolution- Meeting of Parliament Mr. Pitt's
Finance Measures— Other Proceedings in this Session
Different Sentiments expressed by the leading Members of
Opposition relative to the French Revolution-Prorogation
and Dissolution of Parliament-Convention with Spain-
Proceedings in France-Hostilities in India
page 37.
M
Katalog
CHAPTER THE THIRTEENTH:
War in the North of Europe-Meeting of new Parliament
-Spanish Convention
Expences of the late armament
Continuation of Mr. Hastings's Trial-War in India-
Russian Armament—Quebec Bill — Slave Trade-Finance
Committee - Budget-Bill for the Relief of Protesting
Roman Catholics-Prorogation
page 142.
-
-
iv
CONTENTS.
CHAPTER THE FOURTEENTH :
Treaties of Peace-War in India-Affairs of France-Riots
at Birmingham-Meeting of Parliament-Finance Mea-
sures- -Russian Armament-Police of the Metropolis-
Penal Laws against Dissenters-Parliamentary Reform-
Royal Proclamation-Conduct of Magistrates at Birming-
ham-Slave Trade-New Forest Bill-Prorogation of
Parliament-Dismissal of Lord Thurlow-Conclusion of
the War in India-Mr. Pitt appointed Warden of the
Cinque Ports -
page 257.
CHAPTER THE FIFTEENTH:
Affairs in France Relative Conduct of Great Britain and
France Revolutinoary Spirit in England - Meeting of
Parliament — Declaration of War by France against Great
Britain and Holland — Review of Mr. Pitt's Measures
page 410.
•
MEMOIRS
OF THE
LIFE
OF
THE RIGHT HONORABLE
WILLIAM
PITT.
CHAPTER THE ELEVENTH:
1789.
Navy and Ordnance Estimates-Repeal of the Shop Tax-
Budget-Excise of Tobacco-Petition from Mr. Hastings—
Motion for the Repeal of the Corporation and Test Acts—
Slave Trade-Increase of the Capital of the East India
Company-Prorogation of Parliament.
HAVING in the preceding chapter detail- CHAP.
XI.
1789.
ed all the parliamentary proceedings,
relative to his majesty's illness and recovery,
I shall now give an account of the other busi-
ness of this session, which will not occupy
much space.
THE navy estimates contained a proposal
for 2,000 more seamen than were employed
in the former year, and that circumstance
caused a short conversation. Mr. Pitt, in ex-
planation, said, that of these additional sea-
men, 1,300 were wanted for the East Indies,
#E
VOL. III.
B
2
XI.
CHAP. and 700 for the Mediterranean, which aug-
mentations were considered by ministers as
necessary to preserve the country in a proper
state of defence; and the house acquiesced.
The ordnance estimates gave rise to a longer
debate. When an increase of troops, to be
stationed in the West Indies, was voted in the
last year, Mr. Pitt apprized the house, that
some additional fortifications, which would
probably cost about 200,000l., would be re-
quisite in those islands. Of that sum, 36,000 7.
were included in the estimates of the present
year; and this expence was objected to as
useless. The proposal for these new fortifica-
tions was defended upon the ground, that
citadels and places of strength were indispen-
sably necessary to enable the soldiers, in case
any island was attacked, to hold out, till
a fleet should come to their assistance. In
support of this argument, it was observed, that
the West Indian islands might easily be pro-
tected by fortifications, as they contained very
few landing places, the trade winds, which
blow so violently in those seas, making one
side of the island inaccessible, and the coasts
being in general rocky and dangerous; that
in the war before the last, Martinique, with 800
men, strongly garisoned, had held out nearly
a twelvemonth against 15,000 English troops;
1789.
3
XI.
that in the last war, Dominica was taken by CHAP.
the French, merely because the military had
not a fortress to retire to, till the fleet could
afford them relief; that we lost several other
islands from a similar want of fortifications;
that during peace the present establishment
of soldiers would be sufficient; that in time
of war a smaller number, with fortifications,
would be more serviceable than a much
greater without; and that this important ad-
vantage might be procured for six of our
islands, at the moderate expence which had
been mentioned last year. This reasoning was
so satisfactory to the house, that notwithstand-
ing the prejudice against fortifications, the
estimates were voted without any division.
THE shop tax had been extremely unpopular
from its first imposition, in 1785; and the
shop keepers of London and Westminster, and
Southwark, by whom it was most severely felt*,
had every year presented petitions against it,
to the house of commons. Mr. Fox had as
regularly every session moved for the repeal of
this obnoxious tax, which had hitherto been
successfully resisted by Mr. Pitt, though he
was not, upon those occasions, supported by
* London and Westminster paid more than three-fourths
of the whole produce of this tax.
1789.
;
B 2
4
XI.
CHAP. his usual large majorities. Mr. Fox, on the
second of April, brought forward his annual
motion, which was seconded by Mr. H. Thorn-
ton, one of the members for Southwark, and
supported by lord John Townshend, Mr. Fox's
colleague for Westminster, and by several
other members for large towns, who had re-
ceived instructions for that purpose from their
constituents. Mr. Pitt said, that he had con-
stantly opposed the same motion in former
years, on the ground that the tax would not
fall upon the shopkeeper, but be paid, in the
end, by the consumer; and that as far as ar-
gument was concerned, separately from expe-
rience, his mind was not satisfied, that the
retail dealers could not find some mode of in-
demnification. He acknowledged, however,
that the positive and uniform assertion of the
shopkeepers, who had acquired experience
upon the subject, denied the truth of his opi-
nion; and their perseverance in that assertion,
for so long a time, strongly inclined him to
believe, that they had in reality not been able
to reimburse themselves, by any additional
charge upon goods sold to their customers.
He farther admitted, that theory and reason-
ing ought not to prevail against practice; and
he was, he owned, the more ready to make
these concessions, because the objections and
1789.
5
XI.
complaints were not confined to any particular CHAP.
class of shopkeepers, but were urged by the
shopkeepers in general of every considerable 1789.
town, without reference to political party or
prejudice of any sort. For these reasons,
though he considered it to be his duty gene-
rally to resist any attempt to decrease the re-
venue, by the repeal of taxes objected to by the
persons most affected by them, yet in the pre-
sent instance, he thought it no longer proper
to oppose his own sentiments, resting on theory,
to the universal concurrence and earnest ap-
plication of a numerous and respectable des-
cription of men, whose opinions were founded
upon fact; and, therefore, he should not resist
the motion, but give it his hearty consent.
The preamble of the bill for the repeal of
this tax, as brought in by Mr. Fox, stated,
that the tax had been found to be partial and
oppressive, and contrary to the just principles
of taxation. These words were objected to
by Mr. Pitt; and upon his motion, and with
Mr. Fox's acquiescence, they were omitted,
and others substituted, simply stating, that it
was expedient to repeal the tax. The bill
passed without any opposition.
In opening the budget on the 10th of June,
Mr. Pitt remarked, that notwithstanding it
B 3
6
XI.
CHAP. might be necessary for him, at the time he sub-
mitted to the committee an account of the
1789. national income and expenditure, to bring
forward a large demand for the ensuing year,
above the ordinary amount of what might have
been expected as a peace establishment, and
to have recourse to extraordinary means for
providing for that demand, yet he had no
doubt, that a fair review of the revenue, and
of the circumstances which had occasioned this
call upon the public purse, would confirm all
that he had ever asserted of the improving
state of the country; and instead of weaken-
ing, would corroborate, the expectations, which
had been held out to the house, three years
ago, in the report of the finance committee.
He then enumerated all the particulars of the
supply, which together amounted to 5,730,000%.
exclusive of exchequer bills, renewed from
year to year, but including 191,0007. lent to
the Dutch government, to be repaid by in-
stalments, with interest. The ways and means,
by which this sum was proposed to be raised,
were, the land and malt taxes taken at
2,750,000l., the growing produce of the con-
solidated fund estimated at 1,530,000 l., the
profits of a lottery 271,000l., a loan of one
million, and 187,000l., to be raised by short
annuities, making together 5,738,000. That
W
7
XI.
no permanent addition might be made to the CHAP.
national debt, he proposed to borrow the mil-
lion by a tontine, or life annuities with bene-
fit of survivorship, which would of course in
time cease; and he intended to annex this con-
dition, which was obviously favorable to the
public, that more than 1,000l. a year should
never be received for a subscription of 1007*.
Besides these tontine annuities, which he cal-
culated at about 44,750l., he had to provide
for the defalcation in the revenue, caused by
the repeal of the shop tax, which in the last
year had produced 56,000l. These two sums
together amounted to rather more than
100,000l.†; which he proposed to raise, not by
taxing any new commodity, but by small ad-
ditions to the existing taxes upon newspapers,
advertisements, cards, dice, probates of wills,
* This condition was to guard against extreme old age
in any one of the lives; and the propriety of it was evident
from what happened in France, with respect to a tontine esta-
blished by Louis the 14th: A woman, who lived to the age
of 96, in the last year of her life, received 3,600l. for an
original subscription of only 307.
+ It was not necessary to provide for the short annuities,
which were to last only 18 years, and would not amount to
14,000l. as that charge would be answered by the payments
from the Dutch government. The subscribers to these an-
nuities were to receive 71. 9s. 9d. a year for every 100 l.
which Mr. Pitt stated to be a very good bargain for the
public.
1789.
B 4
8
CHAP. legacies to collateral relations, carriages, and
XI. horses, none of which would, he conceived,
press upon the poor, or necessarily even upon
persons of narrow income.
1789.
Having explained the services of the cur-
rent year, and his intention to provide for
them, by a mode which contained in it the
principle of self-reduction, without burdening
the sinking fund, he took a general view of
the present state of the revenue.
The produce of the taxes, in 1788, had
fallen short of their produce in 1787, by
300,000l. which was accounted for by the
great exportation in 1787, in consequence of
the suspension of trade in 1786, while the
commercial treaty with France was depend-
ing, and by considerable balances accidentally
remaining due from the assessed taxes of last
year. The average produce of these two
years was 15,578,000l. which exceeded the
estimate of the finance committee, by nearly
100,000l. From 1786 there had been no
loan, till the present year, and it was now
proposed to borrow a million, to which was
to be added an increase in the navy debt, of
about 500,000l.; but on the other hand,
within the same period, unforeseen expences,
the particulars of which he enumerated, to an
equal or rather greater amount than those two
9
XI.
sums, had arisen, and been defrayed out of CHAP.
the consolidated fund. Had not, therefore,
these expences taken place, no loan would
have been necessary, and the additional navy
debt would not have been incurred; nor would
any substitute for the shop tax have been re-
quired. Under these circumstances, he might
congratulate himself and the country, that the
hopes, which he had entertained, were well
founded; and that the calculations of the
committee had been verified to a degree of
accuracy scarcely to be expected.
After observations from several members,
18 resolutions, moved by Mr. Pitt, were agreed
to; and the bills founded upon them passed
both houses.
THE only other financial measure of im-
portance, brought forward by Mr. Pitt, in the
present session, was, an alteration in the mode
of collecting the tax upon tobacco. The
article of tobacco was, he said, a considerable
object of revenue; but as the duty was now
paid, the frauds committed upon it were so
great, that, since the regulations with regard
to tea, wines, and spirits, had taken place, it
might justly be denominated the staple of
smuggling. The very large amount of duty
upon the article, when compared with its
•
1789.
10
XI.
CHAP. original cost*, held out a strong temptation
to the smuggler; and the following statement
would shew, that in fact it was carried on
to an extent, which operated very materially
to the detriment of the revenue, and to the
equal injury of the fair trader. According
to the lowest computation, 12 millions of
pounds of tobacco were annually consumed in
this kingdom; and the average of the legal
importation being only seven millions, it fol-
lowed that five millions were smuggled, which
caused a loss to the revenue of nearly 300,0007.
a year. Under these circumstances, Mr. Pitt
said, he thought it incumbent upon him to
propose, as the most probable means of putting
an end to this contraband and mischievous
traffic, that the greater part of the duty should
be transferred from the customs to the excise,
and of course that the manufacturers of to-
bacco should be subjected to the survey of the
exciseman.
1789.
Anticipating the opposition which might
be made to this measure, by the dealers in
tobacco, he reminded the house, that when
the alteration of the duties upon wine was
under consideration of parliament, the wine
merchants had roundly and confidently declar-
* The duty was 15d. and the original cost 2 d. or 3d.
a pound.
11
XI.
ed at the bar, that it would be impossible for CHAP.
the trade to be carried on under the excise
survey. The house, however, not giving 1789.
implicit credit to these assertions, tried the
experiment, and the result has been, that the
trade has considerably increased.
Mr. Pitt moved 25 resolutions, all of which
passed without any observation; and, a few
days afterwards, he presented a bill founded
on them.
The manufacturers, and others, concerned
in the tobacco trade, presented petitions
against the bill; and several members of the
house expressed their disapprobation of this
extension of the excise system. The principal
objections of the former, were obviated by
modifications introduced in the committee;
and the general objection of the latter was
answered, by observing, that the proposed
measure would put only a small additional
number of persons under the excise *, a system
which had been resorted to upon numerous
successive occasions, in the best periods of
our history, and which had now existed for
a long series of years, without the smallest
injury to our liberty, or the constitution, and
* Most of the dealers in tobacco were already under the
excise, on account of other articles in which they dealt.
1
?
12
CHAP. without any public inconvenience. The bill
XI.
passed both houses.
1789.
On the 27th of April, major Scott presented
a petition to the house of commons from
Mr. Hastings, complaining, that the managers,
in carrying on the impeachment against him
before the house of lords, had, in their speeches
last year, introduced a variety of matter
wholly unconnected with the charges, and
containing allegations, which he recited, of
a far more criminal nature. That, as a more
recent instance, Mr. Burke, in opening the
charge relative to presents, on the 21st of this
month, had expressly asserted, that Mr. Has-
tings had murdered Nundcomar by the hands
of sir Elijah Impey; that the managers, and
Mr. Burke in particular, had repeatedly de-
clared, that they spoke by instructions from
that house whose representatives they were,
and that they should affirm nothing which
they were not able and willing to prove; and,
therefore, Mr. Hastings, appealing to the
justice of the house, prayed, that the said
accusation might be formed into specific
articles, in order to give him an opportunity
of vindicating his innocence; or that such
other redress might be afforded him, as to the
house should seem meet.
-
13
XI.
This petition gave rise to several debates, CHAP.
in which both the professed friends and ene-
mies of Mr. Hastings, spoke with great heat
and violence. Major Scott asserted, that
Mr. Burke had been guilty of cool, deliberate,
systematic, and intentional misrepresentation,
in imputing to Mr. Hastings the most atro-
cious crimes, of which he (Mr. Burke) knew
him to be innocent; and, in return, Mr. Burke
said, that major Scott was a libeller of the
house of commons, from which he ought to
have been expelled long since, and that no
eredit was due to his assertions. The speaker
was repeatedly under the necessity of inter-
posing, to put a stop to these and similar per-
sonalities.
It was urged in argument against this peti-
tion, that it would have a very bad tendency,
if an accused person were allowed to arraign
the conduct of his prosecutors, and in his
turn become an accuser; that, to listen to an
application of this kind, would be inconsistent
with the confidence reposed by the house in
the managers; and farther, that it would
weaken the authority of the house in the ex-
ercise of its inquisitorial rights. It was also
asserted, that the real object of the petition,
and of the personal reproaches with which it
was accompanied, was to discredit and dis-
-
1789.
14
ལྟ་
XI.
CHAP. gust the managers, so as to cause them to
abandon the prosecution; and it was insinu-
1789. ated, that every one, who favored Mr. Hast-
ings upon this occasion, would expose himself
to the suspicion of acting from the same
motive.
On the other hand, Mr. Pitt contended,
that it was utterly unjustifiable in the managers
to bring forward accusations against Mr. Hast-
ings, not contained in the articles of impeach-
ment, and which therefore they could have
no direction from the house to state, especially
if the unauthorized accusations, as in the
present case, implied more heinous criminality
than the charges themselves; that the house
did not mean Mr. Hastings should be accused
of murder, because they had voted that he
should be impeached of bribery and pecula-
tion; that the charges were definite, and that
the managers were bound to confine them-
selves to substantiate the facts to which they
referred, without digressing into extraneous
and irrelevant subjects, merely for the purpose
of prejudicing the court, and injuring the
character of the accused; that some circum-
stances might with propriety be dwelt upon,
as matters of aggravation, but that it was con-
trary to common sense, and to the practice of
all criminal courts, to allow felony to be men-
15
XI.
tioned as an aggravation of misdemeanor; CHAP.
that if the accused person were really suspec-
ted of murder, or of any other felony, it ought 1789.
to be made a substantive charge, and not
urged incidentally and collaterally, when he
was under trial for a different offence; that
there was no reason, why an accused person
should be debarred of the right, which was
common to every subject of the realm, of
submitting to the consideration of that house
any grievance, under which he conceived
himself to labor, and which the house had
the means of redressing; that though the
house had confided the prosecution to the
managers, yet they had not given them abso-
lute and unlimited powers; and that there
must be cases, in which it would be proper to
inquire into their conduct. He thought,
however, that the house ought not to take
cognizance of words spoken by the managers
in the last session, as Mr. Hastings, if he had
considered himself aggrieved by any expres-
sions then used, should have applied to the
house for its protection, long before this time:
he was therefore of opinion, that the inquiry
should be confined to Mr. Burke's allegation
a few days since, of which Mr. Hastings had
taken the earliest opportunity to complain,
namely, that Mr. Hastings had murdered
16
XI.
CHAP. Nundcomar by the hands of sir Elijah Impey.
Upon this subject, it was, he said, to be re-
1789. collected, that the house had, after a full in-
vestigation, refused to impeach sir Elijah
Impey, who was said to have been the princi-
pal in the murder, as it was denominated
by Mr. Burke, which was a strong presump-
tion, that they would not have consented to
make this an article of impeachment against
Mr. Hastings as an accomplice; the house
having deliberately declared, that there was
no ground for a criminal accusation against
the judge, who had presided at the trial and
pronounced the sentence in question, surely
they could not have considered any guilt to
be attached to the person, under whose in-
fluence he was supposed to have acted, but
of which no proof had been adduced. Upon
the whole, the words appeared to him highly
unbecoming, and demanding the censure of
the house, which, however, he did not wish to
go farther than was necessary for the purpose
of doing that justice to Mr. Hastings, to which
he thought him, although deservedly under
prosecution, fully entitled, and of preventing
similar improprieties in future. He concluded
one of his speeches upon this subject, by ob-
serving, that as on the one hand, he would
give to the managers every fair and honorable
17
XI.
support, so on the other, there was no species CHAP.
of insinuation, suspicion, or clamor, which
should ever make him refuse to the criminal,
that fairness of trial, and that consideration of
any cruelties or hardships in his case, which
were due to him on sound principles of equity
and impartial justice; hoping to shew himself
throughout, both zealous in prosecuting one,
whom he thought a public delinquent, and
at the same time equally zealous for the honor
and character of the house of commons. It was
not difficult, he trusted, to unite these two prin-
ciples; for he verily believed, that there were
no better means of forwarding the success of
the prosecution, than by discountenancing
every thing unfair, and by testifying to the
world the goodness of their cause, by the rec-
titude of their proceedings.
As a termination to this dispute, which had
occupied four days, and in which several pre-
liminary questions had been discussed, lord
Graham, one of the lords of the treasury,
moved, "That no direction or authority was
given by this house to the committee appointed
to manage the impeachment against Warren
Hastings, esq. to make any charge or allega-
tion against the said Warren Hastings, esq.
respecting the condemnation or execution of
Nundcomar; and that the words of the right
VOL. III.
с
1789.
18
CHAP. honorable Edmund Burke, one of the said
XI. managers, viz. he (meaning Warren Has-
1789. tings, esq.) murdered that man (meaning
Nundcomar) by the hands of sir Elijah Impey,'
ought not to have been spoken." This motion,
supported by Mr. Pitt, and eagerly opposed
by Mr. Fox, and the other managers, was
carried by a majority of 155 to 66. This di-
vision is a proof that the house strongly disap-
proved that rancorous violence, with which the
managers carried on the prosecution against
Mr. Hastings.
MR. BEAUFOY, on the 8th of May, repeated
his motion for the repeal of the corporation
and test acts; and Mr. Pitt opposed it on the
same grounds as in the year 1787. In reply
to Mr. Fox, who had asserted, that it was un-
just to infer the future conduct of men, from
the speculative opinions they entertained, he
said, that government had a right to prevent
any civil inconvenience, which such opinions
were likely to produce, without waiting, till
by their being carried into action, the incon-
venience had actually been experienced. He
considered the established church as a part of
the constitution of the country, and the acts
in question as justifiable on the principle of
self-defence. They had now existed for above
19
a century, and had ever been looked upon as
the props and bulwarks of the constitution.
He spoke of the great quiet which obtained
at present, relative to religious differences;
and said, that if any thing could interrupt the
harmony and moderation which subsisted be-
tween sects, once contending with great viru-
lence and asperity, it would be by awakening
a competition, and rekindling the sparks of
antient animosity, which mutual forbearance
had almost extinguished. The motion was
negatived by a majority of only 20, the num-
bers being 122 and 102.
THE report of the committee of privy council
appointed to inquire into the circumstances of
the slave trade, which had been promised by
Mr. Pitt in the last session, was presented by
him on the 25th of April; and, on the 12th
of May, Mr. Wilberforce brought the subject
before the house of commons, in a most elo-
quent and impressive speech, in which he
entered very fully into the inhumanity and
impolicy of that disgraceful and infamous
traffic. He began by avowing, that the end
of what he intended to propose, was, the total
abolition of the slave trade. He should not,
he said, appeal to the passions of the house,
but to their cool and impartial reason; he
CHAP.
XI.
1789.
c 2
20
XI.
CHAP. wished gentlemen to deliberate, point by point,
upon every part of the question; he took
1789. shame to himself, in common with the whole
parliament of Great Britain, for having suffered
this horrid trade to be carried on under their
authority.
He proceeded to state, that it appeared
from the report of the privy council, that the
kings of Africa were never compelled to war,
as far as could be ascertained, by public prin-
ciples, or by national glory, and still less by the
love of their people, but by avarice and sen-
suality;-upon these vices the slave trade de-
pended for its maintenance. Does the king of
Barbessin want brandy? He has only to send
his troops in the night to burn and desolate
a village, and the captives will serve as com-
modities to be bartered with the British trader.
He mentioned an instance of two towns, for-
merly hostile to each other, which had settled
their differences, and by intermarriages be-
tween the families of their chiefs, had pledged
themselves to peace: but the trade in slaves was
prejudiced by such a pacification; and it be-
came, therefore, the interest of our traders,
that hostilities should be renewed. This their
policy was soon put in practice; and for the
scene of treachery and violence which follow-
ed, he would refer gentlemen to the report, to
}
21
XI.
which he had before alluded. Most of the CHAP.
persons who had given evidence before the
council, admitted that the slave trade was the
chief cause of wars in Africa; and it was to be
remembered, that this was proved by witnesses,
who had seen the battles, who had been told
by the kings themselves, that it was for the
sake of slaves they went to war, and who had
conversed with a variety of prisoners, taken by
these means. Some of these prisoners were
brought from immense distances, and were
transferred like cattle from hand to hand, till
they reached the coast, where they were sold
for the cultivation of our West Indian colonies.
It was, indeed, established by the most abun-
dant testimony, that the slave trade had the
effect, in Africa, of carrying misery, devasta-
tion, and ruin, wherever its baneful influence
extended.
Mr. Wilberforce next spoke of the convey-
ance of the slaves to the West Indies, which he
considered as the most wretched part of the
whole subject. So much misery condensed in
so little space, was more than the human ima-
gination had ever before conceived. He call-
ed upon his hearers to picture to themselves,
six or seven hundred of these victims in the
same vessel, chained two and two, fed upon
horse beans with a scanty allowance of water,
1789.
c 3
22
CHAP. surrounded with every object which was nau-
XI. seous and disgusting, diseased and strug-
1789. gling with all the varieties of wretchedness,
and stowed so close together, that the surgeons
had declared there was no room to tread be-
tween them. Upon this point, I will," said
Mr. Wilberforce, "call the attention of the
house to one species of testimony, which is ab-
solutely infallible. Death at least is a sure
ground of evidence, and the proportion of
deaths will not only confirm, but, if possible,
will even aggravate our suspicion of the misery
of the slaves in the transit. It will be found,
upon an average of all the ships, of which an
account has been given at the privy council,
that exclusive of those who perish before they
sail, not less than twelve and a half out of every
hundred perish in the passage. Besides these,
the Jamaica report tells you, that not less than
four and a half out of every hundred die on
shore before the day of sale, which is only a
week or two from the time of landing. One
third more die in the seasoning, and from the
effect of diseases contracted on shipboard. All
these causes produced a mortality of about fifty
out of every hundred; and this among negroes,
who are not bought, unless quite healthy at
first, and unless, as the phrase is with cattle,
they are "sound in wind and limb."
CC
K
23
XI.
Mr. Wilberforce added, that as soon as he CHAP.
had advanced thus far in his investigation, he
he felt the wickedness of the slave trade to be
so enormous, so dreadful, and so irremediable,
that he could stop at no alternative short of its
abolition. A trade founded in iniquity, and
carried on with such circumstances of horror,
must be abolished, let its policy be what it
might; and he had from this time determined,
whatever might be the consequences, that he
would never rest, till he had effected that abo-
lition. His mind had, indeed, been harrassed
with the objections of the West India planters,
who had asserted, that such a measure must be
followed by the absolute ruin of their pro-
perty. He could not, however, help distrust-
ing their arguments. He could not believe,
that the Almighty Being, who forbade the
practice of rapine and bloodshed, had made
rapine and bloodshed necessary to the well-
being of any part of his universe. He felt
a confidence in that persuasion, and took the
resolution to act upon it. Light, indeed, soon
broke in upon him; the suspicion of his mind
was every day confirmed by increasing infor-
mation; and he was enabled to prove, by
conclusive argument, and incontrovertible evi-
dence, that the number of negroes in our
colonies might be kept up, without the intro-
1789.
c 4
24
++-
XI.
CHAP. duction of recruits from Africa; and, con-
sequently, that those who were interested in
the property, or engaged in the commerce of
the West Indies, had nothing to fear from the
abolition of the slave trade.
He then shewed, that the mortality and
want of increase among the slaves, proceeded
from the hardships and cruelties which they
suffered; and observed, that the abolition
must be followed by milder treatment, as the
only means of rendering them prolific, and of
procuring a supply. He asserted, as a fact
which could be established, that already se-
veral individuals, by good usage, and proper
attention to the health, and morals, and diet
of their slaves, had kept up their stock with-
out any new purchases.
It was urged, he said, by the advocates of
the slave trade, that it was now the interest of
the traders and planters to treat their slaves
with humanity and kindness; but he desired
to remark, that it was immediate and
present,
not future and distant interest, which was the
great spring of action in the affairs of man-
kind. Why did we make laws to punish
men? It was their interest to be upright and
virtuous. But there was a present impulse,
continually breaking in upon their better
judgment; an impulse, which was known to
1789.
25
XI.
be contrary to their permanent advantage. CHA P.
It was ridiculous to say, that men would be
bound by their interest, when under the in- 1789.
fluence of instant gain or ardent passion. In
some respects self-interest and humanity will
go together; but unhappily, through the
whole progress of the slave trade, the very
converse of that principle was continually
occurring.
Mr. Wilberforce adverted to other objec-
tions, which had been made to this proposal:
It was absurd, he said, to suppose, that Liver-
pool would be ruined by the abolition, or that
it would feel the difference very sensibly, since
only 1-15th of the whole outward-bound ton-
nage of that port was engaged in the slave
trade; and indeed he was inclined to think,
that in the aggregate the slave trade was
a losing trade, although large fortunes were
occasionally made by it: it was a sort of lot-
tery, kept alive by the spirit of speculation and
adventure. Our fisheries, and other trading
concerns, would furnish so many innocent and
bloodless ways of employing our shipping now
used in the slave trade, that no mischief was
to be feared on that account.
As to our marine, it was certain, that the
slave trade, instead of being a nursery for
our sailors, was in reality their grave. A com-
26
CHAP. parison had with great industry and care beem
XI. formed between the muster rolls of the slave
THE
1789. ships, and those of the vessels employed in
the other branches of our commerce; and it
had been found, that more sailors died in one
year in the slave trade, than in two years in
all our other trades put together. Of 3,170
seamen, who had sailed from Liverpool to
Africa in 1787, only 1,428 had returned.
Another objection was, that if we relin-
quished the slave trade, it would be taken
up
by the French: we should become the suf-
ferers, and the evil would remain in its utmost
extent. This was indeed a very weak and
sophistical argument; and if it would defend
the slave trade, it might equally be urged in
favor of robbery, murder, and every species
of wickedness, which, if we did not practise,
others would probably commit. He did not,
however, believe, that there was any founda-
tion for this objection, as both the French
king and his minister had lately declared their
abhorrence of the slave trade.
Mod
"I believe," said Mr. Wilberfore, at the
conclusion of his speech, "I have now touch-
ed upon
all the objections of any consequence,
which are made to the abolition of the slave
trade. When we consider the vastness of the
continent of Africa; when we reflect, that all
27
❤
XI.
other countries have for some centuries been CHAP.
advancing in happiness and civilization; when
we recollect, that in this same period, all
improvement in Africa has been defeated by
her intercourse with Britain; when we reflect,
that it is we ourselves who have degraded her
inhabitants to that wretched brutishness and
barbarity, which we now plead as the justifica-
tion of our guilt; that the slave trade has
enslaved their minds, blackened their charac-
ter, and sunk them to a scale scarcely above
irrational beings, what mortification must we
feel at having so long neglected to think of
our criminality, or to attempt any reparation?
Let us then make such amends as we can, for
the mischief we have done to that unhappy
continent. Let us put an end at once to this
inhuman traffic. Let us stop this effusion of
human blood. The true way to virtue is, by
avoiding temptation: let us therefore with-
draw from these wretched Africans, those
temptations to fraud, violence, cruelty, and
injustice, which the slave trade furnishes.
Wherever the sun shines, let us go round the
world with him, diffusing our beneficence;
but let us not traffic, only that we may set
kings against their subjects, and subjects
against their kings; sowing discord in every
village, fear and terror in every family, setting
1789.
28
XI.
CHAP. millions of our fellow-creatures to hunt each
other for slaves, creating fairs and markets for
human flesh, through one whole continent of
the world; and, under the name of policy,
concealing from ourselves all the baseness and
iniquity of such a traffic.
"The nature, and all the circumstances of
this trade, are now laid open to us; we can
no longer plead ignorance; we cannot evade
it; it is now an object placed before us; we
cannot pass it; we may spurn it, we may kick
it out of the way; but we cannot turn aside,
so as to avoid seeing it: for it is brought now
so directly before our eyes, that this house
must decide; and must justify to all the
world, and to their own consciences, the
rectitude of the grounds and principles of
their decision.'
1789.
:
?
دو
་
¿
Mr. Wilberforce moved twelve resolutions,
stating the number of slaves annually carried
from Africa, and the number imported into
the British West Indies; the causes of slavery
in Africa; the effects of the slave trade upon
its inhabitants; the practicability of establish-
ing an extensive and valuable commerce of
a different kind with that continent; the mor-
tality of the British seamen employed in the
slave trade; the mortality of the negroes,
both in the middle passage, and in the West
4
29
XI.
Indies; the causes which have impeded the CHAP.
natural increase of population among the
slaves in the islands; the diminution of deaths
since the slaves were better treated: And
the last resolution concluded with this sen-
tence, as an inference from several of the
preceding ones, "it appears that no consi-
derable or permanent inconvenience would
result from discontinuing the farther importa-
tion of African slaves.'
در
4.
He said, that he did not wish the house to
decide upon the resolutions that night, but
should consider the debate as adjourned to
some day in the following week.
"
Mr. Burke declared, that, in his opinion,
not merely the British nation, but all Europe,
was under very great and serious obligation to
Mr. Wilberforce, for exposing the iniquity of
a trade, "begun with savage war, prosecuted
with unheard of cruelty, continued during the
middle passage with the most loathsome im-
prisonment, and ending in perpetual exile and
unremitting slavery."
Mr. Pitt expressed the warmest approbation
of the sentiments of his honorable friend, and
returned him his sincere thanks, for the man-
ner in which he had brought the subject before
the house, not merely in regard to the master-
ly, forcible, and perspicuous method of argu-
1789.
30
XI.
CHAP. ment, which he had pursued respecting it,
but particularly, for having chosen the only
way in which it could be made obvious to the
world, that they were warranted on every
ground of fact and of reason, in coming to
that vote, which he hoped would be the end
of their proceedings. As to the mode by
which the abolition of the slave trade was to
be carried into effect, they were not at present
called upon to discuss it; but, he trusted, it
would not be found the means of inviting
foreign powers to supply our islands with
slaves, by a clandestine trade. When once
the house shall be convinced, that the trade
ought to be abolished, they would not be de-
terred by any fears of other nations being
tempted by the profit resulting from a com-
merce, which, upon the grounds of humanity
and national honor, they had relinquished, to
carry it on in an illicit manner. Should that
be the case, the language must be, that Great
Britain had resources to enable her to protect
her islands, and prevent that traffic being
clandestinely carried on with them, which she
had thought fit, for her own credit and
character, to abandon. It was their duty, and
it should be their ambition, to take the lead
in a business of such extensive importance, and
of so much national credit; and foreign nations
1789.
31
XI.
might be prevailed upon to concur with them, CHAP.
either by negotiation immediately to be com-
menced, or by the effect which the proposi- 1789.
tions being put upon the journals would, in all
probability, produce.
Mr. Fox applauded Mr. Wilberforce for .
professing to do, what certainly ought to be
done, to completely abolish the traffic in slaves,
a traffic, for continuing which, no plea of
policy or of necessity could be urged. With
regard to a regulation of the slave trade, his
detestation of its existence must naturally lead
him to remark, that he knew not of such
a thing as a regulation of robbery, or a restric-
tion of murder. He had risen, he said, prin-
cipally to notice what had fallen from the
right honorable gentleman (Mr. Pitt,) respect-
ing the probability of foreign nations taking
up the trade, on our abandoning it, and clan-
destinely supplying our West Indian islands
with slaves. He had intended to say the same
thing, because he was convinced, that it was
the fit tone to be holden upon such a subject;
and that foreign nations should be given to
understand, that when this country thought
proper to abolish the slave trade, we possessed
the means of preventing that trade being
carried on in any manner with our colonies.
A trade in human flesh was so revolting, that
M
32
XI.
CHAP. it was in the last degree infamous to suffer it
to exist, under the authority of the govern-
ment of any country. He thought it, however,
likely, that the great and enlightened nation
of France, our grand political rival, would
catch a spark from the light of our fire, and
run a race with us in promoting the ends of
humanity.
1789.
Though the two leaders of the political
parties, into which the house of commons was
divided, were thus decidedly favorable to the
abolition of the slave trade, other members
expressed a very different opinion; and it was
evident from what passed in this, and also on
a following day, when the subject was re-
newed, that the measure would meet with
a most serious opposition. Petitions had like-
wise been presented, both in this and in the
last session, against the abolition, not only by
those, who were immediately engaged in the
trade itself, and in the manufacture of goods
for which slaves were exchanged, but by the
West Indian merchants and planters, a nu-
merous and powerful body, with very extensive
connexions; and there was perhaps at this
time scarcely an individual, concerned in the
commerce, or interested in the produce, of
our sugar colonies, who was not persuaded,
that he should suffer materially by the success
33
XI.
of Mr. Wilberforce's proposal. Immense, in- CHAP.
deed, was the private property in these islands,
belonging chiefly to persons resident in this
kingdom, many of whom were members of
the houses of parliament; and besides the
actual owners of these valuable possessions,
there was a long list of mortgagees, annui-
tants, and creditors *, who were all taught to
believe, that their securities would be de-
teriorated by the abolition of the slave trade.
However unfounded these widely-spread pre-
judices and fears might be, and however
little attention pecuniary considerations de-
served, when opposed by the essential princi-
ples of humanity and justice, the friends of
the abolition had to contend against the most
strenuous exertions of this formidable com-
bination of persons, who, besides maintaining
that the statement of Mr. Wilberforce was
in all its parts highly exaggerated, and that
the real evils attending the slave trade might
be removed or greatly mitigated by suitable
regulations, to which they should willingly
consent, urged the plausible pleas of long-
established practice, the express sanction of
* Mr. Edwards estimated the whole value of British ca-
pital in West Indian property, at 70 millions sterling. The
average value of the annual imports into Great Britain from
the West Indies, was estimated at 6,500,000l.
VOL, III.
D
1789.
34
:
CHAP. the British legislature, the loss of commerce
XI. to the nation, and the danger and injury of a
1789. compulsory introduction of a new system, in
the management of private property.
Several members contended, that in a ques-
tion of this importance, and concerning which
such contradictory sentiments prevailed, it
would be very improper to rely wholly upon
the report of the privy council; and that the
house ought to have an opportunity of forming
their judgment, from evidence adduced at
their own bar. Mr. Pitt, who had from the
first declared his readiness to accede to any
proposal for farther information, thought this
a reasonable expectation; and, accordingly, it
was agreed, after some discussion, but without
a division, that previously to any other step,
counsel should be heard and witnesses exa-
mined, in a committee of the whole house, in
support, and in compliance with the prayer,
of the various petitions which had been pre-
sented on both sides. The committee sat
from the 27th of May, on every vacant day,
till the 23d of June*, when so little progress
was made, that a decision was manifestly im-
possible before the prorogation; and, there-
* From the intervention of Whitsuntide holidays, and the
variety of business now depending in the house of commons,
the committee sat only seven days in this interval.
35
fore, the two parties consented, that the farther CHAP.
consideration of the business should be de- XI.
ferred till the next session.
A
1789.
The postponement of the main question
induced sir William Dolben to bring in a bill
to continue the act of last year, for regulating
the transportation of slaves from Africa to the
West Indies; which was the more necessary,
as the mortality in the middle passage had
been proved, by the evidence taken before the
privy council, to be considerably greater than
he had stated the preceding year, in the house
of commons. The new act, which contained
some amendments, was to remain in force till
August the 1st, 1790; and it passed without
any difficulty.
On the 1st of July, the East India company
presented a petition to the house of commons,
praying to be permitted to increase their capital
by one million, to be subscribed by the pre-
sent proprietors of East India stock. The
grounds of this application were, the great ex-
pences incurred in the late war, and a transfer
of a considerable part of the company's debt
in India to England. A bill was introduced
for the purpose desired, which was supported
by ministers, and passed both houses, after
a slight opposition.
D 2
36
CHAP.
XI.
1789.
THOUGH his majesty continued free from
any return of mental indisposition, yet his
constitution had received so severe a shock,
that he recovered his health and strength very
slowly*; and it was thought more prudent,
that he should not go in person to put an end
to the session. Parliament was therefore
prorogued by commission, on the 11th of
August; and, upon that occasion, the lord
chancellor informed the two houses, that he
was commanded by the king to return them
his majesty's thanks, for their uniform atten-
tion to the public business; and to assure
them of the satisfaction he felt from the
situation of affairs abroad, which promised to
this country the uninterrupted enjoyment of
the blessings of peace.
* In his letters to Mr. Pitt, during the session of parlia-
ment, he frequently complained of not being well; and it
appears that Dr. Willis and his son occasionally visited the
king, both at Kew and at Windsor, in April, May, and June,
which was not owing to any actual return of the mental dis-
order, but because they were thought the best judges of the
system which ought to be pursued for the entire removal of
the effects produced upon his majesty's general health, by his
long illness, and perhaps for the prevention of a relapse.
I
37
CHAPTER THE TWELFTH:
1789:
French Revolution-Meeting of Parliament-Mr. Pitt's Fi-
nance Measures— Other Proceedings in this Session
Different Sentiments expressed by the leading Members of
Opposition, relative to the French Revolution-Prorogation
and Dissolution of Parliament-Convention with Spain
Proceedings in France-Hostilities in India.
HE revolution, which, at this period, took CHAP.
place in the government of France, had
so much influence upon the public measures
of Mr. Pitt, in the latter part of his adminis-
tration, that it will be indispensably necessary
to give a brief statement of the leading cir-
cumstances which produced that extraordinary
event, and of the principal occurrences by
which it was accompanied.
Whatever doubts may have been entertained
or professed respecting the primary cause of
the French revolution, while the eager con-
tention it excited, blinded the judgment, and
prevented calm investigation, a general opi-
nion now prevails, that it originated with a set
of men, united for purposes, of which there
1789.
D 3
38
XII.
1789.
CHAP. is no example in the history of mankind. Few
of the present day will hesitate to acknow-
ledge, that this scourge of the civilized world
may be traced to the secret machinations, and
licentious and impious publications, of Vol-
taire, Rousseau, D'Alembert, and the other
founders of what has been denominated the
new philosophy, the grand characteristic of
which is, hostility to all established forms both
of civil polity and religious worship, to every
thing hitherto held virtuous or sacred among
mankind, or considered as conducive to their
best interests*. The writings of these men
contained tenets of the most profligate and
dangerous nature in religion, morality, and
government; and being calculated to mislead
and corrupt readers of every description, gra-
dually effected a most material change, not
only in the sentiments of literary and specu-
lative persons, but in the tide of general opi-
nion. This system, which had been carried
on for many years, with incredible industry
and exertion, was, in some degree, promoted
by the equally unwise and unjustifiable policy
of the court of France, in sending both mili-
tary men of distinguished talents, and nume-
* Some who will not allow, that what is here stated can
properly be called the actual origin of the French revolution,
admit, that it was a strong predisposing cause.
39
1
XII.
rous other emissaries, to foment and aid the CHAP.
discontent and disturbances in the British
colonies of America, where they imbibed re-
publican notions, which, after the establish-
ment of peace, they maintained and dissemi-
nated in their native country; and it was
unfortunately still more assisted by the real
abuses existing in the French government, and
by the gross corruptions of the national re-
ligion, which, when exposed with all the force
both of serious argument and poignant ridi-
cule, generated an aversion to every species
of regal power, and a disbelief of the whole of
revelation. The minds of men being thus:
prepared to engage in any scheme, which
might tend to the subversion of monarchy,
and to the extinction of christianity, the em-
barrassed state of the French finances, and the
impolitic conduct of the king's ministers, af-
forded an opportunity of bringing into action
those principles, which have produced the
most bitter fruits, and have scattered seeds of
infidelity, anarchy, and misery, which, it is to
be feared, will not soon be eradicated from
the world.
-
The public debt of France was very large,
and her revenue by no means in a flourishing
condition, at the time she commenced hostili-
ties with this country in 1778; and the expen-
1789.
:
D 4
40
ces of that war, by adding considerably to her
debt*, involved her in great pecuniary diffi-
1789. culties. M. de Calonne was appointed comp-
troller general of the finances, towards the
end of 1783; and, though it was then time of
profound peace, and though he immediately
introduced a variety of regulations for the im-
provement of the revenue, and the diminution
of the expenditure, he was under the necessity
of having recourse to loans, in that and in
the two following years. The loan of 1785
amounted to between three and four millions
sterling, and the parliament of Paris, upon
being required by the king to register the
edict for raising that sum, repeatedly remon-
strated against it, in terms very different from
any language which they or their predecessors
had ever addressed to their sovereign. At
length, his majesty peremptorily commanded
them to obey, without farther hesitation, and
the edict was registered; but it was accom-
panied with a resolution, reflecting so offen-
sively upon the measures of government, that
the king ordered it to be expunged from their
journals, with a severe reprimand for pre-
suming to express an opinion upon subjects,
in which they had no right to interfere.
CHAP.
XII.
;
* It was said that this war added about fifty millions ster-
ling to the national debt of France.
41
XII.
The difficulties attending this transaction, CHAP.
and the temper and disposition exhibited by the
parliament of Paris, convinced M. de Calonne,
that something more than the ordinary au-
thority of the king and his ministers, would be
requisite for the establishment of those radical
reforms in the system of finance, without
which it would be in vain to expect, that the
income of the country could ever be made
equal to its current expences, and to the
interest of the national debt.
France, like the other feudal kingdoms of
Europe, had originally its states general, in
whom was vested the legislative power, and
without whose concurrence no subsidy could
be levied. In process of time, the kings of
France, by successive encroachments on the
liberties of the people, and the privileges of
the barons, and by maintaining a large mili-
tary force, acquired absolute power; and
ceasing to call together the states general, ex-
ercised, in their sole capacity, the right of
making laws, whether relating to taxation, or
to any other public concern, which were sent
to the parliament of Paris, to be registered,
merely for the purpose of giving them authentic
promulgation, before they were put in force.
The parliament of Paris, totally differing
from that of England, was, by its original con-
1789.
:
42
XII.
CHAP. stitution a court of justice only; and several
of the provinces, having been separate prin-
1789. cipalities before they were united to the crown
of France, had each its own parliament, which
was confined to a similar jurisdiction. The
members of these parliaments were at first
appointed and removed at the pleasure of the
king; but the seats, from the distress or the
corruption of government, being afterwards
sold, were understood to be granted for life,
as it would have been extremely unjust arbi-
trarily to dismiss a person from a situation,
which he had purchased. For a considerable
period, the parliaments registered the laws, or
royal edicts, without inquiry or observation;
but when they looked upon themselves as in
a great measure independent of the crown, in
consequence of holding their places for life,
they assumed to themselves a right of judging
of the propriety or expediency of the edicts.
If parliament considered, that any edict would
be injurious to the public, they declined to
register it; stating their objections, and pre-
tending, by a sort of legal fiction, and out of
respect for royal authority, that it could not
be the real act of the king, but was a mere
imposition of his ministers. In weak admi-
nistrations, or under other favorable circum-
stances, this opposition was frequently suc-
43
cessful, and the edict was given up by the
court. But if the governing power was firm
and determined, the parliament submitted, or
the king had recourse to what was called a bed
of justice; that is, he went in person, having
given previous notice of his intention, attended
by the great officers of state, to authenticate
and confirm his own deed before the parlia-
ment; and as all debate was precluded by his
presence, he had nothing farther to do, than
to order the edict to be registered, which was
instantly done; and it became the undisputed
law of the land.
The parliament, being the only check to
the arbitrary power of the monarch, stood
high in the public estimation; and gradually
advancing in weight and authority, at length
ventured to interfere in the religious disputes,
which prevailed in France, under the reign of
Louis the fifteenth; and even refused to re-
gister several of his money edicts. After
various contests and altercations, the king,
towards the close of his life, banished the par-
liament of Paris, and likewise several provin-
cial parliaments, who had displeased him by
the same refractory conduct. Louis the
sixteenth, upon his accession to the throne in
1774, restored all the banished parliaments,
and experienced very little trouble or incon-
CHAP.
XII.
1789.
44
XII.
CHAP. venience from them, till the parliament of
Paris shewed a reluctance to register the edict
for the loan of 1785, in the manner which
has been related; and we shall see, that the
resistance of this and of the other parliaments
to the authority of the king, aided by the
feeble and imprudent conduct on the part of
government, contributed, in no small degree,
to those scenes of turbulence and confusion
which soon afterwards followed.
1789.
It had been the practice in former times,
though not a frequent one, for the kings of
France, upon great emergencies, and when
the states general were not sitting, to call to-
gether a certain number of their subjects,
distinguished by rank and character, who were,
therefore, when thus assembled, known by the
name of the notables *. This convention pos-
sessed no legislative power; they were only
a temporary council of state, whose office it
was to deliver their sentiments upon any plans
communicated to them, by command of the
king, and to offer to his majesty such ad-
vice as the public welfare might appear to
them to demand. No meeting, however, of
this kind, had been holden since the year
1626; but the present situation of the country
* The president Henault mentions only four meetings of
the notables, namely, in 1558, 1596, 1617, and 1626,
45
XII.
1789.
induced M. de Calonne to recommend to his CHAP.
majesty to call an assembly of the notables,
with the hope of obtaining their sanction to
the projects, which he had in contemplation.
Accordingly, on the 29th of December 1786,
summonses were issued to 144 persons, seven
of whom were princes of the blood, and the
rest peers, nobles, heads of the church, law,
and army, ministers of the crown, deputies of
the pays d'états, and magistrates of the prin-
cipal towns in different parts of the kingdom.
The attention of all classes of the commu-
nity was fixed upon this meeting; and, at
Paris more especially, the probable result of
its deliberations was the prevalent topic of con-
versation. The inhabitants of the metropolis
now displayed a spirit of inquiry, and a free-
dom in discussing political subjects, hitherto
unknown in that country. The unequal
manner in which taxes were paid in the dif-
ferent provinces of the kingdom, the exemp-
tion of the clergy, nobles, and magistrates,
from various species of taxation, the oppres-
sive rigor with which taxes were collected
from the middle and lower classes of society,
and the excessive peculation and lavish waste
of the public money, were loudly complained
of as requiring immediate redress; and, it
is unquestionably true, that these and other
46
XII.
CHAP. defects and abuses in the present government
gave great advantage to the disaffected and
1789. ill-disposed, and procured for them, in the
beginning of the struggle, the concurrence
and support of many persons, who considered
themselves as contending only for a moderate
reform, and were not aware of the ultimate
designs of those, under whose banners they
had enlisted, and whose views they in fact
unintentionally promoted.
After a formal opening of the assembly of
the notables at Versailles, in a speech from
the king, on the 22nd of February, 1787,
M. de Calonne entered into a long detail of
the financial state of the country, which he
represented to be embarrassed and distressed
beyond the common remedy of additional
taxes upon the present system; those classes
of the community, he said, upon whom the
weight of the public assessments principally
fell, were already oppressed by burdens, which
would admit of no increase; and, although
every practical retrenchment had been made,
and all possible economy introduced, the ex-
penditure of the nation exceeded its income
by four millions sterling; and he added, that at
the present moment, there were the most press
ing demands upon the treasury, which it was
utterly unable to satisfy. He then submitted
47
XII.
to the consideration of the assembly several CHAP.
measures, the two most material of which
were, the establishment of a general and equal 1789.
territorial impost or land-tax, in lieu of the
partial one which then existed, and an equali-
zation of the public burdens, by annihilating
all exemptions, and by making every class and
every individual of the community alike sub-
ject to the payment of taxes. These proposals
seem to have been founded in reason and
equity, and had they been approved and adopt-
ed, would probably have answered their in-
tended purpose. But, unfortunately, the as-
sembly of the notables was composed almost
entirely of privileged persons, who would have
suffered by these regulations, and who did not
possess the public spirit to prefer the national
welfare to their own private interest.
The proposed measures were on this ac-
count, extremely ill received by the notables;
and from the same cause, when made public,
they were severely reprobated by the nu-
merous orders of the nobility, clergy, and
magistrates*, throughout the kingdom, who,
by their influence and misrepresentation,
* Patents of nobility were sold in France; and from this
and other causes, the nobles were said at this time, to amount
to 200,000. The clergy were about 130,000; and the ma-
gistrates also were extremely numerous.
48
XII.
CHAP. Contrived to render them odious even to the
bulk of the people, to whose relief they would
1789. unquestionably have contributed. So universal
and violent a clamor was raised against the
minister, that the king was induced to dismiss
him from his office, early in April; and about
a month afterwards, some temporary appoint-
ments intervening, the archbishop of Toulouse,
who had been one of the most determined
opponents of M. de Calonne, in the assembly
of the notables, was placed at the head of the
finances.
The notables continued to sit, and the pro-
posal of a general and equal land-tax was
repeatedly discussed. Besides the opposition
of particular and individual interests, it was
objected to as a direct infraction of the rights
of whole provinces, and a violation of the
original capitularies, which they had entered
into with the crown, for the preservation of
their antient immunities, and on the faith of
which they became members of the kingdom.
Upon this subject, the attorney general of
Provence was bold enough to declare, that
neither that assembly, nor the parliament, nor
the king himself, could charge any such impost
on the province to which he belonged, it being
fundamentally contrary to the specific and
indefeasible rights of the inhabitants.
49
XII.
Under these circumstances it became every CHAP.
day more evident, that no substantial benefit
was to be expected from the deliberations of
the notables; and it required not much poli-
tical sagacity to discover, that nothing less
than an assembly of the states general of the
kingdom, acting upon a wise and compre-
hensive system, under the direction of a firm
and able minister, and with the instructions
and advice of the respective provincial states,
particularly in those matters which related to
their own peculiar rights and privileges, could
extricate the country from its present distress,
by permanent and duly authorized arrange-
ments of the revenue.
The king dissolved the assembly of the
notables on the 25th of May, and in his speech
returned them thanks for their zeal and atten-
tion, in examining the objects which he had
recommended to their consideration. In con-
sequence of their suggestions, some useful,
though not very important, regulations in the
collection of the revenue were adopted; but
as they had not afforded any effectual relief to
the urgent necessities of the state, the minis-
ters, unwilling, without absolute compulsion,
to have recourse to a meeting of the states
general, had no alternative left but to attempt
to raise money by the usual mode. Several
VOL. III.
E
50
XII.
CHAP. royal edicts for that purpose were sent to the
parliament of Paris, all of which were regis-
tered without much hesitation; except one,
issued on the 12th of June, imposing a general
stamp duty. Upon this subject the parlia-
ment presented an address to the king, con-
taining objections to the tax, and requesting
his majesty to communicate to them a full
account of the real state of the finances, and
of the manner in which the money demanded
was to be applied. The king declared his
determination not to furnish them with any
explanatory documents relative to these points;
and this refusal drew from the parliament
a strong remonstrance, in which, after in-
veighing with great severity against the pre-
sent ministers, they entered into a discussion
of the principles and object of national im-
posts: they asserted, that neither the king,
nor the parliaments, nor any other body of
men, except the three estates of the kingdom
collectively assembled, had a right to lay
a permanent tax upon the people; and they
therefore requested, that his majesty would be
pleased to assemble the states general. The
king replied, that it was for him to judge
of the proper time of calling the states general
together; and he again required them to re-
gister the stamp duty edict, and also an edict
1
51
XII.
for a general land-tax : But finding them re- CHAP.
solved not to comply, he held, as the last
resort, a bed of justice on the 6th of August,
and in his presence, and by his authority,
both the edicts were registered. Though this
was conformable to antient practice, the par-
liament did not, like their predecessors, ac-
quiesce in such an exercise of arbitrary power;
but on the following day, entered a formal pro-
test against the whole transaction, declaring,
that the edicts which had been registered by
the express command of the king, against their
approbation and consent, neither ought to
have, nor should have, any force; and that the
first person who should attempt to carry them
into execution, should be adjudged a traitor,
and condemned to the galleys. This direct
attack upon the authority of the king, in the
important article of levying taxes, could not
be overlooked; and the parliament was imme-
diately * banished to Troyes in Champagne.
During these disputes, the people at Paris
took a warm and decided part in favor of the
parliament, whom they considered as victims
to the cause of public liberty; and such was
the disposition to riot, that the ministers
thought it necessary to march a considerable
number of additional troops into the city, to
* On August 12, 1787.
E 2
52
XII.
CHAP. prevent disturbances. Besides patroles by day
and night, subaltern officers, with small de-
tachments of soldiers, were posted at the
corners of the streets; the whole force em-
ployed in this service, amounting to 12,000
men. Nor was the dissatisfaction confined to
the populace. The chamber of accounts, and
court of aids, the two courts of justice next in
rank to the parliament, protested against the
new taxes, and petitioned the king to recal the
parliament, and to summon the states general, as
the only means of restoring public confidence
and tranquillity, and of relieving the people
from the oppressions under which they groan-
ed. Several other public bodies concurred in
the same application; and a general tendency
to innovation, under the specious pretext of
reform, now manifested itself among all de-
scriptions of persons in the metropolis.
The provincial parliaments expressed their
unqualified approbation of the conduct of the
parliament of Paris; and not confining them-
selves to the subject of taxes, seemed to vie
with each other in the boldness and violence
of their proceedings. Among various instances
of this nature, the parliament of Grenoble,
the capital of Dauphiny, protested against the
unconstitutional power, so long exercised by
the crown, in issuing lettres de cachet; and
53
XII.
declared the execution of them within their CHAP.
jurisdiction, by any person, and under what-
ever authority, to be a capital crime. The
general prevalence of this spirit of discontent
and opposition so alarmed the ministers, that
they did not venture to take any steps for
enforcing either the stamp duty or land-tax
edict; but they reduced the expences of the
king's household, and of some other depart-
ments, with the hope of recommending them-
selves to the people, and of lessening the
pressure of pecuniary distress.
The exiled members of the parliament of
Paris, although they could not hold any re-
gular meetings, frequently conferred together;
and, in compliance with their unanimous wish,
the first president, without any permission
from the king, or previous notice, set out for
Versailles; and, arriving there on the 13th of
September, represented to his majesty, in the
name of the whole body, the ruinous situation
to which his kingdom would be inevitably
reduced, by a perseverance in those measures,
which he had been advised to pursue: adding,
that all public business was at a stand, and the
nation in a great ferment; and that though
the precise consequences of such a state of
things could not be foreseen, yet it was
evident, that disorder, confusion, and per-
E 3
+
54
CHAP. haps the most serious mischief, would be the
XII.
result.
Although the president had no authority to
leave the place of his banishment, and this
address was rather menacing than conciliatory,
yet so eager was the king for an accommoda-
tion, that he allowed a treaty to take place,
and soon consented formally to give up the
stamp duty and land-tax, which were the great
objects of contention, and to recal the parlia-
These concessions on the part of the
court, without any corresponding ones from
the parliament, marked the weakness and in-
decision of government, and could not but
operate as an encouragement to future resist-
ance; an opportunity for which shortly after
occurred.
ment.
On the 19th of November, the king, attended
by all the princes of the blood, the great offi-
cers of state, and peers, went to an assembly
of the parliament of Paris, for the purpose of
holding what was called a "séance royale*,"
and carried with him two edicts to be regis-
*
At a séance royale the measures were debated in the
king's presence before they were registered. When the
king held a bed of justice, no debate was allowed. It was
observed, upon this occasion, by the abbé Sabbatier, that the
only difference between a bed of justice and a séance royale,
was, that one had all the frankness of despotism, and the
other all its hypocrisy.
55
XII.
tered the one for a succession of loans for CHA P.
five years, amounting to about nineteen mil-
lions sterling; and the other for the re-esta-
blishment of the protestants in certain civil
rights, of which they had been long deprived.
The latter measure had been recommended
by the parliament some time before, and was
probably now proposed, with a view of pro-
curing a better reception for the former. The
king introduced these edicts with a speech, in
which he explained the necessity of the loans,
and expatiated upon the propriety of restoring
the protestants to their antient privileges: and,
concluding in a high tone of authority, very
inconsistent with his recent unconditional con-
cessions, he reminded the parliament, that it
was their duty to confine themselves to the
functions entrusted to them by the kings his
predecessors, and to set an example of fidelity
and obedience to his other subjects.
Every member being then at liberty to
deliver his sentiments, a very warm debate
took place relative to the loans, which lasted
nine hours; and, at length, the king, fatigued,
and probably displeased by the freedom with
which some of the members had expressed
themselves, suddenly commanded the edicts
to be registered without farther delay. To this
the duke of Orleans, first prince of the blood,
E 4
56
XII.
CHAP. next to the king's brothers, objected, as a direct
infringement of the rights of parliament; and
protested against all the proceedings of the
day, as illegal. His majesty, however, repeated
the order, and immediately quitted the assem-
bly; after which the parliament entered into
a resolution, confirming the duke of Orleans's
protest, and declaring the edicts null and void.
On the following day, the duke was banished
to one of his own seats, where no person was
to have access to him, except his family; and
the abbé Sabbatier and M. Freteau, two mem-
bers of the parliament, who had violently
opposed the edict for the loans, were seized by
lettres de cachet, and sent to separate and
distant prisons.
7
This transaction was followed by a series of
remonstrances from the parliament to the king,
and of answers from his majesty, in which were
asserted and maintained, with the most mark-
ed perseverance, and in the most determined
language, principles so opposite to each other,
in regard to the prerogatives and authority of
the crown, the privileges of parliament, and
the rights of the subject, that any compromise
or reconciliation was manifestly impossible;
and it was obvious, that some great crisis was
fast approaching. The parliament constantly
referred to what they represented as the ori-
57
XII.
ginal constitution of the kingdom of France; CHAP.
and the king supported his claims by the un-
interrupted and unquestionable powers exer-
cised by his immediate predecessors, for a con-
siderable period of time.
This contest lasted many months, during
which the ministers were employed in framing
an extensive plan for a new form of govern-
ment, the main object of which was, to relieve
the king from those vexatious disputes with
the parliament, which had been the source of
the present distracted state of affairs. With
this view, it was proposed to establish a grand
council of state, under the name of "La
Cour Plenière," to be invested with such
powers, as to reduce the parliaments to their
original condition of mere courts of justice.
This new court was to consist of princes of
the blood, peers of the realm, great officers of
the crown, the higher orders of the clergy,
marshals of France, governors of provinces,
knights of the different orders, and a deputa-
tion of one member from each parliament of
the realm, and of two from the chambers
of accounts and of aids, all of whom were to
be appointed by the king, and to hold their
offices for life. Whatever intrinsic merit this
plan might possess, the state of France at the
time afforded so little probability of its being
58
XII.
CHAP. adopted, that the expectation of its termina
ting the present dissensions and restoring tran-
quillity, appears a species of infatuation; and
it is obvious, that every unsuccessful attempt
to deprive the parliaments of their usurped
authority, could not but tend to strengthen
and confirm it.
The parliament of Paris obtained infor-
mation of what was intended; and before any
formal notification of the plan was made to
them, they passed several resolutions con-
demning its principal provisions; in conse-
quence of which, the king ordered M. d'Espre-
menil and M. de Mosambert, who had taken
the leading part in the debate, to be arrested
in their own houses. These two members,
however, having received private intelligence
of the order which had been given, concealed
themselves; but on the following day went to
a meeting of the parliament, when the in-
tended arrest was taken into consideration,
and it was unanimously resolved, that a re-
monstrance should be presented to his majesty,
upon the subject, by a deputation of their
body. The king refused to admit the depu-
tation; and soon afterwards a regiment of
soldiers surrounded the palace where the par-
liament was assembled, and their commander,
M. Degout, entering, ordered, in the king's
CON
59
XII.
name, that M. d'Espremenil and M. de Mo- CHAP
sambert, should be delivered up to him.
A profound silence ensued for some time; but
at length the president rose and declared, that
he, and every other person present, was a
d'Espremenil and a Mosambert, for that they
all entirely coincided in the sentiments of those
members. M. Degout, not being able to exe-
cute his orders, retired for the purpose of
consulting the king and his ministers; and,
returning at the end of twenty hours, during
which time the parliament remained locked
up in their chamber, and surrounded by
soldiers, required the members to point out to
him M. d'Espremenil and M. de Mosambert,
under the penalty of being declared guilty of
high treason. Not a word was said in answer,
till the two members in question rose, and
desired permission to surrender themselves:
they were accordingly taken into custody, and
committed to prison.
The king held a bed of justice on the 8th
of May, upon which occasion the parliament
presented to his majesty, a long address, as-
serting, among other things, that the French
nation would never adopt the despotic plan
he had in contemplation; that his autho-
rity could only be esteemed, so long as it was
tempered with justice; that the fundamental
L
60
XII.
CHAP. laws of the kingdom must not be trampled
upon; that the parliament was determined,
both as a body and as individuals, to take no
part in any functions which might be the con-
sequence of new regulations; and that they
would not assist in carrying into execution any
measures, which were not the unanimous reso-
lutions of parliament, endued with all its
privileges.
After this address, the king explained very
fully the new code of ordinances in a long
speech, to which the members listened in si-
lence; and, without making any observation,
they saw it registered by his majesty's com-
mand. But, on the following day, they en-
tered a protest, declaring, that they gave their
sanction to no part of the code, and that they
could not accept any seat in the Cour Plenière,
which his majesty wished to establish, and
which they considered as destructive of the
rights they had long enjoyed. This protest was
immediately followed by a letter, addressed by
several peers to the king, in which they la-
mented the attempt now made to subvert the
fundamental principles of the government, and
informed his majesty, that their sense of duty
to their country would not allow them to
engage in the functions assigned them by the
new edicts; and similar sentiments were soon
61
XII.
afterwards expressed by a more numerous CHAP.
body of nobles and bishops, in an address pre-
sented to his majesty. The king, however,
proceeded to nominate the members of the
Cour Plenière; but receiving an absolute
refusal to belong to that body, from persons
on whose fidelity and attachment he had
fully relied, he was under the mortifying ne-
cessity of abandoning the whole code, from
his utter inability to carry into effect that
part, upon which the rest materially depended:
such was the change in the minds even of per-
sons of high rank towards their sovereign.
It is, therefore, no wonder, that libels, of the
most atrocious nature and most dangerous
tendency, were distributed with incredible in-
dustry, in which the king was openly branded
with the names of tyrant and oppressor, and
the people were called upon to stand forward
and avenge their wrongs.
It has been mentioned, that the archbishop
of Toulouse succeeded M. de Calonne, in
the administration of the finances, in May
1787; not long after which, he was appointed
prime minister, an office which conveyed so
much authority in France, that it was not
frequently filled. He continued in this si-
tuation (having been in the mean time ad-
vanced to the archbishoprick of Sens) till the
62
XII.
CHAP. 25th of May 1788, when, alarmed by the for-
midable height to which the embarrassments
of government had arisen, he suddenly left
Versailles, and retired into Italy.
The king, finding himself thus forsaken by
the man, whose advice had brought him into
his present state of unexampled difficulty, and
desirous of employing a person, whòm he
knew to be acceptable to the people, recalled
M. Necker *, and placed him at the head of
the finances. Nothing could exceed the public
joy at this appointment, which was followed
by the dismissal of the other ministers, and by
the release of the duke of Orleans, and of
M. d'Espremenil and M. de Mosambert.
The parliament of Paris, which had been
suspended from the exercise of its duties, was
restored about the middle of September; and
soon gave full proof, that no alteration had
taken place in the principles of its members.
They inveighed with the greatest bitterness,
against the conduct of the late ministers, and
threatened to bring them to justice by a cri-
minal prosecution; but to this the king re-
fused his consent, alleging, that he himself was
alone responsible for the measures of which
they complained. Having failed in this at-
* He had been finance minister from 1776 to 1781, when
he left France.
63
XII.
tempt, they ordered all the king's decrees, CHAP.
which related to their suspension, or which
they considered as encroaching upon their pri-
vileges, to be publicly burnt in Paris-an act
which could not fail, and was probably in-
tended, to bring the royal authority into con-
tempt, and to irritate afresh the minds of the
people, which had been somewhat appeased
by his majesty's recent compliance with their
wishes.
It was now determined, by the advice of
M. Necker, to call together the states general,
a measure for which the nation had been long
impatient; but, as there had been no meeting
of this kind since 1614, the year in which
Louis the thirteenth was declared of age,
it
was thought a necessary previous step, to sum-
mon a new convention of the notables, for the
purpose of consulting them relative to the
organization of the states general. Besides
the mode of election, the qualifications of the
electors and the elected, and other inferior
matters, there were two grand points to be
considered, which had been much agitated and
discussed by the public, namely, of what num-
ber the states general should consist; and whe-
ther the three orders, the clergy, the nobles,
and the tiers état, or commons, should sit and
vote together, or in separate chambers.
:
64
CHAP.
XII.
The notables met on the 6th of November,
and recommended, after the example of 1614,
that there should be 300 deputies from each
of the three estates; and that the three orders
should sit and vote in separate chambers,
as had been almost the invariable practice
from the time the tiers état had been first
admitted to these convocations by Philip le
bel, in 1302; but, most unfortunately, the
king was prevailed upon, by M. Necker, to
consent, that the tiers état should send 600
deputies, and the clergy and nobles 300 each;
and nothing was said in the edict, with respect
to their deliberating in one or in separate
chambers. Whether the silence on this head
arose from design or from negligence, the
minister was equally unpardonable, since it
authorized, as it were, the electors of the tiers
état to consider the question as undecided,
and afforded them an opportunity of instruct-
ing their representatives to make every exer-
tion to cause the three estates to sit together
in the same chamber.
Under these circumstances, the assembly of
the states general was opened at Versailles, on
the 5th of May 1789, by a speech from the
king; and, on the following day, the three
orders, conformably to ancient practice, met
separately in three chambers prepared for
65
them.
XII.
The first business to be transacted CHA P.
was, the verification of their powers; and the
tiers état invited the clergy and nobles to come
to their hall, the largest of the three, for that
purpose. The proposal was rejected by a small
majority among the clergy, and by a large one
among the nobles. This was a point of great
importance, as it involved, or at least might
materially affect, the grand question, whether
the states general were to sit as three distinct
bodies, the consent of each of which should
be necessary to the passing of any law, or as
one body, in which every motion was to be
decided by a majority of votes. In the former
case, the clergy, or nobles, would obviously
have it in their power to put a stop to any
proceeding injurious to their own order, or
which they might disapprove on any other
grounds; and in the latter, the tiers état
confidently hoped, they should be able to
carry any measure, as their number equalled
the joint numbers of the other two orders;
and they well knew, that among themselves
there was a general coincidence of sentiment,
and that they should be joined by many of
the clergy, and even by a few of the nobles.
They were therefore determined not to yield;
and declining to enter upon any business of
state, they employed their time in violent and
VOL. III.
F
1789.
66
XII.
CHAP factious debates, reflecting in the severest
terms upon the conduct of the other two
1789. orders. These harangues, at which persons
of all descriptions were allowed to be pre-
sent, were regularly transmitted to Paris,
where they were received with the warmest
approbation, and excited the most lively
interest.
In a short time, the tiers état, finding the
popular cry strongly in their favor, declared
themselves the real representatives of the na-
tion; and intimating, that they were about to
assume the exclusive power of legislation, sent
a final message to the nobles and clergy, re-
quiring their attendance as individuals. They
were in consequence joined by a small number
of the clergy; and on the 17th of June, so-
lemnly voted themselves the sovereign legis-
lators of the country, under the name of the
National Assembly*. In this new and usurped
character, without paying any regard to the
king, or to the other two chambers of depu-
ties, who continued their sittings, they pro-
nounced, by a public decree, all taxes which
*The duke of Dorset, the English ambassador, writing to
Mr. Pitt from Paris, July 9th, 1789, said: “Mr. Jefferson, the
American minister at this court, has been a great deal con-
sulted by the principal leaders of the tiers état; and I have
great reason to think, that it was owing to his advice, that
order called itself L'Assemblée Nationale."
67
XII.
1789.
had been imposed without the consent of the CHAP.
representatives of the people, that is, subse-
quently to the last meeting of the states
general, to be null and void; giving, how-
ever, a temporary sanction to the existing
taxes, although illegal, till the assembly should
be able to fix, as they expressed it, the prin-
ciples of national regeneration, and provide
for the security of the public creditors.
A few days after this decree was passed, the
king proposed in person to the states, as he still
called them, a plan for a new constitution; the
general outlines of which were, that no new
tax should be imposed, or money borrowed,
for the national service, without the consent
of the states general; that all exemptions
with respect to the payment of taxes should
be abolished; that all oppressive seigneurial
rights and services should cease; that the
liberty of the press should be established ;
that the operation of lettres de cachet should
be so restrained as to secure personal freedom,
except in cases of actual violation of the
the laws; that provincial states should be esta-
blished in different parts of the kingdom,
with definite local powers; and that justice
should be administered, both in the civil and
criminal courts, with the strictest impartiality,
and most rigid attention to the rights of
•
F 2
68
XII.
CHAP. every description of his subjects. These re
forms, which would have removed all the
1789. oppressive grievances of which the people
complained, and in fact have reduced the
hitherto arbitrary power of the king to that of
a limited monarch, might have satisfied the
bulk of the nation at an earlier period, and
have put an end to all dissension: but being
by no means suited to the views and princi-
ples of those, who were now the ruling party
in the national assembly, the plan was instantly
rejected by that body, with indignation; and
a resolution passed, declaring their adherence
to their former decree, and pronouncing the
persons of the deputies sacred and inviolable.
Sensible of their strength, and encouraged by
the success and popularity which had already
attended their exertions, they proposed to
form a constitution according to their own
ideas, without accepting any suggestion from
the king, or shewing any attention to his sen-
timents and wishes.
A great majority of the clergy, and a con-
siderable number of the nobles, having joined
the tiers état, the remainder of both of the
orders, at the earnest but most unwise desire
of the king, followed their example on the
27th of June. This compliance probably
originated from the vain hope of conciliating.
Am
69
XII.
the national assembly, but, in fact, it afforded CHAP.
a great triumph to the disaffected party; and
so far was it from moderating their proceed- 1789.
ings, that this faction having now gained
additional influence, proposed and carried
a series of measures totally destructive of in-
stitutions, which had existed from time im-
memorial. It was resolved, that all feudal
services should be redeemable at an equitable
price, except personal ones, which were to
cease, without compensation; that all mano-
rial jurisdictions, all the charters and privileges
of towns and districts, and all tithes due to
the clergy, should be abolished. These de-
crees, affecting very valuable rights and pro-
perty to a great extent, were considered only
as preparatory steps to the establishment of
a new constitution. As the ground-work of
their system, the national assembly published,
at the end of August, a declaration of the
rights of men and of citizens, containing the
most absurd and visionary theories, not only
irreconcileable with all ideas of kingly govern-
ment, but utterly inconsistent with the true
ends of every form of civil polity, the secu-
rity of individuals, and the tranquillity of
the public.
Repeated attempts were made by ministers,
under the sanction of the national assembly,
F 3
70
XII.
CHAP. to raise money by public loans, but they all
failed; and no taxes being paid in the present
1789. convulsed state of the nation, there was not
only no money for the ordinary purposes of
government, and for the discharge of the in-
terest of the national debt, but the king was
reduced to so great distress, as to be com-
pelled to send his plate to the mint to be
coined, as the only means of procuring the
common necessarics of life for himself and the
royal family.
These proceedings at Versailles were greatly
encouraged and promoted by the events which
were taking place at the same period at Paris,
there being a constant communication, and
perfect understanding, between those who
had acquired the ascendancy in the capital,
and the predominant party in the national
assembly. Meetings were held in different
districts of the city of Paris, at which factious
demagogues, using the most irritating invec-
tives against the king and his ministers, ex-
cited the people to acts of treason and re-
bellion; and measures were usually discussed
at clubs, consisting of persons of the most
turbulent and daring character, before they
were brought forward in the national assembly.
The licentiousness of the press was also car-
ried to such an extreme, that pamphlets were
71
XII.
continually issuing forth, containing matter of CHAP.
the most seditious and inflammatory nature,
subversive of social order, and tending to
loosen all the bonds which unite mankind in
civilized life. Paris, at this time, abounded
with political and sceptical men of letters,
who, treading in the footsteps of Voltaire and
his associates, degraded their talents, by re-
presenting religion as an invention of priests
and statesmen; government, as an encroach-
ment upon natural freedom; property, as an
infringement of natural right; and distinction
of ranks, as contrary to natural equality.
Every art was practised to seduce the soldiers
from their allegiance; and the success of these
attempts soon became apparent. Some troops
were called to quell a riot, on the 23d of June;
but, though the mob were committing acts
of the grossest outrage, not a single soldier
could be induced to fire upon, or to use any
force against, his fellow-citizens. From this
moment there was an end of military discipline,
and of civil subordination; and the people
disregarding all established authority, whether
derived from the sovereign, or from their own
municipal institutions, the city became a prey
to every species of disorder, violence, and
anarchy. The disaffected citizens, to the num-
ber of 30,000, took advantage of this dan-
1789.
F 4
72
CHAP.
XII.
1789.
gerous
and alarming state of the metropolis,
and enrolled themselves, under pretence of
preserving the public peace. They assumed
the plausible name of national guards; and
having seized arms from the public arsenals,
and being joined by a great number of muti-
nous soldiers, quickly became a formidable
military corps, without the slightest acknow-
ledgement of any dependance upon the king,
or of owing him any obedience. They elected
their own officers, and appointed the marquis
de la Fayette, who had distinguished himself
in America, both as a military man, and as
a promoter of the rebellion, their commander
in chief. One of the earliest acts of these
national guards was, the destruction of the
bastile, on the 14th of July; the governor and
major of which were massacred, and their
heads carried upon pikes through the city.
This was the first instance of that sanguinary
spirit, which marked the revolution in its
more advanced periods. The prevôt des
marchands, or chief magistrate of Paris, M. de
Foulon, late one of the king's ministers,
and several other persons who were obnoxious
to the populace, were soon after put to death,
in the most inhuman manner. There were
also frequent insurrections, in which, the
national guards being unable or unwilling to
73
repress the rioters, many houses were de- CHAP.
molished, and many lives lost.
XII.
Societies and clubs, connected with those in
Paris, had for some time existed in all the
cities and considerable towns throughout the
kingdom, for the purpose of preparing the
public mind for revolutionary doctrines. These
societies, or debating clubs, as they were
now called, from their open discussion of
political subjects, being much increased in
number, had great effect, with the assistance
of seditious pamphlets, in spreading the most
mischievous opinions, and in stimulating the
peasantry to the most atrocious outrages, even
against their greatest benefactors. Many of
the nobility and gentry, resident in the pro-
vinces, who had, from any cause, rendered
themselves unpopular, were assassinated, their
mansions destroyed or pillaged, and their
patents and title deeds burnt; and in these
tumults and disorders the military frequently
joined. In short, all trace of regular govern-
ment was entirely done away; and the whole
of France was at the mercy of an infuriated
populace, with arms in their hands, who well
knew that the most open and daring deeds of
plunder, conflagration, and murder, must pass
with impunity. Several branches of the royal
family, and numerous persons of distinction
1789.
74
XII.
CHAP. and property, quitted the kingdom, and took
refuge in different foreign countries, while
a large proportion of the middle and lower
ranks of the community, laying aside their
habits of industry and peaceable conduct spent
their time at political meetings, or in com-
mitting excesses of every description, to the
neglect and injury of trade, manufactures, and
agriculture*.
1789.
Mr. Eden gave the following account to Mr. Pitt, in
a letter written from Paris, August 27th, 1789: "It would
lead me too far to enter into the strange and unhappy parti-
culars of the present situation of this country. The anarchy
is most complete; the people have renounced every idea
and principle of subordination; the magistracy (so far as
there remain any traces of magistracy,) is panic-struck; the
army is utterly undone; and the soldiers are so freed from
military discipline, that on every discontent, and in the face
of day, they take their arms and knapsacks, and leave their
regiments; the church, which formerly had so much influ-
ence, is now in general treated by the people with derision;
the revenue is greatly and rapidly decreasing amidst the dis-
orders of the time: even the industry of the laboring cláss
is interrupted and suspended. In short, the prospect, in
every point of view, is most alarming: and it is sufficient to
walk into the streets, and to look at the faces of those who
pass, to see, that there is a general impression of calamity and
terror. Such a state of things must come soon to a crisis;
and the anxiety to be restored to order and security, would
soon tend to establish, in some shape, an executive govern-
ment, but there is a cruel want of some man of eminent ta-
lents to take the lead. I know personally all who are most
conspicuous at present; and I see no man equal in any degree
to the task which presents itself."
75
XII.
In addition to other evils, there was, at CHAP.
this time, a great want of corn in Paris; and
on the 5th of October, a vast multitude of
men and women assembled round the hotel de
ville, calling aloud for bread and arms. Every
exertion to quiet or disperse these rioters
was ineffectual; and at length having fur-
nished themselves with the arms deposited in
the hotel de ville, they set out for Versailles, to
demand, as they said, bread from the king and
the national assembly. A few hours after-
wards, the national guards, who had refused
to act against the mob, insisted upon follow-
ing them to Versailles; and la Fayette, having
in vain endeavored to dissuade them, felt
himself under the necessity of accompanying
his soldiers. It was midnight before the na-
tional guards arrived at Versailles; and at that
late hour, deputies from the mob and from
the guards were admitted into the presence of
the king, who promised that every effort should
be made to supply the capital with corn. The
remainder of the night was passed without
any act of violence; but at six o'clock the
next morning, a mixed and numerous body of
national guards, and of Parisian rabble, rushed
into the court of the palace, where they cruelly
murdered two of the life guards; and then
with the most horrid execrations and threats,
1789.
76
XII.
1789.
CHAP. broke into the queen's apartments, from which
her majesty had barely time to escape. The
lives of the king and queen were almost mi-
raculously saved by the timely arrival of
la Fayette and his officers, who had just in-
fluence enough to prevail upon these ruffians
to quit the palace; but they could not be per-
suaded to retire beyond the court, where they
called aloud for the king and queen. Their
majesties made their appearance in a balcony,
the queen with the dauphin in her arms; and
after a short calm, there was an universal cry,
for the king and queen to go to Paris. It
was utterly impossible to resist. Within very
few hours, the king, queen, and royal family,
set out for Paris, nominally under the escort of
100 members of the national assembly, but
really carried captive by the national guards,
and the mob, who had come from Paris the
preceding day. They were conducted to the
Thuilleries, and placed under the custody of
a party of the national guards.
The national assembly removed to Paris,
and, proceeding in their great work of new-
modelling the constitution, decreed that the
national assembly, which was in future to
consist of 745 members, to be elected every
two years, according to prescribed rules,
should have the power of making laws, the
77
XII.
1789.
king being allowed only a suspensive veto; CHAP.
that the distinction of provinces should cease,
and the kingdom be divided into 83 depart-
ments, each consisting of about 324 square
leagues; that all the parliaments, together with
all the courts of canon and political law, should
be annihilated; that the local statutes and cus-
toms of the different municipalities should not
remain in force; that all the revenues and
possessions of the church should be confis-
cated*; that all monastic institutions should
be suppressed; that the higher orders of the
clergy should be abolished, and small annual
stipends paid to the parochial priests; and,
to complete the ruin of the church, parochial
benefices were rendered elective, and persons
of all religions, not excepting Jews, were
allowed to vote at these elections. Every
clergyman, already in possession of a benefice,
was required, under penalty of deprivation,
to swear, that he would maintain, to the ut-
most of his power, the new constitution, and
particularly the regulations relative to the
civil obligations of the clergy. Many of the
beneficed clergy, refusing to take this oath, as
being contrary to that which they had taken
* The decree for this purpose, was proposed by Talley-
rand, bishop of Autun, who afterwards made so conspicuous
a figure in the revolution
78
XII.
CHAP. at their ordination, and as being highly dis-
approved by the pope, were ejected from their
1789. preferments, and left without any means of
subsistence. The annual expenditure of the
nation exceeding the annual income, in its
present reduced state, by twelve millions
sterling, the national assembly decreed that
the confiscated possessions of the church, after
providing for the trifling stipends of the pa-
rochial clergy, should be immediately applied
to the service of the public; but these lands,
under the present circumstances of the coun-
try, not being convertible into ready money,
bills, called assignats, were issued upon the
security of the church property, and being
transferable came into general circulation.
Decrees were also passed for abolishing he-
reditary nobility in France, for ever, and for
prohibiting the use of all titles, all terms of
distinction and respect, all names derived from
estates or places, all armorial bearings and
liveries; in short, every thing which denoted
degrees of rank, or implied superiority of sta-
tion. These decrees, all of which passed
within the short period of a few months, en-
tirely subverted the civil and ecclesiastical
establishments of the country, and the king
was compelled to express his consent to them
openly, in the national assembly.
79
XII.
1789.
This revolution in the government was the CHAP.
consequence of a revolution in the sentiments
and principles of the bulk of the nation, aided
by the peculiar circumstances of the times,
and the indiscretion and weakness of the
ministers of the crown. The French people
had long been distinguished for personal at-
tachment to their sovereign, and for yielding
implicit obedience to his commands; but so
complete was the change introduced by the
new philosophy, that though they were now
governed by a king, who had been more mild
in the exercise of his power, than any of his
predecessors, and who had given the most
decisive proofs of his readiness to establish
a free government, yet they suffered him to
be deprived of all real authority, and to be
reduced to a condition little better than that
of a prisoner in his own palace. It was, indeed,
evident, that the life of the king, and the lives
of all the royal family remaining in France,
depended upon the will of men, who had
already been guilty of the most wanton and
atrocious acts of injustice and cruelty, of con-
fiscation, rapine, and murder, which ever dis-
graced the annals of a civilized nation. Those
members of the national assembly, and that
part of the public, who were friends to a li-
mited monarchy, and wished only for a mode-
80
CHAP. rate reform, did not perceive the tendency of
XII. the first steps taken in this revolution, and
1789. afterwards did not possess sufficient energy
and strength to resist the more violent pro-
ceedings.
In the early part of 1790, a set of persons,
who had hitherto been known by the name of
the Breton committee, having at first consisted
of deputies to the states general, belonging to
the province of Brittany, assumed the name
of the Jacobin club, from their meetings being
then held in the hall of the Jacobin or Domi-
nican friars at Paris. This club, at which
political questions were debated, afterwards
admitted other members, and soon including
all who took a forward part in the national
assembly, became so distinguished as to give
name to the principles, to which the revolu-
tion owed its origin and establishment.
Such were the zeal and activity of the
French innovators, and such the extent and
boldness of their plans, that there was no part
of Europe, in which agents were not employed,
for the purpose of disseminating their perni-
cious principles; the adoption of which, in-
deed, by other countries, they considered as
essential to the permanent establishment of
their system at home. In this kingdom, these
democratic missionaries found not only indi-
81
XII.
1790.
viduals, but political societies of men, ready CHAP.
to co-operate with them, and to promote their
views. The king of France had not been
many days forcibly conveyed by his own sub-
jects to Paris, nor the nobility long proscribed,
and the church plundered, before several of
these societies sent letters of congratulation to
the national assembly, and resolutions were
passed at their meetings, of an inflammatory
and dangerous tendency. The means, by
which the revolution was carried on and
effected, if not positively praised by the
English societies, were pronounced to be jus-
tified by the end; the example was recom-
mended as a glorious pattern for the imitation
of mankind; and sanguine expectations were
held out, that the overthrow of regal despotism
in France would lead to what they called the
general emancipation of Europe. At the
same time our press teemed with the most
daring libels upon the constitution of this
country, which were circulated gratis with
astonishing industry, not only among the
lower classes of the community, but through
the army and navy. In these writings the
people were invited to form themselves into
clubs and societies, after the manner of the
French, and several were actually formed in
some of the most populous towns of the king-
VOL. III.
G
82
CHAP. dom, avowedly affiliated, to use an expression
of their own, to the societies and clubs in
1790. France.
XII.
UNDER these circumstances, parliament met
on the 21st of January 1790. In the speech
from the throne, the king, after lamenting the
continuance of the war upon the continent,
and the internal commotions which disturbed
the tranquillity of different parts of Europe,
informed the two houses, that he still received
assurances of the good disposition of all foreign
powers to these kingdoms; and that he was
persuaded they would entertain with him,
a deep and grateful sense of the favor of
Providence, in continuing to his subjects the
increasing advantages of peace, and the un-
interrupted enjoyment of those invaluable
blessings, which they had so long derived
from the excellent constitution, under which
they lived. He then mentioned the estimates
and supplies for the present year, in the usual
manner; and acquainted parliament, that
during the recess he had taken measures,
which were rendered necessary by the situa-
tion of the country, for preventing the expor-
tation, and facilitating the importation, of
certain sorts of corn: And he concluded,
with recommending a perseverance in the
83
XII.
same zeal and attention to the public service, CHAP.
which had hitherto appeared in all their pro-
ceedings, and of which the effects had been
so happily manifested in the increase of the
national revenue, the extension of the com-
merce and manufactures of the country, and
the general prosperity of his people.
The addresses were voted in both houses,
without the slightest opposition, and with
scarcely any debate.
THE measures brought forward by Mr. Pitt,
in the present session, were few in number;
and the account of them may be comprized
within a short compass.
THE first related to a subject mentioned in
the king's speech. The want of corn at Paris,
in the preceding summer, has been noticed;
and before much progress was made in the
revolution, the French government applied to
our ministers for 20,000 sacks of flour*; but
* Upon that occasion M. Necker wrote the following letter
to Mr. Pitt, dated June 25, 1789: "J'éprouve en vous écri-
vant, monsieur, deux sentiments bien differents, l'un de tris-
tesse lorsque je refléchis au sujet de cette lettre, l'autre
excité par une plus douce émotion en pensant, que je m'ap-
proche, pour la premiere fois de ma vie, d'un ministre, dont
les rares vertus, dont les sublimes talens, dont la superbe re-
nommée fixent depuis long-tems mon adıniration et celle de
toute l'Europe; recevez, monsieur, un hommage, qui aura
1790.
G 2
84
XII.
CHAP. Mr. Pitt, learning from the principal corn
factors, with whom he had a conference, that
the sending out of the kingdom such a quan-
tity of flour, though not exceeding a week's
consumption in the metropolis, would probably
raise the price of wheat, informed the French
ambassador, that the request could not be
granted. Individuals, however, were after-
wards known to be supplying France with
corn; and it being feared, that if this practice
continued, England herself might suffer very
serious inconvenience from the want of that
1790.
peutêtre un leger prix à vos yeux, si vous pensez, qu'il vous
est rendu par une personne, à qui l'experience a fait connoitre
la difficulté des affaires publiques, la multitude infinie de com-
binaisons qu'elles presentent, et quelquefois l'inconstance des
jugements des hommes.
"Je viens à l'affaire que je recommande à la protection du
plus noble ami de l'humanité: je dois laisser a M. l'ambas-
sadeur de France le soin de vous expliquer l'importance dont
il seroit pour cette partie de la France d'obtenir une extrac-
tion de farines d'Angleterre; je lui laisse aussi le soin d'étre
auprès de sa majesté Britannique l'interprète de l'interêt
que
prend le roi de France au succès de sa demande. Je ne
sçais s'il sera necessaire, que cette demande soit portée
au parlement d'Angleterre; mais si cela est, je n'ai nulle
défiance de sa réussite: une nation genereuse comme la votre
se plaira à sortir un moment de la riguer de la loi pour rendre
un service que tant de motifs respectables solliciteront auprès
d'elle, et qui sont tous dignes de l'eloquence persuasive du
plus vertueux des orateurs.
"J'ai l'honneur d'etre avec le plus parfait attachement,
monsieur, votre très humble et très obèissant serviteur,
"Necker."
85
XII.
1790.
necessary article of life, especially in case of CHAP.
a late or a bad harvest in the following year,
a royal proclamation was issued in December,
prohibiting the exportation, and encouraging
the importation, of corn. This proclamation,
though acknowledged to be a wise measure,
was not strictly legal; and therefore, Mr. Pitt,
immediately after the meeting of parliament,
introduced a bill of indemnity, which passed
both houses without difficulty.
In opening the budget, on the 19th of May,
Mr. Pitt assured the house, that he felt parti-
cular satisfaction in being able to prove, that
the income of the country had exceeded his
estimate, which was formerly censured as too
high, by gentlemen on the opposite side of the
house. It appeared, he said, from authentic
documents upon the table, that the annual
average produce of the taxes, for the last three
years, was nearly 15 millions, and that the
average of the last two years was 16 millions;
and that on the 5th of April, there actually
remained in the exchequer, a surplus of
621,1517. He enumerated all the particulars
of the supply, which amounted to nearly six
millions; and shewed that the ways and
means, afforded by the flourishing condition
of the finances, were fully competent to meet
→
G 3
86
XII.
1790.
CHAP. the whole of that charge, without having re-
course to loan or taxes. He observed, that
various extraordinary expences beyond a peace
establishment, to the amount of six millions,
had been defrayed since the year 1786, with
the assistance of a loan of only one million;
that in the mean time, more than five millions
of the capital of three per cents had been dis-
charged; that the country was at that moment.
in a situation of prosperity far greater than
at any period before the last war; and that he
saw no reason whatever, after the minutest
investigation, to fear, that the present income,
large as it was, would not be permanent; but,
on the contrary, he entertained the most
sanguine expectations of a farther augmenta-
tion, from the increase of our commerce, our
manufactures, our industry, our population,
and our wealth. This statement was highly
satisfactory to all who heard it; and a mem-
ber mentioned, that during the 15 years he
had enjoyed a seat in that house, this was by
far the most prosperous budget he had ever
remembered.
**
Mr. Pitt, on a following day, represented to
the house, that the tontine, which parliament
had established last year, upon
his suggestion,
had not filled in the manner he expected; and
87
XII.
1790.
that being now at a discount, and a conside- CHAP.
rable part of it undisposed of, the individuals,
who had contracted for the whole, must sus-
tain a very serious loss, if some relief were not
afforded them. He proposed, therefore, that
those who held the shares, should have the
option of exchanging them for long annuities
of equal value; and that the lords of the
treasury should be authorized to nominate
lives, according to the different classes, for any
shares which might be ultimately vacant, and
be considered as holding them for the public.
By this expedient the original subscribers
would be relieved, without any detriment to
the revenue; and the interest of persons, who
had purchased shares and nominated lives,
would not be affected. Very little objection
was made to this proposal; and the bill for
carrying it into execution was agreed to, with-
out any division, in either house.
THE bill which passed in 1787, for farming
the post horse duty, being novel in its prin-
ciple, and intended as an experiment, was
limited to three years; and the produce of the
tax having increased 30,000l. a year, Mr. Pitt
proposed, that this mode of collecting the
duty, which had been attended with such
advantage to the revenue, without causing
G 4
88
XII.
CHAP. any inconvenience or mischief, should be con-
tinued for three years more; and a bill for
that purpose passed also without
any division.
1790.
PETITIONS against the bill which passed last
year, for subjecting tobacco and snuff to the
excise laws, were in this session presented to
the house of commons, from the manufac-
turers of those articles; and after evidence
had been heard at the bar, Mr. Sheridan
strongly urged the repeal of the act, upon the
ground, that the excise system was inappli-
cable to the manufacture of tobacco. On the
other hand, Mr. Pitt contended, that this
argument was proved to be utterly without
foundation, by the simple fact, that the duty
upon tobacco, since it was put under the ex-
cise, had, in the six most unfavorable months
of the year, produced 130,000l. more than in
the same period, while under the customs;
whence he inferred, that this change would
benefit the revenue nearly 300,000l. a year.
He, therefore, opposed the motion for the
repeal, which was negatived by a majority of
191 to 147; but he afterwards introduced
a bill to facilitate the collection of the tax,
and to remove some of the objections stated
by the manufacturers. This bill passed the
house of commons after two divisions, in
i
89
XII.
1790.
which the majorities in its favor were very CHAP.
large. In the house of lords it was also op-
posed, and carried by a majority of 55 to 33.
In the course of these debates much was
again said by the leaders of opposition, in
both houses, against the system of excise, as
being inconsistent with the liberty of the sub-
ject; upon which it was observed, that the
fair trade had considerably increased under
this mode of collection, which was infinitely
the most advantageous to the revenue, indeed
the only one, with respect to several articles,
which could be adopted; and that there could
not, therefore, be a greater enemy to his
country, than the person who endeavored to
raise a clamor against the excise laws, with
a view to abolish a system producing six
millions a year, the loss of which must inevit-
ably lead to national bankruptcy, and to all
that anarchy and confusion then prevailing in
France, where the want of an adequate re-
venue had been the immediate cause of the
disorders.
These were Mr. Pitt's principal measures of
finance, in the present session of parliament.
THE only other business of importance,
brought forward by him, related to an event,
which took place in a very distant part of the
90
XII.
CHAP. world, and suddenly threatened to interrupt
that continuance of peace, which was the
1790. object of his most ardent wishes. A small
association of British merchants, resident in
Bengal, acting under the immediate protec-
tion of the East India company, and with the
sanction of the governor general of India *,
sent two vessels, early in 1786, to the north
west coast of America, to procure furs and
ginseng t, for the supply of the Chinese
market‡; and this voyage succeeded so well,
that in January 1788, two other vessels sailed
for the same purpose, which arrived at Nootka
Sound, (situated about the 50th degree of
latitude,) in the following May. The person,
entrusted with the conduct of this expedition,
purchased land of a neighboring chief, erect-
ed buildings, hoisted the British flag, and,
having made a regular settlement, carried on
an extensive and lucrative trade with the na-
tives upon the coast, both to the north and
south. These proceedings went on, without
any molestation, till May 1789, when two
Spanish ships of war arrived in Nootka Sound,
i
* Sir John Macpherson.
† A vegetable in great repute in China, as a medicine.
This trade was recommended by captain King, in his
account of captain Cook's last voyage, in consequence of fur
having been purchased at Nootka Sound in the course of that
voyage, and disposed of to great advantage in China.
91
the commander of which seized a British ves-
sel lying there with her cargo, took possession,
in the name of the king of Spain, of the land
and buildings belonging to the British settlers,
pulled down the British flag, and hoisted the
Spanish in its stead. All the British were
sent prisoners on board the Spanish vessels,
where they were put into irons, and treated
with great severity. Three other British ves-
sels, which arrived soon after, were seized in
the same manner; and two of the four were
carried prizes to San Blas in Mexico, where
the officers and men were detained nine
months as prisoners. The pretext for these
acts of violence was, that all the lands, com-
prized between Cape Horn and the 60th
degree of north latitude, belonged to his
catholic majesty, by virtue of a grant from the
pope*. The truth, however, was, that though
This pretended right was founded on a grant made to
Spain, by a bull of pope Alexander the 6th, in 1493, and
which was in imitation of one made about half a century
before, by pope Eugenius the 4th, to the Portuguese, assign-
ing to them all the lands they could discover to the east-
ward of Cape Non in Africa. To prevent his gift from
interfering with that of his predecessor, Alexander drew an
imaginary line from pole to pole a hundred leagues to the
westward of the Azores, to serve as a limit to the two claims;
allowing the right of the Portuguese to all lands discovered
to the east of that line, and conferring all to the west of it
upon the Spaniards.
XII.
1790.
92
CHAP. this settlement had really originated in the
XII. spirit of private adventure, yet the court of
1790. Spain, always jealous and mistrustful, sus-
pected it to be the act of the British govern-
ment, with the design, of first establishing
a direct commercial intercourse with the
Spanish American colonies, and ultimately
detaching them from the dominion of the
mother country *; and, therefore, the Spanish
minister thought it wise to make an early
effort to frustrate the attempt.
The first intimation of these transactions was
received by our ministers, from the Spanish
ambassador at the court of London, who, at
the same time, desired, in the name of the
king his master, that the subjects of Great
Britain might not in future be allowed to make
any settlement, or engage in any trade, upon
the western coast of America, which was
alleged to be already occupied by the subjects
of Spain. Complaints were also made of the
fisheries carried on by the British subjects,
upon the seas adjoining to the Spanish Ameri-
can continent, as being contrary to the rights
of the crown of Spain.
* This appears from the correspondence of our minister at
Madrid. As early as April 1786, Count Florida Blanca
entertained a general vague suspicion of our hostile views
respecting South America.
1
93
XII.
1790.
In consequence of this communication, our CHAF.
government immediately demanded restitution
of the vessels, and adequate satisfaction, pre-
viously to any other discussion. The court
of Spain replied, that the vessels and crews
had been set at liberty by the viceroy of
Mexico; but it was added, that this was done
upon the supposition, that nothing but igno-
rance of the rights of Spain, could have in-
duced individuals'of other nations to make
trading establishments on those coasts; and,
so far from any satisfaction being offered,
a direct claim was asserted, to the exclusive
rights of sovereignty, commerce, and naviga-
tion, in the territories and seas of that part of
the world. This produced a fresh represen-
tation, in stronger terms from our court to
that of Spain, repeating the demand of such
a full and adequate satisfaction as the nature
of the case required; besides which, our
ministers, having learned from private intelli-
gence, that armaments were going on with
great alertness in the ports of Spain, mani-
festing an intention on the part of that court
to support its pretensions by force, gave imme-
diate orders for similar preparations, that they
might have it in their power to act with vigor
and effect, in maintaining the honor of the Bri-
tish crown and the interests of British subjects.
94
On the 5th of May, Mr. Pitt delivered
a message to the house of commons from
1790. the king, in which his majesty, after reciting
all these circumstances, recommended to his
faithful commons, on whose zeal and patriotism
he had the most perfect reliance, to enable
him to make such augmentation of his forces,
as might be eventually necessary for that
purpose.
The following day being fixed for taking
this message into consideration, Mr. Pitt ob-
served, that however natural it might be to
look with concern at the circumstances stated
by his majesty, and at all the future possible
occurrences to which they might lead, he con-
ceived, he should not do justice to the feelings.
and public spirit of that house, if he enter-
tained for a moment an idea, that there could
be a difference of opinion as to the measures
which ought to be adopted. There was no
occasion for him to enlarge upon the facts
contained in his majesty's message; the bare
mention of them, he was persuaded, would be
sufficient to induce the house to give their con-
currence, and he hoped their unanimous con-
currence, to the motion with which he should
have the honor to conclude. These facts
were; first, that some of his majesty's sub-
jects had been forcibly interrupted in a trade,
CHAP.
XII.
-
95
XII.
which they had carried on for several years CHA F.
without molestation, in parts of America,
where they had an incontrovertible right of 1790.
trading, and where no country could claim
an exclusive right of commerce and naviga-
tion; that this interruption had been made,
by the seizure of a ship's cargo and company,
without any previous notice, and in a moment
of profound peace; that the officers and crew
had been sent as prisoners of war to a Spanish
port, and the cargo appropriated to the use
of the captors, without the pretence of any
regular jurisdiction, and without having gone
through any forms of condemnation, uniform-
ly resorted to in cases of prize, even at a time
of open hostility. He wished to abstain from
using any words of aggravation.-This bare
statement of the facts must be sufficient to
induce a British house of commons to expect
adequate satisfaction for the injury done to
their fellow subjects, and to resent the indig-
nity offered to the British flag. Upon an
application to the court of Madrid, his ma-
jesty's ministers had been informed, that the
vessels had been restored, but that no satisfac-
tion had been made; on the contrary, the
restoration was accompanied by a claim the
most absurd and exorbitant, which could well
be imagined; a claim which had never been
96
XII.
1790.
CHAP. heard of before, indefinite in its extent, and
which originated in no treaty, or formal
establishment of a colony; nor did it rest on
any of those grounds, upon which claims of
sovereignty, navigation, and commerce are
usually founded. He insisted strenuously on
the disadvantages which Great Britain would
sustain, by an admission of this claim: it
would exclude his majesty's subjects from an
infant trade, the future increase of which might
prove materially beneficial; it would deprive
this country of the means of extending its
navigation and fishery in the southern ocean;
and it might be detrimental to the best in-
terests of the British empire, by provoking
new claims and similar treatment from Spain
or from other powers. He mentioned also,
that preparations for war were going on in
the different sea-ports of Spain; and from the
whole of these facts and reasoning, he in-
ferred, that it was incumbent upon the house,
by granting an additional force, to enable his
majesty to act with vigor, and effectually to
maintain the honor of his crown, and the
safety, happiness, and prosperity of his people.
He hoped, however, that it might not be ulti-
mately necessary to use the force hostilely;
but his majesty's ministers would thus have it
in their power to obtain an ample and honor-
97
XII.
able reparation, with such a settlement of the CHAP.
question of right, as should be most likely to
secure the permanent continuance of tran-
quillity; and heartily must they all rejoice, if,
by the moderation and prudence of the court
of Spain, a contest should be avoided. No
man, he declared, would more regret even
a temporary interruption of peace, than he
should; but he must ill deserve the situation
in which he stood, and disgrace the character
of a member of parliament, and a subject of
Great Britain, if, however anxious he was for
the preservation of the blessings of peace, he
did not resist this extravagant claim, and ad-
vise vigorous preparation for war; with a view,
at all hazards, to assert our rights, and obtain
a complete satisfaction for the injury sustained
by individuals, and the insult offered to his
majesty's crown. If justice was not done
them by others, they must endeavor to do
justice to themselves.
The king, he was
confident, would meet the unanimity of a loyal,
a generous, and a brave nation, with the most
spirited exertions.
Mr. Pitt, in conclusion, moved an address,
in which, conformably to these sentiments, the
house assured his majesty, that although they
should sincerely rejoice in such a termination
of the discussions now depending, as might
VOL. III.
H
1790.
98
XII.
CHAP. continue and confirm the harmony and friend-
ship which had happily subsisted between
1790. Great Britain and Spain, and prevent any
grounds of misunderstanding in future, yet at
the same time they felt it their indispensable
duty to afford his majesty, the most zealous
and effectual support in such measures, as
might become requisite for maintaining the
dignity of his majesty's crown, and the essen-
tial interests of his majesty's dominions.
Mr. Fox expressed his cordial concurrence
with the motion, declaring, that no man could
be more convinced than he was, of the neces-
sity of an immediate and vigorous armament;
nor could any man feel a warmer resentment
at the unprovoked aggression of the court of
Spain. He complimented Mr. Pitt, upon the
forcible manner in which he had described this
absurd and exorbitant claim, which had been
urged, he said, equally in opposition to the
principles of justice and of prudence. He
observed, that the business to be settled was
not the mere capture of the ships, but the
great and important point of the definition of
the claims of the court of Spain, in respect to
America and the southern ocean; and there-
fore he trusted, that this country would not
rest contented with a bare satisfaction for the
injury, but would obtain a renunciation of
99
the claim, set up with so little ground of rea- CHAP.
son this he understood to be the intent and XII.
meaning of his majesty's message, and on that 1790.
idea he gave his vote for the address.
Mr. Pitt admitted, that any satisfaction
would be inadequate, which did not tend to
prevent future disputes; and in reply to a re-
mark of Mr. Fox, he said, that all the parti-
culars, relative to the seizure of the ships, and
the preparations for war in Spain, were not
known when he opened the budget. The
information, indeed, at that time received, was
so imperfect, that it would have been highly
improper to state it to the house, although it
was sufficient to prevent his saying a word,
upon that occasion, respecting the probability
of the continuance of peace.
The address passed unanimously; as did
a vote of credit a few days afterwards, for
a million, to enable his majesty to proceed in
the armament, which had been begun with
great spirit, and with the general approbation
of the public.
THE small majority, by which Mr. Beaufoy's
motion for the repeal of the corporation and
test acts, was rejected last year, encouraged
the dissenters to renew their application in
the present session; and they prevailed upon
H 2
100
CHAP. Mr. Fox to undertake their cause.
XII.
Mr. Pitt
again opposed the motion, from a decided con-
1790. viction, that it would be impolitic, in the
highest degree, to relinquish acts adopted by
the wisdom of our ancestors, to serve as a bul-
wark to the church, which was so intimately
connected with the state, that the safety of
the one was always liable to be affected by any
danger, which might threaten the other; and
that in fact, the operation of these acts pre-
served the constitution in the preceding cen-
tury. Mr. Fox had asserted, that no govern-
ment had a right to animadvert upon the
speculative opinions of its subjects, till they
had been productive of real mischief; and
that the persons holding such opinions, could
in no case be rendered fit objects of punish-
ment or restraint by the legislature, till they
had been actually guilty of conduct subversive
of the public tranquillity. To this principle,
Mr. Pitt strongly objected, remarking, that it
would at once put an end to the wise policy
of prevention, and open a door to the certain
ruin of the constitution. In his speech, he
alluded to the associations, which the dis-
senters were forming in different parts of the
kingdom, for the purpose of supporting such
candidates at the approaching general elec-
tion, as would engage to vote for the repeal of
101
XII.
1790.
these acts.
He censured this conduct in the CHA P.
dissenters, who, while they were condemning
tests as qualifications for offices, were in fact
themselves requiring a test of the fitness and
competency of persons to discharge their par-
liamentary duty, by their sentiments upon
a single point.
Mr. Fox's motion was negatived by 294 to
105; which large majority arose, in a great
degree, from the dread, inspired by the hor-
rors of the French revolution, of making any
alteration in the fundamental laws of the
kingdom, and from a certain knowledge, that
many of the principal dissenters were members
of those societies, which were in friendly cor-
respondence with the democrátic party in
France.
G
On the 4th of March, Mr. Flood, who had
long been a distinguished member of the Irish
house of commons, and had taken an active
part in all the political transactions of that
country, moved, in the British house of com-
mons, of which he had lately become a mem-
ber, for leave to bring in a bill for amending
the representation of the people in parliament;
and in the debate which followed, Mr. Pitt
observed, that he had himself some years
since submitted to the house, a proposition of
H 3
102
XII.
1790.
CHAP. the same nature, which had been successfully
opposed, though the times, and a variety of
other circumstances, were more favorable than
at present. The chief objection, he said, then
urged, was, the danger of innovation; and
the knowledge of the impression which that
argument had made, strengthened as it was
by the recent occurrences in France, rendered
him desirous that the consideration of the
subject should be postponed, from a persuasion
that the cause of reform would suffer by being
brought forward at an improper moment. He
declared, that no alteration had taken place
in his sentiments upon the general question,
which he should again introduce, whenever
he should see a fit opportunity; but that, con-
ceiving the present to be a most unsuitable
time for such a discussion, he should, if the
honorable gentleman persevered in his motion,
feel himself under the necessity of proposing
an adjournment; on which, Mr. Flood con-
sented to withdraw his motion.
VERY little progress was made in the trial
of Mr. Hastings in this session, the court
having sat only thirteen days; and therefore,
on the 11th of May, when it was evident,
that the prorogation of parliament was at no
great distance, Mr. Burke proposed a resolu-
103
tion to the house of commons, that the mana-
gers should be authorized to abandon a part of
the charges, confining themselves to "such
as shall appear to them the most conducive
to the obtaining speedy and effectual justice;"
which passed without a division. He then
moved a second resolution, declaring, that the
house was bound to persevere in the impeach-
ment of Mr. Hastings, "until judgment
should be obtained upon the important articles
in the same;" which was carried by a majority
of 48 to 31. Mr. Pitt spoke in favor of the
former of these resolutions, upon the ground
of its tendency to the furtherance of public
justice, and the advantage of the party ac-
cused; and he voted for the second, although,
he said, it did not appear to him to be abso-
lutely necessary.
In the preceding session, Mr. Pitt had sup-
ported a motion for censuring Mr. Burke,
who, in a speech before the house of lords,
had accused Mr. Hastings of a much more
heinous crime than any contained in the
charges; and, in the present session, he con-
curred in a vote for reprimanding major
Scott, who had published a letter in a news-
paper, "reflecting, in scandalous and libellous
terms, upon the honor and justice of the
house of commons, and the conduct of the
H f
CHAP.
XII.
1790.
104
CHAP. managers of the impeachment." In the for-
XII. mer case, he thought, that Mr. Hastings, al-
1790. though justly under trial for certain offences,
had still a right to the protection of the house
against all irrelevant accusations; and, in the
latter, that the managers had an equal right
to be protected by the house, in the execu-
tion of their trust. In these instances, and,
indeed, on every other occasion, Mr. Pitt
acted with that impartiality, which, from the
beginning of this business, he had determined
to observe.
❤
THE hearing evidence upon the subject of
the slave trade, was re-commenced at an early
period of the session, and continued to the
end of it; but the examination of witnesses
not being then completed, sir William Dol-
ben's slave-carrying bill was renewed for
another year, with still farther amendments,
and the main question deferred to the next
session.
THE different opinions expressed by the
leading members of opposition in the house
of commons, during this session, relative to
the French revolution, were so remarkable in
themselves, and led to such important political
consequences, in which Mr. Pitt was materially
105
XII.
concerned, that it will be proper to state the CHA P.
substance of what passed upon that subject.
On the 5th of February, the day the military 1790.
establishments for the current year were
brought forward, Mr. Fox, in discussing the
propriety of voting the proposed number of
troops, which was the same as in the preced-
ing year, remarked, that the conduct of the
French soldiers, during the late commotions,
tended greatly to remove one of the objec-
tions, which he had always entertained against
standing armies. The army of France, he
said, by refusing to obey the dictates of the
court, had set a glorious example to all the
military of Europe, and had shewn, that men,
by becoming soldiers, did not cease to be
citizens. Their conduct resembled the be-
havior of the patriotic soldiers of England,
when the prince of Orange landed, to assist
in preserving our civil and religious liberties.
The French revolution was, indeed, in many
respects like to the glorious event which esta-
blished and secured the liberties of England.
He contended, however, that the situation of
the continent made it unnecessary for us to
keep up so large an army as we had hitherto
done, as he was persuaded, that the new form,
which the government of France was likely
to assume, would render her a better neighbor,
106
XII.
CHAP. and less disposed to hostility, than when she
was subject to the cabal and intrigues of the
1790. ambitious and interested ministers of an ab-
solute monarch.
The only notice taken of these observations,
on this day, was by colonel Phipps*, who said,
that he could not but consider the manner in
which Mr. Fox had spoken of the conduct of
the military bodies in France, as a poor com-
pliment to a profession, to which he had the
honor to belong. He was of opinion, that the
conduct of the British army in 1780, would
have furnished the right honorable gentle-
man with a much more unexceptionable
ground of panegyric. He would there have
found the soldiers of this country, not joining
those who were riotously disturbing the pub-
lic peace, and scattering death and ruin among
individuals; not, in violation of their oath and
of their allegiance, heading anarchy and re-
bellion; but men, really feeling as citizens
and soldiers, patiently submitting to the in-
sults of the populace; and, in spite of the
grossest provocations, maintaining the laws
under the constituted authorities of the
realm.
Four days afterwards, when these estimates
were reported to the house, Mr. Fox, again
* Afterwards earl of Mulgrave.
}
107
XII.
1790.
adverting to the French revolution, confessed, CHAP.
that he was, both from feeling and principle,
among those who exulted in the sudden and
unexpected change, which had taken place in
the affairs of France. Mr. Burke, who had
not been present upon the former occasion,
declared his extreme concern, that Mr. Fox
should have dropped even a word of exulta-
tion at the revolution in France; or that he
should be of opinion, that the objection to
standing armies was at all lessened by the re-
cent occurrences in that country. The house
must, he said, perceive by his coming forward
to notice an expression or two of his best
friend, how anxious he was to keep the dis-
temper of France from the least countenance
in England, where some wicked persons had
shewn a strong disposition to recommend an
imitation of the French mode of reform. For
his own part, he was determined to resist all
violent exertions of the spirit of innovation,
so distant from the principles of true and safe
reformation; a spirit well calculated to over-
turn states, but perfectly unfit to amend
them.
"Since the house was prorogued in the
summer, continued Mr. Burke, much work has
indeed been done in France. The French
have shewn themselves the ablest architects
108
XII.
CHAP. of ruin, that have hitherto existed in the
world. In that very short space of time, they
1790. have completely pulled down to the ground,
their monarchy, their church, their nobility,
their law, their revenue, their army, their
navy, their commerce, their arts, and their
manufactures.
"France, by the mere circumstance of her
vicinity, has been, and in a degree always must
be, an object of our vigilance, either with
regard to her actual power, or to her influence
and example; and her example, during a pe-
riod of peace and friendly intercourse, has
been, and may again become, more dangerous
to us, than her worst hostility. In the last
century, we were in danger of being entangled,
by the example of France, in the net of re-
lentless despotism. It is not necessary to say
any thing upon that example; it exists no
longer. Our present danger, from the example
of a people, whose character knows no me-
dium, is, with respect to government, a danger
of anarchy, a danger of being led, through
an admiration of successful fraud and violence,
to an imitation of the excesses of an irrational,
unprincipled, proscribing, confiscating, plun-
dering, ferocious, bloody, and tyrannical de-
mocracy. On the side of religion, the danger
of their example is no longer from intolerance,
109
XII.
but from atheism, a foul unnatural vice, foe CHAP.
to all the dignity and consolation of mankind,
which seems in France, for a long time, to
have been embodied into a faction, accredited,
and almost avowed. These are our present
dangers from France.
What the French now value themselves
upon, is a disgrace to them. They glory,
and some people in England have thought fit
to take share in that glory, in making a revo-
lution, as if revolutions were good things in
themselves. All the horrors, and all the
crimes, of the anarchy, which led to their re-
volution, which attended its progress, and
which virtually attend it in its establishment,
pass for nothing with the lovers of revolutions.
The French might be said to be in possession
of a good constitution, on the day the states
general met in separate orders; and their
business, had they been either virtuous or
wise, was to secure the stability and inde-
pendence of the states, according to those
orders, under the monarch on the throne. It
was their duty to redress grievances. Instead,
however, of redressing grievances, and im-
proving the fabric of their government, to
which they were called by their king, and sent
by their country, they took a very different
course. They first destroyed all the balances
1790.
110
XII.
CHAP. and counterpoises which served to fix the state,
and to give it a steady direction; and which
1790. furnished some correctives to any violent spirit
which might occasionally prevail in any of
the orders. These balances existed in their
oldest constitution, and in the constitution of
this country, and in the constitution of all the
countries in Europe. These they rashly de-
stroyed; and then they melted down the
whole into one incongruous, ill-connected
mass. Having done all this, they instantly,
with the most atrocious perfidy and breach of
all faith among men, laid the axe to the root
of all property, and consequently of all national
prosperity, by the principles they established,
and the example they set, in confiscating all
the possessions of the church. They made
and recorded a sort of institute and digest of
anarchy, called The Rights of Man, in such
a pedantic abuse of elementary principles, as
would have disgraced boys at school; but this
declaration of rights was worse than trifling
and pedantic in them, as by their name and
influence, they systematically destroyed every
hold of authority by opinion, civil or religious,
in the minds of the people. By this mad
declaration, they subverted the state; and
brought on such calamities, as no country,
without a long war, has ever been known to
111
suffer, and which may in the end produce such CHAF.
a war, and perhaps many such."
XII.
1790.
He said, "that the worst effect of all their
proceedings was upon their military, which
was rendered an army for every purpose, but
that of defence; that if the question was, whe-
ther soldiers were to forget that they were
citizens, as an abstract proposition there could
be no difference about it, though, as is usual
when abstract propositions are to be applied,
much was to be considered concerning the
manner of uniting the characters of citizens and
soldiers. As applied to the events which had
happened in France, where the abstract prin-
ciple was cloathed with its circumstances, he
thought his friend would agree with him, that
what was done there furnished no matter of
exultation, either in the act, or in the example.
These soldiers were not citizens; but base,
hireling mutineers, and mercenary, sordid de-
serters, wholly destitute of every honorable
principle. Their conduct was one of the fruits
of that anarchic spirit, from the evils of which
a democracy itself was to be resorted to, by
those who were the least disposed to that form,
as a sort of refuge. It was not an army in
corps and with discipline, embodied under the
respectable patriot citizens of the state in
resisting tyranny. Nothing like it. It was the
112
CHAP.
XII.
1790.
case of common soldiers, deserting from their
officers, to join a furious, licentious populace,
It was a desertion to a cause, the real object
of which was, to level all those institutions,
and to break all those connexions, natural and
civil, which regulate and hold together the
community by a chain of subordination; to
raise soldiers against their officers; servants
against their masters; tradesmen against their
customers; artificers against their employers;
tenants against their landlords; curates against
their bishops; and children against their
parents. This cause of their's was not an
enemy to servitude, but to society.
"He felt some concern, that this strange
thing, called a revolution in France, should
be compared with the glorious event, com-
monly called the revolution, in England; and
that the late conduct of the French soldiery,
should be compared with the behavior of the
English troops in 1688. At that period, the
prince of Orange, a prince of the blood royal
of England, was called in by the flower of the
English aristocracy, to defend its antient con-
stitution, and not to level all distinctions. To
this prince so invited, the aristocratic leaders,
who commanded the troops, went over with
their several corps in bodies, to the deliverer
of their country. Aristocratic leaders brought
113
up the corps of citizens, who had newly en- CHAP.
listed in this cause. Military obedience
XII.
changed its object; but military discipline 1790.
was not for a moment interrupted in its prin-
ciple. The troops were ready for war, but
indisposed to mutiny; and not one drop of
blood was shed.
"But as the conduct of the English armies
was different, so was that of the whole English
nation at that time. In truth, the circum-
stances of our revolution (as it is called) and
of that of France, were just the reverse of
each other, in almost every particular, and
in the whole spirit of the transaction. With
us it was the case of a legal monarch, attempt-
ing to introduce arbitrary power-in France
it is the case of an arbitrary monarch, begin-
ning, from whatever cause, to legalize his
authority. The one was to be resisted; the
other was to be managed and directed: but
in neither case was the order of the state to
be changed, lest government should be ruin-
ed, which ought only to be corrected and
legalized. Here we got rid of the man, and
preserved the constituent parts of the state:
there they got rid of the constitution of the
state, and keep the man. What we did was
in truth and substance, and in a constitutional
light, a revolution, not made, but prevented..
I
VOL. III.
114
XII.
1790.
CHAP. The person who held the government, and
was at the head of the executive power, was
abandoned by the country, because he wished
to change the constitution; but the constitu-
tion remained. We took solid securities
; we
settled doubtful questions; we corrected ano-
malies in our law. In the stable, fundamental
part of our constitution, we made no revolu-
tion; no, nor any alteration at all. We did
not impair the monarchy; perhaps it might
be shewn, that we strengthened it very con-
siderably. The nation kept the same ranks;
the same orders; the same privileges; the
same franchises; the same rules for property;
the same subordinations; the same order in
the law, in the revenue, and in the magis-
tracy; the same lords; the same commons;
the same corporations; the same electors.
The church was not impaired: her estates,
her majesty, her splendor, her orders and
gradations, continued the same: she was
preserved in her full efficiency, and cleared
only of a certain intolerance, which was her
weakness and her disgrace. The church and
the state were the same, after the revolution,
as they were before; but better secured in
every part.
"Was little done, because a revolution was
not made in the constitution? No; every
115
thing was done, because we began with repa-
ration, not with ruin. Accordingly, the state
flourished. Instead of lying as dead, in
a sort of trance, or exposed, as some others,
in an epileptic fit, to the pity and derision of
the world, for her wild, ridiculous, convul-
sive movements, impotent to every purpose
but that of dashing out her brains against
the pavement, Great Britain rose above the
standard even of her former self. An era of
a more improved domestic prosperity then
commenced, and still continues, not only un-
impaired, but growing under the wasting
hand of time. All the energies of the country
were awakened. England never presented
a firmer countenance, or a more vigorous
arm, to all her enemies, and to all her rivals.
Europe, under her, respired and revived;
every where she appeared as the protector,
assertor, or avenger of liberty. The states of
Europe lay happy under the shade of a great
and free monarchy, which knew how to be
great without endangering its own peace at
home, or disturbing the internal or external
peace of its neighbors."
In replying to these just and admirable
sentiments, thus forcibly expressed, Mr. Fox
acknowledged, that every man must regret the
scenes of bloodshed and cruelty, which had
CHAP.
XII.
1790,
I 2
116
XII.
1790.
CHAP. been acted in France; but still, when the
severe tyranny, under which the people had
so long groaned, was considered, the excesses
they committed in their endeavor to shake off
the yoke of despotism, might, he thought, be
spoken of with some degree of compassion;
and he was persuaded, that, unsettled as their
present state appeared, it was preferable to
their former condition; and that ultimately,
it would be for the advantage of this country,
that France had regained her freedom. He
differed from Mr. Burke, in his opinion of the
revolution in 1688. From that period we
had undoubtedly to date the definition and
confirmation of our liberties; and the case
was certainly more nearly parallel to the revo-
lution in France, than his right honorable
friend seemed willing to allow.
Mr. Sheridan declared, that he differed de-
cidedly from Mr. Burke, in almost every word
which he had uttered respecting the French
revolution; and that he could not conceive,
how it was possible for any man, who valued
the British constitution, and revered the re-
volution which obtained it, to unite with such
feelings an indignant and unqualified abhor-
rence of all the proceedings of the patriotic
party in France. He considered their's as
just a revolution as our's, originating from
117
XII.
1790.
as sound a principle, and from a greater pro- CHAP.
vocation. He vehemently defended the
general views and conduct of the national
assembly; and could not even understand,
how men could be charged with having over-
turned the laws, the justice, and the revenues,
of the country, who had, in all cases, inter-
fered with zeal and alacrity, for the main-
tenance of order and just subordination. To
traduce the national assembly, was, in his
mind, to libel the whole French nation: what-
ever was great and good in France, must be
looked for there, or no where. He paid high
compliments to several of its members, who
had been most instrumental in effecting the
revolution.
=
This extraordinary speech called up Mr.
Burke again, who said, he most sincerely la-
mented the inevitable necessity under which
he felt himself, of now publicly declaring, that
henceforth Mr. Sheridan and he were sepa-
rated in politics. As a sincere and firm friend
to real freedom, he was concerned to find, that
there were persons in this country, who en-
tertained theories of government not consis-
tent with the safety of the state, and were
perhaps ready to transfer, a part at least of
that anarchy, which prevailed in France, to
this kingdom, for the purpose of effectuating
I 3
118
XII.
1790.
CHAP. their own designs. He professed the greatest
attachment and reverence for the constitution,
and his determination to stand forward in its
defence on all occasions. In speaking of the
state of France, he said, that he thought all
substantial power now resided in the republic
of Paris, whose authority guided, or whose
example was followed by, all the other repub-
lics of France. The army was under the
orders of the republic of Paris, and not under
those of the national assembly.
Mr. Pitt shortly expressed his concurrence
with Mr. Burke, in every point he had urged
relative to the late commotions in France-
at least in all fundamental principles they
coincided, although he might, perhaps, differ
from him in some particulars. He drew a com-
parison between the happy and genuine free-
dom enjoyed by Englishmen, and the un-
qualified nominal liberty of France, which was,
in fact, at the present moment, the most ab-
solute, direct, and intolerable slavery. He
felt himself bound to acknowledge, that the
sentiments that day delivered by Mr. Burke,
respecting the British constitution, afforded
him the sincerest satisfaction; and the man-
ner, in which he had pledged himself to main-
tain it for ever inviolate, against all attempts
to shake and enfeeble it, under whatever mask
119
XII.
they might be made, entitled him to the CHAP.
gratitude, not only of the present generation,
but of the latest posterity.
1790.
These declarations of contrary opinions by
Mr. Fox and Mr. Burke, which were occa-
sionally repeated in the course of the session,
upon the important and interesting event of
the French revolution, were mixed with strong
expressions of personal regard and respect;
but it was evident, that if the infection of
French principles should ever extend to the
subjects of this kingdom, so far, as to call for
the interposition of government, these two
eminent men, who, from the time Mr. Fox
quitted office under lord North in 1774, had
been closely connected in political life, would
unquestionably adopt opposite lines of con-
duct; and it was equally clear, that there
would, in that case, be a division also among
other persons of great consideration and
weight in the country, who had, for a long
series of years, acted together as a powerful
party in parliament, uniformly adverse to the
measures of Mr. Pitt's administration, except
on some few very particular occasions.
On the 10th of June, the king put an end to
the session; and in his speech from the throne,
he informed the two houses, that he had not
I 4
120
XII.
1790.
CHAP. received an answer to the representation
which he had directed to be made to the
court of Spain, in support of the dignity of his
crown, and the interests of his people he
expressed a strong desire for the maintenance
of peace, on just and honorable grounds; but
under present circumstances, he felt it indis-
pensably necessary to proceed, with expedition
and vigor, in preparations for war; and his
allies had evinced, in the most satisfactory
manner, their determination to fulfil the en-
gagements of existing treaties.
He next acquainted them with his intention
of immediately dissolving the present, and of
calling a new parliament; and in signifying
that intention, he could not omit to assure
them, that he should ever entertain a deep and
grateful sense of the affectionate and un-
shaken loyalty, the uniform and zealous regard
for the true principles of our invaluable con-
stitution, and the unremitting attention to the
happiness and prosperity of his people, which
had invariably directed all their proceedings;
and the good effects of which were manifested
by the rapid increase of our manufactures,
commerce, and navigation, the additional pro-
tection and security afforded to the distant
possessions of the empire, the provisions for
the good government of India, the improve-
•
121
XII.
ment of the public revenue, and the establish- CHAP.
ment of a permanent system for the gradual
reduction of the national debt: these were un-
equivocal proofs of their resolution in en-
countering the difficulties with which they
had to contend, and of their steadiness and
perseverance in the measures best adapted to
promote the essential and lasting interests of
his dominions.
His majesty concluded by observing, that
as the loyalty and public spirit, the industry
and enterprize of his subjects, had seconded
these exertions, so he could rely on their
sense of the advantages which they at present
experienced, as well as on their uniform and
affectionate attachment to his person and go-
vernment, for a continuance of that harmony
and confidence so eminently displayed during
the present parliament, which must at all
times furnish the surest means of meeting the
exigencies of war, or of cultivating, with in-
creasing benefit, the blessings of peace.
On the following day, the parliament, which
had sat seven sessions, and more than six
years, was dissolved by proclamation.
THE ministers were sincerely desirous of
avoiding hostilities with Spain, and therefore,
1790.
122
CHAP. while they were making the most vigorous
XII. preparations for war by sea and land, and
1790. taking measures for attacking the Spanish
possessions in the West Indies, and America,
they dispatched Mr. Fitzherbert to Madrid,
where he arrived at the beginning of June,
with full powers to settle the points in dispute
between the two countries. The court of
Spain transmitted to all the other courts of
Europe, a declaration, dated June the 4th,
for the purpose of explaining the grounds upon
which the Spanish commander had acted at
Nootka; and on the 13th of that month, the
first secretary of state, count Florida Blanca,
addressed a memorial to Mr. Fitzherbert, in
which, after asserting "the indubitable right
of the crown of Spain to the continent,
islands, harbors, and coasts" of that part of
the world, founded on treaties and immemo-
rial possession, and complaining of the "harsh
and haughty language of the English ministry,"
he said, that as the viceroy of Mexico had re-
leased the vessels which had been detained,
"the king, his master, looked upon the affair
as concluded, and was disposed to rest satis-
fied, provided Great Britain ordered her sub-
jects in future to respect the rights of Spain."
It may be observed, that the treaties, here
alluded to, only recognized the rights of the
123
XII.
crown of Spain to its territories and posses- CHAP.
sions in the West Indies and America; but
did not convey or imply any general and ex-
clusive right to the whole western American
coast, which was the claim now set up. It
was acknowledged, that Spain had no settle-
ment or colony at Nootka sound; and conse-
quently it became, by the law of nations, the
property of the first occupiers, who should
settle there, with the consent of the natives.
Immemorial possession was certainly a most
extraordinary ground of claim, on the part of
Spain, to a country, which had been but
recently known to Europeans.
Mr. Fitzherbert, in answer to count Florida
Blanca's memorial, urged, that the bare re-
lease of the vessels was not an adequate satis-
faction for the insult offered to the British
flag, and that his sovereign was fully justified,
by the law of nations, in requiring a prompt
and suitable reparation for those acts of ag-
gression and violence, which had been com-
mitted against British subjects, by a naval
officer in the service of Spain, as a necessary
preliminary to a friendly negotiation. To this
demand an evasive reply was sent, and there
seemed reason to apprehend immediate war.
Thirty ships of the line were collected at
Cadiz; and application was made to the
1790.
124
XII.
CHAP. French government for that assistance to
which the king of Spain was entitled, and on
which he had from the first fully relied, agree-
ably to the stipulations of the family compact*.
A decree, which was accordingly passed by
the national assembly, for the equipment of a
fleet to act with Spain against Great Britain,
afforded the French sailors an opportunity of
shewing, that they too had shaken off all
subordination and discipline, and were in
every respect as licentious and disorderly as
the soldiers. Besides being guilty of great
excesses in the port and town of Brest, they
refused to serve under any officers, except
such as they themselves approved; they insti-
tuted committees to report upon the profes-
sional qualifications as well as the political
principles of their commanders, and cashiered
some, and appointed others at their pleasure.
It was obvious that men, so little under com-
mand, were not likely to prove useful allies;
and that there must be great danger of their
communicating their principles to the Spanish
sailors, in case of the junction of the two
fleets. It was, therefore, generally supposed,
t
1790.
* This treaty between France and Spain was signed at
Paris, August 15th, 1761, and established a strong defensive
and offensive alliance between the two branches of the house
of Bourbon.
125
XII.
1790.
that this state of the French navy, which pre- CHAP.
cluded all hope of effectual co-operation, and
which could not have been foreseen when
orders were given for the seizure of the ships
at Nootka, added to the great superiority of
the British over the Spanish navy*, caused
the Spanish ministers to be extremely desirous
of bringing the dispute with Great Britain to
an amicable conclusion; and they were now
probably more disposed to submit to the re-
quired concessions, from a conviction, con-
trary to their former suspicion, that the
British government had in reality no hostile
intentions whatever against the Spanish colo-
nies in America; and that, the present point
of difference being settled, there was a fair
prospect of the continuance of peace between
the two countries. Accordingly, on the 24th
of July, count Florida Blanca sent to Mr.
Fitzherbert, a declaration, in which he expli-
citly said, that the king of Spain was willing
to give satisfaction for the injury of which his
Britannic majesty had complained, by making
restitution of the British vessels and property
seized at Nootka, and indemnifying the parties
interested for the losses they had respectively
sustained. On the same day, Mr. Fitzherbert
* The navy of Great Britain at this time consisted of 158
ships of the line, and that of Spain of 70.
126
XII.
CHAP. returned a counter declaration, in which he
announced the readiness of the king, his mas-
ter, to consider the declaration of the court
of Spain, together with the performance of
the engagement it contained, as a full and
entire satisfaction for the injury which had
been received.
1790.
A negotiation was immediately commenced
at Madrid, and on the 28th of October, a con-
vention was signed by the ministers of the
two courts, by which it was agreed, that all
the land and buildings, of which British sub-
jects had been dispossessed on the north-west
coast of America, should be restored to
them; that a just compensation should be
made for all acts of violence and hostility
committed at Nootka; that the subjects of
Great Britain should not be disturbed or mo-
lested in carrying on their fisheries in the South
Seas, or in making settlements on the coasts
of those seas, in places not already occupied,
for the purposes of commerce with the natives
of the country; that no settlement should be
made by the subjects of either nation, whe-
ther on the eastern or western side of America,
nearer to Cape Horn, than the most southern
of the present Spanish settlements; and, on
the other hand, the king of Great Britain
engaged to take the most effectual means for
127
XII.
preventing his subjects from carrying on illi- CHAP.
cit trade with the Spanish settlements, with
which view it was stipulated, that British
subjects should not navigate or fish within ten
leagues of any part of the coast occupied by
Spain.
Thus did Mr. Pitt vindicate the insulted
honor of his country, and without having re-
course to actual hostilities, obtain, not only
the restoration of the settlement on the north-
west coast of America, where it was expected
that a valuable fur trade might be carried on;
but an indemnification for past injuries and
losses, and a direct acknowledgement from
the court of Spain, of the right of British
subjects to continue their fisheries in the South
Seas-a right which had hitherto been always
controverted-in such clear and unequivocal
terms, as to preclude the possibility of all
future disagreement or doubt.
This termination of the dispute with Spain
was highly satisfactory to the people of Great
Britain; and was thought of sufficient im-
portance to call for congratulatory addresses
to his majesty, from the cities of London,
Bristol, and Glasgow. It raised also the cha-
racter of this country in foreign courts. Lord
Auckland, who was at this time ambassador
at the Hague, in writing upon this subject to
1790.
128
XII.
CHAP. Mr. Pitt, said, "I am convinced, that if less
firmness, energy, and activity had been shewn
on our part, or even that if our fleet had not
been found in the most perfect and readiest
state that has been known in the annals of
Great Britain, the reparation made to us
would have been incomplete, and our farther
objects would have been utterly unattainable
otherwise than by war. With respect to the
articles of the convention, I think them per-
fect, and not open to any fair cavil. Our
worthy and wise friend the Pensionary, has
perused the whole with great complacency,
and said, when he had done, that he should
not feel easy, until he should somehow in the
course of his life have an hour's conversation
with you.
In short, there never was a busi-
ness better conducted or better concluded
and there never was a moment, in which our
country held such pre-eminency among na-
tions,—and that pre-eminency stands on a firm
foundation, on the recollection of the naval
strength which we have exhibited to the
world." The expedition with which a power-
ful fleet had been equipped upon this occasion,
and the effect it contributed to produce, were
the more gratifying to Mr. Pitt, as his brother,
the earl of Chatham, was at this time first lord
of the admiralty.
;
1790.
129
XII.
1790.
EARLY in the summer, the national assembly CHAP.
had decreed, that a general festival of con.
federation should take place on the 14th of
July, the anniversary of the destruction of the
Bastile in the preceding year; and the Champ
de Mars, a large field near Paris, was prepared
for this grand occasion. Seats, rising in the
form of an amphitheatre, were erected for the
accommodation of nearly half a million of
persons; and in the centre was placed an
altar, at which the king, the national assembly,
deputies from all the departments, delegates
from all the regiments stationed in the pro-
vinces, soldiers quartered in the metropolis,
and its other inhabitants, swore to maintain
the constitution against all opponents, and to
continue free, or to perish. The same oath
was taken on the same day, throughout the
kingdom; and the object of this solemnity
probably was, not merely to commemorate the
event it professed to celebrate, and to honor
the day which was considered as the dawn of
liberty, but to confirm, and as it were to le-
galize, the revolution, by the universal suffrage
of the people, and the personal obligation of
every individual, as far as it could be obtained.
This was perfectly conformable to the de-
signs of the leading members of the national
VOL. III.
K
130
XII.
CHAP. assembly, and strongly marked the systematic
plan and deliberate caution, by which their
1790. proceedings were uniformly directed.
Mr. Necker, who had been the idol of the
French nation, not only lost his popularity
about this time, but was, upon several occa-
sions, treated with the grossest disrespect and
contempt by the national assembly. Fearing,
therefore, that if he remained in France, he
should share the general fate of those, who
had rendered themselves obnoxious to the
ruling powers, he wrote a letter of resignation
to the assembly, on the 4th of September;
and immediately departed for Switzerland,
his native country.
The national assembly having usurped all
executive as well as legislative power, it was
of very little importance, by whom the official
situations were filled, although, as the forms
of monarchy were in a great measure retained,
the appointment of ministers was still made,
and public business continued to be transact-
ed, in the name of the king.
Besides the information received by our
government, of what was passing in France,
through the regular channel of the embassy,
Mr. Pitt obtained private intelligence, by
means of various other persons; and in par-
ticular there was at this time, a gentleman
20
131
XII.
1790.
resident at Paris, of considerable diplomatic CHAF.
experience, from whom he learnt, upon au-
thority which could not be questioned, that
Mirabeau and his party were well disposed
towards England; and that while our negoti-
ation with Spain was depending, they did not
in reality encourage that court to persevere in
its claims, although they did not object to the
equipment of a French fleet. The knowledge
of those circumstances was of great import-
ance to the English ministers. The following
letter, written early in October 1790, to the
gentleman alluded to, will shew Mr. Pitt's
sentiments upon the then state of affairs in
France and Spain, and the principles upon
which he acted with respect to both countries.
"Dear Sir,
"I am extremely glad to find, by your letter,
that you have succeeded so well in opening
a confidential intercourse with the leaders of
what appears to be the ruling party in France.
Great advantages may perhaps be derived
from this circumstance, in the present critical
situation. I imagine, indeed, from your ac-
count, that we can hardly hope, in case war
should take place with Spain, and should last
for any time, that France will not ultimately
take part in it.
K 2
132
CHAP.
XII.
1790.
"But I think there seems to be a reason-
able prospect that the persons, with whom you
communicate, may be brought to make such
representations to the Spanish court, even if
a rupture should have taken place, as may
lead to a speedy restoration of peace, by a set-
tlement of the points in dispute, conformably
to the principles on which we have hitherto
insisted. At least it may be fairly expected,
that no immediate decision will be taken in
France, to give actual succour to Spain, on
the commencement of hostilities. And this
point alone, if nothing more should finally be
obtained, will be of great consequence, as it
will give us considerable advantage in our
first operations.
"With respect, however, to the steps to be
taken for bringing Spain to accede to our
terms, great care must be taken that the
French shall not appear as mediators, still less
as arbitrators; and on this point I wait with
great impatience for the more particular ac-
count which you promise to send me, of lord
Gower's* ideas and your's, after the next in-
terview which you were to have with the
members of the diplomatic committee. I am
inclined to think it may be adviseable that
*Lord Gower was the British ambassador to the court of
France.
133
XII.
1790.
lord Gower should be empowered, on the first CHAP.
news of a rupture, to communicate to the
French ministry, a statement of the terms on
which Mr. Fitzherbert has been instructed to
insist, and of the grounds on which they are
supported. If such statement should be laid
by the ministry, before the diplomatic com-
mittee, or the national assembly, and a decree
could be obtained, declaring, that those terms
ought to be accepted by Spain, such a mea-
sure would be highly satisfactory. But I can
hardly imagine that any thing so decisive can
be obtained, unless they should be so far
satisfied with our conduct, as to determine
not in any case to support Spain, until she is
willing to accede to the terms which we have
proposed. Even, however, if this should hap-
pen, it is to be observed, that the war having
once taken place, these terms may not appear
to us sufficient, unless they should be ac-
cepted by Spain, within a very short period.
The desire of restoring tranquillity would, in
all events, incline this country to great mode-
ration; but, if the war should last any time,
and our operations should have been success-
ful, we shall hardly be expected to make
peace, without gaining some farther advantage
to compensate for our expence. This, how-
ever, must be a point wholly of subsequent
к 3
134
XII.
1790.
CHAP. consideration. If, instead of a decisive ap-
probation of our terms, the assembly or the
committee should approve them only in part,
and should suggest any different terms, which
they may think reasonable, the situation will
be much more delicate. Very little good can
follow from such a measure, except that by
the time which would probably be necessary
for answers both from this country and Spain,
any hostile decision on the part of France
would be retarded, which I have already stated
to be a considerable advantage to us. No
progress, however, will be made in this way,
either towards the restoration of peace (sup-
posing a rupture to have taken place) or to-
wards keeping France ultimately out of the
war; as it must be impossible for us, at the
suggestion of a third power, to recede, in any
point, from the terms of the ultimatum which
we have sent to Spain.
"There are two other points, to which it is
essential to attend in the whole of this business.
"The first of these is, what seems, indeed,
by your letter to be already fully understood,
that, whatever confidential communications
may take place with the diplomatic committee,
for the sake of bringing them to promote our
views, no ostensible intercourse can be ad-
mitted but through the medium of accredited
135
ministers, or the secretary of state for foreign CHAP.
affairs, and that in the name of the king.
XII.
"The second point, which is of still more
importance, is, that no assurances shall be
given, directly or indirectly, which go farther,
than that this country means to persevere in
the neutrality, which it has hitherto scrupu-
lously observed with respect to the internal
dissensions of France, and from which it will
never depart, unless the conduct held there
should make it indispensable as an act of self-
defence; and that we are sincerely desirous
of preserving peace, and of cultivating, in ge-
neral, a friendly intercourse and good under-
standing between the two nations. But the
utmost care is necessary, under the present
circumstances, to use no language, which can
lead to an expectation of our taking measures
to forward the internal views of any political
party, or of our being ripe to form any alli-
ance between the two countries, which, even
if such a thing should be really wished in
France, various events might make it impossi-
ble for us to accede to, and which would, in
any case, at least require great consideration.
"I am, with truth and regard,
Dear sir,
Your's, most sincerely,
W. PITT."
1790.
K 4
136
CHAP.
XII.
1790.
The interview, mentioned as expected in
the above letter, took place, and the deputa-
tion from the diplomatic committee consisted
of Freteau, their president, Menou, an active
member, and Barnave, soon afterwards presi-
dent of the national assembly, to whom were
more particularly explained the pacific views
and wishes of the English government; and
the committee, upon hearing the report of
their deputation, unanimously resolved, de
saisir tous les moiens de rapprochement vis-
à-vis de l'Angleterre, qui pouvoient tendre
ou à prévenir la guerre ou à en arrêter le pro-
grès. This resolution was to be communi-
cated to the French minister Montmorin, and
to Mr. Pitt. It appears that, before the ex-
planation thus given, a suspicion prevailed in
the minds of the principal members of the
national assembly, that England intended to
take advantage of the disturbed state of
France, in revenge for her conduct in the
American war, and for the purpose of extend-
ing the British dominions in the West Indies.
They had even imagined, that this was the
real design of our armament, although pro-
fessed to be on account of the dispute with
Spain. It seems certain that, at this time,
there was no wish for war with England, in
137
XII.
the ruling party in France; and that they CHAP.
were desirous of preventing war between
England and Spain.
In the course of this year, hostilities broke
out in the southern parts of India, which gave
rise to much discussion in the succeeding ses-
sions of parliament. The Dutch had been in
possession, about 150 years, of two forts,
Cranganoore and Jacottah, which had pre-
viously belonged to the Portuguese, for a si-
milar period. These forts were situated
between Mysore, of which Tippoo Saib was at
this time sultan, and Cochin, the most valu-
able settlement Holland possessed in India.
Hyder Ally, the father of Tippoo Saib, imme-
diately before his rupture with the English in
1780, had seized and garrisoned Cranganoore,
for the protection of his dominions on that
side, under pretence that it belonged to his
tributary the rajah of Cochin; but in the pro-
gress of that war, in which he was unsuccess-
ful, the Dutch recovered it, and it was secured
to them by the peace of Mangalore in 1784.
Tippoo, however, having succeeded to the
throne of Mysore, laid claim to this fort; and
it being understood, in the summer of 1789,
that he was preparing an army for the
for the purpose
of seizing it, the Dutch, unwilling to engage
r
1790.
138
XII.
CHAF in war with so powerful a prince, sold both
the forts of Cranganoore and Jacottah to the
1790. rajah of Travancore, to the safety of whose
territories they were of great importance, and
who had long wished to possess them. Tippoo,
irritated at this disappointment, and alleging
that the sale, without his consent, as their
feudal sovereign, was both invalid and insult-
ing, made an attack, in December, on the
lines of Travancore, from which he was re-
pulsed, with considerable loss; but, collecting
a larger force, he made himself entirely mas-
ter of them, in the following March; after
which he besieged and took Cranganoore,
Jacottah, and several other lesser forts.
The rajah was an ally of our East India com-
pany, and it was well known that Tippoo sul-
tan had inherited both his father's ambition,
and his inveterate enmity to the British
interests in India*. The governors of Bengal
* Tippoo's territories were contiguous to those of our East
India company, for the length of 450 miles. In a letter,
dated Fort St. George, September 1787, sir Archibald
Campbell, then governor of Madras, informed Mr. Pitt, that
Tippoo had lately sent ambassadors to France, with valuable
presents, amounting to above half a million sterling. He
added, "the object of this mission is, to obtain from the
French the use of six or eight thousand Europeans, on his
paying for them; for which he has offered to cede to the
French all the countries he shall conquer from the English in
the Carnatic, by the assistance of these troops."
139
XII.
1790.
and Madras, therefore, remonstrated against CHAP.
this conduct of Tippoo, and offered their me-
diation; at the same time announcing, that
they should consider his perseverance in the
invasion of Travancore, as a declaration of
war against the company; but it being soon
evident, that he would not agree to an ami-
cable adjustment, general Medows, in June,
marched against him at the head of 15,000
men.
This army retook some of the forts; but,
not being able to bring Tippoo to a decisive
engagement, returned to the neighborhood
of Madras towards the end of the year. In
the mean time the Mahrattas, the nizam of
the Deccan, and the nabob of Arcot, had
promised to co-operate zealously with the
English, and sanguine expectations were en-
tertained, that the next campaign would be
more successful.
In June, of this year, Mr. Pitt was unani-
mously chosen high steward of the university
of Cambridge, in the room of the late earl of
Hardwicke; which honor was conferred upon
him, with the following address:
140
CHAP.
XII.
1790.
Honoratissimo viro
GULIELMO PITT
Regiæ Majestati à Sanctioribus Consiliis
Præfectorum Ærario Principi
Regii Scaccarii Cancellario
Academiæ Cantabrigiensis Burgensi
Summo ejusdem Seneschallo designato.-
Quin patiare, vir ornatissime, nostro ut lætemur nomine,
justissimoque solvamur gaudio, quòd summo nuperrimè
orbata seneschallo, perfugium et patronum te agnoscat
academia.
Diu jam est quòd propensissimum tuum erga nos perspexi-
mus studium; quòd privilegia nostra, jura, et consuetudines
defendenda tibi auspicatissimè delegavimus: nec mirum ideo,
si qua
qua ultra tui detur copia, quòd eam illicó amplectamur,
eam frequentissimo senatu, insolitâ antehac assensione, ple-
nissimisque suffragiis, poscamus omnes et postulemus.
Munus hoc haud multum, confitemur, tibi allaturum digni-
tatis; atque inconsulti forsan videamur, qui tale nomen
nostræ tenuitati præficiamus. — At circumspicientibus nobis
quâ potissimum manu, quove tutelari favore, se suaque de
cætero firmet, ornetque academia, solus tu ante oculos ob-
versaris: non enim obliti sumus, quo virtutis, quo eruditionis
fundamine, in tantum tua creverit amplitudo; non eximiam
illam, à pueritiâ usque, malè intelleximus indolem; neque
nescivit academia mater, quantum jam olim habuerit, in quo
de tam illustri superbiret nato.
Felices vero nos quorum negotiolis vaces, summis ipse oc-
cupationibus districtus; quorum minutulis interesse rebus
non dedigneris ipse interim libertatis publicæ vindex, in
aure, in animo regis augustissimi constitutus, qui reipub-
licæ tot annis tam feliciter sis moderatus, quique unus om-
nium is esse videaris, ex quo vel Britanniæ ipsius pendeat
salus.
141
Quòd ad tale autem accesseris fastigium, quòd æquales
omnes longo reliqueris intervallo, quòd maximarum rerum
molem tuo solus rotes pondere, non est cur illud miretur
quisquam, quem non aut tua latuit virtus, quem fides, quem
par negotiis omnibus animi vigor, et in arduis exploratissima
promptitudo.
Talis ergo cum sis, ne pudeat te quòd noster nunc propin-
quiùs audias; quòd gravissimis imperii rebus cum satis
inclarueris, inter literarum ornamenta recenseare, quòdque
cum universo populo deberis, nos etiam te, partem jam nostri
maximam, vindicare audeamus.-Neque enim tibi, si te
benè novimus, illa non potest perplacere provincia, quâ
præsidere literis quas semper coluisti, quâ patrocinari aca-
demiæ quam adamasti adeo, quâ nobis demum præsidio esse
possis, quibus olim fueras ornamento.
Datæ è Senaculo nostro
5to calend. Junii
1790.
:
Sumus,
Vir honoratissime,
Tibi
Omni observantiâ, et studio
Devinctissimi,
Procancellarius
Reliquusque Senatus
Cantabrigiensis.
}
CHAP.
XII.
1790.
142
CHAP.
XIII.
*
CHAPTER THE THIRTEENTH:
1790.
War in the North of Europe-Meeting of new Parliament
-Spanish Convention - Expences of the late armament
Continuation of Mr. Hastings's Trial-War in India
Russian Armament-Quebec Bill Slave Trade-Finance
Committee Budget-Bill for the Relief of Protesting
Roman Catholics-Prorogation.
M
IT
T is now necessary to give a short account
of the war, which had been for some time
carried on in the north-east of Europe, and
which we have seen noticed in several of the
king's speeches, as at the period, at which we
are arrived, there was a probability of Eng-
land being actively involved in it.
Hostilities were commenced in the summer
of 1787 by the Porte against Russia, in con-
sequence of repeated encroachments on the
part of the Russians, and their endeavors to
excite disaffection and rebellion in Egypt, and
other parts of the Turkish empire. The em-
press Catharine may therefore be considered
as the real aggressor in this war, which, in
fact, owed its origin to her desire to reduce
the power of the Turks, and, if possible, to
:
143
XIII.
wrest from them all their European dominions. CHAP.
A general belief, indeed, prevailed, that she
aimed at nothing less than placing her second
grandson upon the throne of Constantinople.
Instead, however, of avowing any such design
or wish, she prevailed upon Joseph the second,
emperor of Germany, by the promise of the
Turkish provinces contiguous to Hungary, to
join in the war against Turkey, in the begin-
ning of 1788; and the king of Sweden having
declared war against Russia, in the middle of
that year, the influence of the empress caused
Denmark soon after to invade Sweden with a
powerful army. It was evident, that Sweden
could not have withstood the joint attacks of
Russia and Denmark; and as the ruin of that
kingdom would have materially affected the
balance of power in the north, Great Britain
and Prussia notified their intention to engage
in the war, if Denmark did not withdraw her
troops from Sweden: she consented, after
some hesitation, in November of that year,
and from that time remained neuter. This
was more immediately owing to the spirited
and judicious exertions of the English minister
at Copenhagen*, acting under directions from
his own government, and proved the impor-
tance of that alliance, which Mr. Pitt had
* Mr. Hugh Elliott.
C
144
· XIII.
CHAP. been so eager to form between Holland and
the courts of London and Berlin, as a check
to the ambition of the empress Catharine,
which was the more to be dreaded, on account
of the ascendancy she had gained over the
emperor of Germany.
The war between Sweden and Russia con-
tinued till August 1790, when it was unex-
pectedly terminated by a treaty, the principal
articles of which were, that the places taken
on each side should be restored, and that the
frontiers should be put exactly into the same
state in which they were before the war.
Peace was convenient to both parties: Sweden
had suffered so much, particularly in her navy,
that she was no longer able to maintain the
contest; and Russia was desirous of being
left at liberty to prosecute the Turkish war,
with undivided attention, and with her whole
military strength.
The armies of the Porte, although on seve-
ral occasions they fought with great bravery,
and with considerable success, especially
against the Austrians in 1788, were by no
means able to resist the united forces of the
two empires, even while a part of Catharine's
troops was employed against Sweden. The
losses of the Turks in the campaign of 1789,
both in men and territory, were indeed so
-
145
XIII.
great, that apprehensions were entertained for CHAP.
the safety of Constantinople itself. The sub-
version, or even any considerable dismember-
ment, of the Turkish empire, would so obvi-
ously have operated to the disadvantage of
the other nations of Europe, that the allied
powers made a strong representation upon
the subject, to the courts of Vienna and Pe-
tersburgh; and to shew that they were in
earnest, the king of Prussia collected a large
army, for the avowed purpose, if necessary, of
assisting the Porte. These circumstances had
probably great weight in inducing the em-
peror so far to listen to overtures of peace,
made by the Ottomans, towards the end of
1789, that he agreed to the holding a congress
at Bucharest, to conduct the negotiation; and
the empress of Russia authorized prince Po-
temkin to propose terms of pacification to the
Porte. This congress, however, entirely
failed in all its objects; and the king of Prus-
sia was so dissatisfied with the court of Vienna,
and so impressed with the danger which must
attend the farther progress of the imperial
troops in the Turkish dominions, that, at the
end of January 1790, he entered into a close
alliance with the Ottoman Porte, and was
upon the point of attacking the Austrian ter-
ritories, when the death of the emperor, on
VOL. III.
L
146
CHAP. the 20th of February in that year, produced
XIII. a most material change in the situation of
affairs.
:
Joseph dying without issue, his brother,
Leopold, grand duke of Tuscany, succeeded
to the hereditary dominions of the house of
Austria; and the exhausted and unquiet
state, in which he found them, soon con-
vinced him of the necessity of accommodating
all differences with the king of Prussia, and
of putting an end to the war with Turkey.
A
congress was accordingly held at Reichen-
back in Silesia, composed of the respective
ministers of Leopold, as king of Hungary, of
the kings of Prussia and Great Britain, and of
the States General; and, on the 27th of July
1790, a convention was signed, by which it
was stipulated, that Austria should renounce
her alliance with Russia, that a negotiation
for peace between Austria and the Porte
should be opened as soon as might be practi-
cable, and that, in the mean time, hostilities
should cease; and the king of Prussia en-
gaged to give his vote in favor of Leopold, at
the approaching election for the imperial
throne, upon condition, that he should never
form any alliance with Russia, which should
-prevent him, as chief of the empire, from re-
sisting any attack of that power upon any of
147
XIII.
the German states. The king of Prussia CHAP.
farther engaged to co-operate with the mari-
time powers, in their endeavors to appease the
troubles in the Austrian Netherlands; but
upon the express condition, that Leopold
should restore to them all their antient privi-
leges, which were to be confirmed and gua
ranteed by the three allied powers. The
armistice between Austria and the Porte
took place on the 20th of September, about
which time Leopold was chosen emperor; and
a few months afterwards the negotiations for
peace commenced at Sistovia.
In December 1789, the empress of Russia
applied to the courts of London and Berlin to
exert their influence to prevail upon the Porte
to allow, as a ground for a general peace, that
the Turkish provinces of Bessarabia, Molda-
via, and Wallachia, should be formed into an
independent state, to be governed by a chris-
tian prince; and, it was understood, that she
intended to name her own grandson, Constan-
tine, as the sovereign of this new kingdom.
The kings of Great Britain and Prussia replied
that, earnestly as they desired the re-establish-
ment of public tranquillity, it was impossible
for them to support the condition of peace
proposed by her imperial majesty, which was
founded upon such a considerable exchangè
L 2
148
XIII.
CHAP. of territory, as could not fail essentially to
affect the interests of various European pow-
ers, and appeared calculated rather to prolong,
and even to extend, the war, than to put an
end to its calamities. Catharine, convinced
by this answer, that she should not be per-
mitted to carry her ambitious plans into exe-
cution, without a struggle; and finding, soon
after the death of the emperor Joseph, that
she could not expect any assistance from his
successor, thought it expedient to relinquish,
for the present, the idea of a new independent
principality, and offered to make peace with the
Porté, upon the general principle of the status
quo, retaining only Oczakow, which she had
taken from the Turks in 1788, and the country
lying between the Bog and the Niester; but as
the possession of that fortress, and of the terri-
tory between those two rivers, would have ad-
ded materially to the power of the Russians
the Black Sea, and might hereafter havė
opened an easy way to Constantinople, from
which Oczakow was distant only 190 miles,
not a single strong place intervening, the Bri-
tish government did not hesitate to pronounce
this proposal also to be inadmissible. The
empress, offended at the repeated rejection of
her overtures, refused to join the conferences
for peace at Reichenback, under the media-
upon
149
XIII.
tion of the allies; haughtily declaring, that CHAP.
she would suffer no foreign interference
between herself and the Porte, and that she 1790.
would continue the war, rather than resign
the fruit of all her victories. The British
ministers were not discouraged by this lan-
guage; and Mr. Fawkener was sent to Peters-
burgh, to try the effect of negotiation.
THE new parliament met on the 26th of
November; and the king began his speech
from the throne, by expressing his satisfaction,
that the differences which had arisen between
him and the court of Spain, had been brought
to an amicable termination, without any ac-
tual interruption of the blessings of peace.
He then proceeded to state, that since the
last session, a foundation had been laid for
a pacification between Austria and the Porte;
that negotiations were depending, under his
mediation, in conjunction with his allies, for
a definitive treaty between those powers, and
also for putting an end to the dissensions in
the Netherlands; that a separate peace had
taken place between Russia and Sweden; but
that the war between Russia and the Porte
still continued.
He acquainted the house of commons, that
he had ordered the expences of the late ar-
L 3
150
XIII.
1790.
CHAP. mament, and the estimates for the ensuing
year to be laid before them; and at the end
of his speech, after noticing the hostilities
which had broken out in India, he called the
particular attention of parliament to the state
of the province of Quebec.
The usual address of thanks to his majesty,
passed in the house of commons without any
opposition; and on the 3d of December,
Mr. Pitt presented copies of the declaration
and counter-declaration exchanged at Madrid,
on the 24th of July, and of the convention
signed at the Escurial, on the 28th of October,
together with an account of the expences in-
curred by the late armament. These subjects
gave rise to the first debates in the present
session.
UPON Mr. Pitt's proposing a day for taking
into consideration the Spanish convention,
Mr. Fox, and some of his friends, asserted,
that the papers before the house were not
sufficient to enable parliament to form a judg-
ment upon that transaction: they contended,
that it was not enough to see the treaty itself,
and called upon Mr. Pitt to communicate to
the house, every part of the previous nego-
tiation. Mr. Pitt, however, declined to lay
before the house any other papers; and there-
151
XIII.
1790.
fore Mr. Grey, on the 13th of December, CHAP.
moved for the production of the whole corres-
pondence, which had passed between the courts
of Great Britain and Spain; and between the
British government at home, and his majesty's
ambassador at Madrid, relative to the seizure
of the ships at Nootka, and the satisfaction
demanded for that act of violence. This mo-
tion was followed by a long debate, at the end
of which, Mr. Pitt, in replying to Mr. Fox,
remarked, that the constitution had wisely en-
trusted the management of all foreign nego-
tiations to the crown, reserving to parliament
the privilege of censuring or commending
every description of treaty; and, as a proof
that it was not the uniform practice of the
house of commons, to require all the proceed-
ings of a negotiation to be submitted to them,
he reminded Mr. Fox, that he had joined in
a vote of censure upon the peace, in 1783;
and had since applauded the treaties respect-
ing Holland, without desiring to be informed
of the detail of either negotiation. He com-
plained, that Mr. Fox had chosen to construe
a refusal of papers in this particular in-
stance, where their production was not neces-
sary, into an unconstitutional determination
to deny them in all. No part of his conduct,
ne said, warranted such an inference; and he
L 4
152
1790.
CHAP. knew not, whether he should give a severer
XIII. wound to the constitution in saying, that
papers should be called for in all cases, or in
none. He admitted the general right of par-
liament to inquire into the conduct of every
department of the executive government; but
this right was not to be exercised, except upon
proper occasions, and upon sufficient grounds.
It was evident, that every negotiation of con-
siderable length, might involve particulars
most unfit to be disclosed; and the know-
ledge of which would only gratify curiosity,
without answering any useful purpose. It
was beneath the dignity of the house, and in-
consistent with its legitimate functions, to
scrutinize the technical forms of a diplomatic
correspondence; but the result was a fit sub-
ject for its examination and judgment. In
the present instance, ministers had succeeded
in the objects they had in view, without in-
curring the evils of war; and the conditions
of the treaty would shew, whether, in the at-
tainment of this end, either the honor or the
interest of the country had been sacrificed.
:
It was of no national importance, whether
this or that letter or memorial had been ex-
pressed in the best possible terms-the only
point to be considered was, whether the con-
vention itself deserved censure or approba-
.♪
*
攥
​153
XIII.
tion; and that question the house was fully CHAP.
competent to decide, from the papers already
upon the table. No one had stated any ground 1790.
of suspicion, that there had been neglect or
mismanagement in the negotiation; and the
dispute being terminated, it was far better not
to run the risque of reviving it, or of giving
offence to the court of Madrid, by publishing
all which had passed at the moment of com-
plaint and irritation, when the two countries
were apparently upon the eve of a war; and
more especially, as a prospect was now opened,
of entering into a friendly intercourse with
that power.
The production of the papers
required, might also reveal circumstances re-
lative to the disposition and intention of other
courts, which ought in propriety to be con-
cealed; and, if divulged, might lead to future
and serious mischief. These arguments pre-
vailed with the house; and the motion was
rejected by a majority of 124, the numbers
being 258 and 134.
!
On the following day a motion was made
by Mr. Duncombe, one of the members for
Yorkshire, and seconded by Mr. alderman
Watson, one of the members for the city of
London, for presenting to his majesty an ad-
dress of congratulation, on the satisfactory
issue of the late negotiation with Spain. This
154
XIII.
1790.
CHAP. motion was objected to, and an adjournment
moved, upon the ground, that, papers neces-
sary for information having been refused, it
would be equally improper for the house to
express either praise or disapprobation. To
this it was again replied, that the character of
the measure did not depend on the detail of
the negotiation, but upon the actual result;
and it was contended, that the convention,
while it continued to these kingdoms the
blessings of peace, maintained the honor of
his majesty's crown, by providing an adequate
reparation for the violence and injury com-
mitted, secured to his majesty's subjects the
acknowledgment and exercise of valuable
rights, which had been long resisted and dis-
puted, and by an amicable and clear arrange-
ment precluded future occasions of misunder-
standing with the court of Spain. The motion
for adjournment was negatived by a majority
of 124, and the address was agreed to, with-
out any farther division.
IMMEDIATELY after the meeting of parlia-
ment, Mr. Pitt had declared his intention of
keeping the expences of the late armament
distinct from the current expences of the ensu-
ing year; and Mr. Fox, who approved this idea,
inquired, on the day the navy estimates were
155
XIII.
1790.
voted, whether the expence of the increased CHAP.
number of seamen from 20,000 to 24,000,
was to be imputed to the late armament, or
to an alteration in the policy of the country,
with respect to what was deemed the necessary
peace establishment. Mr. Pitt replied, that
part of the expence of the increased number
of seamen might fairly be ascribed to the late
armament, inasmuch as it was impossible to
disarm all at once: he did not, however, mean
to say, that the proposed number of seamen,
was solely owing to that cause: he made no
scruple to declare, that there were circum-
stances in the present situation of Europe,
which occasioned his majesty's ministers to
think it necessary to keep up a naval arma-
ment for a time, to an increased extent;
but he trusted, that a few months would
bring that necessity to a period. Mr. Fox
expressed himself satisfied with this candid
explanation.
All the different expences incurred by the
late armament, including the additional num-
ber of seamen, voted for the service of the
following year, amounted to 3,133,000l., every
part of which, Mr. Pitt, after a full conside-
ration of the financial state of the country,
determined to defray, without entailing any
permanent charge upon the revenue. To
156
CHAP. raise so large a sum within a short period, in-
XIII. evitably required the imposition of heavy
1790. taxes; but this unpleasant task he willingly
undertook, from a desire of affording to the
world a substantial proof of the resources of
the country, and of the readiness of the
people to submit to burdens, which the vindi-
cation of the national honor had rendered
necessary; and to this he was farther en-
couraged, by an earnest wish not to interfere
with the operation of the sinking fund. In-
stead, therefore, of having recourse to a loan,
and providing permanent taxes for the pay-
ment of the interest only, in the manner prac-
tised by all other ministers since the revolution,
he proposed to discharge the principal within
four years, by the assistance of taxes, the du-
ration of which should be confined to that
limited time; and the day after the address
of congratulation was voted, he submitted to
the house a plan for carrying into effect this
spirited and patriotic determination.
After explaining the principle, and expa-
tiating upon the advantage of the object he
had in view, he stated that there was lying in
the bank a considerable sum, of which par-
liament might with propriety avail itself upon
the present occasion. Money, he said, was
issued. from the exchequer to the bank every
✔.
157
XIII.
quarter, for the payment of the whole of the CHAP.
dividends upon the public stocks then due;
but, some of the proprietors omitting to call
for their respective dividends, a balance always
remained in the bank, which, on the 12th of
last October, amounted to 660,000l. He ob-
served, that the governor and company of the
bank stood in the situation of agents to the
public; and receiving for their agency a com-
petent allowance, they were not entitled to
any
indirect profit from a balance to be left
in their hands, greater than was sufficient to
meet the demands which might be made upon
them. He, therefore, thought it fair to apply
500,000 l. of the above balance towards the
discharge of the debt incurred by the late ar-
mament; and, that the public creditor might
not be exposed to any loss or inconvenience,
he proposed to make the consolidated fund
responsible for those dividends, whenever they
should be demanded: the probability, how-
ever, was, that the balance, instead of becom-
ing less, would continue to increase, as it had
hitherto done*. The effect of this measure
would be, that the public would have the im-
* In 1727, the balance was 43,000l.; in 1774 it was
292,000l.; in 1786, it was 314,000l.; on the 5th of July
1789, it was 547,000l.; and, after the Christmas recess,
Mr. Pitt stated that on the 8th of January preceding it was
702,995 l. 1 s. 3 d.
1790.
158
XIII.
CHAP. mediate use of half a million without interest,
the proprietors of stock still retaining the
same security for the regular payment of their
dividends*.
1790.
Mr. Pitt then proceeded to state the means
by which he intended to raise the remainder
of the 3,133,000l., which consisted of a tem-
porary increase of the present taxes upon
sugar, British and foreign spirits, malt, game
licences, and of what were called assessed
taxes, except the commutation and land taxes:
the whole annual produce of these additional
taxes he estimated at 728,000l.; and he pro-
posed, that part of them should continue for
two, and part for four years. He proposed
also to introduce a variety of important regu-
lations, to prevent the evasions and frauds
practised in the taxes upon receipts and bills
of exchange, which he intended to make per-
petual, and from which he expected an addi-
tion to the revenue, of 300,000 a year. He
considered himself as providing, by these
different methods, an augmentation to the in-
come of the country, which would pay off
÷
* On a subsequent day Mr. Pitt mentioned, that he had
carefully looked over the state of cash in the exchequer, for
the last five years; and in all that time there were only two
weeks, when the ready money there did not exceed half
2 million. These weeks were during the king's illness.
159
XIII.
more than half the debt in question, with the CHAP.
accruing interest, in the next two years, and
the remainder in the two following; so that
all the expences of the armament would be
discharged within four years, at the end of
which the new taxes would entirely cease.
This proposal for liquidating the whole of
the debt, both principal and interest, within
so short a period, was highly applauded by
persons on both sides of the house; and every
part of the plan was adopted, except that, in-
stead of taking a proportion of the unclaimed
dividends, the directors of the bank agreed to
lend to the public, half a million without in-
terest, so long as a floating balance to that
amount should remain in their hands. This
alteration, while it equally answered Mr. Pitt's
purpose, and was equally advantageous to the
public, removed the scruples of some few
members, who were fearful, that the national
credit might suffer by a direct and avowed
application of money to the public service,
which in fact belonged to individual stock-
holders, and might be demanded at any
moment.
When the speaker presented the bills for
these various purposes, to the king, he noticed
the novel principle, upon which they were
founded, in the following words:
7
1790.
160
CHAP.
XIII.
1790.
"A large part of this supply has been:
granted for the purpose of carrying into exe-
cution, a measure, the principle of which has
received the unanimous approbation of your
commons.
"Actuated by a generous and wise policy,
they have sacrificed the considerations of tem-
porary convenience, to those which arise from
a just regard to the permanent interests of
these kingdoms. They have accordingly pro-
vided for the complete and speedy discharge
of the expences recently incurred, in support.
of the honor and dignity of your majesty's
crown, and the rights of your subjects, with-
out any lasting addition to the national debt,
or any embarrassment to that system, which
has so effectually sustained and advanced the
public credit of the country.
"Your commons, sire, are induced to hope,
that their conduct on this occasion, will ope-
rate as a salutary example to future times;
and that its immediate effect will be, to es-
tablish an universal conviction of the internal..
strength and abundant resources of this coun-
try; and consequently to afford an additional
security for the continuance of the blessings
of peace.-A measure, which is the result of
such motives, and which leads to such conse-
161
quences, your commons are persuaded, can-
not fail to receive your majesty's most gra-
cious approbation."
A constitutional question of considerable
importance, arising out of the trial of Mr.
Hastings, was also discussed in the house of
commons, before the Christmas holidays,
namely, Whether a dissolution of parliament
put an end to an impeachment by the house
of commons, before the house of lords? Upon
the determination of this question it depended,
whether the proceedings against Mr. Hastings
could be taken up by the présent parliament,
where they were left by the last, or whether
they must begin de novo. It was understood,
that opposite opinions were entertained upon
this subject, especially by those members who
belonged to the profession of the law; and,
as the best means of bringing the point to
a regular decision, Mr. Burke, on the 17th
of December, in a committee of the whole
house, moved the following resolution:
"That it appears, that an impeachment by
this house, in the name of the commons of
Great Britain in parliament assembled, and of
all the commons of Great Britain, against
Warren Hastings, esq. late governor general of
Bengal, for sundry high crimes and misdemea-
VOL. III.
M
XIII.
1790.
162
XIII.
CHAP. nors, is now depending." Mr. Burke observed,
that this was not an abstract, but a practical,
1790. proposition, applicable to the particular case;
it was a plain assertion of the privileges of the
house, as handed down to them by their pre-
decessors, through an uninterrupted succes-
sion of 500 years, and to be faithfully trans-
mitted to all future generations. In all the
convulsions of our government, in all the
struggles, contests, and incidental or progres-
sive changes of the functions and powers of
the house of commons, this alone had re-
mained immutable, that an impeachment was
never to be defeated by collusion with a minis-
ter, or by the power of the crown.
That an
impeachment abated by a dissolution of parlia-
ment, was not to be found, in plain express
terms, on the journals of the house of lords, on
the journals of the house of commons, or in the
minutes of the conferences between the two
houses. It was as little to be found in any
book of authority, or in any good report of law
cases. The house of commons was the watch,
the inquisitor, the purifier of every judicial and
executive function; and were this privilege to
be abandoned, or rendered nugatory, we should
lose the best security for the impartial admi-
nistration of justice, and the most powerful
check against the abuse of political power.
(
163
XIII.
1790.
This resolution gave rise to a debate of un- CHAP.
usual length*, and afforded an opportunity
for the display of great ingenuity and research.
Mr. Erskine immediately followed Mr. Burke;
and, at the end of a long and elaborate speech,
in which he attempted to prove, principally
from the practice of the courts of law, and
from what he termed legal analogies, that a
dissolution did put an end to all proceed-
ings of a depending impeachment, he moved,
that the chairman should leave the chair, for
the purpose of appointing a select committee
to search for precedents, to be formally re-
ported to the house, as a necessary guide to
their ultimate decision.
After several members had spoken on both
sides, Mr. Pitt took a comprehensive view of
the question, upon the grounds of precedent,
the principles of the constitution, and the
authority of eminent lawyers; noticing, as he
went on, the arguments and objections of
those who had preceded him in the debate.
-
He began by observing, that precedents had
been consulted by several honorable and
learned gentlemen, with the laborious indus-
try, no doubt, of many months investigation;
but those adduced, in favor of impeachments
abating upon a dissolution of parliament, were
• The debate lasted, by adjournments, three days.
M 2
164
XIII.
1790.
CHAP. in number so few, and of such questionable
authority, in his opinion, as clearly to evince
the weakness of the cause, without the small-
est reflection upon the abilities of the learned
advocates, who supported it. After the most
diligent and accurate examination in his
power, of the subject under discussion- after
deliberating, for a length of time, upon every
possible ground on which it could be argued
-he came prepared to deliver his sentiments,
how far impeachments were affected by a dis-
solution of parliament.
The first point to be ascertained was, he
said, whether any evidence existed of an uni-
form practice observed by both houses, in
their conduct of impeachments, which might
be considered as the law of parliament in such
cases. If there were precedents, which clearly
established the point, that, from the usage of
parliament, impeachments did abate by a
dissolution, he would bow in silence to the
authority; but would lose no time in provid-
ing a remedy against a practice, the tendency
of which was hostile to the privileges of the
house, and destructive of the liberties of the
country. No one would say, that such pre-
cedents ought to be relied upon, in preference
to the fundamental principles of the consti-
tution. But he was happy to find, that there
1
165
XIII.
existed no evidence of such uniform rule of CHAP.
parliamentary practice. From a dispassionate
examination of the different precedents, he
did not hesitate to assert with confidence, and
the sequel, he trusted, would abundantly
justify the assertion, that impeachments did
continue in statu quo from parliament to
parliament.
That impeachments did not abate by a dis-
solution of parliament, was a doctrine suffi-
ciently recognized and well established, by
many early precedents in our history*. Cases
might be adduced from the reigns of Richard
the second, and his immediate successors;
but he should only mention the case of the
duke of Suffolk, in the reign of Henry the
sixth, from which it appeared, that impeach-
ments were then considered as continuing
from parliament to parliament. In his refe-
rence, however, to precedents, he did not
mean to confine himself to the more doubtful
decisions of antiquity; but should advance
to more modern times, and advert to instances
* The earliest formal entry of an impeachment is that of
lord Latimer, in the roll of the parliament which met in the
50th year of the reign of Edw. 3: this was denominated
"the good parliament;" and deservedly, says Walsingham,
who lived before the genuine impression of its conduct was
worn away. His Hypodeigma Neustria was published in
1418, and his history a few years afterwards.
1790.
M 3
166
CHAP. better ascertained, and more immediately ap
plicable to his present purpose.
XIII.
1790.
In the year. 1673, the house of lords di-
rected the committee of privileges to consider,
"whether an appeal, either by writ of error
or petition, being depending, and not deter-
mined in one session of parliament, continue
in statu quo, to the next session of parliament,
without renewing the writ of error or pe-
tition;" and the committee, not confining
themselves to appeals, but extending their
inquiries to "any other business wherein their
lordships act as in a court of judicature, and
not in their legislative capacity," declared
their opinion in a resolution, which was ap-
proved by the house, "That businesses de-
pending in one session of parliament, have
been continued to the next session of the same
parliament, and the proceedings thereupon
have remained in the same state, in which
they were left when last in agitation." It
is to be observed, that this resolution pro-
nounced, what had been the usage of the
house of lords, after a careful examination
into the journals, with respect both to criminal
and civil cases, many of which were cited at
length in the report; and that it included
impeachments, although not actually men-
tioned, in hearing of which the house of
167
lords unquestionably acted as a court of CHAP.
judicature.
XIII.
1790.
Though the report itself was confined to
the same parliament, several cases were cited
in it, of business continued through different
parliaments; but in the year 1678, soon after
the dissolution of the long parliament, the
committee of privileges were expressly called
upon to "consider, whether petitions of ap-
peal, which were presented to the house of
lords in the last parliament, be still in force
to be proceeded on; as also to consider of the
state of the impeachment brought up in the last
parliament:" and in their report they stated,
"that all cases of appeal and writs of error con-
tinue, and are to be proceeded upon in statu
quo, as they stood at the dissolution of the last
parliament, without beginning de novo; and
that the dissolution of the last parliament doth
not alter the state of the impeachment brought
up by the commons in that parliament *."
To this precedent, thus clear and decisive,
three objections, Mr. Pitt. said, had been
taken, to invalidate its authority.-First, it
had been denominated a very precipitate pro-
ceeding, but of this no proof had been ad-
duced; and indeed the report itself was only
1
* That of lord viscount Stafford, who, in consequence of
this report, was tried, convicted, and executed.
M 4
168
an obvious deduction from the principles laid
down in the former decision; aud it was ex-
1790. pressly mentioned, that the house agreed to
the report,
"after some time spent in con-
sideration thereof.”
CHAP.
XIII.
J
Secondly, it had been objected, that the
critical juncture of affairs, during the ferment
of party violence, occasioned by what was
called the popish plot, probably contributed
to that part of the report, and consequent re-
solution of the house, which authorized the
continuance of impeachments. The circum-
stances, however, of the times did not appear
to detract from the weight of any part of this
report, which was adopted by the unanimous
and deliberate judgment of the house, and
was professedly founded upon the resolution
of 1673, which had no reference to any de-
pending impeachment, and was never sus-
pected of originating from political prejudice,
or any other improper motive. But what was
the case of the reversal of this decision in
1685, so much relied upon as a precedent in
favor of the abatement of impeachments by
a dissolution ? Did not that reversal take
place at the era, when James the second,
a popish and bigoted prince, had just ascended
the throne; when the parliament was obse-
quiously devoted to the will of the monarch;
10-
169
j
XIII.
1790.
when the sacrifice of principle was required CHAP.
to be made to practical abuse; when certain
popish lords, the supposed favorites of the
king, were in prison, and about to be tried in
the new parliament, under the authority of
the law, as it was then understood and ac-
knowledged, that impeachments were not
affected by a dissolution? And how did
the house of lords act at such a moment?
They rescinded the order of 1678 as far as
impeachments were concerned, avowedly for
the purpose of screening the popish lords from
the impending danger of trial, without any
examination into precedents, or even suffering
the order itself to be read; and this resolution
of 1685 was held in so little repute, that it
was never quoted or acted upon, after its
immediate purpose was answered. He then
would ask, against which of the decisions the
objection taken from the circumstances of the
times, applied most forcibly, whether to the
order of 1678, or to its reversal in 1685 ?
Unquestionably to the latter. The honorable
and learned gentleman (Mr. Erskine) had
therefore ably and successfully argued against
himself, since by this objection he had clearly
proved the decision itself a good precedent,
and its reversal a bad one. So much for the
precedent of 1685.
170
XIII.
CHAP. The last objection to the resolution of
1678, was taken from the case of lord Stafford,
1790. whose trial, conviction, and execution, the
same honorable gentleman had so feelingly de-
scribed. But how could this instance affect the
authority of the precedent in question? Ad-
mitting that this unfortunate nobleman was
unjustly condemned, was that a legitimate
and conclusive argument against the principle
of continuing impeachments? Because the
fate of one person, from the continuance of
impeachments, was hard and oppressive, did
it therefore follow, that the exercise of such
a privilege of the commons would, in every
instance, be attended with the same obnoxious
consequences? If the abuse of an institution
proved its inutility, the objection might apply;
otherwise the honorable and learned gentle-
man's pathetic expostulations would deserve
no attention; for, in deciding upon the weight
of a dry precedent, our passions ought not to
interfere with our judicial deliberations; and
it was obvious, that the trial might be under-
taken upon legal grounds, although the wit-
nesses examined in the prosecution of it, were
guilty of perjury. The credit of the order of
1678 stood, therefore, unimpeached: a pre-
cedent, which neither eloquence nor sophistry
could possibly invalidate.
171
XIII.
The detention of lord Salisbury and lord CHA P.
Peterborough in prison, in 1690, after a dis-
solution, and several months after the meeting 1790.
of the new parliament, proved, that the reso-
lution of 1685 was not considered as laying
down a permanent rule of law, but as an ex-
pedient merely to serve a temporary and im-
proper purpose. In the proceedings relative
to those peers, no reference whatever was
made to any former decision upon the subject;
and their impeachment abated, not by virtue
of any usage of parliament, but by the ope-
ration of an act of general pardon*.
In the cases of sir Adam Blair, and three
other persons, in the same year, 1690, it was
true that no attempts were made to go on
with the prosecutions in the new parliament;
but they had been held to bail subsequently
A
* There was much dispute before the revolution, concern-
ing the king's power to pardon, in case of parliamentary im-
peachment. To remove all doubt upon the subject, it was
enacted by the act of settlement, 12 and 13 Will. 3, c. 2, that
66
no pardon under the great seal of England shall be plead-
able to an impeachment by the commons in parliament.”
"But," says Blackstone, "after the impeachment has been
solemnly heard and determined, it is not understood, that the
king's royal grace is farther restrained or abridged; for, after
the impeachment and attainder of the six rebel lords in 1715,
three of them were from time to time reprieved by the
crown, and at length received the benefit of the king's most
gracious pardon."
172
}
If the proceedings had
abated in consequence of that event, the
par-
ties could not have been held to bail: the im-
peachment being determined, they must have
been liberated. But as the proceedings were
considered as still pending, unaffected by the
dissolution, the parties were bound in a re-
cognizance. The only just inference, there-
fore, from these cases, was, that impeachments
did not abate, in the manner contended for,
by a dissolution of parliament.
The same conclusion was deducible from
the impeachment of lord Danby, who was not
discharged till three dissolutions had taken
place. It might here again be observed, that
if a dissolution had operated an abatement of
impeachments, he must have been released
from prison, as a matter of course, upon the
first dissolution. On the contrary, after this
first dissolution, he applied to the court of
king's bench to be bailed; but the judges
then refused, recognizing the doctrine, that
the impeachment did not fall to the ground in
consequence of the dissolution, as the known
and established law of parliament. The judges.
refused to bail him a second time; but, upon
a third application, after five years imprison-
ment, in 1684, when Jefferies had become
chief justice, he was bailed; which very act
CHAP. to a dissolution.
XIII.
1790.
173
XIII.
1790.
admitted the legality of his being detained in CHAP.
prison, and the continuance of the impeach-
ment; and he was at length disharged, because
the commons declined to prosecute, without
a word being said of any of the intermediate
dissolutions.
In the subsequent cases of lords Somers,
Halifax, Portland, and the same lord Danby,
when duke of Leeds, the several impeach-
ments dropped from the same cause; the
commons not prosecuting, the parties were
severally discharged. In the last-mentioned
case, that of the duke of Leeds, after the
impeachment had remained five years, and
through several successive parliaments, the
lords came to this resolution, that "the com-
mons not prosecuting, the impeachment and
articles shall be and are hereby dismissed;"
again passing over in silence the resolution of
1685, as worthy of no notice, and implying
that the commons might, at that time, have
prosecuted the duke upon the articles pre-
sented in the former parliament, if they had
been so disposed.
On which side of the question, then, did
the weight of evidence from precedents, pre-
ponderate? Did not the scale fairly incline
in favor of the continuance of impeachments
from parliament to parliament? The autho-
J
174
2
XIII.
1790.
CHAP. rity of such a body of precedents, in his opi-
nion, clearly, unequivocally, and indisputably
established the right of the commons to prose-
cute an impeachment, until judgment should
be obtained, notwithstanding the intervention
of a dissolution.
!
From this review of the evidence to be col-
lected from precedents, Mr. Pitt passed to the
consideration of the established principles of
the constitution; remarking, that the doubts
upon the present question had chiefly arisen,
from confounding the two different powers of
parliament, legislative and judicial, each of
which had its separate and distinct limits of
duration. Every depending act of legislation,
it was well known, was terminated by proro-
gation as well as by dissolution; but no judi-
cial act was influenced by either. Impeach-
ment, therefore, being a judicial proceeding,
could not be affected by prorogation or disso-
lution. In the case of writs of error and of
petitions of appeal, the process continued from
session to session, and from parliament to par-
liament; much more necessary was it, that
the proceedings in an impeachment should
also continue; for, in the former case, there
was only one individual against another, upon
a question of a private nature'; but in the
latter, the house of commons, and all the
175
XIII.
1790.
commons of Great Britain were parties against CHAP.
a state delinquent, in whose conviction the
public was interested. To admit the continu-
ance of writs of error and of appeals, and to
insist upon the abatement of impeachments by
the operation of a dissolution, would be the
grossest absurdity; since, as judicial proceed-
ings, they were branches of the same power,
and their connexion depended upon a perma-
nent union of principle.
N
The impeachment in question, Mr. Pitt
contended, was not merely the act of the late
parliament, but of the whole commons of the
realm, the proceedings being in the name both
of constituents and of representatives. It had
been asked, if the house of commons, in this
instance, were the attornies of the people? In
one sense they were, since they might be con-
sidered as agents, consulting their own judg-
ment and discretion, in the protection of the
interests of their constituents. But they were
not the attornies of the people, as agents dele-
gated with power to act merely by the instruc-
tion of their constituents. Such an accept-
ation of the term must have his heartiest ab-
horrence and detestation. An impeachment
had been commenced by the. commons of
England, in the persons of their late repre-
sentatives; and their present representatives
176
}
XIII.
CHAP. stood in a situation similar to that of the suc
cessor of the king's attorney general, who was
1790. always required to proceed with all the trials
already commenced on the part of the king.
It had, however, been objected, that no such
body as the commons of England was recog-
nized in law: but how could that be pretend-
ed, when our ancestors, with their accustomed
wisdom, and as it were to guard against such
a solecism in politics, had ordered all supplies
to be granted in the name of the commons, as
well as all impeachments to be laid in their
name, as a permanent body? When once a
proceeding of this kind assumed a judicial
form, its existence no longer depended upon
the individuals who were immediately con-
cerned as instruments in its institution; and
it was obvious, that the ends of justice re-
quired, that a criminal trial should not be ter-
minated by any thing short of the acquittal or
conviction of the person accused. The house
of commons was only the legal organ of insti-
tuting impeachments in the name of the com-
mons of the realm, as the attorney general
was of filing an information ex officio, in the
name of the king. The public prosecutors in
the one case were the commons of the realm,
and the king was the prosecutor in the other.
From the consideration, therefore, of the
177
Į
XIII.
capacity in which the house, as a judicial and CHAP.
not a legislative body, acted in the conduct of
impeachments, it followed that their proceed- 1790.
ings could not abate, or be affected, either by
a prorogation or by a dissolution of parliament.
It was evident, that the contrary doctrine
would greatly interrupt the course of public
justice, and might eventually tend to subvert
our excellent constitution. The power of
impeachment was a privilege of primary im-
portance to the liberties of the country; it
operated as a salutary restraint upon those in
administration, and effectually guarded against
every undue influence of the crown, in the
protection of state delinquency. Ought then
the result of an impeachment to depend upon
the operation of a dissolution? If it did,
there would be an end to official responsi-
bility: the most flagrant acts of corruption,
oppression, and injustice would pass with im-
punity; for the party impeached might pro-
cure, by his own interest or that of his friends,
a dissolution of parliament, in order to escape
the punishment his offences might justly
deserve. The abatement of impeachments,
therefore, by a dissolution of parliament,
would throw an insurmountable obstacle in
the way of public justice, and would deprive
the house of a power the most formidable to
VOL. III.
N
唉
​178
XIII.
CHAP. a corrupt administration, the exercise of
which served as a shield and bulwark to the
1790. constitution.
Mr. Pitt pressed this point farther, by
shewing, that the necessity of beginning
again, in a new parliament, the proceedings
of an impeachment, which had already been
carried to a considerable length, might, in a
variety of respects, accidentally become the
cause, or designedly be converted into an
engine, of oppression and injustice to indivi-
duals. The death of a witness might materi-
ally affect the state of the evidence; or, if the
party impeached had made some progress in
his defence, his enemies might possess suffi-
cient influence to procure a sudden dissolution
of parliament, the consequence of which might
be, a fresh accusation against him, framed out
of his own defence. It was obvious, also, that
by repeated dissolutions, a person might be-
come the object of a public prosecution all his
life, without the possibility of obtaining a sen-
tence, either of acquittal or condemnation.
The grand principle, therefore, of Magna
Charta, "Nulli differemus justitiam," of
guarding against long imprisonments, and all
the miseries belonging to a tedious state of sus-
pence, would be far more promoted by the con-
tinuance, than by the abatement, of impeach-
-
179
XIII.
1790.
ments. The accused party would, in such CHAP.
case, be at full liberty to establish his inno-
cence, without any unnecessary expence or
delay; and the accuser would have every fair
opportunity of making good his charges.
Nothing short of this could deserve the name
of public justice.
It had been said, that in a long impeach-
ment, in consequence of the constant change
in the house of lords, many persons might
have a right to give judgment, who were not
members of the court at the beginning of the
trial; and even those who were at first accu-
sers, might at the end become judges. To
which Mr. Pitt replied, that there was no
period of prorogation, to which the same ob-
jection did not apply; it was inseparable from
a court of hereditary judges, and unavoidably
incidental to the nature of such a proceeding
as an impeachment: from hence, however, no
danger of injustice could, with any shadow of
reason, be apprehended. It was impossible to
deprive peers of their judicial powers; but,
under any circumstances, the exercise and ap-
plication of those powers might be safely left
to their own feelings and consciences. Peers,
who had succeeded to their seats, while a trial
was depending, might refer to the printed
evidence, which, indeed, the length of trials
N 2
180
XIII.
1790.
CHAP. by impeachment generally rendered necessary
even to those, who had been present from the
commencement of the proceedings; or they
might, without any impropriety, abstain from
voting. It should be recollected, that an im-
peachment was an extraordinary case; and
that the principal object in establishing the
high court of parliament, was, to bring delin-
quents to justice, who might have escaped, if
tried according to the ordinary rules of courts
of judicature. It was, therefore, essential to
the original design of this institution, that the
mode of conducting trials before the house of
lords should be peculiar to itself; and any
objection, founded on the practice of the in-
ferior courts, was irrelevant, and undeserving
of attention.
Mr. Pitt lastly adverted to the opinions of
eminent lawyers. The authority of the great
and venerable lord Hale, was, he said, to be
distrusted in the present instance, because, as
Mr. Pitt proved, by quoting a passage from
his works, he considered writs of error, peti-
tions of appeal, and impeachments, to be
legislative, and not judicial, proceedings; and
this error led him to infer, that they all abated
by a dissolution. A different opinion was
entertained by lord Holt, who adduced the
case of lord Stafford, as a weighty and irrefra-
181
XIII.
gable precedent, in favor of the continuance CHAP.
of impeachments, and other judicial proceed-
ings from one parliament to another. Lord
chief baron Comyns, an authority of the
highest respectability, was, also, decidedly of
the same opinion; for he maintained, as ap-
peared from a passage in his digest, not only
that impeachments continued, but that they
should be resumed, and prosecuted until
judgment was obtained, notwithstanding any
contingent interruption from either proroga-
tion or dissolution. He added, that many
cases might be adduced from Carthew's Re-
ports, and other authorities, which abundantly
proved, that it had been long held, that im-
peachments were not affected by a dissolu-
tion.
Mr. Pitt concluded, by declaring his firm
conviction, that the weight of precedents, the
true spirit of the constitution, the immutable
principles of justice, the expediency of public
trials, every argument of plain common sense,
and the authority of the greatest luminaries
of the law, all concurred to prove, that im-
peachments did not abate, in consequence of
a dissolution of parliament, but remained in
statu quo; and therefore, as he did not con-
sider it necessary to search farther for prece-
dents, he should cheerfully vote for the
1790.
N 3
182
CHAP. original motion, "That the impeachment of
Warren Hastings, esq. is now depending.'
XIII.
1790.
Mr. Fox, upon this occasion, entirely coin-
cided with Mr. Pitt, and paid him a high
compliment for the very able manner in which
he had discussed the subject, particularly for
his forcible statement of precedents. The
question was, he said, of great importance-
no less than, whether the constitution was
a free constitution, under which every act of
government was open to inquiry, and accom-
panied with responsibility; or, whether power
might be exercised without any effectual con-
trol, and without any national inquest to take
cognizance of its abuse. Next to the free-
born spirit of the people, the right of impeach-
ment, proceeding without abatement from
session to session, and from parliament to
parliament, was the best security for the un-
disturbed enjoyment of their lives and liberties,
and was the only peaceable protection against
the vices and corruption of the government;
it was the vital, the defensive, principle of the
constitution, that which preserved it from in-
ternal decay, that which guarded it against
external injury; without which every office of
executive power, every function of judicial
authority, might be properly exercised, or
abused, at the discretion or caprice of him
""
183
XIII.
1790.
who held it, or of him who had the right of CHAP.
appointing to it. He rested chiefly upon this
general principle, that whatever was incon-
sistent with, or subversive of, a free consti-
tution, could make no part of the law under
that constitution; and it appeared to him
impossible, that the British constitution could
be maintained, unless the house of commons
possessed the right of bringing an impeach-
ment to a conclusion, without any restraint
or interference, direct or indirect, from the
crown.
After expressing his astonishment at the
futility of the arguments on the opposite side,
particularly those which had been adduced by
professional members, he took a short review
of the precedents; and asserted, that all, ex-
cept that of 1685, made against the abate-
ment of an impeachment by dissolution, and
had been so understood by the courts of
justice, and by the most eminent law autho-
rities of the several periods. In enforcing the
resolution of 1678, he said, that the times, in
which it passed, were, as to parliamentary law,
and in a constitutional point of view, unex-
ceptionably good-indeed, the very period, at
which, according to Mr. justice Blackstone,
the theory of the constitution had reached its
utmost perfection. This resolution did not
J
N 4
184
XIII.
1790.
CHAP. make the law, but declared what the law was,
after the most diligent research, and the most
mature deliberation. He observed, that by
the act of 1773, for inquiring into offences
committed in India, it was provided, that
various parliamentary proceedings, necessary
for that purpose, should continue from session
to session, and from parliament to parliament,
but not a word was said of impeachments.
This was no casual omission, but an omission
upon principle, to which he pledged, not his
opinion, but his veracity. It was in the con-
templation of the framers of that act, to in-
clude impeachments; but, upon the advice of
the late Mr. Dyson, whose knowledge of the
law of parliament had never been questioned,
and after full consideration by persons most
competent to judge upon such a point, they
were designedly omitted, lest the insertion of
them should be interpreted into an indirect
admission, that a doubt was entertained,
whether the commons possessed the right of
going on with an impeachment, after a dis-
solution.
*
The question respecting the continuance of
impeachments having been pronounced in the
course of the debate, the most important one
to the liberty of Englishmen, which had been
agitated during the present century, it may
185
XIII.
be proper to give a short account of the prin- CHAP.
cipal arguments and observations of the other
members, who took part in the discussion.
1790.
It was remarked, that the writers, who had
recorded the transactions of the reign of
Charles the second, supplied no information
relative to the origin of the resolution of 1673;
but what was sought for in vain in the his-
tories of the times, might be found in the law
books. It appeared from the law reporters,
that between the restoration and that year,
many cases respecting the operation of proro-
gation and dissolution on writs of error and
appeals, had taken place; doubts had arisen;
courts did not know how to decide; and there-
fore, the resolution of 1673 must have been
a rule to settle those doubts; a rule taking its
rise not out of party agitation, or political
spirit, but out of mere questions of private
right and private property, uninfluenced by
prejudice or passion of any kind. It was the
result of calm and deliberate inquiry, by
a committee specially commanded to search
into the usage and law of parliament, concern-
ing appeals and writs of error; and though its
report was confined to those subjects, it esta-
blished a general principle applicable to all
judicial proceedings before the high court of
parliament. And what did this wise and
186
CHAP. temperate resolution, originating in peace,
XIII. not springing from discord, mark out? That
1790. the court of the king in parliament, was a con-
stantly existing court; that its judicial pro-
ceedings were not touched by the exertion of
prorogation or dissolution, but remained entire
and undisturbed. Until the reign of Henry
the fourth, criminal proceedings before the
house of lords, at the suit of individuals, were
legal, and not uncommon; and they sometimes
continued from session to session; which,
in those early times, was the same thing as
from parliament to parliament, there being no
prorogation on record before Philip & Mary.
The resolution of 1678 was so decidedly in
favor of the continuance of impeachments,
that several persons were anxious to vindicate
and extol the parliament in which it passed.
It was observed, that a parliament was to be
judged of, not by the character of the times,
but by its own acts in its legislative and deli-
berative capacity; and thus considered, it
would be found, that there was not an im-
portant or material privilege of personal free-
dom, parliamentary independence, or consti-
tutional principle, established at the revolution,
of which the germ and seed were not to be
traced to the parliament of 1678. That par-
liament passed the Habeas Corpus act; that
•
S
187
XIII.
parliament resisted lord Shaftsbury, who, as CHAP.
chancellor, had attempted to regain the power
of trying elections, and judging of the right of
members to their seats, and thus fixed that in-
valuable privilege in the house of commons for
ever; that parliament resolved, not on precedent
and record, but on the clear and unalienable
rights of a free constitution, and the first prin-
ciples of the independence of the inquisitorial
power of the house of commons, without
which inquisitorial power would be a mockery,
that a pardon was not pleadable in bar of an
impeachment, and that a lord high steward,
an officer to be named by the crown, was not
a necessary part of the court of the king, in
parliament; and lastly, that parliament com-
pleted the great work of the inquisitorial
power being independent of the prerogative,
by deciding, on just and sound principles of
precedent and law, that a dissolution did not
annul an impeachment. The resolution of
1678 was, therefore, the resolution of a par-
liament, whose reputation stood as high for
sound constitutional doctrine, as any in the
annals of our history; and next to that which
settled the revolution, and that which seated
the house of Brunswick on the throne, de-
served more of posterity than any parliament
on record.
*
1790.
188
t
CHAP.
In addition to the precedents and autho-
XIII. rities adduced by Mr. Pitt, it was mentioned,
1790. that the popish lords, when under impri-
sonment, after a dissolution of parliament,
petitioned the king, that they might be tried
immediately by indictment; but the twelve
judges unanimously declared, at the council
table, that "the impeachment being lodged
in parliament, no other prosecution could be
instituted against the lords, till the prose-
cution of the commons was determined;"
directly implying, that the impeachments had
not abated by the intervening dissolution;
and, at the opening of the new parliament in
1678, the lord chancellor*, concurring in that
opinion, recommended, in the king's name,
that those peers should be speedily brought to
trial. These events shewed, that the lord
chancellor, and all the twelve judges, consi-
dered the principle of the resolution of 1673
as extending to impeachments, before the
resolution of 1678 was passed; and the know-
ledge of their opinion was probably one of
the causes which induced the committee to
make their report, two days after the question
was referred to them. And when the com-
mons were told by a peer, at a conference,
that they had gained a point by the decision--
* Lord Daventry, afterwards earl of Nottingham.
(al
189
XIII.
1790.
that impeachments continued after a disso- CHAP.
lution, they disclaimed it as a new acquisition;
insisting that it was a right which they had
always possessed, clearly and indisputably;
and the lords acquiesced.
It was contended, that gentlemen, by con-
ceding, as they must concede, that proro-
gation did not annul the impeachment, (two
prorogations having taken place since the
commencement of Mr. Hastings's trial) had
given up the question; for there was no dis-
tinction, in the opinion of lawyers, or in the
things themselves, between prorogation and
dissolution. Lord Coke's statement in his
fourth institute, that "Each session is in law
a several parliament," could be only on the
ground, that, in the consideration of the de-
liberative, legislative, personal, or judicial
functions of parliament, dissolution and pro-
rogation are the same. If either house, in its
deliberative capacity, was engaged in any in-
vestigation, dissolution put an end to the pro-
ceedings; so did prorogation. If a legisla-
tive act was in its progress, dissolution put an
end to that measure of legislation; so did pro-
rogation. During the session of parliament,
and for a certain period before the commence-
ment, and after the conclusion, of a session,
each member had personal privilege that
190
CHAP. personal privilege was put an end to by disso-
XIII. lution; so it was by prorogation. All these
1790. things were equally ended by dissolution and
prorogation; and not more effectually by the
former, than by the latter. But as to judicial
proceedings, it was the reverse; these con-
tinued. That writs of error and appeals re-
mained unaffected by dissolution, as well as
prorogation, was, as Mr. Pitt had observed,
universally acknowledged. And the question
now was, whether an impeachment, that great
controlling power, which kept in awe ministers
and judges, and protected the constitution,
in its nature confessedly judicial, should not
be included in the general rule; whether that,
without which all the rest would be useless,
and of no avail, should bend to a power, which
shakes none of the others; whether, while
a cause between two individuals resisted the
storm of prerogative, and in the shape of
a writ of error survived dissolution, a cause
instituted by a whole branch of the legislature,
should give way to that power; whether the
inquisitorial right of the commons should be
the only exception to that important principle
of the constitution, that with the single dif-
ference of the people sending new represen-
tatives, dissolution and prorogation were the
same, equally annulling personal privilege,
1
191
and deliberative and legislative measures,
equally leaving judicial proceedings entire and
unabated.
It was noticed, that the circumstance of
the high court of parliament being at all times
an existing court, though not always sitting
to do justice, any more than the courts of
law in Westminster hall, was founded in the
source and origin of its jurisdiction, and was
the real ground of the continuance of im-
peachments. The patent of peerage gave to
every peer a right to act as a judge in the
supreme court of the king in parliament,
and this right once given could not be taken
away by the king; nor did it cease by the
demise of the crown. The moment the king
affixed the seal to the patent of a peerage,
the dignity and privilege, which belonged to
it, continued to the person during his natural
life, and at his death descended, according to
the nature of the limitation, without diminu-
tion or change. The peer was thus consti-
tuted, or became, an hereditary judge; and
the day appointed by the king for the meeting
of parliament, merely fixed the time for the
exercise of his jurisdiction; just as the com-
mon law, by assigning the terms to the judges
in Westminster hall, fixed the time for exer-
cising their judicial powers. The judicial
CHAP.
XIII.
1790.
192
XIII.
CHAP. power of the peers was not affected by disso-
lution more than by prorogation, being only
and equally suspended by both; and a disso-
lution did not make any change in the mem-
bers of the house of lords; for it was ex-
pressly laid down by lord Coke, and admitted
by every lawyer, that a peer was entitled to
his writ of summons to parliament; and if not
sent to him, he might go and demand it, and
take it from the office. As far, therefore, s
the judges of the high court of parliament
were concerned, dissolution and prorogation
were precisely the same.
Most of the arguments in favor of an abate-
ment, were taken from the practice of the
courts of law, and rested upon what were
called legal analogies; but it was observed,
that such reasoning could not be admitted,
because the two cases were fundamentally
different. The high court of parliament was
established to try offences, which ordinary
courts of justice could not so effectually reach;
and to attain its end, its proceedings must be
governed by rules peculiar to itself, and also
be wholly independent of the crown. It had
been formally declared, that a lord high
steward was not essential to the trial of a pri-
soner before the house of lords, because, if it
were, the king might prevent the trial taking
1790.
193
XIII.
1790.
place, by refusing to appoint that officer; and, CHAP.
upon the same principle, the king ought not
to be able to put an end to an impeachment,
when begun, by dissolving parliament, because
that power would render the inquisitorial
rights of the house of commons perfectly
nugatory; and the most corrupt court favou-
rite, or the most heinous state criminal, might
go unpunished and uncondemned.
It was urged by the advocates for the
abatement, that a dissolution must put an end
to an impeachment, because the prosecuting
body lost its identity, and the new house of
commons, which might not contain a single
member of the last, being ignorant of what
had passed, was incapable of going on with
the prosecution. It was replied, that a great
constitutional question was not to be decided
by extreme and abstract cases, but by the real
and solid principles of reason and law, applied
to the conduct of men, and the actual state
of things. It was certainly possible, that a
new parliament should not contain a single
member of the old one; but, on the other
hand, it was also possible, that every member
of the old parliament should be re-chosen. In
point of fact, however, although numerous
changes took place, yet a dissolution always
left all or most of the considerable and impor-
O
VOL. III.
194
XIII.
CHAP. tant men in parliament-by far the greater
number of those, whose situation and talents
1790. led them to take an active part in the business
of the nation; and the new members might
have recourse to the journals of the two
houses, for information upon any point, which
they might be required to determine, relative
to a depending impeachment. The new
house of commons being still, as Mr. Pitt well
expressed it, the legal organ of the people
of England, who never die, and in whose
name every impeachment is brought, the sense
of the people could be as well declared in the
new, as in the former parliament.
It was remarked, that as far as Mr. Hastings
was concerned, if it were proper for the house
to proceed against him, the renewal of the
impeachment would be a greater hardship,
than to take it up where it stood; and that,
at all events, neither the length of the proof,
nor the magnitude of the crime, could, with
any
shadow of decency, be suffered to protect
the party accused.
The house divided upon Mr. Erskine's mo-
tion, for the speaker's leaving the chair, which
was negatived by a majority of 143 to 30,
and the original motion passed, without a di-
vision. The members immediately connected
with Mr. Hastings, voted for the motion,
-
195
XIII.
probably under the idea, that if it should be CHAP.
determined, that the proceedings had abated
by the dissolution, the trial would not be re-
sumed de novo, and consequently no sentence
be pronounced.
In consequence of the decision upon this
motion, the house of commons informed the
house of lords, on the 14th of February, that
they were ready to go on with the impeach-
ment of Mr. Hastings; but the house of lords
thought it right, before they sent an answer,
to appoint a committee to examine precedents,
for the purpose of enabling them to decide,
whether the dissolution of parliament had put
an end to the impeachment. The report,
which occupies forty-four folio pages in the
journals, was made on the 19th of April; and
on the 16th of May, the day fixed for taking
it into consideration, lord Porchester moved,
"That a message be sent to the commons,
that this house will proceed upon the trial of
Warren Hastings, esq. on Monday next*."
Another motion, under the form of an amend-
ment, was made by lord Radnor, proposing to
leave out all the words in the original motion,
after the word "That," and to insert the fol-
lowing in their place, "it be referred to the
* The words " on Monday next” were not in the motion
when first made, but were added afterwards.
1791.
O 2
196
XIII.
1791.
CHAP. twelve judges, as a question, to examine the
bond of recognizance entered into by the
sureties of Warren Hastings, esq. and to
report to the house, on Wednesday next, their
opinion on the same;" the object of which
amendment was, to prove, that the obligation
of the recognizance did not extend beyond
the last parliament, for the purpose of infer-
ring from thence, that the trial was terminated.
A long debate ensued, in which the general
question, whether a dissolution of parliament
put an end to an impeachment, was fully
discussed; and the result was, the rejection
of lord Radnor's amendment, by a majority of
50, and the adoption of lord Porchester's
motion, by a majority of 48: the numbers in
the former case, were 70, and 20; and in the
latter, 66, and 18. Thus was it decided, by
large majorities in both houses, that a dissolu-
tion of parliament did not put an end to
an impeachment; and, accordingly, the trial
of Mr. Hastings proceeded on the day ap-
pointed.
There never perhaps was a question, upon
which the great lawyers of the day, in both
houses of parliament, were more divided,
than upon this; and it is remarkable, that
Mr. Pitt differed from all the professional
men officially connected with him. Lord
197
XIII.
1791.
Thurlow', lord Kenyon", sir Richard Arden³, CHAP.
sir Archibald Macdonald, sir John Scott,
Mr. Mitford, Mr. Erskine, and Mr. Har-
dinge, were in favor of the abatement;
lord Mansfield', lord Camden", lord Lough-
borough", Mr. Adam "2, Mr. Anstruther¹³ "
and Mr. Bearcroft'4, were against it. Of the
1 Lord chancellor.
* Lord chief justice of the king's bench.
• Master of the rolls, and afterwards chief justice of the
common pleas.
Attorney general, and afterwards lord chief baron of the
exchequer.
5 Solicitor general, and afterwards successively attorney
general, chief justice of the common pleas, and lord
chancellor.
• Afterwards solicitor and attorney general, speaker of the
house of commons in England, and lord chancellor of
Ireland.
7 Afterwards lord chancellor.
• A Welch judge.
Formerly chief justice of the king's bench.
10 Lord president of the council, and formerly chief justice
of the common pleas, and lord chancellor. Lord Mansfield
was too old and infirm to attend the house; and lord Camden
was compelled by indisposition to leave the house, before
the conclusion of the debate; but they both authorized lord
Loughborough to express their sentiments.
"Lord chief justice of the common pleas, and afterwards
lord chancellor.
12 Afterwards a baron of the exchequer in Scotland.
13 Afterwards chief justice in India.
14 Chief justice of Chester. To this list may be added,
Mr. Spencer Perceval, who was not at this time a mem-
ber of the house of commons, but was afterwards solicitor
1
03
198
XIII.
CHAP. eminent statesmen of the day, by far the
greater number were against the abatement,
1791. namely, Mr. Pitt, Mr. Fox, Mr. Burke, Mr.
Dundas, Mr. Windham, Mr. Addington, Mr.
Grey, Mr. Sheridan, lord Grenville, lord
Guildford, and lord Stormont; which list
includes the most distinguished political men
in both houses, and certainly comprehends
persons, who were not in the habit of agreeing
upon points which came under parliamentary
discussion.
THE hearing of three, out of the twenty
charges, carried up to the house of lords, had
occupied three years. This slow progress of
the trial was noticed in the discussion of the
question of abatement, and was very generally
represented as exposing Mr. Hastings to seri-
ous hardship. Besides the time which the
managers might require for going through
the remaining seventeen charges, it was to be
expected, that both the defence and the reply
would each occupy a considerable period,
after which the peers would have to examine
and to deliberate upon the whole of the evi-
dence, and the arguments adduced by both
and attorney general, and first lord of the treasury: he
published a very able pamphlet against the abatement, but
without his name.
199
XIII.
parties. It appeared, therefore, that the trial, CHAP.
if carried on in the manner originally de-
signed, would extend to a length, not only far
beyond any example, but scarcely consistent
with the ends of justice, and which might
bring discredit upon a jurisdiction, acknow-
ledged to be essential to the maintenance of
the constitution. To obviate these incon-
veniences, Mr. Burke, on the 14th of Feb-
ruary, proposed a motion, for limiting the
prosecution to a single charge more, namely,
that relating to contracts, pensions, and
allowances, and for relinquishing all the rest.
He stated, as some explanation of the little
progress which had been made, that though
three years
had elapsed since the trial began,
the court had sitten only sixty-seven days,
upon an average of about four hours a day;
and that though only three charges had been
finished, each of them contained a number of
facts, sufficient to constitute a separate im-
peachment; the whole body of charges, in-
cluding, perhaps, as much criminal matter,
as was to be found in all the impeachments
which had ever taken place. To prove that
no blame, on account of the delay, was im-
putable to the managers, he entered into a full
detail of the difficulties and obstructions,
which had been thrown in their way, and
}
1791.
0 4
200
蜂
​XIII,
CHAP. expressed his hope, that the motion, which he
now submitted to the house, would bring the
business to a speedy decision.
In the debate which followed, all who spoke,
however they might differ upon other points,
concurred in regretting the long continuance
of the trial. Two amendments were pro-
posed, the object of the first of which was,
that the house should not proceed any farther
with the charges, but request the peers to
pass judgment immediately upon those which
had been heard. To this amendment Mr. Pitt
strongly objected, not only because the charge
itself, relative to contracts, was intimately
connected with the preceding ones, but be-
cause the evidence to be produced upon it,
might invalidate and disprove the plea of ne-
cessity, which the advocates of Mr. Hastings
had alleged, and the only plea they could
allege, in justification of every breach of treaty,
and of every act of extortion. Many in-
stances of such conduct were so clearly esta-
blished, that they could not be denied; but
it was contended, that they were absolutely
required, by the situation of the company's
affairs, and did not arise from any corrupt
motive, or the slightest view to private emolu-
ment-in short, that they could not have
been avoided, without an utter sacrifice of the
1791.
201
XIII.
British interests in India. The house could CHAP.
not, therefore, with any propriety, abandon
a charge, from the investigation of which it
might appear, that Mr. Hastings himself had,
by a profuse and unwarrantable expenditure
of the company's money, created this ne-
cessity; or that, in consequence of large sums
lying at his disposal, the pretended necessity
had no existence at all: in either of which
cases, the plea of state necessity, so far from
being conclusive in his favor, would be per-
fectly nugatory; and, upon the whole, he was
of opinion, that the issue of the trial would be
greatly influenced by the facts, which might,
or might not, be substantiated in the investi-
gation of the proposed charge.
The duration of the trial, he said, had been
mentioned as an insuperable objection to its
farther process; but this objection was found-
ed on a false principle, in estimating the time
which the remaining charges would occupy,
by the time employed upon the former ones.
It by no means followed, that because three
charges had taken up three years, a fourth
charge would last a proportionate time; or
because a former charge had contained fifty
allegations, that another must contain as many;
and more especially, as those gentlemen, who
were best informed upon the subject, had as-
1791.
202
XIII.
1791.
CHAP. sured the house, that the proof of the charge
in question would lie in a very narrow com-
pass. There was no danger of any material
delay from entering upon this charge; but
there was much and well-founded apprehen-
sion, that by declining it, and separating
charges dependent upon each other, all the
time and pains spent upon the impeachment
would be completely lost. Every one must
acknowledge, that three years formed a long
period for an innocent man to remain under
the suspence and anxiety of accusation, for
which some indemnification would be indis-
putably due; and even to a guilty person,
such a protracted trial must, in any ordinary
case, be considered as constituting no small
portion of punishment. But should the
charges preferred against Mr. Hastings, or
the principal part of them, be proved, what
man would assert, that the punishment he
had already suffered, was, in any degree, ade-
quate to the magnitude of his crimes? And
under any circumstances, it was incumbent
upon the house, not to allow compassion for
an individual to supersede their duty, as grand
inquisitors of the nation, or to interfere with
their indispensable regard to public example,
and to public justice. Considering the house
bound, upon these grounds, to proceed with
203
XIII.
the charge respecting contracts, he should CHAP.
support the original motion, and vote against
the amendment.
The object of the second amendment was,
to put an end to the trial, without calling upon
the lords to pronounce any judgment. After
which, it was moved to adjourn, that the
amendments might be separately considered
on a future day. The motion for adjournment
was negatived, by a majority of 231 to 26.
The second amendment was then rejected, by
a majority of 194 to 54; and the first by
a majority of 161 to 79. The original motion
passed without any division; and it was then
unanimously agreed, that the same managers
should be appointed; and that a message
should be sent to the house of lords, in-
forming their lordships, that the commons.
were ready to proceed with the trial of
Mr. Hastings.
THE hostilities which had commenced in
India, were the subject of two debates in the
house of commons, soon after the Christmas
recess; in the former of which Mr. Francis
moved thirteen resolutions, for the purpose of
censuring the origin, and preventing the far-
ther prosecution, of the war; which he repre-
sented, as entered into without sufficient
1791.
204
XIII.
1791.
CHAP. reason, as ruinously expensive, and not likely
to be productive of any adequate advantage
to the company; more especially, as it was
by no means desirable, that Tippoo's power
should be reduced, but that he should remain
a counterpoise to the formidable and increas-
ing influence of the Mahrattas.
Mr. Pitt and Mr. Dundas, in opposing these
resolutions, contended, that the forts in ques-
tion belonged to the Dutch, by right of
conquest, and were equally independent of
the rajah of Cochin, and of the sultan of My-
sore; that the rajah of Travancore, as a sove-
reign prince, had a right to purchase them,
without any just ground of offence to Tippoo,
who could only wish to possess them as the
means of annoying his neighbors; that the
war really originated in the restless ambition
of Tippoo, his hostility to the British interests,
and his long premeditated design of subduing
Travancore, which would open to him an easy
entrance into the Carnatic, and enable him
to attack our dominions in that part of India;
that in the year 1788, before he could possi-
bly have urged any complaint against the rajah,
relative to these forts, he advanced to the
boundary of Travancore, with an army of
150,000 men, but retreated without commit-
ting any act of hostility, upon being informed
205
XIII.
of the consequences by the governor of Ma- CHAP.
dras; that he had lately made the purchase of
the forts a pretence for invading the rajah's 1791.
country, which he knew we were bound by
treaty to defend; that at the moment he pro-
fessed a readiness to accede to our proposal of
settling the points in dispute by negotiation,
he had been guilty of fresh hostilities; that,
under these circumstances, a war on our part
was unavoidable, without the sacrifice both of
our honor and of our interest, and a forfeiture
of all respect among the native powers of
India; that the idea of conniving at such
unprincipled and insulting conduct in Tippoo,
who was the inveterate enemy of the English,
in order to balance him against the Mahrattas,
who were our friends, was a species of policy
not easily understood, and could not fail to be
attended with the most mischievous effects;
that no danger was to be apprehended from
the power of the Mahrattas, on account of their
want of union among themselves; and that
their assistance, and that of the nizam, in the
present instance, would probably bring the
war to a speedier conclusion, by compelling
Tippoo to abandon his ambitious projects, and
to yield to fair and equitable terms, which were
the only objects the company and their allies
had in view.
206
CHAP.
XIII.
1791.
In the course of the debate an insinuation
was thrown out, that the confederated powers
had engaged in the war, under an express
agreement to continue it, till Tippoo should
be deprived of all his dominions, of which the
English were to have a share, not only in
opposition to the sentiments of all who were
best acquainted with Indian affairs, but con-
trary to the principles laid down in the India
bills, both of Mr. Pitt and Mr. Fox-that the
company ought not to make any farther con-
quests. The existence of any such agreement
was positively denied by Mr. Pitt and Mr.
Dundas, who unequivocally admitted, that no
war ought to be undertaken for the purpose
of extending our dominions in India; but it
did not follow from thence, they said, that
every provocation was to be submitted to, and
that no insult or encroachment was to be
resisted; or that, at the end of a necessary
war, the company might not indemnify them-
selves by such an addition to their territories,
as would, by increasing their strength, secure
the future continuance of peace.
There was evidently so general an impres-
sion in the house, that Tippoo, who was known
to be an insidious and faithless tyrant, had
been the unprovoked aggressor in these hos-
tilities, and that lord Cornwallis, the governor
207
XIII.
general of Bengal, had acted with his usual CHAP.
prudence and moderation, that Mr. Francis
did not venture to take the sense of the house
upon any of his resolutions, and they were all
rejected without a division.
But though this attempt to bring discredit.
upon the British government in India, had
completely failed, it was thought necessary by
ministers, for the full vindication of the
governor general, and to prevent the possi-
bility of any doubt being entertained in India,
of the sentiments of parliament, that the house
of commons should express a positive appro-
bation of his conduct, and of the origin of
the war.
Mr. Dundas, therefore, a few days
afterwards, proposed three resolutions, in the
first of which Tippoo's attack upon the lines.
of Travancore, was declared to be an unpro-
voked and unwarrantable infraction of the
treaty of Mangalore; in the second, the de-
termination of the governor general, to con-
sider that attack as a just ground of hostility
on the part of the English, was pronounced
to be highly meritorious; and in the third,
the treaties entered into with the nizam and
the Mahrattas were commended, as calcu-
lated to give vigor to the operations of the
war, and to promote the future tranquillity
of India. These three resolutions, after some
1791.
208
XIII.
1791.
CHAP. debate, passed without a division; and it is
not a little remarkable, that Mr. Fox, who con-
demned the war, and was of course adverse to
the resolutions, suggested an amendment of
one of them, which Mr. Pitt readily adopted,
as making it more applicable to his purpose.
Much having been said in these debates, as
well as upon other occasions, relative to the
system which ought to be pursued in India,
I shall transcribe an extract of a private letter
from the board of control, to the governor
general, signed by Mr. Pitt and Mr. Dundas,
and dated July 19th, 1786, as it will shew the
principles upon which they wished the British
government in India to act :-"One universal
principle, never to be departed from, either in
the present condition of the native powers, or
in any future revolutions among them, is, that
we are completely satisfied with the posses-
sions we already have, and will engage in no
war for the purpose of farther acquisitions.
The next leading principle, which must
occupy your attention, is, to keep a constant
watch upon the conduct of all European
rivals, particularly the French. And as they
cannot possibly interfere in the disputes of
any of the native powers, without ultimately
intending prejudice to us, it seems to follow
as a just conclusion, and not to be much con-
S
209
XIII.
cealed in our communication with Indian CHAP.
princes, that if any of them shall accept of
European aid, we shall feel ourselves war-
ranted to throw the aid of our force into the
opposite scale.
1791.
"It ought to be inculcated, in every trans-
action with them, that the acceptance of any
such aid, can only be with the risque of having
our whole force immediately employed to
crush the effects of it; and it should be gene-
rally known and understood, that peace is our
primary object, and that we wish to pursue
the interchanges of trade beneficial to them
and to us, with any country in India; and
to render those parts of India, which are
within our immediate administration, com-
pletely happy under the protection of British
power; that we shall refrain from all inter-
ference in the contentions which may arise
among the native powers, unless called for by
the stipulation of an existing treaty; but that
we shall not take advantage of their jealousies
of one another, in order to aggrandize the
British power by
power by the depression of any one of
them.
"On the other hand, while we are con-
tented to pursue the pacific and neutral sys-
tem in our own particular, we shall be strictly
jealous of every interference from any other
VOL. III.
P
210
XIII,
CHAP. European nation whatever, which may either
disturb the peace of India, or introduce their
own arms or influence to sow distraction
among the princes or inhabitants."
1791.
It has been noticed, that on the day the
navy estimates were voted, Mr. Pitt, in reply
to a question from Mr. Fox, said, that certain
circumstances in the situation of Europe ren-
dered it necessary to keep in commission, for
the present, an additional number of ships
beyond the regular peace establishment; in
which intimation he alluded to the negotiation
then carrying on at Petersburgh, relative to
peace between Russia and the Porte. Soon
afterwards he received dispatches, informing
him, that Catharine treated Mr. Fawkener
with the utmost contempt; declaring, that
she only received his suggestions, as coming
from the minister of a court with which she
was at peace, without acknowledging Great
Britain in the character of a mediator; and
that she persisted in her demand to keep
possession of Oczakow, and the country be-
tween the Bog and the Niester. Mr. Pitt
considered this as a point by no means to be
yielded, without still farther exertions; and,
therefore, had recourse to a measure, which
he hoped would bring the business to a more
211
XIII.
favorable result. On the 28th of March, he CHAP.
delivered a message from the king, in which
his majesty acquainted the house of commons,
that his endeavors, in conjunction with his
allies, to accomplish a pacification between
Russia and the Porte, had hitherto proved
ineffectual; and the consequences, which
might arise from the continuance of the war,
being highly important to the interests of
himself and his allies, and to those of Europe
in general, his majesty judged it requisite, in
order to add weight to his representations, to
augment his naval force, relying on the zeal
and affection of the house of commons to
make good such expences as might be incur-
red by these preparations, for the purpose of
supporting the interests of his kingdom, and
of contributing to the restoration of general
tranquillity, on a secure and lasting founda-
tion.
On the following day, when the message
was taken into consideration, Mr. Pitt moved
an address to the king, thanking his majesty
for his communication, and promising to sup-
port the measures he had thought proper to
adopt. In proposing this address, he said,
that while the system of defensive alliance
was generally commended, the house would,
he trusted, admit, that a temporary expence
1791.
P 2
212
XIII.
1791.
CHAP. might be wisely and judiciously incurred, to
prevent any alteration in the relative con-
dition of the powers of Europe, which might
tend to weaken the security expected from
that system. Upon this principle, an ad-
ditional force had been kept up, with the
approbation of that house, after the late ar-
mament, because the situation of affairs seemed
to demand it; and events had since happened,
which rendered a farther augmentation neces-
sary. The influence of the Turkish empire
was acknowledged to be considerable, in the
general scale of European powers; and its
present state was such, as to afford just grounds
of apprehension to all those countries, whose
interests were in any degree liable to be af-
fected by the diminution of that influence.
Without mentioning Oczakow, he observed,
in general terms, that, if Russia, by the re-
sult of the war, should gain any material
accession of strength at the expence of Tur-
key, the effect would not be confined to those
two empires, but would be felt by the rest of
Europe; and particularly by Prussia, the
country with which we were most intimately
connected. The interference, therefore, of
England, under existing circumstances, was
indispensable for the preservation of that
balance of power, which, in the judgment of
1
213
XIII.
all statesmen, and of men of all political CHAP.
principles, was essential to the independence
and safety of Europe.
To this address it was objected, it being
well known to what the king's message re-
ferred, that a dispute about the frontiers of
Turkey-whether a fortress, and a barren, un-
cultivated district at the extremity of Europe,
should belong to this or that power, was not
a sufficient reason for plunging this kingdom
into a war, from which it could derive no
adequate advantage; that in fact, no pos-
session of Great Britain, or of her allies, was
attacked, or even threatened, no treaty or
right violated, her commerce not interrupted,
or her honor insulted; that we had no right to
dictate to Russia the terms on which she should
make peace, or to require her to cede all her
conquests; that she had given proof of her mo-
deration, by demanding only Oczakow, and its
dependencies, which were too inconsiderable
in themselves to affect the balance of power
in Europe; that no alliance subsisted between
Great Britain and Turkey, a country which,
for a century, had been connected with our
rivals, the French; and that, by the proposed
armament, and the war which might follow,
we should provoke and alienate Russia, with
whom we had great and important commer-
1791.
P 3
214
CHAP. cial concerns. Upon these grounds, it was
XIII. moved, to omit that part of the address, which
1791. pledged the house to support the armament,
and to substitute other words, declaring, that
the house could not, without abandoning their
duty, load their constituents with additional
burdens, for the maintenance of interests,
which were neither explained nor understood.
This amendment was rejected, by a majority
of 228 to 135; and the address passed in its
original form.
It was, however, obvious, that the measure
was not approved by many members, who
generally supported government, which in-
duced Mr. Grey to call upon the house again
to express their sentiments upon it, by moving
a series of resolutions, the object of which
was, to pronounce the armament inexpedient,
and unnecessary. Every exertion was made
by the opposite parties, to collect their res-
pective friends upon this occasion; and, after
a long and warm debate, the resolutions were
negatived, by a majority of only 80; the num-
bers being, 252, and 172.
The diminution of the majority, when the
house was much fuller than on the former day,
encouraged those, who were adverse to the
armament, to bring the subject a third time
before the house; and three days afterwards,
215
XIII.
1791.
Mr. Baker moved two resolutions, differing in CHAP.
words from Mr. Grey's, but to the same
effect, which were rejected, by a majority of
254 to 162.-This small increase in the ma-
jority, did not prevent the opposition from
bringing forward a fourth discussion of this
question. On the 25th of May, when the
session was evidently drawing to a conclusion,
Mr. T. Grenville moved an address to the
king, representing the advantages arising to
this country, from a friendly and commercial
intercourse with Russia; and humbly and
earnestly requesting, that his majesty would
be graciously pleased to decline all hostile in-
terference upon the subject of the fortress and
district of Oczakow. This address was re-
jected, by 208, to 114; being an addition of
two to the last majority.
Mr. Pitt resisted these motions for con-
demning the armament, upon general prin-
ciples; but it was impossible for him, consis-
tently with his duty, to state the precise
points upon which the negotiation turned;
nor could he, with propriety, enter into a de-
tailed explanation of the danger which would
arise from the subversion or reduction of the
Ottoman empire, and the consequent acces-
sion of territory to the empress of Russia,
whose immense power was already formidable
¿
P 4
216
XIII.
CHAP. to her neighbors, and who was known to have
conceived projects of the most mischievous
1791. tendency to the rest of Europe. These, how-
ever, were considerations, which had great
weight in influencing his line of foreign poli-
tics at the present moment, and in rendering
him extremely anxious to prevent the farther
aggrandisement of Russia.
ار
THE next subject to be mentioned, relates
to the new modelling of the legislature of one
of our own colonies. When the province of
Quebec was ceded by France to Great Britain,
by the treaty of peace in 1763, a proclama-
tion was issued, in which his majesty promised,
that measures should be taken for extending
to the inhabitants, the benefits of the British
constitution. Nothing, however, was done
till the year 1774, when an act passed, "for
making more effectual provision for the go-
vernment of the province of Quebec." This
act was far from giving satisfaction, or answer-
ing its purpose; and it was now found to be,
in many respects, inapplicable to the present
state of the province. Mr. Pitt had for some
time been endeavoring to frame a plan, better
suited to existing circumstances, and as nearly
analogous to the British constitution, as the
case would admit; and, on the 4th of March,
217
XIII.
he submitted to the house, the heads of the CHAP.
bill he intended to introduce, for dividing
the country into two provinces, to be called,
Upper and Lower Canada, in which there
should be separate legislatures, each consist-
ing, in imitation of the constitution of the
mother country, of a legislative council, and
of a house of assembly, which should have
power, with the consent of the king signified
by the governor, to enact laws for their re-
spective provinces; all the present laws and
ordinances remaining in force, till repealed or
altered by the new legislatures. The members
of the councils were to be nominated by the
king, and to continue for life, his majesty
being also authorized to annex to certain
honors, corresponding to those of our peerage,
an hereditary right to sit in the councils: the
number of the members of the council in
Upper Canada, was not to be less than 7,
and in Lower Canada, not less than 15: the
members of the house of assembly were to be
elected by districts and townships, and to con-
tinue for seven years; the qualification for
voters in the former, being a freehold of
40 shillings a year, and in the latter, owning
a house of 51. or occupying one of 107.
a year; the number of members of the house
of assembly in Upper Canada was not to be
-
1791.
218
XIII.
CHAP. less than 16, and in Lower Canada not less
than 30; the governors of the respective pro-
vinces were to appoint the time of the meet-
ing of the legislative council and house of
assembly, to prorogue, and to dissolve them;
there was to be a right of appeal from the
provincial courts of law to the governor and
executive council, and from them to the privy
council in England, and ultimately to the
house of lords; provision was to be made for
the maintenance of the protestant clergy of the
established church, by an allotment of one
seventh of the land; and to prevent any such
discontents, as had occasioned the separation
of the American states, the British parliament
was to have no power to impose any taxes
upon
the inhabitants, except for the regulation
of trade and commerce, and the levy and
disposal of those taxes were to be under the
direction of the local legislatures.
The grand object in dividing the country
into two distinct provinces, was, to put an
end to the competition and disputes between
the old French inhabitants, who almost en-
tirely resided in Lower Canada, and the new
settlers from England and the American
states, who were principally fixed in Upper
Canada, and were daily increasing. It was
also hoped, that the establishment of two in-
1791.
219
XIII.
1791.
dependent legislatures would tend to make CHAP.
the laws definite and well understood, the un-
certain and defective nature of which had
hitherto operated very disadvantageously, es-
pecially in commercial concerns; and that it
would have the effect of producing, from time
to time, laws adapted to the wishes and con-
dition of each province.
The bill containing these regulations, was
read a first and second time, and passed
through the committee, without any opposition
or debate; but on the day the report was to
be taken into consideration, a petition was
presented against it from certain merchants,
warehousemen, and manufacturers of Quebec,
who conceived it would operate in a manner
prejudicial to their interests; and Mr. Hussey
proposed it should be re-committed. Mr. Fox
immediately rose, and objected, in strong
terms, to several parts of the bill: he did not
approve the division of the country into two
provinces; and he thought, that the proposed
constitution was not agreeable to the prin-
ciples of liberty, which were gaining ground,
and would increase in consequence of the
general diffusion of literature and knowledge
in the world; the numbers of which the houses
of assembly were to consist, were, he said, too
small, as not making the government suffi-
•
220
CHAP. ciently popular, and their duration was too
XIII. long; why a septennial bill should be pre-
1791. ferred to a triennial or an annual one, he con-
fessed was beyond his comprehension; he saw
nothing so good in hereditary honors as to
make him wish to introduce them into any
country, where they did not at present exist;
and he thought that, in this instance, they
tended to render the constitution worse, rather
than better, by giving an undue influence to
the king and the governor; he therefore
wished the council to be elective, and that its
members should be chosen from amongst the
richest persons of the province, by those,
whose property was also considerable; the
provision for the protestant clergy, appeared
to him too large; and the appeal to the privy
council unnecessary: for these reasons, he
wished the bill to be again referred to a com-
mittee, that its clauses might be more fully
considered.
Mr. Pitt lamented, that these objections had
not occurred to Mr. Fox in an earlier stage
of the bill; but he readily acceded to its re-
commitment, from a desire of availing himself
of any opportunity of hearing observations,
and receiving information, in the difficult and
important business of settling a new system
for the government of a distant colony. He
221
XIII.
thought, however, that at present the pro- CHAP.
posed assemblies would be sufficiently nume-
rous, and they might be increased, when the
population of the provinces* became greater,
as the bill only fixed the minimum. He to-
tally differed from Mr. Fox, respecting the
expediency of making the councils elective,
and excluding all hereditary honors; he
thought, that none of those republican prin-
ciples, which Mr. Fox had applauded, and
described as resulting from a greater exten-
sion of learning in these more enlightened
times, would improve the constitution of
Britain, or of its colonies; and that in the
Canadas, there ought to be hereditary aristo-
cratical councils, answering to the British
house of lords; he contended, that the only
method of reconciling the jarring interests,
and opposite views of the inhabitants, was, by
giving them two legislatures, in one of which
the antient Canadians might have the ascen-
dancy, and in the other the new settlers; as
animosity and confusion must arise, from
uniting in the same legislature, persons so dis-
similar in religion, language, manners, and
character; the conquerors, and the conquered;
* The population of Upper Canada was supposed at this
time, to be 10,000, including men, women, and children;
and of Lower Canada 100,000.
1791.
222
CHAP.
XIII.
1791.
some attached to the English, others to the
French laws. He trusted, however, that the
French would hereafter voluntarily adopt the
English jurisprudence, from a conviction of
its being preferable to their own, which would
be far better than using any compulsion upon
the subject. With respect to the protestant
clergy, he was desirous of making an ade-
quate provision for them, sufficient to enable
them to support their situation with respec-
tability; and a seventh of the land was not
equal in value to a tenth of its produce, which
was the provision for the parochial clergy in
England.
On a subsequent day, Mr. Fox repeated
his assertion, that he preferred an elective to
an hereditary council in Canada, but denied
that this would make the government more
republican; and, apparently from a conscious-
ness that his speech, in the former debate, had
left an unfavorable impression upon the house,
which he was anxious to remove, he said, he
did not wish our hereditary house of lords to
be abolished, and an elective one substituted
in its room; he admitted, that every part of
the British dominions ought to possess a
government, in the constitution of which,
monarchy, aristocracy, and democracy, were
mutually blended and united; nor would any
223
XIII.
government be a fit one for British subjects to CHA P.
live under, which did not contain its due
weight of aristocracy, because he considered 1791.
that to be the proper poise of the constitution,
the balance which equalized and meliorated
the powers of the two other extreme branches,
and gave stability and firmness to the whole.
pro-
Mr. Pitt expressed great satisfaction at
hearing these sentiments from Mr. Fox, which
he probably thought not perfectly consistent
with his former declarations. He then
ceeded to observe, that true aristocracy gave
that sort of energy, that sort of spirit, that
sort of enterprize, which always made a coun-
try great and happy; it reflected lustre on
the crown, and lent support and effect to the
democracy, while the democracy gave vigor
and energy to both; and the sovereignty
crowned the constitution with authority and
dignity. He was as anxious as Mr. Fox pro-
fessed himself to be, that as much as possible
of a constitution, deservedly the glory and
happiness of those who lived under it, and
the envy of the world, should be extended
to all our dependencies. But, though he
agreed with Mr. Fox, in these general prin-
ciples, he differed from him with respect to
the aristocracy proper to be infused into the
constitution of Canada, which he thought
224
XIII
1791.
CHAP. might be brought nearer to our own, by other
means than those proposed by Mr. Fox. The
British aristocracy, Mr. Pitt said, was respect-
able, not merely on account of its property,
though that undoubtedly was no small consi-
deration, but also for its hereditary distinc-
tions, flowing from the crown as the fountain
of honor. It was, on that account, not less
the poise of the constitution, as Mr. Fox had
emphatically expressed it, than if the aristo-
cracy had been elective; on the contrary, it
was more so, because, according to the known
genius and spirit of our constitution, monarchy
was the source, from whence the other parts
arose; and, therefore, the more near the
aristocracy was to the crown, the more imme-
diately congenial would it be to the constitu-
tion itself, as originally planned and adopted
by our ancestors. In that happy form, and
constructed upon that wise principle, we felt
the blessings of monarchy, aristocracy, and
democracy, all united. He should lament,
therefore, to create an aristocracy by a selec-
tion from property alone, or by making it
elective, as in either case it would bring the
poise nearer to the people, than it was to the
crown, in the British constitution. He agreed
with Mr. Fox, that we could not give all the
respect to a new nobility, which belonged to
$225
XIII.
an hereditary line of nobles, traceable to re- CHAP.
mote antiquity; but we could give the same
degree of respect to it, which had accompa- 1791.
nied the origin of our nobility; and succeed-
ing ages must bestow the rest. Hereditary
nobility could, from its nature, be only gra-
dual; and there was something, he thought,
in the habits, customs, and manners of Cana-
da, which peculiarly fitted it for the reception
of hereditary honors. He was firmly persuad-
ed, that an aristocracy, derived from the
imperial crown of Great Britain, would mate-
rially strengthen the connexion between the
colony and the mother country. The want
of those honors had, he doubted not, tended
to accelerate the separation of the former
American colonies. He neither wished the
aristocracy to be dependent on the crown,
nor on the people; and, though the present
infant state of the colony would not supply
a due proportion of peers, yet, as extension of
commerce and increase of wealth would pro-
bably follow the introduction of the new con-
stitution, it might be expected, that, in process
of time*, there would be an hereditary aris-
tocracy, cloathed with the respect and influ-
ence, which ought always to belong to that
* Though 30 years have elapsed since this bill passed, no
hereditary honor has been conferred in Canada.
VOL. III.
*
226
CHAP. branch of a free government. It was indeed
XIII. impossible, at present, to give the precise
1791.
•
British constitution to Canada; but a founda-
tion might be now laid, and the complete super-
structure might be erected at a future period.
While the bill was passing through the com-
mittee the second time, Mr. Pitt mentioned,
that it was in contemplation to send a pro-
testant bishop to Canada, who should be a
member of the legislative council, and by
his rank and weight strengthen the established
church*. To this idea Mr. Fox was decidedly
adverse, asserting, that popery or presby-
terianism ought to be the established reli-
gion in Canada, and that the appointment
of a protestant bishop would be perfectly
unjustifiable.
Two motions of Mr. Fox, the one for omit-
ting the clause relative to hereditary nobility,
and the other for fixing the number of the
house of assembly, in Lower Canada, at 100,
were rejected by majorities of more than two
to onet; and the bill passed as originally
In 1793 Dr. Jacob Mountain was consecrated bishop of
Quebec, and went immediately to Canada, where he has ever
since presided over the church, with great honor to himself
and advantage to the concerns of his extensive diocese,
which includes both provinces.
+ In the former case the numbers were 88 and 39, and in
the latter 91 and 40.
227
XIII.
proposed by Mr. Pitt, except that, to meet in CHAP.
some degree the ideas of Mr. Fox, he con-
sented that the houses of assembly should be
chosen every four years instead of seven; that
the house of assembly in Lower Canada should
consist of 50 members, instead of 30; and
that there should be an immediate appeal to
the house of lords, without the intervention of
the privy council.
THESE debates relative to a new constitu-
tion for Canada, led Mr. Fox and Mr. Burke
to deliver their opposite sentiments upon the
French revolution, more fully and decidedly
than they had done in the preceding session
of parliament. Mr. Fox, indeed, in the pre-
sent session, seemed to seek every occasion
of alluding to this subject. On the day he
first stated his objections to the Quebec bill,
he said, that he could not account for the
desire to make hereditary distinctions a part
of the new constitution, unless it were, that
Quebec, having been formerly a French co-
lony, there might be an opportunity of reviv-
ing those titles of honor, the extinction of
which in France, some gentlemen so much
deplored. This observation evidently refer-
red to Mr. Burke, who happened not to be
present; but he went to the house on the day
1791.
Q 2
228
XIII.
CHAP. fixed for the re-commitment of the bill, pre-
pared to make some strictures upon what
Mr. Fox had said. The consideration of the
bill, however, was deferred, on account of the
thin attendance of members; and therefore
Mr. Burke could only express his regret at
the difference of opinion between himself and
a right honorable gentleman, whose eloquence,
he said, was so greatly superior to his own,
and whose abilities nothing could resist.
Dear, however, as was his friend, desirous as
he was to avoid any disagreement, there was
another object still dearer, of which he was
still more desirous, the discharge of his duty.
His sentiments and principles were not un-
known; and whenever the occasion should
again present itself, he would not shun to de-
clare them.
1791.
This notice, having excited great expecta-
tion, caused the house to be extremely full on
the day to which the commitment of the bill
was postponed; and as soon as the chairman
had put the usual question, for reading the
bill paragraph by paragraph, Mr. Burke rose,
and observed, that the point first to be con-
sidered was, whether the house was competent
to appoint a legislature for a distant people.
A body of rights, commonly called The Rights
of Man, had, he said, been lately imported
229
from a neighboring country, and was held up
by certain persons in this kingdom, as para-
mount to all other rights. A principal article
in this new code was, that " All men are born
free, equal in respect of rights, and continue
so in society." If such a doctrine were to
be admitted, the power of the house could
extend no farther, than to call together the
inhabitants of Canada, and recommend to
them a free choice of a government for them-
selves. But he rather chose to argue from
another code, on which mankind, in all ages,
had hitherto acted-the law of nations. On
this, alone, he conceived the competence of
the house to rest. From this we learnt, that
we possessed a right of legislating for Canada,
founded upon a claim of sovereignty over that
country, which was at first obtained by con-
quest, but afterwards confirmed and acknow-
ledged by the cession of its former govern-
ment, and established by long uninterrupted
possession.
The competence of the house being, there-
fore, unquestionable, the next point to be
considered was, after what model the proposed
constitution was to be formed. He believed,
that the constitution of the American states,
to which Canada was contiguous, was well
adapted to their peculiar circumstances, but
૨ ૩
CHAP.
XIII.
1791.
230
XIII.
1791.
CHAP. being founded upon republican principles, it
was not such as ought to be established in a
British colony. He then asked, whether, as
the majority of the population of Canada were
Frenchmen, it would be right to give them
the new constitution of France; a constitution
founded on principles diametrically opposite
to our own, as different from it as folly from
wisdom, as vice from virtue-a constitution
founded on the Rights of Man. The authors
of it had told us, and their partizans in Eng-
land had repeated, that it was a great monu-
ment, erected for the instruction of mankind.
This was certainly not said, without a view to
imitation. But, before we proceeded to give
to Canada the new constitution of France, it
would be wise to consider what would proba-
bly be the practical consequences of such a
step, by inquiring into the effects which it had
actually produced, where it had been adopted.
-The French West India islands were in the
most flourishing state, until the fatal moment
when the Rights of Man were imported.
Scarcely, said Mr. Burke, was this precious
doctrine received among them, when Pandora's
box, replete with all mortal evils, seemed to
fly open, hell itself to yawn, and every demon
of mischief to overspread the face of the
earth. Blacks rose against whites-whites
Y
231
XIII.
1791.
against blacks; and each against the other, in CHAP.
murderous hostility; subordination was de-
stroyed; the cords of society torn asunder;
and every man appeared to thirst for the
blood of his neighbor. The mother country,
not receiving any great degree of pleasure
in contemplating this image of herself re-
flected in her child, sent out a body of
troops, well instructed, likewise, in the new
principles, to restore order and tranquillity.
These troops, immediately upon their arrival,
felt themselves bound to become parties
in the general rebellion, and, like most of
their brethren at home, began the assertion
of their free-born rights, by murdering their
general. Should such an example induce us
to ship off for Canada, a cargo of the Rights
of Man?
Mr. Burke was next proceeding to give an
eloquent description of the disorder and mi-
series occasioned by the revolution in France
herself, when he was called to order; and a
most extraordinary scene of altercation and
confusion, which lasted several hours, ensued.
He endeavored, no less than seven times, to
explain, why he thought himself in order; but
it was evidently the object of those members
of opposition, who were favorable to revolu-
tionary principles, by repeated interruptions,
Q 4
232
XIII.
1791.
CHAP. totally to silence him. It was urged, that
dissertations on the French revolution were
not regular or orderly, when the question
before the committee was, whether the clauses
of the Quebec bill should be read paragraph
by paragraph; and a motion to that effect was
made by lord Sheffield, and seconded by Mr.
Fox, although the latter had previously de-
clared, that he did not consider Mr. Burke
out of order. Mr. Pitt was appealed to; and
he said, that though he did not wish the
French revolution to be discussed, yet as the
design of the bill was, to provide a new go-
verment for a people at once American,
French, and English, it did not appear to him
improper, or contrary to the rules of the
house, to inquire into the constitution of those
countries, with which the Canadians were
more immediately connected.
This opinion encouraged Mr. Burke and
Mr. Fox to proceed, and each of them spoke
twice, at considerable length. Their speeches
contained mutual recriminations, and acrimo-
nious complaints of unkind and injurious
treatment, mixed however with expressions
of regard and esteem; and in particular,
Mr. Fox repeated, what he had said in the
preceding year, that he had learned more
from Mr. Burke, than from all books, and all
5
.....
233
XIII.
other men all his political knowledge wast CHAP.
drawn from Mr. Burke's writings, speeches,
and familiar conversation; and separation from
a person to whom he owed so many obliga-
tions, and from whom he had formerly received
´so much kindness, would be painful to him in
the extreme, to the end of life.
On a former occasion, Mr. Fox had called
the new constitution of France," the most
stupendous and glorious monument which hu-
man integrity had erected to human happiness,
at any time or in any country, from which
neither insult nor injury could be dreaded by
her neighbors;" and now he pronounced the
French revolution, "one of the most glorious
events in the history of mankind. The old
despotism was annihilated; the new system
had the good of the people for its object; and
that was the point on which he rested." He
considered the French revolution such an ac-
quisition to the cause of freedom, from the
dominion of France over the manners of other
nations, as to justify his former panegyric;
and he apologized for the excesses of the
French people, in its progress, by remarking,
that it was natural for them to be guilty of
many extravagant and absurd actions, from
the apprehension of a sudden return of that
despotism which they had destroyed. The
+
.
1791.
234
"
XIII.
CHAP. calamities, however, which France had en-
dured were trivial in comparison of the bene-
1791. fits, to which they had led; and he was
convinced, that the French revolution would
do good to England, by holding out an useful
lesson both to the monarch and to the people.
His admiration of that great event had been
misrepresented: it had been asserted, that
every man must wish to imitate what he ad-
mired; but this he denied to be conclusive
reasoning. There was, indeed, one article,
in which he was desirous of imitating the
French it related to a subject, on which he
had been uniform throughout his political
life-that of universal toleration. He said,
that when Mr. Burke's book* was published,
he had condemned the work, and every doc-
trine which it contained, both publicly and
privately; he acknowledged, that he had not
read the works of Mr. Mackintosh and Mr.
Paine upon the same subject; but he con-
sidered such discussions as useful to political
and moral truth; neither would he arraign
any man for proposing to incorporate into the
constitution of this country, what he approved
in the system of another nation. He was
ready to maintain, that the rights of man,
how much soever ridiculed as chimerical and
* Reflections upon the French Revolution,
235
XIII.
1791.
visionary, those original rights, which no pre- CHAP.
scription could supersede, no accident could
remove, were in fact the basis of every ra-
tional constitution, and even of the constitu-
tion of Great Britain. By recurring to the
speeches and declarations of Mr. Burke, du-
ring the American war, and in the struggle
in 1784, he endeavored to fix upon him the
stigma of inconsistency and gross departure
from the principles upon which he had hither-
to acted; and accused him of having spoken
of the French revolution without sufficient
information, and of having misrepresented
facts.
Mr. Burke lamented, that Mr. Fox, after
an intimacy of more than two-and-twenty
years, should, without the least provocation,
have made a personal attack upon him, and
arraigned his conduct with so much asperity.
He denied the charge of inconsistency; as-
serting, that no alteration had taken place in
his opinions upon government; and that there
was not one action of his life, or one syllable
in his book, contrary to the principles of those
men, with whom our glorious constitution in
1688 originated, and to whose principles, as
a whig, he declared an inviolable attachment.
He contended, that the issue of all which had
been done, and of all which was then doing
236
1791.
CHAP. in France, could never serve the cause of
XIII. liberty, but would inevitably tend to promote
tyranny, oppression, injustice, and anarchy.
He did not consider France as a republic; no,
it was an anomaly in government; he knew
not by what name to call it, or in what lan-
guage to describe it. It was a compound (and
he recited the verses of Milton) of the su-
blimely obscure and tremendous figure of
death, having the likeness of a king's crown
upon the seeming head, with the cry of hell-
hounds that bark unceasingly round the waist
of sin. It was a shapeless monster, born of
hell and chaos. As to the church, it had been
said, that the French had abolished all tests,
and given a complete unequivocal toleration.
So far from it,, Mr. Burke affirmed, that they
had established the most diabolical intolerance,
which ever existed upon the face of the earth,
and created a new test, not for the sake of
security, but as the means of cruelty, oppres-
sion, and injustice, in order to afford an
opportunity of depriving many thousand indi-
viduals of their bread. The clergy were
forced to take this test, or starve; and yet
France was the country, where there was said
to be no test at all. Mr. Fox's eulogium
upon the French revolution, might have an
effect upon those who heard it, which he did
W
237
XIII.
not intend, and still more upon others, through CHAP.
misapprehension or misrepresentation: its ex-
cesses were mentioned with tardy and qualified 1791.
censure, while its praises were trumpeted with
the loudest blasts throughout the nation. At
a time when open and avowed attempts were
made to circulate pamphlets and disseminate
opinions subversive of the prerogative, and
consequently dangerous to the constitution, it
was unwarrantable for any member of that
house to be day after day holding out a parade
of democracy, in order to set the unthinking
many raging against the crown. He con-
ceived, that there then existed a run against
monarchy; but he trusted, that timely care
would be taken to avert the impending evil.
He confessed, that he wished to introduce the
subject of the French revolution, for several
reasons; but principally on account of the
danger which threatened our own govern-
ment, from practices notorious to all the
world. Were there not clubs in every quarter,
who met and voted resolutions of the most
alarming tendency? Did they not correspond,
not only with each other, in every part of this
kingdom, but with foreign countries? Did
not members of these clubs preach, in their
pulpits, doctrines which were dangerous; and
celebrate, at their anniversary meetings, pro-
•
238
..
1791.
;
CHAP. ceedings incompatible with the spirit of the
XIII. British constitution? At present, he appre-
hended no immediate danger. The king was
in full power, possessed of all his functions
his ministers were responsible for their con-
duct; the country was blessed with an oppo-
sition of strong force; and the common peo-
ple themselves seemed to be united with the
gentry in warm feelings of loyalty. Never-
theless, he maintained, that there was still
sufficient cause for jealousy and circumspec-
tion. In France there were 300,000 men in
arms; who, at a favorable moment, might be
happy to yield assistance to their neighbors;
besides, a time of scarcity and tumult might
come, when the greatest mischief was to be
dreaded from a class of people, whom we
might now term low intriguers and contemp-
tible clubbists, but whom we should, at such
a moment, find truly formidable. He re-
marked, that he had formerly differed from
Mr. Fox, in several instances, but without
any interruption to their friendship. It was
certainly indiscreet, at his time of life, to pro-
voke enemies, or give his friends occasion to
desert him; yet, if his firm and steady ad-
herence to the British constitution placed him
in such a dilemma, he would risque all; and,
as public duty and public prudence taught
239
1791.
him, with his last breath exclaim, "
Fly from CHAP.
the French constitution.' He knew the XIII.
price of his conduct: he had, notwithstanding,
done his duty, and lost his friend. Afterwards,
addressing himself to Mr. Pitt and Mr. Fox,
whom he called the two great rivals in that
house, he expressed a hope, that whether they
hereafter moved in opposite parts of the poli-
tical hemisphere, as two flaming meteors,
or walked together like brethren hand in
hand, they would preserve and cherish the
British constitution; that they would guard
it against innovation; and protect it against
the pestilential breath of French philo-
sophy.
در
Mr. Pitt observed, that, in his situation,
and under present circumstances, it would be
highly improper for him, to give any opinion
upon the French revolution: but he felt it in-
cumbent upon him to declare, that he thought
Mr. Burke entitled to the gratitude of his
country, for having on that day, in so able and
eloquent a manner, expressed his sense of the
degree of danger which already existed; and
assured him, that if hereafter there should
appear more serious ground for apprehension,
he would most cordially co-operate with him,
in taking every possible method to preserve
what he (Mr. Pitt) esteemed the most per-
240
CHAP. fect. constitution in the world, and to de-
XIII. liver it down to posterity as the best security
1791. for the prosperity, freedom, and happiness
of the British people. Lord Sheffield's mo-
tion, upon the suggestion of Mr. Pitt, was
withdrawn, and the house adjourned, at a
late hour, without making any progress in
the bill.
It is remarkable, that, during this long al-
tercation, not one of Mr. Burke's old friends
stood forward in support of him or of his sen-
timents; while several persons of great con-
sideration defended Mr. Fox, and avowed the
coincidence of their opinion with his, upon
the subject of the French revolution. Mr.
Fox professed an earnest desire, that the pre-
sent disagreement might not cause a breach
between Mr. Burke and himself; but Mr.
Burke was so strongly impressed with the
dangerous tendency of the doctrines applaud-
ed and maintained by Mr. Fox, and so con-
vinced of the impossibility of his ever acting
with him again, that he openly declared, there
must be an end of their political connexion.
Foreseeing, that what was passing in France
must ultimately, and probably at no distant
period, affect these kingdoms, he obeyed the
imperious call of public duty, which he held
more sacred than all the dearest and strongest
241
XIII.
bonds of personal regard and party attach- CHAP.
ment; and thus gave the most unequivocal
proof of the sincerity of those opinions, which,
both in his parliamentary speeches, and in his
publications, he had supported with so much
force of argument and beauty of language.
It was not a disagreement of a private nature,
or upon a trivial point, arising from accidental
misunderstanding, and which might be accom-
modated by mutual explanation, or the good
offices of common friends-there now appear-
ed to exist, between these two distinguished
men, an irreconcileable difference upon the
fundamental principles of government, and
the primary obligations of social life, called
into notice and action by a most extraordinary
event in a neighboring country, which had
already excited a lively interest in this king-
dom; and, in the acute and penetrating judg
ment of Mr. Burke, threatened the most
alarming consequences throughout every part
of the civilized world.
THE examination of witnesses, respecting
the slave trade, being at length concluded,
and every necessary information upon the
subject obtained, Mr. Wilberforce, on the
18th of April, moved for "Leave to bring in
a bill to prevent the farther importation of
VOL. III.
R
1791.
242
1791.
CHAP. slaves into the British colonies in the West
XIII. Indies." The debate lasted two days, on
the latter of which Mr. Pitt delivered his sen-
timents strongly in favor of the motion. He
began by observing, that from the first hour
of his having a seat in that house to the pre-
sent, among all the questions, whether politi-
tical or personal, in the discussion of which it
had been his fortune to take a share, there
never had been one, in which his heart was
so deeply interested, as in that under consider-
ation. It was not, however, a mere question
of feeling; it was not solely for the sake of
exercising humanity, that the abolition of the
trade in slaves was pressed upon parliament.
The main argument, which ought to deter-
mine the minds of gentlemen, was, that the
slave trade was founded in injustice; " and
it is, therefore, said Mr. Pitt, such a trade, as
it is impossible for me to support, unless it
shall be first proved, that there are no laws of
morality binding upon nations, and that it is
no duty of a legislature to restrain its sub-
jects from invading the happiness of other
countries, and from violating the fundamental
principles of justice."
The chief objection urged against the mo-
tion had been, the alledged impossibility of
maintaining the population in the West Indies,
-
243
XIII.
without a fresh importation of slaves; and to CHAP
that objection Mr. Pitt directed the greater
part of his speech. But previously he ex-
pressed his hope, that gentlemen would not
consider any disadvantage to the plantations,
which was merely small and temporary, to be
a sufficient reason to warrant the continuance
of the trade. It was surely not any slight
degree of expediency, any small balance of
profit, or any light shades of probability, on
the one side rather than on the other, which
would influence the vote of any gentleman
upon so important a point. He apologized
even for the supposition. The house, he was
confident, would not decide the question upon
such grounds. The slave trade was an evil
of such magnitude, that there must be a com-
mon wish in the house, at once to put an
end to it, if there were no very great and
serious obstacle. Nothing short of the ut-
most danger, nay of inevitable ruin, to the
West Indies, ought to be urged as a rea-
son for continuing a trade of this descrip-
tion. It was a trade, by which multitudes
of unoffending nations were deprived of the
blessings of civilization, and had their peace
and happiness invaded; by which a whole
continent was kept in a state of darkness,
ignorance, bondage, and blood. It ought
1791.
R 2
244
XIII.
1791.
CHAP. therefore to be no common expediency; it
ought to be either some positive necessity, or
at least something very like necessity, which
it became those to plead, who took upon
themselves to defend the continuance of this
trade. He knew that the West Indian gen-
tlemen had used very strong language upon
this part of the subject, and had expressed an
alarm for the islands, which was of a very
serious nature indeed. It would be proper,
however, for the house to judge for them-
selves; for he could not help thinking, that
there was an over great degree of sensibility
among those gentlemen on this particular
point; and that their alarm, as he hoped to
prove, was excited in a manner which the
occasion by no means justified. He had him-
self endeavored carefully and impartially to
examine into the ground of this apprehension,
and he would now proceed to lay those rea-
sons before the house, which induced him
firmly to believe, not only that no permanent
mischief would ensue from the abolition, but
not even any such temporary injury or incon-
venience, as could be considered an adequate
reason for preventing the house from agreeing
to the motion before them; and that, on the
contrary, the abolition itself would lay the
foundation for the more solid improve-
245
ment of all the various interests of those CHAP.
colonies.
XIII.
Mr. Pitt then stated, in detail, from the
evidence presented to the house by their com-
mittee, the annual loss of slaves in the several
islands, that is, the excess of deaths above the
births; and shewed it to be so small, that no
doubt could remain of the number being
fully kept up without any fresh importation,
by means of new regulations, and a general
improved mode of treating the slaves, which
would of course follow the abolition of the
trade, and must have the effect of diminishing
the number of deaths, as well as of rendering
the slaves more prolific. Was there then, con-
tinued Mr. Pitt, any ground for alarm from
the measure of abolishing the slave trade-of
abolishing it entirely and immediately? And
was there in reality any of that impractica-
bility to be pleaded, on which alone so many
gentlemen had rested all their objections?
Must we not blush at pretending, that it
would distress our consciences to abolish this
most horrid trade, on account of the dangerous
consequences to the West Indian Islands?
Intolerable were the mischiefs of that
trade, both in its origin, and through every
stage of its progress. Africa had been des-
cribed as a country half cultivated; and in
1791.
R 3
246
XIII.
CHAP. such a country, in order to promote that.
trade, application must be made to the avarice
and the worst passions of the princes. To
say that slaves can be furnished by fair and
commercial means, would be absurd and ri-
diculous. The trade sometimes ceased, as
during the last war; sometimes the demand
increased, sometimes it was declining, ac-
cording to circumstances. But how was it
possible, that to a demand so extremely fluc-
tuating, the supply of slaves should always
exactly accommodate itself? "Alas! Alas!"
said Mr. Pitt, "we make human beings the sub-
ject of commerce; we learn to talk of them
as such, yet we will not allow to them the
common principle of commerce, that the sup-
ply must accommodate itself to the consump-
tion. It is not from wars, then, that the
slaves are chiefly furnished. They are ob-
tained by other methods, in proportion as they
are wanted. If a demand for slaves arises,
a supply is forced in one way or other; and it
is in vain, overpowered as we now are, with
positive evidence, to deny, that by the slave
trade, we are the causes of the dreadful enor-
mities committed on that unhappy continent.
It is plain, if we consider the number annu-
ally carried off, that no regular or ordinary
means can furnish so many captives."
1791.
247
XIII.
1791.
After describing the cruelty and misery of CHAP.
the middle passage, and pointing out the ad-
vantages which the West Indies themselves
would derive from the abolition of the slave
trade, he concluded with observing, that he
could not conceive an act of more indispen-
sable duty, upon every ground of humanity,
justice, and policy, than that which was then
proposed to the house.
Although Mr. Fox entirely coincided with
Mr. Pitt on this occasion, and pronounced his
arguments for the abolition to be unanswer-
able, yet such were the fears and prejudices
of those who were concerned in the property
and commerce of the West Indies, and
such their influence in the house, that
the motion was negatived by a majority of
163 to 88.
200
THE time being now arrived, at which the
finance committee of 1786 had given reason
to hope, that a permanent peace establishment
would take place, a committee was appointed
on the 8th of April, upon the motion of
Mr. Pitt, to inquire, what had been the amount
of the income and expenditure of the country
during the last five years, and what might be
expected to be the annual amount thereof in
future; and also what alterations had taken
R 4
248
Է
CHAP. place in the amount of the national debt,
since the 5th of January 1786.
XIII.
1791.
From the report of this committee, which
was presented to the house on the 10th of
May, it appeared, that the average annual
produce of the taxes for the last five years,
had exceeded the estimate about 80,000l.;
that all the expences of the same period,
amounting to 88 millions, exclusive of the ar-
mament of 1790, for which a special provision
was made, had been defrayed by the annual
income and the sums received from extraor-
dinary resources, with the addition of one
million raised by a tontine, and of 187,000l.
raised by short annuities; that, according to
the most correct estimate which could now be
made, the annual income of the country would
in future exceed the expences of a peace
establishment, by 62,000l.; that 3,822,003 1.
had been applied to the diminution of the
national debt, above the sums by which it had
been increased; and that the stocks purchased
by the commissioners, up to February the 1st,
1791, amounted to 6,772,3501. This report
was in all its parts highly satisfactory, and
confirmed the statements made by Mr. Pitt,
from time to time, of the financial situation
of the country.
On the 18th of May, Mr. Pitt opened the
249
XIII.
budget, and was enabled to provide for all the CHAP.
services of the year, amounting to 5,728,000l.
without a loan, or any additional taxes.
1791.
A petition had been presented to the house
of commons, on the 7th of May 1789, by cer-
tain persons, calling themselves catholic dis-
senters; implying, by that title, that they did
not believe all the tenets generally maintained
by roman catholics. The petitioners stated,
that they, and other papists, were subject to
various penal laws, on account of principles,
which they were supposed to entertain, dan-
gerous to society, and totally repugnant to
political and civil liberty; and therefore, they
thought it due to their country, and to them-
selves, publicly to disclaim and protest against
the five following doctrines: 1. That princes
excommunicated by the pope, or by any au-
thority of the see of Rome, may be deposed
or murdered by their subjects, or other per-
sons. 2. That implicit obedience is due to
the orders and decrees of popes and general
councils, even if they require open resistance
to government, the subversion of the laws and
liberties of the country, and the extermination
of all persons not professing the roman catho-
lic religion. 3. That the pope, by his spiri-
tual power, can dispense with the obligations
-
250
XIII.
CHAP. of any compact or oath. 4. That not only
the pope, but even a priest, has power, at his
1791. will and pleasure, to pardon sins, and conse-
quently, can absolve from the guilt of perjury,
rebellion, and high treason. 5. That faith is
not to be kept with heretics*. The petition-
ers, conceiving that they, who thus solemnly
disclaimed, and from their hearts abhorred,
the above abominable and unchristian prin-
ciples, ought not to be put upon a level with
any other men, who might hold and profess
those principles, humbly prayed, that the
house would be pleased to grant them such
relief, as, in its wisdom, it should deem to be
just.
No notice was taken of this petition, till
about the middle of the present session, when
Mr. Mitford+ moved for leave to bring in
"a bill to relieve, upon conditions, and under
restrictions, persons called protesting catholic
dissenters, from certain penalties and disa-
bilities, to which papists, or persons profess-
ing the popish religion, are by law subject."
The object of this bill was, not to repeal any
existing laws, or to enable catholic dissenters
* These five doctrines are to be found in the decrees of
councils, and other authentic documents of the church of
Rome, and have always been considered as forming part of
the faith of papists.
↑ Afterwards lord Redesdale.
251
XIII.
to hold any public situation or office, from CHAP.
which they were previously excluded, but
merely to exempt such papists from the ope-
ration of some of the numerous* severe sta-
tutes, which had been passed in different
reigns† since the reformation, against persons
professing the catholic religion, as should
take an oath prescribed by the bill, renoun-
cing the doctrines condemned in the above
petition, and promising to bear true allegiance,
to the king, and to support the succession
of the house of Hanover to the throne of these
kingdoms +.
Mr. Pitt declared himself friendly to this
bill; and Mr. Fox approved it, as far as it
went; but complained, that it did not by any
means go far enough: he wished it to extend
to all papists of every description. He main-
tained upon this, as he had done upon former
* In Burn's ecclesiastical law seventy pages are occupied
in an enumeration of the penal laws in force against papists.
†The reigns of James the second and of George the
third, are the only reigns since the time of queen Mary, in
which some additional severity was not enacted against ro-
man catholics.
This oath was objected to, by three out of the four
titular roman catholic bishops, most of the clergy, and
a considerable number of the laity, as containing things.
contrary to the catholic faith, and as trenching upon the
spiritual power of the head of the catholic church, and of its
other pastors.
1791.
252
XIII.
CHAP. Occasions, that the state had no right to in-
quire into the opinions of people, either
1791. political or religious; it had a right only to
take cognizance of their actions. He con-
sidered all tests, both in religion and politics,
as absurd and unwise, with the single excep-
tion of the oath of allegiance; and asserted,
that in this kingdom, toleration was narrowed
and confined, in shackles disgraceful to hu-
manity; and that such persecution and op-
pression, upon the ground of religious opinion,
did not exist in any other country, as existed
in England. He rejoiced, however, that, in
a few years, a general toleration must prevail;
for the times were too much enlightened, to
suffer men's minds to remain fettered, as they
were at present. He thought, that the re-
ligious establishment of every country was to
be governed, not so much with regard to the
purity of its precepts, and truth of its doc-
trines, as with a view to that sort of religion,
which was most likely to inculcate morality in
the minds of the majority of its inhabitants.
Mr. Burke protested against these senti-
ments of Mr. Fox, affirming, that a state
had full right to inquire into the religious
opinions of all who lived under its protection;
and that an uncontrollable superintending
power of this kind was highly necessary for
f
253
XIII.
1791.
the prosperity, safety, good morals, and hap- CHAP.
piness of the community. Opinions influ-
enced the passions, and the passions governed
the man.
This was a natural effect, proceed-
ing from a natural cause; and, such being
the case, it was the interest and duty of go-
vernment to maintain and exercise this power,
under the guidance, indeed, of virtue and
wisdom, candor and temperance.
Mr. Pitt agreed with Mr. Burke, in his ge-
neral doctrine; but thought that government
could not be said to possess an uncontrollable
superintending power over the religious opi-
nions of its subjects.
The bill passed the house of commons, with-
out a dissentient voice; and the only division
in the house of lords was, upon the clause al-
lowing roman catholics to practise at the bar,
which was carried by a majority of 26 to 9.
While this bill was under discussion in the
house of commons, an earnest wish was ex-
pressed by several members, and among the
rest by Mr. Pitt, that the penal statutes, for-
merly enacted against papists, under circum-
stances very different from those of the pre-
sent day, and which, on account of that
change, had not been enforced for a consider-
able period, should be repealed; but no step
was taken for that purpose in this session.
254
CHAP.
XIII.
ALTHOUGH the house of commons had, soon
after the Christmas recess, acquainted the
1791. house of lords, that they were ready to pro-
ceed with the trial of Mr. Hastings, and had
determined to confine themselves to one charge
in addition to those already heard; yet, as
the length of time occupied by the com-
mittee of the house of lords in searching for
precedents, prevented the court from sitting
till the 23d of May, it was evidently impossi-
ble to terminate the business in the present
session, if the prorogation took place at the
usual time. Mr. Loveden, therefore, on the
27th of May, moved that an address should
be presented to the king, humbly requesting
his majesty not to prorogue parliament, till the
house of lords had given judgment upon the
articles of impeachment exhibited against
Mr. Hastings. This motion was opposed on
the ground of its interference with the king's
prerogative, the uncertainty of the time the
trial might still continue, the inconvenience to
which the members would be subjected by
attendance in the summer, and the interrup-
tion which would be caused to the adminis-
tration of justice, by requiring the presence
of the judges at the time they ought to be
upon their circuits. Mr. Fox, thinking that
255
XIII.
1791.
the motion went too far, although he approved CHAP.
its principle, proposed as an amendment, that
the request to his majesty should be, that he
would be pleased not to prorogue parliament,
till such farther progress should be made in
the trial, as would afford reason to expect,
that it might be brought to a conclusion early
in the next session. Mr. Pitt objected both
to the motion and to the amendment; and
the latter being rejected by a majority of 144
to 61, the former was negatived without a
division. The evidence on the part of the
prosecution, was finished on the 30th of May;
and after an address from Mr. Hastings, in
which he complained of the disgrace and
hardships he was compelled to endure, in
return for his long and meritorious services in
India, the defence was postponed to the fol-
lowing session.
PARLIAMENT was prorogued on the 10th of
June; and the king in his speech applauded
the zeal with which the two houses had ap-
plied themselves to the different objects which
had come under their consideration; and
expressed his satisfaction with the measures
which they had adopted. Upon the subject
of foreign affairs, he only said, that he was not
yet enabled to inform parliament of the result
256
CHAP. of the steps which he had taken, with a view
to the re-establishment of peace between
1791. Russia and the Porte.
XIII.
THE king had repeatedly offered the Garter
to Mr. Pitt, but could not prevail upon him
to accept it; and, on his finally declining
that honor, soon after the commencement of
this session, it was conferred upon his brother,
the earl of Chatham. This refusal, it was
observed, “evinced the indifference or supe-
riority of the minister to the highest external
decoration and distinction, as powerfully as
his renunciation of a lucrative office, at a much
earlier period of his administration, had proved
his disinterestedness and contempt of emolu-
ment*."
* Sketch of reign of Geo. III.
↓
257
CHAPTER THE FOURTEENTH:
1791.
Treaties of Peace-War in India-Affairs of France—Riots
at Birmingham-Meeting of Parliament-Finance Mea-
sures-Russian Armament-Police of the Metropolis-
Penal Laws against Dissenters-Parliamentary Reform-
Royal Proclamation-Conduct of Magistrates at Birming-
ham-Slave Trade-New Forest Bill-Prorogation of
Parliament-Dismissal of Lord Thurlow-Conclusion of
the War in India-Mr. Pitt appointed Warden of the
Cinque Ports.
THE
XIV.
HE negotiations for peace between Aus- CHAP.
tria and the Porte, mentioned in the
last chapter, proceeded with all practicable 1791.
dispatch at Sistovia; and the difficulties and
obstacles being surmounted, through the in-
tervention of the mediating powers, a definitive
treaty upon fair and equitable terms was signed
on the 4th of August.
Immediately after the delivery of the king's
message, relative to his majesty's unsuccess-
ful endeavors to effect a pacification between
Russia and the Porte, a fleet was expeditiously
equipped by great exertions of the admiralty,
for the purpose of giving weight to the repre-
VOL. III.
S
258
CHAF. sentations of our envoy at the court of Peters-
XIV. burgh; but Mr. Pitt had the mortification to
1791. find that this measure was by no means ap-
proved, either in parliament, or by the nation
at large. The point in dispute not being of
a nature to excite any general interest, the
abstract principle of preserving the balance of
power in Europe, and the prospective policy
of guarding against future mischief, did not
appear to the public sufficient reasons for in-
curring the risque and expences of war; and
Mr. Pitt, perceiving that the armament was
every day growing more unpopular, judged it
expedient to abandon all idea of hostile inter-
ference. He formed, indeed, this determi-
nation so early, that, by sending a second
messenger, he was able to prevent a strong
memorial which he had dispatched to Peters-
burgh, from being delivered to the Russian
ministers; and, instead of it, he directed the
British envoy to withdraw all opposition to
the demand of the empress, to which he had
before objected. The negotiation then pro-
ceeded without material difficulty; and a treaty
of peace between Russia and the Porte, was
signed on the 11th of August, leaving Catha-
rine in possession of Oczakow and its depen-
dencies. But though Mr. Pitt did not succeed
in his immediate object, the disposition evinced
259
XIV.
by the allied powers, and the part they took CHAP.
in the negotiation, were unquestionably of
great assistance in procuring for Turkey better
terms, than in her vanquished and exhausted
state she could otherwise have obtained; and
these terms would have been still better, and
perhaps his main purpose secured, if his ex-
ertions had not been counteracted, in the very
extraordinary manner which will be hereafter
related. From what passed during the war,
the empress must also have been convinced,
that she would not at any future time be suf-
fered to carry into execution her ambitious
views respecting the Turkish dominions, or so
far to weaken any of the northern kingdoms,
as to destroy the balance of power in that part
of Europe.
The king of Prussia had cordially co-ope-
rated with Great Britain, in the attempt to
prevail upon the empress of Russia to relin-
quish her claim to Oczakow; and the follow-
ing private letter to Mr. Ewart, our minister
at Berlin, from Mr. Pitt, after he had deter-
mined not to proceed to extremities, will best
shew his views and feelings respecting this
transaction, in his own words:
1791.
A
s 2
}
260
CHAP.
XIV.
1791.
<<
"Hollwood, May 24, 1791.
My dear Sir,
"You are so fully apprised, from your own
observation, and from our repeated conver-
sations*, of all which has passed here, in re-
lation to affairs abroad, and of every senti-
ment of mine on the subject, that I can have
nothing fresh to add in this letter.
"I wish, however, to repeat my earnest and
anxious desire, that you should find means of
informing the king of Prussia, as openly and
explicitly as possible, of the real state of the
business, and of the true motives of our con-
duct. He knows, I am persuaded, too well,
the effect which opinion and public impression
must always have in this country, either to
complain of our change of measures, or to
wonder at it, if the true cause be fully ex-
plained to him. You perfectly know, that no
man could be more eagerly bent than I was,
on a steady adherence to the line which we
had at first proposed, of going all lengths to
enforce the terms of the strict status quo; and
I am still as much persuaded as ever, that if we
could have carried the support of the country
with us, the risque and expence of the strug-
* Mr. Ewart had been in England, and only lately re-
turned to Berlin.
261
XIV.
gle, even if Russia had not submitted without CHAP.
a struggle, would not have been more than
the object was worth.
"But notwithstanding this was my own
fixed opinion, I saw, with certainty, in a very
few days after the subject was first discussed
in parliament, that the prospect of obtaining
a support, sufficient to carry this line through
with vigor and effect, was absolutely despe-
rate. We did indeed carry our question in
the house of commons, by not an inconsider-
able majority; and we shall, I am persuaded,
continue successful in resisting all the attempts
of opposition, as long as the negotiation is
depending. But from what I know of the
sentiments of the greatest part of that ma-
jority, and of many of the warmest friends
of government, I am sure, that if, in persist-
ing on the line of the status quo, we were to
come to the point of actually calling for sup-
plies to support the war, and were to state,
as would then be indispensable, the precise
ground on which it arose, that we should
either not carry such a question, or carry it
only by so weak a division, as would nearly
amount to a defeat. This opinion I certainly
formed neither hastily nor willingly; nor could
I easily make a sacrifice more painful to my-
self, than I have done in yielding to it. But
1791.
s 3
262
1791.
CHAP. feeling the circumstances to be such as
XIV. I have stated them, the only question that
remained was, whether we should persist, at
all hazards, in pushing our first determina-
tion, though without a chance of rendering
it effectual to its object, or whether we
should endeavor to do what appears to be the
next best, when what we wished to do became
impracticable.
"To speak plainly: the obvious effect of
our persisting would have been, to risque the
existence of the present government, and with
it, the whole of our system both at home and
abroad. The personal part of this consider-
ation, it would have been our duty to over-
look, and I trust we should all have been
ready to do so, if by any risque of our own,
we could have contributed to the attainment
of a great and important object for this coun-
try and its allies: but the consequence must
evidently have been the reverse. The over-
throw of our system here, at the same time
that it hazarded driving the government at
home into a state of absolute confusion, must
have shaken the whole of our system abroad.
It is not difficult to foresee what must have
been the consequence to Prussia, of a change
effected by an opposition to the very measures
taken in concert with that court, and resting
263
on the avowed ground of our present system CHAP.
of alliance.
XIV.
"On these considerations it is, that we have
felt the necessity of changing our plan, and
endeavoring to find the best expedient we can,
for terminating the business, without extre-
mities. Fortunately, the having succeeded in
stopping the proposed representation to Russia,
has prevented our being as pointedly com-
mitted as there was reason to apprehend we
might have been. The modifications which
have been suggested, the recommendation of
them from Spain, the prospect of bringing
that court to join in a subsequent guaranty of
the Turkish possessions, and the chance of
perhaps bringing the emperor to accede to our
system, are all circumstances, which give an
opening for extricating us from our present
difficulty. You are so fully master of the
whole of those details, that I shall not enlarge
upon them. My great object is, that you
should be able to satisfy the king of Prussia,
of the strong necessity, under which we have
acted, and that we really had no other
choice, with a view either to his interests, or
to those which we are most bound to consult
at home.
I am, &c.
W. PITT."
3
1791
s 4
264
CHAP.
XIV.
IN consequence of this conclusion of the
1791. Russian business, the duke of Leeds thought
proper to resign the seals, as foreign secre-
tary of state, and lord Grenville was removed
to the foreign from the home department, in
which he was succeeded by Mr. Dundas.
This last was considered as only a temporary
appointment, it being wished by Mr. Pitt,
that lord Cornwallis, who was expected soon
to return from India, should be home secre-
tary of state. He made this proposal to lord
Cornwallis, who, in his answer, dated De-
cember 3d, 1791, informed him, that among
other objections, it was impossible for him to
leave India, while the war with Tippoo con-
tinued. On the 23d of the following month,
he wrote again to Mr. Pitt, upon the subject,
from the camp, near Outradoog; and refer-
ring to his former letter, said,-" It has since
occurred to me, that although my detention
in India must naturally do away the present
question, I ought to have given my sentiments
more explicitly on the subject at large, in
order to prevent that favorable opinion, which
is so highly flattering to me, from being the
cause of trouble and embarrassment to you on
a future occasion.
"I will freely own to you, that if any thing
265
XIV.
could induce me to come forward in a station CHA P.
of business and responsibility at home, it would
be the allurement, that would be held out to
my vanity, by being enrolled as a member of
an administration, the uprightness of whose
principles, and the wisdom and vigor of whose
conduct, I so truly respect.
"I have, however, always been of opinion,
that no man who has a regard for the consi-
deration in which he is to stand with his coun-
try, should produce himself, even in the house
of lords, as an efficient member of administra-
tion, without possessing such powers and ha-
bits of parliamentary debate, as would enable
him to do justice to a good cause, and defend
his measures, as well as those of his colleagues.
"The maxim of orator fit, which has pro-
duced so much bad speaking, and so much
ennui in this world, may be true in some in-
stances, but he is not to be made ex quovis
ligno; and I should doubt, whether the tim-
ber ought to undergo a seasoning of above
half a century.
"We can talk more fully upon this subject
when we meet; and, in any event, you may
be assured, that I shall at all times be ready
to communicate any local knowledge I may
possess, and to give my opinions both of In-
dian men and measures, in the most unre-
1791.
266
CHAP. served manner, to yourself and Mr. Dundas,
and to those who act with you*.”
XIV.
1791.
EARLY in the year 1791, lord Cornwallis
took the command in person of the British
forces in India, and entered the dominions of
Tippoo Saib, without encountering any oppo-
sition. He marched towards Bangalore, the
second place in point of importance in My-
sore, and having beaten Tippoo in several
engagements, made himself master both of
the town and fort before the end of March.
In the former, he found large magazines of
grain, forage, and fuel; and, in the latter,
immense quantities of military stores, and 124
pieces of cannon.
In the beginning of May, being joined
by the nizam's cavalry, and having received
a reinforcement of European and native
troops, he left Bangalore, and after a fa-
tiguing march of ten days reached Avakerry,
about nine miles from Seringapatam. Tippoo
had stationed his army in a strong position,
at á moderate distance from the city, where
he was attacked by lord Cornwallis, and so
completely defeated, that he was compelled
* When lord Cornwallis returned from India, he declined.
the offer of being home secretary of state, and Mr. Dundas
continued in that situation.
267
XIV.
to take shelter under the batteries of his ca- CHA P.
pital. Lord Cornwallis did not consider his
present force sufficient to reduce Seringapatam,
which was situated upon an island, and de-
fended by strong and extensive fortifications;
and, therefore, he determined to defer all
farther operations, till he should be joined by
the Mahrattas, whose arrival he expected
shortly, and by general Abercrombie, who
was advancing from the west. But, upon
examination, it appeared, that his stock of
provisions was extremely short; and it being
impossible to procure a supply in the country
he at present occupied, he marched towards
Periapatam, where general Abercrombie had
been ordered to wait for instructions. Un-
fortunately, the periodical rains, having set in
earlier than usual, had rendered the river
Cavery impassable, and he was under the mor-
tifying necessity of sending directions to ge-
neral Abercrombie to return to the Malabar
coast, and of conducting his own army back
to Bangalore. In his way thither, he met
the Mahrattas coming to his support, and
amounting to upwards of 30,000 men; but it
being then too late, on account of the mon-
soons, to enter upon the siege of Seringapatam,
the remainder of the year was employed in be-
sieging and taking several fortresses, which
1791.
1
268
XIV.
CHAP. gave the allies the command of all the sur-
rounding country, and in making prepara-
tions for the next campaign.
1791.
THE national assembly of France commen-
ced this year, with a decree announcing their
intention to dissolve themselves, and call
a new assembly, as soon as they should have
completed the constitution, upon which they
had of late been very busily employed, and
had already passed many of its fundamental
laws. In the mean time, fear was entertain-
ed, or at least pretended, that some attempt.
would be made at a counter-revolution, in
consequence of an army, composed of emi-
grants, under the command of the prince of
Condé, being collected on the borders of
Alsace, and of German troops being marched
into the same neighbourhood; and accord-
ingly a decree was passed for a considerable
augmentation of the army. But though great
jealousy prevailed, the comparative tranquillity
of Paris, and the utter annihilation of all sub-
stantial power in the king, had led the ruling
party to allow his majesty more personal
liberty than he enjoyed, when he was first re-
moved to Paris.
It being known, that the royal family pro-
posed to pass the Easter holidays at St. Cloud,
269
XIV.
a report was instantly spread, that the king CHAP.
was about to fly the country, and when the
royal carriages appeared before the palace on
the 18th of April, the populace assembled in
great numbers, and would not suffer them to
move. La Fayette called out the national
guards, for the purpose of enabling his ma-
jesty to proceed to St. Cloud; but the soldiers,
refusing to obey their commander, presented
their bayonets to the postilions, while the
people cut the traces. The king, at length
alighting from his carriage, returned into the
palace; and the next morning he went to the
national assembly, and stated the insult which
had been offered to him: but all interposition
on their part being declined, he was reduced to
the necessity of yielding to the will of the mob,
and relinquishing his intended excursion.
This daring and wanton outrage had the
effect of considerably increasing emigration;
and it probably determined the king to with-
draw from his capital, where he had not only
lost all authority, but was exposed to the
grossest indignity, and even to personal danger.
After weighing and reflecting upon a variety
of plans and proposals, it was at length settled,
that his majesty should go to Montmedi*,
* Montmedi was 27 miles from Luxemburg, and 135
north east from Paris.
1791.
270
1791.
CHAP. a fortified town upon the frontiers, with
XIV. a view of collecting there the real friends
of rational liberty and mixed monarchy,
and of making one effort to rescue the coun-
try from its present calamitous situation, and
to avert the still greater evils with which
it was threatened. Arrangements being made
for this journey, the king set out privately in
the night of the 20th of June, with the queen
and his two children; but being recognized
at Varennes, only a few leagues from the
place of their destination, they were stopped
and compelled to return to Paris, under an
escort of the national guards. The king and
queen were confined in separate apartments
of the Thuilleries; and the dauphin was
placed under the care of tutors, appointed
by the national assembly, who were to edu-
cate him in what were called constitutional
principles.
From the unfortunate failure of this at-
tempt, the enemies of the king derived great
accession of strength, and now proceeded in
forming the constitutional code, with scarcely
any opposition. The loyal members, how-
ever, of the national assembly issued a decla-
ration, in which they apologized for their
acquiescence in measures which they totally
disapproved, and lamented the afflicting spec-
271
XIV.
tacle which they had the misfortune to witness. CHA P.
After pronouncing the treatment of the king
and the royal family, who had, they said, been
conducted to Paris as prisoners, and were
there guarded by soldiers not under the king's
command, to be in direct contradiction to
laws recently passed, they asked, "Amidst
these outrages, what has become of the mo-
narchy? The decrees of the national assembly
have centered in themselves all the royal
power; the seal of the state has been deposited
upon their table; their decrees are rendered
valid, without requiring any farther sanction;
they give direct orders to all the agents of
the executive power; they impose in their
own name, oaths, in which Frenchmen do
not find even the name of their king; com-
missioners, who have received their authority
from them alone, traverse the provinces in
order to exact oaths and give directions to the
army: thus, at the moment the inviolability
of the king was annulled, monarchy was des-
troyed; the appearance of royalty no longer
exists; a republican interim has succeeded."
This declaration was signed by 290 members
of the national assembly, and contained a just
description of the degraded state to which the
king was reduced.
The constitutional code was completed early
1791.
272
XIV.
M
CHAP. in September; and while the king was actu-
ally deprived of personal liberty, the monarchy
was nominally retained, the ruling party not
thinking it expedient at present to get rid of
all the forms of kingly government. The au-
thority given to the king by the new consti-
tution, even if he had been suffered to exercise
it without restraint, would have been utterly
inadequate to the government of the extensive
and populous country of France; and its
other defects and absurdities were numerous
and palpable in the extreme. His majesty,
however, had no alternative, but to accept
this code; and his acceptance of it was an-
nounced to all the courts of Europe.
The assembly, which is generally distin-
guished by the name of the constituent assem-
bly, was dissolved on the 30th of September,
having previously ordered, without the con-
sent of the king, another assembly to be
elected according to the provisions of their
constitutional code.
1791.
THE language of Mr. Fox, and his party in
parliament, encouraged the members of the
political societies and clubs in London, and
different parts of the kingdom, which had
considerably increased in number, to avow,
without any reserve, their admiration of the
273
XIV.
1791.
French revolution, and to give strong inti- CHAP.
mations of their principles and wishes with
respect to their own country, the government
of which they represented as standing in need
of a radical reform. They entered into a close
correspondence with the Jacobin clubs in
France; and there seems to have been a mu-
tual communication of sentiments and advice,
for the purpose of promoting their respective
views. "We assure you," say the French
Jacobins, in a letter to their friends in England,
dated July 30th, 1791, "that we have ex-
amined with care, the various objects, which
your preceding letters confided to our solici-
tude, and that we have followed your sug-
gestions in the different committees of the
national assembly." Upon the king's flight
from his capital, the Jacobins in Paris ad-
dressed a circular letter to all the societies
affiliated to them, a copy of which was not
only sent to the Revolution society in London,
but openly published in our newspapers, as
received by them. Besides this Revolution
society, there was the Constitutional society,
which equally favored the French revolution,
the principal members of both being dissen-
ters from the church of England; and there
was also a third, called the Unitarian society,
consisting entirely, as its name implied, of
VOL. III.
T
274
XIV.
1791.
CHAP. dissenters, the proceedings of which were bý
no means confined to religious subjects. At
a meeting of this last society, in the beginning
of the present year, at which Dr. Priestley
presided, Dr. Kippis, after pronouncing a high
panegyrick upon the French revolution, as
66
an event calculated to ameliorate the con-
dition of men over all the earth," proposed to
commemorate, by convivial meetings, the an-
niversary of the destruction of the Bastile, on
the following 14th of July. This proposition,
being seconded by Dr. Towers*, in a speech
containing the saine sentiments, was unani-
mously adopted.
Dr. Priestley intended to celebrate this fes-
tival at Birmingham, the place of his accus-
tomed residence, where the strong language,
in which he had lately avowed his political
and religious sentiments, had rendered him
extremely unpopular. His discourse, de-
livered to the supporters of the New College
at Hackney†, on the 27th of April, seemed
to have been composed under the full im-
pression, that a great revolution was approach-
ing both in church and state; and that the
* Dr. Priestley, Dr. Kippis, and Dr. Towers were dissent-
ing ministers.
+ Instituted for the education of dissenters, principally
those designed for the ministry.
275
XIV.
institution at Hackney would shortly become CHAP.
instrumental to the advancement and perfec-
tion of civil and religious liberty. In his
funeral sermon on Dr. Price, he boasted of
the interest which his deceased friend had
taken in the events of the French revolution;
and compared his death to that of " a warrior
dying in the moment of victory." Another
work of his, professedly political, published
at the beginning of the same year, contained
many passages still more explicit: he praised
the Americans as having set a glorious ex-
ample to France, and to the whole world, in
forming "a completely new government on
the principles of equal liberty, and the rights
of man-without nobles-without bishops-
and without a king." This country he de-
clared to be hastening with an accelerated
motion towards a great crisis, similar to that
which had occasioned the French revolution ;
and if it should be as much benefited by the
result, as France, in his opinion, was likely
to be, he did not scruple to pronounce,
"that great crisis, dreadful as it might be
in prospect, a consummation devoutly to be
-wished."
A few days before the 14th of July, the
following hand-bill was circulated in the town
of Birmingham:
1791.
-
T 2
276
CHAP.
XIV.
1791.
62
My countrymen,
1
"The second year of Gallic liberty is nearly
expired. At the commencement of the third,
on the 14th of this month, it is devoutly to be
wished, that every enemy to civil and religious
despotism would give their sanction to the
common cause, by a public celebration of the
anniversary. Remember, that on the 14th of
July, the Bastile, that high altar and castle of
despotism, fell; remember the enthusiasm,
peculiar to the cause of liberty, with which it
was attacked; remember that generous hu-
manity, that taught the oppressed, groaning
under the weight of insulted rights, to spare
the lives of oppressors. Extinguish the mean
prejudices of nations, and let your members be
collected and sent as a free-will offering to the
national assembly. But is it possible to for-
get, that your own parliament is venal, your
ministers hypocritical, your clergy legal op-
pressors, the reigning family extravagant, the
crown of a certain great personage becoming
every day too weighty for the head that wears
it, too weighty for the people that gave it.
Your taxes partial and oppressive-your re-
presentation a cruel insult upon the sacred
rights of property, religion, and freedom.
But, on the 14th of this month, prove to the
277
XIV.
1791.
sycophants of the day, that you reverence the CHAP.
olive branch, that you will sacrifice to public
tranquillity, till the majority shall exclaim,
"The peace of slavery is worse than the war
of freedom: of that day let tyrants beware."
***
This hand bill caused so great a ferment
among the inhabitants, who were in general
firmly attached to the constitution in church
and state, that the idea of the celebration was
at first relinquished; but unfortunately, the
original design was afterwards revived, and
a determination formed to hold the meeting,
whatever might be the consequence.
On the appointed day crowds of people sur-
rounded the door of the hotel where the din-
ner was prepared, aud the company entered
amidst hisses and other marks of disapproba-
tion. Towards evening the tumult increased,
and the meeting broke up at an early hour.
Soon after, the populace demolished the win-
dows of the hotel; and proceeded from one
outrage to another, destroyed two meeting
houses, and the dwelling house of Dr. Priestley,
* As soon as an inquiry was set on foot to discover the
author of this hand-bill, with a view to his being prosecuted,
a dissenting minister, who had long resided at Birmingham,
and on whom suspicion had fallen, suddenly disappeared,
went abroad, and was never more heard of in this country.
4
T. 3
278
CHAP. and of several other persons, both in the town
XIV. and neighborhood, who were known to be
1792. friendly to the principles of the French revo-
lution. The exertions of the civil magistrates
to disperse or check the rioters, were entirely
fruitless; and these unwarrantable excesses
continued at intervals from the Thursday to
the Sunday evening, when three troops of
horse soldiers arrived, and tranquillity was at
length restored. Some of the ringleaders were
apprehended and tried, three of whom suffered
death; and the losses of individuals, according
to the wise provision of our laws, were made
good by the hundred in which the buildings
were situated*.
PARLIAMENT met on the 31st of January
1792, and the king in his speech from the
throne, after mentioning the marriage of the
duke of York with the princess royal of Prus-
sia, and the pacification effected in the north of
Europe, through the mediation of himself and
his allies, informed the two houses, that though
the war in India was not terminated, the suc-
* Dr. Priestley laid his damages at 4,1227. 11 s. 9d.;
but the sum awarded him by the jury, was only 2,502 l. 18s.
The deductions were on account of MSS. of his own compo-
sition, which he valued at 420 l. 15s. for which the jury
would allow nothing, and of a philosophical apparatus,
which he valued much higher than the jury thought right.
279
XIV.
cess, which had already attended the British CHAP.
arms, afforded reasonable ground to hope, that
it might speedily be brought to an honorable
conclusion. His majesty next remarked, that
as the general state of affairs upon the conti-
nent appeared to promise a continuance of
the present tranquillity, some reduction, he
conceived, might be made in the naval and
military establishments, which, with the pro-
gressive increase of the revenue, might enable
parliament to repeal a part of the existing
taxes, and at the same time give additional
efficacy to the plan for the liquidation of the
national debt. With a view to the same im-
portant object, he recommended also the
adoption of such measures as the state of the
funds, and of public credit, might render
practicable and expedient, towards the dimi
nution of the interest of the redeemable
annuities; and at the end of his speech, he
observed, that the continued and progressive
improvement in the internal situation of the
country, must confirm and increase the steady
and zealous attachment of his subjects to that
constitution, which had been found, by long
experience, to unite the inestimable blessings
of liberty and order; and to which, under the
favor of Providence, all our other advantages
were principally to be ascribed.
1792.
T 4
280
CHAP.
XIV.
1792.
To the usual address of thanks, in which all
the different topics of the speech were noticed,
an amendment was moved, the purport of
which was, to omit that part of it which con-
gratulated his majesty upon the successes in
India, "under the able conduct of lord Corn-
wallis," and to substitute a paragraph, expres-
sive of regret, that the prospect of a speedy
termination of the war, held out by his majesty,
in his speech at the opening of the last session
of parliament, had not been realized. In
support of this amendment, it was urged, that
no advantage had been gained in India, which
would warrant the congratulations contained
in the address; and that lord Cornwallis,
having failed in the main object of the cam-
paign, the capture of Seringapatam, could not
be considered a fit object of commendation.
But, on the other hand, it was contended, that
since the commencement of hostilities, we had
detached from Tippoo all the powers of the
Malabar coast, whose assistance had been so
useful to Hyder Ally in his wars with the
English; that we had formed a confederacy
with the nizam and the Mahrattas; that we
had gained several important victories; and
that the enemy, having lost all the other
considerable places in his dominions, was con-
fined to a narrow district round his capital; all
281
XIV.
which circumstances constituted a fair ground CHAP.
for congratulation, and proved, that the war
had been conducted with ability; particularly,
as nothing but casualties, which no human
foresight could have guarded against, had pre-
vented the capture of Seringapatam.
Strictures were also made by Mr. Grey and
Mr. Fox, upon the suggestion from his majesty,
that it might be proper to relieve the country
from the burden of some of the existing taxes.
To originate taxes, and to originate the repeal
of taxes, they stated to be the exclusive rights
of the house of commons; and any encroach-
ment upon either of those rights was, in fact,
a breach of privilege. Could it be reasonably
supposed, they asked, that the constitution had
conferred upon the representatives of the peo-
ple, the unthankful office of imposing taxes,
and of enacting severe laws to give them
efficacy, while it invested the crown with
the popular prerogative of proposing their
repeal.
❤
Mr. Pitt admitted, that the right of ori-
ginating, as well as the right of repealing,
taxes, undoubtedly belonged to the house of
commons: nevertheless, he maintained, that,
as the demand, which occasioned taxes, and
the recommendation of measures which re-
quired money to support them, came from the
1792.
282
XIV.
1792.
CHAP. crown, his majesty, in stating the improved
condition of the revenue, might constitutionally
express his hope, that so fortunate a circum-
stance would enable the house to lighten the
burdens, which the exigency of the times had
previously induced it to impose *. Had the
speech specified the particular taxes, which
might be repealed, or even mentioned the
precise sum by which the national income
might be diminished, Mr. Pitt acknowledged,
that there would have been reasonable cause
for jealousy; but his majesty had only, in the
most general and unexceptionable terms, called
the attention of the house to the practicability,
in the present state of this country, and of
Europe, of relieving his people, in some de-
gree, from the pressure under which they at
present labored.
The amendment was negatived by a ma-
jority of 209 to 85; and the address
passed.
•
* In a subsequent debate this session, Mr. Rose ob-
served, that, except the reduction of the land-tax, there
were only two instances of a repeal of taxes in the present
century, without substituting others in their room, both of
which had been more directly and pointedly recommended
from the throne than the present. In fact, the land-tax
could not be said to be repealed, as it was voted annually,
though the amount formerly varied from one to four
shillings in the pound, according to the exigencies of the
country.
283
XIV.
1792.
THE first business brought forward by Mr. CHAP.
Pitt, in this session, was the budget; upon
which occasion, he not only described, fully
and minutely, the present flourishing condi-
tion of the revenue, trade, and manufactures
of the kingdom, but entered also into a pro-
found and able investigation of the causes
which had produced those beneficial effects.
After a few introductory observations upon
the welcome intelligence announced in his
majesty's speech, relative to the improvement
in the public finances, he informed the house,
that the income of the country, in the last year,
had amounted to 16,730,000l., which exceeded
the income of the year preceding, by 300,000l.,
and the average of the last four years by
more than half a million. There having been
a constantly progressive increase in the income
of the country for the last four years, he con-
sidered himself fully justified, in considering
the average of those years, namely, 16,212,000 7.
as the future annual produce of the revenue,
and in founding his calculations and measures
upon that supposition. Allowing for the ne-
cessary alterations in certain respects, which
he specified, since he last addressed the
house upon this subject, he estimated the fu-
ture annual expenditure of the country, at
لند
284
XIV.
CHAP. 15,811,000l. which was 401,000 7. less than
its annual income. There being that dispose-
1792. able surplus of income, he proposed to add
200,000l. a year to the sinking fund, and to
take off taxes to the same amount, selecting
such as would afford the most extensive relief
to the public, especially to the poorest and
most industrious classes of the community.
The sum remaining in the exchequer unappro-
priated, enabled him farther to propose, that
in the present year, 400,000l., in addition to
the annual million, should be applied to the
reduction of the national debt, and 100,000 7.
towards the expences of the Spanish armament,
by which means the additional tax upon malt,
imposed last year, might be immediately re-
pealed. The other taxes which he proposed.
to repeal, were those upon female servants,
carts and waggons, houses having less than
seven windows, and the last half-penny per
pound upon candles. He enumerated the
various articles of the supply of the current
year, which amounted to 5,654,000l.; and of
the ways and means, which amounted to
5,691,000 7. leaving an excess of 37,000 7. in
favor of the ways and means. The loyalist
debentures were not included in the sup-
ply, or the profits of the lottery in the
ways and means, because the latter were to
285
be applied towards the discharge of the
former; and he thought that the whole of
these debentures would be liquidated in the
four succeeding years; after which, the pro-
fits of the lottery, being about 300,000l. a year,
might, with the consent of parliament, be
equally divided between the sinking fund and
the repeal of taxes. He held out a most en-
couraging prospect of still farther relief, from
the repeal of taxes in future years; and though
he was aware of the many contingencies, which
might, by disturbing the public tranquillity,
and interrupting the present prosperity of the
nation, prevent any measure of that kind,
there never was a time, he said, in the history
of this country, when, from the situation of
Europe, we might more reasonably expect fif
teen years of peace, than at the present mo-
ment. He went through a variety of calcu-
lations respecting the operation of the sinking
fund, which he expected would reach its
maximum of four millions in 1808; and he
intimated his intention of submitting to the
house, on a subsequent day, a plan relative to
future loans, in case of war. He then pointed
out the gradual and uniform increase which
had taken place in all the principal branches
of the revenue, and likewise in the exports
and imports; and after this most satisfactory
CHAP.
XIV.
1792.
286
XIV.
CHAP. detail, which, from a singular perspicuity of
arrangement and language, was intelligible to
all who heard it, he proceeded in the follow-
ing manner:
“Having stated the increase of revenue, and
shewn that it has been accompanied by a pro-
portionate increase of the national wealth,
commerce, and manufactures, I feel that it is
natural to ask, what have been the peculiar
circumstances to which these effects are to be
ascribed?
1792.
"The first and most obvious answer, which
every man's mind will suggest to this question,
is, that it arises from the natural industry and
energy of the country: But what is it which
has enabled that industry and energy to act
with a vigor, so far beyond the example of
former periods? The improvement which has
been made in the mode of carrying on almost
every branch of manufacture, and the degree
to which labor has been abridged, by the in-
vention and application of machinery, have,
undoubtedly, had a considerable share in pro-
ducing such important effects. We have be-
sides seen, during this period, more than at
any former time, the effect of one circum-
stance which has principally tended to raise
this country to its mercantile pre-eminence.
I mean that peculiar degree of credit which,
+
287
XIV.
by a two-fold operation, at once gives addi- CHAP.
tional facility and extent to the transactions of
our merchants at home, and enables them to
obtain a proportional superiority in markets
abroad. This advantage has been most con-
spicuous during the latter part of the period to
which I have referred; and it is constantly
increasing, in proportion to the prosperity
which it contributes to create.
"In addition to all this, the exploring and
enterprizing spirit of our merchants has been
seen in the extension of our navigation and
our fisheries, and the acquisition of new mar-
kets in different parts of the world; and, un-
doubtedly, those efforts have been not a little
assisted by the additional intercourse with
France, in consequence of the commercial
treaty; an intercourse, which, though probably
checked and abated by the distractions now
prevailing in that kingdom, has furnished
a great additional incitement to industry and
exertion.
"But there is still another cause, even more
satisfactory than these, because it is of a still
more extensive and permanent nature; that
constant accumulation of capital, that con-
tinual tendency to increase, the operation of
which is universally seen in a greater or less
proportion, whenever it is not obstructed by
1792.
288
CHAP. Some public calamity, or by some mistaken
XIV. and mischievous policy, but which must be
1792. conspicuous and rapid indeed in any country,
which has once arrived at an advanced state
of commercial prosperity. Simple and obvious
as this principle is, and felt and observed as
it must have been in a greater or less degree,
even from the earliest periods, I doubt whether
it has ever been fully developed and suffi-
ciently explained, except in the writings of an
author of our own times, now unfortunately
no more, (I mean the author of a celebrated
treatise on the Wealth of Nations) whose ex-
tensive knowledge of detail, and depth of
philosophical research, will, I believe, furnish
the best solution to every question connected
with the history of commerce, or with the
systems of political economy. This accumu-
lation of capital arises from the continual ap-
plication of a part, at least, of the profit ob-
tained in each year, to increase the total
amount of capital, to be employed in a similar
manner, and with continued profit, in the year
following. The great mass of the property
of the nation is thus constantly increasing at
compound interest; the progress of which, in
any considerable period, is what, at first view,
would appear incredible. Great as have been
the effects of this cause already, they must be
289
XIV.
greater in future; for its powers are aug- CHAP.
mented in proportion as they are exerted. It
acts with a velocity, continually accelerated,
with a force continually increased.
Mobilitate viget, viresque acquirit eundo.
It may, indeed, as we have ourselves ex-
perienced, be checked or retarded by parti-
cular circumstances-it may for a time be
interrupted, or even overpowered; but, where
there is a fund of productive labor and active
industry, it can never be totally extinguished.
In the season of the severest calamity and
distress, its operations will still counteract and
diminish their effects; in the first returning
interval of prosperity, it will be active to re-
pair them. If we look to a period like the
present, of continued tranquillity, the diffi-
culty will be to imagine limits to its operation.
None can be found, while there exists at home
any one object of skill or industry short of its
utmost possible perfection; one spot of ground
in the country capable of higher cultivation
and improvement; or while there remains
abroad any new market that can be explored,
or any existing market. that can be extended.
From the intercourse of commerce, it will in
some measure participate in the growth of
other nations, in all the possible varieties of
VOL. III.
U
1792.
290
XIV.
CHAP. their situations. The rude wants of countries
emerging from barbarism, and the artificial
and increasing demands of luxury and refine-
ment, will equally open new sources of trea-
sure, and new fields of exertion in every state
of society, and in the remotest quarters of
the globe. It is this principle, which, I be-
lieve, according to the uniform result of his-
tory and experience, maintains on the whole,
in spite of the vicissitudes of fortune, and the
disasters of empires, a continued course of
successive improvement in the general order
of the world.
1792.
"Such are the circumstances which appear
to me to have contributed most immediately
to our present prosperity. But these are
again connected with others yet more im-
portant.
66
They are obviously and necessarily con-
nected with the duration of peace, the con-
tinuance of which, on a secure and permanent
footing, must ever be the first object of the
foreign policy of this country. They are con-
nected still more with its internal tranquillity,
and with the natural effects of a free, but well
regulated, government. What is it which has
produced in the last hundred years, so rapid
an advance, beyond what can be traced in any
other period of our history? What but that,
291
XIV.
1792.
during that time, under the mild and just CHAP.
government of the illustrious princes of the
family now on the throne, a general calm has
prevailed through the country, beyond what
was ever before experienced; and we have
also enjoyed, in greater purity and perfection,
the benefit of those original principles of our
constitution, which were ascertained and es-
tablished by the memorable events that closed
the century preceding? This is the great and
governing cause, the operation of which has
given scope to all the other circumstances
which I have enumerated.
"It is this union of liberty with law, which,
by raising a barrier equally firm against the
encroachments of power, and the violence of
popular commotion, affords to property its just
security, produces the exertion of genius and
labor, the extent and solidity of credit, the
circulation and increase of capital, which
forms and upholds the national character, and
sets in motion all the springs which actuate
the great mass of the community through all
its various descriptions.
"The laborious industry of those useful and
extensive classes (who will, I trust, be in
a peculiar degree this day the object of the
consideration of the house) the peasantry and
yeomanry of the country; the skill and inge-
U 2
292
XIV.
CHAP. nuity of the artificer; the experiments and
improvements of the wealthy proprietor of
1792. land; the bold speculations and successful
adventures of the opulent merchant and en-
terprising manufacturer; these are all to be
traced to the same source, and all derive from
hence both their encouragement and their
reward. On this point, therefore, let us prin-
cipally fix our attention; let us preserve this
first and most essential object, and every other
is in our power! Let us remember, that the
love of the constitution, though it acts as a sort
of natural instinct in the hearts of English-
men, is strengthened by reason and reflection,
and every day confirmed by experience; that
it is a constitution which we do not merely
admire from traditional reverence, which we
do not flatter from prejudice or habit, but
which we cherish and value, because we know
that it practically secures the tranquillity and
welfare both of individuals and of the public,
and provides, beyond any other frame of
government which has ever existed, for the
real and useful ends, which form at once the
only true foundation, and only rational object,
of all political societies.
"I have now nearly closed all the consider-
ations which I think it necessary to offer to the
committee. I have endeavored to give a dis-
293
XIV.
tinct view of the surplus arising on the com- CHAP.
parison of the permanent income (computed
on the average which I have stated) with what
may be expected to be the permanent expen-
diture in time of peace; and I have also stated
the comparison of the supply, and of the ways
and means of this particular year. I have
pointed out the leading and principal articles
of revenue, in which the augmentation has
taken place, and the corresponding increase
in the trade and manufactures of the country;
and finally, I have attempted to trace these
effects to their causes, and to explain the
principles which appear to account for the
striking and favorable change in our general
situation. From the result of the whole,
I trust, I am entitled to conclude, that the
scene, which we are now contemplating, is
not the transient effect of accident, not the
short-lived prosperity of a day, but the genu-
ine and natural result of regular and perma-
nent causes. The season of our severe trial is
at an end, and we are at length relieved, not
only from the dejection and gloom, which,
a few years since, hung over the country, but
from the doubt and uncertainty, which, even
for a considerable time after our prospect had
begun to brighten, still mingled with the hopes
and expectations of the public. We may yet,
1792.
U 3
294
XIV.
1792.
CHAP. indeed, be subject to those fluctuations which
often happen in the affairs of a great nation,
and which it is impossible to calculate or fore-
see; but as far as there can be any reliance on
human speculations, we have the best ground,
from the experience of the past, to look with
satisfaction to the present, and with confidence
to the future: nunc demum redit animus,
cum non spem modo ac votum securitas
publica, sed ipsius voti fiduciam et robur as-
sumpserit. This is a state not of hope only,
but of attainment; not barely the encouraging
prospect of future advantage, but the solid and
immediate benefit of present and actual pos-
6
session.
"On this situation and this prospect, for-
tunate beyond our most sanguine expectations,
let me congratulate you, and the house, and
my country! And before I conclude, let me
express my earnest wish, my anxious and fer-
vent prayer, that now in this period of our
success, for the sake of the present age and of
posterity, there may be no intermission in
that vigilant attention of parliament to every
object connected with the revenue, the re-
sources, and the credit of the state, which has
carried us through all our difficulties, and led
to this rapid and wonderful improvement; that
still keeping pace with the exertions of the
295
XIV.
legislature, the genius and spirit, the loyalty CHAP.
and public virtue of a great and free people,
may long deserve and (under the favor of 1792.
Providence) may insure the continuance of
this unexampled prosperity; and that Great
Britain may thus remain for ages, in the pos
session of these distinguished advantages,
under the protection and safeguard of that
constitution to which (as we have been truly
told from the throne) they are principally to
be ascribed; and which is indeed the great
source, and the best security, of all that can
be dear and valuable to a nation.”
Mr. Pitt concluded, by moving his first
resolution, for the repeal of the last additional
tax upon malt.
Mr. Sheridan noticed the impression made
upon the house, by this brilliant and interest-
ing speech; and Mr. Fox paid a high compli-
ment, both to the eloquence of Mr. Pitt, and
to the philosophical principles of commerce
and political government, upon which he had
argued. Mr. Pitt, he said, had enumerated
the causes of national prosperity, with truth
and splendor; he subscribed to his statement
most cordially; and if he did not himself go
over the same ground, it was because he had
nothing to add to what had been already said,
nor could he hope to express it better: he
U 4
296
XIV.
CHAF. begged to be understood, that these observa-
tions were applicable to the prosperity of the
1792. country, not merely to the prosperity of the
revenue.
Mr. Sheridan, however, denied, that the
state of the revenue would warrant a repeal of
taxes, and promised to move, on a future day,
for the appointment of a committee to inquire
into the real amount of the public income and
expenditure*. At present, he contented him-
self with asserting, that a repeal of taxes would,
under any circumstances, be an infringement
of the principle of redemption, which required
the whole surplus, whether large or small, to
be applied to that purpose. He thought also,
that the unfunded debt ought to be discharged
before any part of the funded debt was liqui-
dated.
Mr. Pitt replied, that the house was not
pledged to apply the whole of the surplus of
the revenue, whatever it might be, to the
redemption of the national debt; nor had he
ever declared or entertained any intention of
recommending a measure of that sort. He
persevered in affirming, that even upon the
disadvantageous principle of taking the average
•
* Mr. Sheridan never performed this promise; from
whence we may infer, that he despaired of invalidating any
part of Mr-Pitt's statements or conclusions.
297
XIV.
of the last four years, during which the income CHAP.
of the country had uniformly increased, there
was a surplus sufficient to justify the appropri-
ation of the sum he had proposed to the
discharge of the national debt, and the repeal
of the taxes he had mentioned, which would
operate materially to the relief of the people;
and, for the proof of that assertion, he appeal-
ed to the authentic documents before the
house. He had, he said, several reasons for
preferring to pay off the funded rather than
the unfunded debt, the principal of which
was, that by so doing, he should sooner be able
to reduce the four per cents, which were then
redeemable; and afterwards to pay off as much
of the national debt, as would enable him to
redeem the five per cents, which could not be
done until 25 millions of the funded debt
were actually paid off*.
Mr. Fox candidly admitted, that the re-
duction of the four per cents would be a most
politic and proper measure. According to
the calculation he had made, the nation would
draw from it an annual benefit of upwards of
260,0007. He wished, that Mr. Pitt had ex-
plained more fully his ideas upon that subject.
A well-concerted plan should have his sup-
•
* It was under this condition that the 5 per cents were
originally established.
10
1792.
!
298
}
XIV.
1792.
CHAP. port. The rise of the funds, in his judgment,
was a great national benefit; for, though it
threw obstacles in the way of paying off the
national debt, it invigorated every branch of
our prosperity. In proportion as the funds
were high, money for every object of com-
mercial enterprize, of manufacture, of agri-
cultural improvement, of trade and industry
of all kinds, became more easily attainable.
It added, therefore, to the capital of the na-
tion; it enlarged the sphere of action; and
produced the wealth, which more than coun-
terbalanced the difference which we had to
pay in buying up the debts. If, indeed, we
considered the amount of our debt, the prin-
cipal was certainly increased by the rise of the
funds. But though the principal was clearly
more now than in the year 1786, the annuity
paid by the nation was less; and to the an-
nuity he always looked, as the true debt
which was our enemy.
All the resolutions, moved by Mr. Pitt, were
unanimously agreed to; and all the bills
founded upon them, for applying the sum of
400,000l. to the liquidation of the national
debt, and for the repeal of the taxes upon
malt, female servants, carts and waggons,
windows, and candles, as proposed by him,
passed without any opposition.
299
XIV.
1792.
It was Mr. Pitt's intention, in the early CHAP.
part of this year, to propose a reduction of
the 4 per cents to 3 per cents, and I have
found among his papers the draft of a bill for
that purpose; but, upon farther considera-
tion, he determined to defer the measure to
the next session, when he hoped to be able to
reduce them to three per cents. This change
of plan was very unfortunate; for, in conse-
quence of a series of most extraordinary and
unexpected events, it has happened, that from
that time to the present, a period of 29 years,
the state of the funds has never allowed any
reduction to take place in the four per cents,
or even in the five per cents, since they have
been redeemable.
We have seen, that Mr. Pitt, in his speech
of the 17th of February, alluded to a measure
he had in contemplation relative to future
loans; and in the following month, he intro-
duced a highly important bill upon that sub-
ject. In 1786, he had established an adequate
sinking fund for the liquidation of the then
existing national debt; but he was apprehen-
sive, that in case of a new war, of considerable
length, and consequently producing large an-
nual additions to the public debt, the sinking
fund might not operate with sufficient effect
300
CHAP.
XIV.
1792.
to prevent national bankruptcy. This tre-
mendous calamity the country had narrowly
escaped at the end of the late war; and it
was Mr. Pitt's object to guard, as far as human
foresight could reach, against a recurrence of
that danger. With this view he now proposed,
that, whenever a loan should be hereafter
made, one per cent upon the new stock thus
created, besides the dividends, should be
raised and applied by the commissioners for
the reduction of the national debt, in the
same manner, and under the same regulations,
as the original million. By this provision
every loan would be accompanied by its own
sinking fund, which would operate at com-
pound interest, and discharge the debt in 47
years, from the time it was incurred, at the
longest; that is, supposing a three per cent
fund paid off at par, and in every other case,
in a shorter period *.
The bill for this purpose passed the house
of commons, without any serious difficulty;
but in the house of lords, the principal clause
was, to the astonishment of every one, violent-
* It is scarcely possible that the whole of any debt
should be paid off at par, because the stock, when created,
is always under par, and the one per cent is applied imme-
diately. No purchase in the 3 per cents has been made at
par since the passing of this bill, or even since the establish-
ment of the sinking fund in 1786.
301
XIV.
ly reprobated by the lord chancellor (lord CHAP.
Thurlow) in the committee on the 14th of
May, although he had not previously given 1792.
the slightest intimation, either in public or
private, of his disapprobation of the bill. He
said, that such a provision would answer no
good purpose, while it exhibited a degree of
presumption and arrogance in dictating to
future parliaments, which, he trusted, their
lordships would never countenance. He ri-
diculed the idea of prescribing to ministers,
the precise mode in which they were to act
twenty or thirty years hence; and represent-
ed it as idle to suppose, that they would fol-
low the directions of the present parliament-
"none but a novice, a sycophant, a mere
reptile of a minister, would allow this act to
prevent him from doing, what, in his own
judgment, circumstances might require at the
time; and a change in the situation of the
country may render that, which is proper at
one time, inapplicable at another. In short,
the scheme is nugatory and impracticable-
the inaptness of the project is equal to the
vanity of the attempt." This opposition not
being expected, the clause was carried by
a majority of only 6, the numbers being 28
and 22. The bill, however, passed without
any other division.
302
The history of the world would scarcely
supply an instance of a political measure more
1792. truly characteristic of a great and provident
mind, than that which has been now describ-
ed; and it is the more to be admired, as Mr.
Pitt, at the moment he proposed it, declared
his decided opinion, that the state of Europe
promised a long continuance of peace to Eng-
land. Such a season of settled tranquillity he
wisely thought the fittest time for guarding
against the most formidable of all the evils of
war; and that to which this country would
have been peculiarly liable, in case of a sudden
rupture with any foreign power.
This bill may be considered as extending
the principle of the bill of 1786, which it re-
sembled in its simplicity, and in the ease and
certainty with which it might be carried into
execution. Notwithstanding lord Thurlow's
prediction, it has in fact been invariably ad-
hered to in all the numerous and heavy loans,
and under the greatest pressure of pecuniary
embarrassment, during the whole of the revo-
lutionary war. These two bills together form
a complete practical system for the extinction
of national debts, both present and future;
and have enabled us to support an accumula-
tion of burdens, unexampled in any other
country, ancient or modern. To their joint
CHAP.
XIV.
303
XIV.
operation we owe the means of bringing the CHAP.
protracted and formidable struggle, in which
we have been lately engaged, to so glorious 1792.
a termination-to them we are indebted for
our very existence as an independent king-
dom. Nor is this all; our resources, thus
upholden and protected, have afforded assis-
tance to other nations, and essentially con-
tributed to save them also from ruin and
slavery;-but it would be impossible to point
out all the beneficial consequences of this
system of finance, without anticipating the
events of a subsequent period.
It has been observed, that, in the debates
of the last session, Mr. Pitt did not feel him-
self at liberty to state the particular points,
which had induced his majesty's ministers to
advise an augmentation of the naval force of
the kingdom; but the negotiations at Peters-
burgh being now brought to a conclusion,
he presented to the house such documents,
as he thought sufficient to convey a complete
knowledge of the whole transaction. The
members of opposition, however, aware that
Mr. Pitt had not, on this occasion, been fa-
vored with that general approbation, either of
the people or of parliament, which had attend-
ed most of the measures of his administra-
•
j
304
CHAP. tion, determined to bring the subject again
XIV. under the discussion of the house of com-
1792. mons; and, if possible, to obtain a vote of
censure upon his conduct. As a preparatory
step, Mr. Grey complained, that the papers
laid upon the table, did not contain all the
information which the house had a right to
expect, and that Mr. Pitt had kept back such
parts of the correspondence as would tend to
criminate himself: he therefore moved five
several addresses to the king, requesting that
his majesty would be pleased to communicate
to the house, copies of the whole correspon-
dence, of every description, in which this
country had been engaged, with Russia, the
Porte, Prussia, Spain, and Denmark, relative
to the termination of the war between the first
two of those powers.
Mr. Pitt objected to the farther production
of papers, upon the same principle on which
he had resisted a similar motion in the case of
the Spanish armament; contending, that the
papers, already upon the table, would enable
the house to form a judgment upon the con-
duct of administration. It fully appeared
from them, he said, what it was that the em-
press had originally demanded, what it was
that the British government endeavored to
secure, and what were in fact the terms of
305
XIV.
pacification ultimately agreed upon. Better CHAP.
terms, he affirmed, might have been obtained,
had it not been for certain circumstances of 1792.
notoriety, hostile to the political interests of
the country, and which might perhaps give
rise to a more serious discussion at another
time. He did not profess to communicate to
the house, the whole of the negotiation-such
a communication would be highly improper.
Every thing which ought to be disclosed, was
disclosed; and those parts only were reserv-
ed, which could not, in justice to foreign
kingdoms, be revealed, or which, if known,
would endanger the situation of our public
alliances. A compliance with the present
motions, would be fatal to all attempts to
carry on any negotiation with other states in
future. He maintained, that the refusal of
unnecessary papers was perfectly consistent
with the principles of our constitution; and
that, without a reasonable share of confidence
in ministers, the functions of executive
government could not be discharged, or the
relations of continental connexions be sup-
ported with advantage to the country. The
first motion was rejected by a majority of
235 to 120, and the others were negatived
without a division.
On the 29th of February, Mr. Whitbread
VOL. III.
X
306
1792.
CHAP. brought forward three motions, the first of
XIV. which asserted, that Oczakow and its district
were not of sufficient importance to justify any
hostile interference on the part of Great
Britain between Russia and the Porte; the
second, that this interference had been wholly
unsuccessful; and the third, that his majesty's
ministers, in endeavoring to compel the em-
press of Russia to abandon her claim to Oc-
zakow and its district, had been guilty of gross
misconduct. These motions gave rise to a de-
bate, which lasted, by adjournment, two days,
on the latter of which Mr. Fox exerted all
the force of his great talents to persuade the
house to accede to the proposed censure of
administration.
Mr. Pitt, after paying a just compliment to
the splendid eloquence of Mr. Fox, observed,
that his speech had been directed to the pas-
sions and imaginations of his hearers, rather
than to their judgment; and therefore he
desired to submit to the house, a plain and
simple statement of the grounds upon which
he had acted respecting the Russian arma-
ment. The measure, he said, was founded
upon the principle of preserving the balance
of power in Europe, a principle so obviously
wise and necessary, that the gentlemen on the
opposite side could not but admit it in theory,
•
307
XIV.
although they denied it in practice. He was CHAF.
fully convinced, that the interest and honor
of this country required the most vigilant
attention to the political situation of the con-
tinental powers, lest the predominance of any
one should destroy that equipoise, which was
allowed to be essential to the safety of the
whole. From the time of William the third
to the present period, the Ottomans had
always been considered as powerful allies and
formidable enemies; and it was evident,
that the ruin or depression of the Turkish
empire must materially affect the balance of
power. This was a doctrine strenuously
maintained by Montesquieu, and all the best
political writers. It was well known, that the
object of the Russians had long been to ac-
quire exclusive sovereignty in the Black Sea;
and were they entirely to expel the Turks
from thence, by gaining possession of all its
ports, and of the whole of the surrounding
country, a new naval power would arise,
dangerous to all Europe, and particularly to
Great Britain, whose safety and prosperity
depended upon the superiority of her fleets.
It was surely, therefore, of importance to en-
deavor to check the rapid progress of the
empress against the Porte, and to induce her
to desist from her schemes of dismembering
1792,
:
X 2
308
XIV.
.1792.
CHAP. the Turkish dominions. He acknowledged,
that Oczakow was, as to its population and its
commerce, of no great consequence; but as
a fortress commanding the navigation of the
Niester, and as a point to be gained by the
empress in her system of ambition, it was of
considerable value. It was an object of a
certain degree of importance; it was worth
some risques, but not all; and he conceived,
that he had equally done his duty in first
attempting to secure this object to Turkey;
and in afterwards advising the relinquishment
of it, when it became manifest, that it could
only be obtained at too high a price. It
might, however, have been secured by the
means which were used, had it not been for
the division and opposition excited in this
kingdom, and for the other proceeding to
which he had on a former occasion alluded.
Mr. Fox might therefore triumph in his suc-
cess, but it was a triumph over the friends and
the counsels of his country.
The first motion was negatived, and the
second disposed of by means of the pre-
vious question, both without a division. The
third was rejected by a majority of 244 to
116.
The transaction referred to by Mr. Pitt in
this and in the former debate, respecting the
309
negotiations at Petersburgh, was never made
the subject of formal inquiry, or of actual dis-
cussion in parliament; but it was of so re-
markable a nature, and shews so strongly to
what length Mr. Fox carried his party prin-
ciples, that I shall transcribe Mr. Burke's ac-
count of it, the accuracy of which I find
attested by authentic documents among Mr.
Pitt's papers. It is to be presumed, that
Mr. Fox would never have had recourse to
such a measure, if he had not entertained a
confident hope, that, having already succeeded
in rendering the Russian armament unpopular,
he should overset Mr. Pitt's administration,
provided the empress could be prevailed upon
to persevere in her demand: that point he
accomplished without any difficulty, but the
consequence did not prove what he expected;
he defeated Mr. Pitt's plan, without gaining
the main object he had himself in view; he
brought a certain degree of discredit and
danger upon his country, by effecting the ag-
grandizement of an unfriendly and powerful
court, while his own personal ambition re-
mained ungratified.
The following is the first of Mr. Burke's
"observations on the conduct of the mino-
rity," published in 1793:-" The laws and
constitution of the kingdom intrust the sole
XIV.
1792.
x 3
310
XIV.
CHAP. and exclusive right, of treating with foreign
potentates, to the king. This is an undisputed
part of the legal prerogative of the crown.
However, notwithstanding this, Mr. Fox,
without the knowledge or participation of any
one person in the house of commons, with
whom he was bound by every party principle,
in matters of delicacy and importance, confi-
dentially to communicate, thought proper to
send Mr. Adair, as his representative, and
with his cypher, to St. Petersburgh, there to
frustrate the objects for which the minister
from the crown was authorized to treat. He
succeeded in this design, and did actually
frustrate the king's minister in some of the
objects of his negotiation.
1792.
"This proceeding of Mr. Fox does not, as
I conceive, amount to absolute high treason,
Russia, though on bad terms, not having been
then declaredly at war with this kingdom.
But such a proceeding is, in law, not very
remote from that offence, and is undoubtedly
a most unconstitutional act, and an high trea-
sonable misdemeanor.
"The legitimate and true mode of commu-
nication between this nation and foreign
powers, is rendered uncertain, precarious, and
treacherous, by being divided into two
channels, one with the government, one with
1
311
XIV
the head of a party in opposition to that CHAP.
government; by which means the foreign
powers can never be assured of the real
authority or validity of any public transaction
whatsoever.
1792.
"On the other hand, the advantage taken
of the discontent, which at that time prevailed
in parliament and in the nation, to give to an
individual an influence directly against the
government of his country, in a foreign court,
has made a highway into England, for the in-
trigues of foreign courts in our affairs. This
is a sore evil; an evil, from which, before this
time, England was more free than any other
nation. Nothing can preserve us from that
evil, which connects cabinet factions abroad
with popular factions here, but the keeping
sacred the crown, as the only channel of com-
munication with every other nation.
"This proceeding of Mr. Fox has given
a strong countenance and an encouraging ex-
ample to the doctrines and practices of the
revolution and constitutional societies, and of
other mischievous societies of that description,
who, without any legal authority, and even
without any corporate capacity, are in the
habit of proposing, and, to the best of their
power, of forming leagues and alliances with
France.
X 4
312
CHAP.
XIV.
1792.
"This proceeding, which ought to be re-
probated on all the general principles of go-
vernment, is, in a more narrow view of things,
not less reprehensible. It tends to the pre-
judice of the whole of the duke of Portland's
late party, by discrediting the principles upon
which they supported Mr. Fox in the Russian
business, as if they of that party also had pro-
ceeded in their parliamentary opposition, on
the same mischievous principles, which actu-
ated Mr. Fox in sending Mr. Adair on his
embassy."
I am not aware that any attempt was ever
made by Mr. Fox or his friends, to controvert
these facts, or to invalidate this reasoning*.
THE great prevalence of thefts and crimes
of every description, the difficulty of bringing
offenders to punishment, and the flagrant
abuse of justice by persons known by the
name of trading justices †, in the metropolis,
had long been the subject of complaint; and
+
* This transaction was well known in Turkey. I was
assured by a friend, who travelled soon afterwards in that
country, that he heard it frequently mentioned; and great
surprize was expressed, that Mr. Fox had not lost his head
for such conduct.
+ The great increase of the metropolis, and the more than
proportional increase of vice, had rendered the duty of a
magistrate so irksome and oppressive, that scarcely any re-
spectable persons would undertake the office, and act gra-
•
513
XIV.
a bill was introduced this session, under the CHAP
sanction of government, for the purpose of
preventing these evils in future, by means of 1792.
a new system of police in the capital, and its
vicinity. This bill empowered his majesty to
establish seven public offices, in specified
situations, for the administration of justice,
and to appoint three magistrates to each of
them, who were to attend at certain hours
every day, and to have stated salaries, without
any other emolument whatever. The legal
fees taken, and penalties levied, at these
offices, were to be paid into the hands of
a receiver, and by him into the exchequer,
there to constitute a fund for the payment of
the salaries of the magistrates, and defraying
the expences of the offices; and if they did
not amount to a sufficient sum for those pur-
poses, the deficiency was to be supplied out
of the consolidated fund. The magistrates of
these offices were to be incapable of sitting
in parliament, and of voting or interfering at
any election for the counties of Middlesex
and Surry, or for Westminster or Southwark.
They were authorized to employ a limited
number of constables, who should have power
to apprehend suspected persons and reputed
•
tuitously in the immediate neighborhood of London, as in
other parts of the kingdom.
M
314
XIV.
CHAP. thieves, whom the magistrates might after-
wards commit as rogues and vagabonds: but
persons so apprehended, if they should think
themselves aggrieved by the judgment of the
magistrates, might appeal to the next quarter
sessions, giving bail for their appearance.
The proposed number of offices would, it was
hoped, render it easy for a person in any part
of the town, in case of loss or injury, to resort
to an intelligent, upright, and disinterested
magistrate, for redress; whereas at present
many small offences were suffered to go un-
punished, on account of the inconvenient
distance of Bow-street, the only public office
in the metropolis; or from a reluctance to
apply to an ordinary magistrate, from whom
oppression or extortion, rather than justice,
was to be expected; and this impunity not
only operated as an encouragement to the
commission of petty offences, but by the na-
tural progress of criminal conduct, gradually
led to the greatest enormities. The bill was
not to extend to the city of London, properly
so called, which was still to continue under
the jurisdiction of the lord mayor and alder-
men; nor was it to prevent other magistrates
for the counties of Middlesex and Surry from
acting; but it forbade their taking any fees,
or levying any penalties.
1792.
315
XIV.
To this bill two objections were urged; first, CHA P.
that the influence of the crown would be in-
creased by the appointment of the new magis- 1792.
trates with salaries, who might also be made
subservient to political purposes. To which
it was replied, that the crown in fact ap-
pointed the present magistrates, who were
paid by the very exceptionable mode of per-
quisites; and that there was far greater pro-
bability, that persons selected for these offices
from fitness of character, for which govern-
ment would be responsible, would be respect-
able and independent, than men who pro-
cured their names to be inserted in the com-
mission of the peace, merely for the sake of
the fees and emoluments. If a corrupt mi-
nister wished to attempt the perversion of
justice, where could he find fitter instruments,
than those, whose daily practice was the abuse
of justice, from mercenary motives? Every
possible guard was provided against any po-
litical interference in the magistrates, by
denying them the right of voting or taking part
in any election within their jurisdiction; but
should any inconvenience of that or of any other
kind arise, from this patronage being vested
in the crown, it might be altered hereafter;
and with the greater facility, as it was intend-
ed that the bill should be only temporary.
:
$16
The other objection was directed against
the clause, which enabled constables to ap-
1792. prehend, and magistrates to punish, "reputed
thieves." This expression was represented
as too vague and indefinite, and it was stated
to be unfit, to punish upon suspicion only.
The clause was defended upon the ground of
precedent, similar powers having been given
by former acts; and no difficulty, it was con-
ceived, could occur in ascertaining reputed
thieves, who were in general perfectly well
known. Persons apprehended would, before
conviction, have an opportunity of disproving
the accusation, and of bringing witnesses to
their character; and if the magistrate decided
improperly; there would be a right of appeal.
Those who were best acquainted with the
subject, were of opinion, that without this
power it would be impossible effectually to
check the robberies and assaults, which were
then so frequent in the metropolis.
CHAP.
XIV.
The bill passed; but being considered as an
experiment, it was to remain in force only for
four years. It was, however, found so salu-
tary, that it has since been made perpetual;
and from the first establishment of this sys-
tem to the present time, there has not been
a single complaint against any of the magi-
strates, for wilful misconduct or negligence.
317
In the early part of this session a petition
was presented to the house of commons,
signed principally by members of the Unita-
rian society, praying for the repeal of the
penal statutes against those who denied the
doctrine of the Trinity, which, they said, had
not been enforced for a considerable period.
Mr. Fox, who was always ready to stand for-
ward in favor of dissenters, undertook the
cause of these petitioners; and, in making
a motion conformable to the prayer of their
petition, observed, that the statutes in ques-
tion had been thought necessary for former
times; but, in his judgment, they had never
been necessary, and now there was
a shadow of reason for retaining them. He
considered them as a disgrace to the statute
book, being inconsistent with the principles
of toleration, which were founded in the un-
alienable rights of man. He contended, that
all restraint and all interference with respect
to religious opinions, however opposite those
opinions might be to the established religion
of the country, or however dangerous they
might be thought to the public tranquillity,
were unjust and indefensible: the legislature
had no concern with any thing but actions,
and had no right to presume, what would be
CHAP.
XIV.
1792.
318
t
a man's conduct from the opinions which he
held. He censured the church of England as
1792. being guilty of persecution, and as inculcating
the doctrines of passive obedience and non-
resistance in the extreme.
CHAP.
XIV.
4
Mr. Burke contended, that the question
before the house was not a theological ques-
tion, but a question of policy and prudence:
and upon those grounds no sufficient reason
had been urged for the repeal of these sta-
tutes. He differed from Mr. Fox, as to his
abstract doctrine of the natural rights of man;
and asserted, that religious liberty, like all
other rights, must be modified and restrained
for the good of society. But, said he, what
were the rights of man, previous to his enter-
ing into a state of society? Whether they
were paramount, or inferior, to social rights,
he neither knew nor cared. Man, he had
found in society; and that man he looked to.
He knew nothing of any other man; nor
could he argue on any of his rights.
As to the unitarians, they were the enemies,
the avowed enemies. of the church. They
had declared their determination to propagate
their doctrines-they had incorporated them-
selves into a society for that very purpose―
they had published pamphlets with that view
-they had raised a large fund to be em-
319
XIV.
ployed in that service-they had entered into CHAP.
a solemn compact to obtain that end-they
had moreover proclaimed their approbation of 1792.
the most abominable proceedings in France,
and had, as it were, recommended them for
imitation in England. They were also con-
nected with the Jacobin club at Paris, whose
tenets they had adopted in their fullest ex-
tent. In proof of these assertions, he read
extracts from the publications of this society,
and from the authentic records of what had
passed at their meetings; and then he desired
the house to judge, whether men with such
determinations, views, and principles, were fit
objects of the favor and indulgence of the
British legislature.
Mr. Pitt assured the house, that if there
existed any laws against general toleration,
he should be ready to vote for their repeal,
provided it could take place consistently with
the safety of the constitution; but he desired
it to be understood, that his system of tole-
ration would always be regulated by existing
circumstances, and by the character of the
times to which it was applied. No practical
evil had ever happened from the statutes in
question, or was likely to happen; and danger
might arise from their repeal. Hitherto it
had been always thought wise to observe ex-
320
XIV.
CHAP. treme caution in all matters of religion, and
particularly to do nothing which looked like
an attack upon the established faith of the
country, a policy which ought never to be de-
parted from.
He saw no propriety in the
house giving encouragement to a society pro-
fessing principles subversive of every esta-
blished religion, and of every established
government; and were these statutes to be
repealed, it might be inferred, that the house
was indifferent to the established church, for
whose protection they were originally enacted,
and upon whose enemies they still operated
as some restraint; it being by no means true,
that laws were useless, and ought to be re-
pealed, because no occasion had lately arisen
for putting them in force. The repeal of
these statutes might also be considered by the
public, as the first step towards a gradual
removal of all those barriers, which our an-
cestors had erected for the safety of our civil
and ecclesiastical constitution; and as indi-
cating a disposition in the house, to favor
that prevalent spirit of innovation, which had
so justly excited serious alarm. As therefore
no reason had been assigned for the repeal of
these statutes, grounded upon any past in-
convenience actually experienced, or the hope
of any future positive good, he should vote
1792.
321
against the motion. The motion was re- CHAP.
jected by a majority of 142 to 63.
XIV.
1792.
IN
In the spring of this year an association
was formed, under the denomination of "The
Friends of the People," consisting of 100 per-
sons, 28 of whom were the most active mem-
bers of the house of commons in opposition
to the present government, with the excep-
tion of Mr. Fox*, who did not belong to this
association; and, of the whole number, there
was scarcely one who had not avowed himself
an admirer of the French revolutiont. They
immediately published a short declaration,
signed by all the members; and also an ad-
dress, of considerable length, to the people
of Great Britain, signed only by Mr. Grey,
the chairman. In the former they set forth,
that their object was, to obtain a parliamentary
reform, by means of a more equal represen-
* This association was certainly formed without any
communication with Mr. Fox; and it was generally be-
lieved, that he really disapproved it, although he defended
it in the house of commons. It was observed, that when
the list first appeared, it did not contain any of his old and
most intimate personal friends. Mr. Grey, Mr. Sheridan,
and Lord Lauderdale, were considered the founders of this
association.
↑ In the original list of the Friends of the People, was to
be found at least one-fourth of the corresponding committee
of the Revolution Society.
VOL. III.
Y
322
XIV.
CHAP. tation of the people, and by a more frequent
exercise of the right of electing their repre-
sentatives; and in the latter, they explained
their design more fully, and invited such,
as agreed to their principles, to join the asso-
ciation.
1792.
In consequence of a resolution, entered into
at a meeting of this association, Mr. Grey, on
the 30th of April, gave notice to the house of
commons, that, in the course of the next ses-
sion, he should submit to their consideration
a motion, relative to the representation of the
people in that house. He observed, that the
necessity of a parliamentary reform had been
admitted by eminent men in both houses, and
particularly by the late lord Chatham, Mr.
Pitt, and Mr. Fox; but, from the influence of
different interests, every attempt to accom-
plish this purpose had hitherto proved unsuc-
cessful. He was convinced, that since the
subject had been last discussed, a considerable
change had taken place in the minds of the
people, and that a reform was now very gene-
rally desired. Abuses had been permitted to
creep into the constitution, through neglect,
or had been introduced into it by corruption;
and these abuses were now become of a nature
so dangerous, that they threatened the very
existence of the constitution itself, and, in his
323
XIV.
opinion, could be corrected only by a timely CHAP.
and temperate reform. He trusted, therefore,
that between the present day, and that on
which he should bring forward the propo-
sition, gentlemen would well weigh the ques-
tion; and he likewise hoped, that in the
mean time the sentiments of the people would
be more fully ascertained.
Mr. Pitt rose immediately, and said, he be
lieved it was not strictly regular to enter into
any observations upon a mere notice of a mo-
tion; and, therefore, he was under the cor-
rection of the chair, whether he should articu-
late a syllable.
Go on! go on! was echoed and re-echoed
from all the different parts of the house. He
then proceeded:-"If ever there was an
occasion, on which the mind of every man,
who had any feeling for the present, or hope
for the future, happiness of this country, should
be interested, the present is the time for its
exertion. The present is the time, in which
the whole house should lose sight of form in
the regulation of debate, and apply at once to
the substance of the subject which has been
mentioned. Nothing can be said, nothing
can be whispered upon this subject, at this
time, which does not involve questions, of the
most extensive, the most serious, the mosť
1792.
r 2
324
XIV.
1792.
CHAP. lasting importance to the people of this king-
dom-to the very being of the state. I have
other motives, I confess, besides the general
importance of the subject, to say a few words
now upon it. It is a question, upon which I
have thought attentively. I am unwilling to
weary the house with many observations upon
my own conduct, or upon what seems not ex-
actly to correspond with what I professed in the
earliest part of my public character, because I
am convinced, that the question to be brought
forward, will involve something more than
the character, the fortune, the connexion, the
liberty, or the life of any individual. It may
affect the peace and tranquillity which, under
the favor of Providence, this country has long
enjoyed, in a superior degree, perhaps, to any
part of the habitable globe. It may affect us,
who, from the time of general darkness and
bondage, to the present hour, have sat quietly,
perceiving other powers struggling with ty-
ranny and oppression, while we enjoyed our
freedom; it may bring us into anarchy and
confusion, worse, if possible, than if we had
to contend with despotism itself.
"I think, that the country should know,
what the opinions of public men are, upon the
subject now before us, and how they feel at
this moment. I confess they have a peculiar
325
XIV.
right to know from me, my opinion relative CHAP.
to parliamentary reform. I could have wished,
that a subject of this immense importance had
been brought forward at a time, when I was
personally more able to take an active part in
a debate than at present*, but above all on a
day, on which the house had no other matter
to attend to. I wish, also, the honorable
gentleman would bring it forward in some
distinct proposition stated to the house, that
they might, early in the next session of parlia-
ment, take the whole question into considera-
tion; in which case, I should, perhaps, have
reserved myself until the day appointed, for
the consideration of the subject; but as this
is a general notice, without any specific pro-
position, I must say, I feel no difficulty in
declaring, in the most decisive terms, that I
object both to the time and to the mode, in
which this business is brought forward. I
feel this subject so deeply, that I must speak
upon it without any reserve. I will therefore
confess, that, in one respect, my opinion upon
this subject is changed, and I am not ashamed
to own it. I retain my opinion of the pro-
priety of a reform in parliament, if it could
be obtained without mischief or danger, by a
general concurrence, pointing harmlessly at
* Mr. Pitt was very unwell at this time.
1792.
Y 3
326
XIV.
CHAP. its object. But I confess, I am afraid at this
moment, that if agreed to by this house, the
1792. security of all the blessings we enjoy, will be
shaken to the foundation. I confess I am
not sanguine enough to hope, that a reform at
this time can safely be attempted. My object
always has been, and now is most particularly
so, to give permanence to that which we ac-
tually enjoy, rather than to remove any actu-
ally subsisting grievances. I conceive that
the only security for the continuance of the
beautiful system of our constitution, is in
the house of commons; but I am sorry to
confess, that this security is imperfect, while
there are persons who think, that the people
are inadequately represented in the degree
now asserted. It is essential to the happiness
of the people, that they should be convinced,
that they and the members of this house feel
an identity of interests; that the nation at
large, and the representatives of the people,
hold a general conformity of sentiment: this
is the essence of a proper representative
assembly; under this legitimate authority, a
people may be said to be really free; and this
is a state, in which the true spirit of proper
democracy may be said to subsist. This is
the only mode by which freedom and due
order can be well united. If attempts be
327
XIV.
made to go beyond this, they will end in CHAP.
a wild state of nature, which mocks the name
of liberty, and by which the human character
is degraded, instead of being exalted. I once
thought, and still think, upon the point of
representation of the commons, that if some
mode could be adopted, by which the people
might have any additional security for a con-
tinuance of the blessings which they now
enjoy, it would be an improvement in the
constitution of this country. That is the
extent of my object: farther I never wished
to go; and if this could be obtained without
the risque of losing what we have, I should
think it wise to make the experiment. When
I
say this, it is not because I believe there is
any existing grievance in the country, felt at
this hour. On the contrary, I believe, that at
this hour we enjoy as much liberty as a ra-
tional man ought to wish for; and that we are
in a state of prosperity and progressive im-
provement, seldom equalled, never excelled,
by any nation at any period in the history of
the world.
"I now come to the time and mode of
bringing this subject forward. Upon these
points every rational man has two things to
consider. These are, the probability of success,
and the risque to be run by the attempt.
1792.
x 4
328
my
XIV.
CHAP. Upon the latter consideration, I own that
apprehensions are very great: I fear the evils
which may follow the attempt; and, looking
at it in both views, I see nothing but discou-
ragement. I see no chance of succeeding in
the attempt, in the first place; but, I see
great danger of anarchy and confusion in the
second. It is true, I have made some attempts
upon this subject myself; but at what time?
What were the circumstances in which I did
so? There was then a general apprehension,
which now, thank God, is referred to rather
as a matter of history, than any thing else-
all fear of danger is entirely removed-but
there was then a general feeling, that we were
upon the verge of a public national bank-
ruptcy, and a strong sense was entertained of
practical grievances: this was at the end of
the American war, succeeding a period, when
the influence of the crown was declared to
have increased, to be increasing, and that it
ought to be diminished. Many thought, and
I was of the number, that, unless there was
a better connection between the parliament
and the people, and an uniformity of senti-
ment between them, the safety of the country
was endangered. Many moderate men, how-
ever, there were at that time, who admitted
there were abuses, which ought to be cor-
1792.
=
329
XIV.
1792.
rected; but who, having weighed the whole CHAP.
state of the case, even as it stood then, were
of opinion, that, although some evil was to be
met with, yet that, on the whole, the good
preponderated; and, therefore, from a fear
of possible consequences, they voted against
my plan of reformation. If, at such a time,
and under such circumstances, moderate men
thought in this way, what would they think
under the present circumstances? I put it,
not only to this house, but also to the country
at large; and I would ask all moderate men
in it, what are their feelings on this subject at
this moment? I believe, that I can anticipate
the answer. This is not a time to make
hazardous experiments.' Can we forget what
lessons have been given to the world, within
a few years? Can we lament the present
situation of this kingdom, when contrasted
with that of others? Can we expect that
these moderate men will become converts to
the new system adopted in another country?
If not, there can be no hope of success, and
consequently no wisdom in the attempt.
<
"But it seems that there is a great number
of persons in this country, who wish for a re-
form in parliament, and that they are increas-
ing daily. That their number is great, I am
happy enough to doubt: what their interest
330
CHAP.
XIV.
1792.
or their vigor will be, if called upon to exert
themselves against the good sense and courage
of the sober part of the community, does not
occasion me much apprehension. I do not
mean to allude to the sentiments of any parti-
cular members of this house, for the purpose
of reflecting upon them with severity; but
when they come in the shape of advertise-
ments in newspapers, inviting the public, as it
were, to repair to their standard, and to join
them, they should be reprobated, and the
tendency of their meetings exposed to the
people in its true colors. I am willing, as
long as I can, to put the best construction
upon the actions of gentlemen they will admit
of, and to give them credit for their inten-
tions; but the advertisements I allude to in
the newspapers, are sanctioned with the name
of the honorable gentleman who has given
this notice; and therefore I will say, that
there ought to be great activity on the
part of the real friends of the constitution,
who should take pains properly to address
the public mind, and to keep it in that state,
which is necessary for the preservation of our
present tranquillity. I have seen, with con-
cern, that those gentlemen, of whom I speak,
members of this house, are associated with
others, who not only profess reform, but un-
331
XIV.
equivocally avow revolutionary principles, and CHAP.
applaud and circulate publications of the most
pernicious tendency. This circumstance
affords suspicion, that the motion for reform is
nothing more than the preliminary to the
overthrow of the whole system of our present
government. If they succeed, they will de-
stroy the best constitution that was ever
formed upon the habitable globe. These
considerations lead me to wish the house to
take great care, that no encouragement be
given to any step, which may sap the very
foundation of that constitution. When I see
these opinions published, and know them to
be connected with principles inconsistent with
the form of our government-the hereditary
succession to the throne-the hereditary titles
of our men of rank-and leading to the total
destruction of all subordination in the state, I
confess I feel no inclination to promise my
support to the proposed motion for a parlia-
mentary reform. It would be to follow a
madness, which has been called liberty in
another country-a condition at war with
true freedom and good order—a state to
which despotism itself is preferable—a state
in which liberty cannot exist for a day; if it
appears in the morning, it must perish before
sun-set.
1792.
332
CHAP.
XIV.
1792.
"I beg leave to assure the house, that I
think it my duty, to the last hour of my life,
to oppose, to the utmost of my power, all
projects of this nature. So much do I disap-
prove the present attempt, that if I were called
to choose, either to hazard this, or for ever
abandon all hope or desire to have any reform
at all, I should say, that I would have no
reform whatever; and I believe, that as a
member of parliament, as an Englishman, as
an honest man, I discharge my duty in making
that declaration at once. I wish the honorable
gentleman to reflect seriously on his character,
and the stake he possesses in the country;
and to consider, how much may be lost by an
indiscreet attempt upon this subject.
"I have now made a sort of compendium
of the objections I shall submit to the house
and the public, if the motion should ever be
made; and I have only to add my earnest
prayer for the security and preservation of
the constitution of this country-a monument
of human wisdom, which has hitherto been
the exclusive blessing of the English nation."
The speech, of which the above is a very
imperfect sketch, was delivered in so impres-
sive a manner, and was so loudly applauded,
that Mr. Fox, alluding to the effect it had
pro-
duced, acknowledged, that he felt` additional
333
XIV.
difficulty in declaring his sentiments, on ac- CHAP.
count of the speech which he had just heard ;
and he was sorry that it had received so much
approbation from the house. He was aware,
he said, that the subject of parliamentry re-
form was completely unpopular within those
walls; but he believed, that the public re-
garded it in a very different view. Though
he considered himself almost forbidden, by the
speech of the right honorable gentleman, to
mention what he knew it would not be agree-
able to the house to hear, yet he must assert,
that unless something were done to quiet the
minds of the people, there would be difficulty
in preserving the internal tranquillity of the
kingdom, for any great length of time. In
reply to Mr. Pitt's observations upon the
character of several members of the associa-
tion, he confessed, that some of Mr. Grey's
allies were infuriated republicans: but, on
the other hand, he maintained, that among
Mr. Pitt's friends, there were the slaves of
despotism, men, who, without attending to
the sentiments of their constituents, as in the
case of the Russian armament, placed an im-
plicit confidence in the minister, not merely
from the experience of his probity and talents,
but because he was minister: both descrip-
tions of persons were equally hostile to ra-
:
1792.
334
CHAP. tional liberty; but, in his opinion, the former
XIV. were less dangerous than the latter. He ad-
1792. mitted, that Mr. Paine's book, entitled, "The
Rights of Man," to which he supposed Mr.
Pitt alluded, mocked all ideas of reform in
our government, and rather went to a total
change of it: it was, indeed, a libel upon the
constitution. He considered the old govern-
ment of France so detestable, as fully to justify
the revolution. He said, that his reason for
not adding his name to the list of the society,
was, that though he saw great and enormous
grievances, he did not see the remedy; and,
had he been consulted, he should not have
advised the step which had been taken: still
he did not blame Mr. Grey, for the notice he
had given; nor did he consider the present
period improper for the discussion. As great
reforms had taken place in other countries, in
France, in Poland, and in America; and, as
philosophy was spreading her light round
every part of the world, he hoped that Eng-
land alone would not remain without improve-
ment, enveloped in the darkness of bigotry.
Mr. Burke said, that old as he was, and
having lost the friendship of those with whom
he had long acted with the most fervent and
mutual sincerity, there were few subjects,
which would have induced him to come down
-
335
XIV.
1792.
and deliver his opinion in that house; but the CHAP.
present was an occasion, on which he thought
it his duty not to be silent. He admitted,
that the motives of those, who were deter-
mined to bring forward the question of par-
liamentary reform, might be
pure and pa-
triotic; but still he must contend, that the
notice which had been given, was founded
upon an erroneous system, and fraught with
the most mischievous consequences. No par-
ticular grievance had been stated, nor any
specific remedy pointed out. Such a mode of
proceeding was telling the people, that they
were unhappy; that they ought to be dis-
contented and to complain, although they
were not sensible, that there was any just
ground of complaint; it was a species of po-
litical quackery; an endeavor to create the
persuasion of a disease, in order to administer
a favorite panacea. No petition had been pre-
sented by the people, stating any grievance,
and praying for a reform of parliament as its
remedy-was it then good and constitutional
doctrine, to hold out to them, that the house
of commons was itself a grievance, that there
was in its formation something intrinsically
corrupt? He asserted, that neither in 1782,
nor at present, did the people call for a par-
liamentary reform; and would those who were
336
"
XIV.
1792.
CHAP. about to agitate the question in that house,
pledge their characters and their consequence
in the country, that if they should raise a strong
spirit of reform and innovation, they would be
able to guide the public opinion, and prevent
all excesses? It was to be learnt from history,
it should be recollected, that the beginners of
any reformation seldom saw its termination,
which was a strong reason against counte-
nancing any indefinite reform, to the extent
and consequence of which it was impossible
to fix any boundary or limit. It was true, as
had been stated, that many improvements had
taken place from time to time; but these
were uniformly found to be rather in defence
of the real constitution than innovations. It
was likewise true, that we had, at different
times, cut off certain branches of the pre-
rogative, when they were felt to be inimical
to the welfare of the people; but we had
always kept the lamp of the constitution burn-
ing, and only supplied it occasionally with
necessary assistance, without ever attempting
to alter its former nature. We had seen a re-
formation, a revolution, an abdication of the
throne, and a change in the line of succession
--but never, till lately, had there been any
attempt to re-model the representation of the
people. In aiming at that object, several mem-
337
XIV.
bers of that house had joined themselves with CHAP.
some of the worst men in the kingdom; and
how could it be expected, that such men would
be satisfied with a moderate and temperate
reform? He observed, that Mr. Fox had very
justly termed Paine's book, a libel upon the
constitution; and, therefore, those clubs and
societies, which recommended that book to be
read by the people, were enemies to the con-
stitution. He declared his fixed admiration
of that constitution, which gave us freedom
without losing order, and, by increasing order,
increased our liberty; and which, he hoped
and trusted, would continue unshaken and
secure against every attack. Theories ought
to be founded upon experience; and instead of
adapting our constitution to a theory, theories
should grow out of the constitution. He con-
cluded, by calling upon the house to consider,
whether they knew of any existing grievance,
which would warrant the risque, that must
unavoidably attend the proposed motion for
a parliamentary reform?
Although the speaker had reminded the
house, that there was no question before them,
the importance of the subject superseded all
regard to form, and the debate was continued
to a late hour. Several members of great
weight and respectability, who had constantly
VOL. III.
Z
/
·
1792.
338
CHAP. opposed Mr. Pitt, and acted with Mr. Grey,
XIV. expressed their strong disapprobation of the
1792. intended motion; and earnestly deprecated
the discussion, under the present circum-
stances of the country. As a proof of the
general impression made upon the house, by
the speeches of Mr. Pitt and others on the
same side, it may be remarked, that five* of
the twenty-eight members availed themselves
of the first opportunity to withdraw their names
from the society.
It was almost universally believed, that this
association, professedly formed for the
purpose
of bringing forward the question of parlia-
mentary reform, was really designed to em-
barrass and discredit Mr. Pitt. His political
adversaries thought, that he would feel no
small difficulty with respect to the part he
should take; and in either case, they hoped,
that he would suffer in the public estimation.
If he should support the motion originating
from such a quarter, he would be considered as
countenancing those societies, and favoring
those opinions, which he had been studious
to represent as highly dangerous; and if he
should resist it, he would lay himself open to
the imputation of acting in direct opposition
* Lord John Russell, (the present duke of Bedford) Mr.
Baker, Mr. Curwen, Mr. Dudley North, and Mr. Courtenay.
339
XIV.
to his former sentiments and conduct. The CHAP.
manly and decided terms, however, in which
he at once declared himself adverse to the
measure, shewed, that he had no hesitation as
to the line which it was his duty to pursue;
and the difference between the present si-
tuation of the country, and that under which
he had himself proposed a reform in parlia-
ment, was so material and so striking, that all
endeavor to fix upon him the charge of in-
consistency totally failed. It was obvious,
that a proposition, which was to affect an im-
portant branch of the government, might at
one time be safe and expedient, and at another
hazardous and mischievous. It was indeed
true, that in 1784 Mr. Pitt promised, "at all
times, and in all situations, to promote a tem.
perate and moderate reform, temperately and
moderately pursued;" but this was a descrip-
tion, to which the reform, now in contem-
plation, was known by no means to answer.
This attempt, therefore, to injure, like many
others of a similar nature, served only to raise
the character of Mr. Pitt, by affording an ad-
ditional proof, that his public conduct was in-
variably regulated by the soundest judgment
according to existing circumstances, and by
an exclusive regard to the welfare of his coun-
try, and the preservation of its invaluable con-
1792.
z 2
340
XIV.
CHAP. stitution. His acute and discerning mind,
under the steady guidance of these principles,
1792. enabled him to repel every attack, open or
insidious, and to rise out of every difficulty,
whether designedly caused by his opponents,
or proceeding from events in which they had
no concern, with increased reputation.
THE industry with which writings of a se-
ditious and mischievous tendency were at this
time circulated throughout the kingdom, was
mentioned in the debate upon the notice given
by Mr. Grey, as having chiefly produced that
unquiet state of the public mind, which ren-
dered the proposed motion so highly objection-
able. Pamphlets, handbills, advertisements,
paragraphs, essays, in short all the various arts
of the press, under every form and in every
shape, were employed to spread disaffection
and discontent, and to loosen the bonds of
civil society. All kings were represented as
tyrants, their ministers as venal and corrupt,
and their subjects as slaves; the rich were
described as universally the oppressors of the
poor; and as a plain inference from these doc-
trines, the lower ranks were called upon to
shake off the yoke, under which they had hi-
therto groaned, and to assert their natural and
unalienable rights, of which they had been so
341
XIV.
unjustly deprived. Nor were these merely CHAP.
sudden and detached effusions, springing from
the zeal of unconnected individuals; they
were planned and combined upon system;
and to keep them more surely directed to one
point, a new institution was formed early in this
year, under the denomination of The London
Corresponding Society, whose peculiar busi-
ness it was, with the assistance of agents and
subordinate societies in the country, to supply
such publications as might be best suited to
the different descriptions of persons in their
respective neighborhoods. Much expectation
was built upon the communications to be made
and received through this channel, as it was
well known, that the universal domination of
the Jacobin club at Paris over the whole extent
of France, was obtained and fixed by a similar
institution of a corresponding committee.
Nor were the other societies idle. About
this time, the revolution society published,
with great exultation, and claiming the merit
of having been the first to avow their admi-
ration of the French revolution, a work, con-
taining a collection of their proceedings and
correspondence, both at home and abroad,
from the autumn of 1789 to March 1792
Gig
*
* This collection did not contain the whole of the corre-
spondence and proceedings of the society; and it was acknow-
1792.
:
z 3
342
CHAP. Although many of the papers had been before
XIV. printed separately, yet, when seen in one
1792. view, and joined with others of a similar cha-
racter, they made a very serious and deep
impression. It appeared from this volume,
that so early as November 1789, this society
unanimously resolved, that it became the people
of England, to establish societies throughout
the kingdom upon revolution principles, which
should maintain a correspondence with each
other, and form a grand concentrated union
of the true friends of public liberty. The
committee, who suggested this resolution, con-
gratulated the society as men, Britons, and
citizens of the world, upon the noble spirit of
civil and religious liberty, which had, since
the last meeting, so conspicuously shone forth
on the continent, more especially upon the
happy success of the French revolution; and
expressed ardent wishes, that the influence of
so glorious an example might be felt by all
mankind, until tyranny and despotism should
ledged, that great care and considerable time were employed
to select what was least unfit to meet the public eye and
answer their purpose. The most obnoxious of their papers
were withholden; but even with this precaution the book was
so universally reprobated by all sober-minded persons, that
it was soon suppressed. Some valuable extracts from it,
and a general account of its contents are, however, preserved
in Rivington's Annual Register for 1792.
343
XIV.
1792.
be swept from the face of the globe, and uni- CHAP.
versal liberty and happiness prevail. On the
same day, and with the same unanimity, an
address of congratulation was voted to the
national assembly, in which they noticed, with
particular satisfaction, the encouragement,
afforded by France, to other nations, to assert
the indefeasible rights of mankind, and to
introduce a general reformation in the dif
ferent governments of Europe. In the middle
of the following year, they triumphed in the
farther progress of the French revolution;
and affirmed, that the zeal and unanimity,
with which "this sacred cause" had been
supported, "seemed like an inspiration from
Heaven." They declared, that they consi-
dered the correspondence they had maintained
with the patriots of France, as highly honor-
able to themselves and to the British character,
and as calculated to produce the happiest
effects, by animating the sons of freedom to
assert their rights among all the nations of
the earth. From the proceedings of the anni-
versary in 1790, it appeared, that this society
had then lately received "the warmest marks
of approbation and respect " from the Jacobin
societies established in more than twenty of the
principal cities and towns in France, together
with copies, for their instruction, of numerous
z 4
344
XIV.
CHAP. seditious and revolutionary publications; and
that in England, they had been very suc--
1792. cessful in forming societies in different parts
of the kingdom. At the anniversary of 1791,
which was attended by nearly 300 "friends
to freedom," a long list of societies in France
and England was read, with which the com-
mittee had corresponded in the course of the
preceding year; and in the letters from the
French societies, the members of the revolu-
tion society were hailed as friends to the
revolution of nations, and to the rights of the
legitimate sovereigns, the people. In a letter
written to France, early in 1792, a hope was
expressed, that the period was approaching,
when the people in all countries would re-
nounce with abhorrence those prejudices,
which had so long contributed to rivet the
fetters of slavery; especially that most fatal
of all prejudices, the opinion, that a few capri-
cious individuals have a right to dispose of
the lives and properties of millions of their
fellow-men; and in another letter, of nearly
the same date, they say, "We triumph in the
animating prospect of that happy state of
mankind, which your glorious revolution opens
to us; and we look forward with transport to
that period, when these inestimable blessings,
which you have so nobly acquired, shall be
345
XIV.
diffused throughout the world." An arbitrary CHAP
and oppressive power in the king, a servile
peerage, a rapacious and intolerant clergy, and
a corrupt representation, were the specific
grievances proposed to be corrected in Eng-
land, by following the example of "the late
glorious and splendid actions in France;" or,
in other words, they considered every part
of the civil and ecclesiastical establishments
in this country, as requiring reform; and the
sort of reform to be applied, was that which
had been adopted in France, where the king
had been reduced to a cypher, without even
personal liberty; the titles of the peers had
been abolished, their mansions levelled to the
ground, their estates plundered, and their
families driven into exile, or murdered with
inhuman exultation; the possessions of the
church had been confiscated, and the clergy de-
prived of their benefices; commerce, manufac-
tures, and agriculture, had been destroyed; the
Jacobin clubs had acquired a complete ascen-
dancy over the national assembly; even the
forms of administering justice had ceased;
crimes of every description were committed
with impunity; and no man's person or pro-
perty was secure.
Such were the principles, which the revolu-
tion and similar societies in London, circulated
179 2.
346
CHAP. with incredible industry, by means of affiliated
XIV. societies in the country, political clubs, and
1.792. cheap publications, professedly inculcating the
doctrine of combining practice with principle.
And that nothing might be wanted to poison
the minds of the people, and to rouse them to
action, numerous emissaries from France were
dispersed in most of the populous towns and
districts, who, from the experience they had
acquired at home, were enabled to afford very
important assistance to their friends in this
king' dom. Every artifice, which could be ap-
plied to the passions, the prejudices, and sup-
possed interests of the common people, which
could mislead their understandings, or corrupt
their hearts, having been thus practised more
than two years, with increasing boldness and
activity, a manifest and most pernicious change
had taken place in the sentiments, disposi-
tions, and conduct of a considerable propor-
tion of the lower ranks of the community.
Mr. Pitt and his colleagues were convinced
of the necessity of endeavoring to check the
progress of this alarming evil; and accord-
ingly, on the 21st of May, a royal proclama-
tion was issued, in which it was stated, that
divers wicked and seditious writings had been
industriously dispersed, tending to excite tu-
mult and disorder, by raising groundless jea-
347
XIV.
lousies and discontents with respect to the CHA P.
laws and constitution of this realm; and that
correspondences had been entered into with
persons in foreign parts, with a view to forward
these criminal purposes: his majesty, there-
fore, being resolved, as far as might be in his
power, to put a stop to these dangerous prac-
tices, warned his subjects to guard against all
such attempts, and to discourage all such pro-
ceedings, which aimed at the subversion of all
regular government, and were inconsistent
with the peace and order of society; and he
strictly charged all magistrates to make dili-
gent inquiry for discovering the authors and
distributors of seditious writings, and to take
the most effectual care to suppress and prevent
all riots and disturbances: and he farther
commanded them, to transmit to the secretary
of state, immediate and full information con-
cerning all persons, who might be found offend-
ing in these respects; it being his determination
to carry
into vigorous execution, the laws made
for the preservation of public tranquillity.
As soon as Mr. Pitt had decided that this
proclamation should be issued, he communi-
cated the substance of it to those members of
opposition in both houses, who, he had reason
to think, participated in the apprehensions of
government, relative to the present situation
1792.
348.
XIV.
CHAP. of the country; and at the same time, an
intimation was conveyed to them, that it would
be very agreeable to Mr. Pitt, if any of them
would move an address to the king upon the
subject in parliament. They signified their
approbation of the measure, and promised to
support it; but declined moving the address.
A copy of the proclamation was presented
to both houses of parliament; and, on the day
appointed for taking it into consideration in
the house of commons, the master of the rolls
(sir Richard Arden) proposed an address to
the king, expressing the warm and grateful
sense of the house, for this fresh proof of his
majesty's constant solicitude for the welfare
and happiness of his people, and of indigna-
tion at the attempts made to weaken, in the
minds of his subjects, the sentiments of obedi-
ence to the laws, and attachment to the con-
stitution, naturally springing from the actual
enjoyment of the advantages of legal and
well-regulated freedom, under the government
of his majesty and his illustrious ancestors:
these unexampled blessings afforded peculiar
motives to the inhabitants of this kingdom to
beware of delusive theories, inconsistent with
the relations and duties of all civil society;
and rendered it the duty of every good
citizen to discourage and counteract every
1792.
349
XIV.
1792.
attempt, direct and indirect, against public CHAP.
order and tranquillity. Impressed with these
sentiments, and confident that the nation at
large must feel with them, that real liberty
can only exist under the protection of law,
and the authority of efficient and regular go-
vernment, they pledged themselves to sup-
port his majesty in the determination he had
adopted; and were persuaded, that every
exertion necessary to preserve and strengthen
the established constitution, would be seconded
by the zeal and gratitude of a free and loyal
people.
After Mr. Powys had seconded, and another
member had spoken in favor of, the address,
Mr. Grey, rising for an opposite purpose, de-
clared that he considered the proclamation as
insidiously designed to make a separation be-
tween those, who had for many years acted
together, and among whom there was known
to exist a difference of opinion respecting the.
present state of the country. The firm union
of this party, of which he was himself a mem-
ber, he represented as essential to the main-
tenance of the constitution in purity and per-
fection. After a violent personal attack upon
Mr. Pitt, charging him with inconsistency,
apostacy, and delusion, (of which the house
shewed evident marks of disapprobation,). he.
350
CHAP. proceeded to state his objections to the ad-
XIV. dress. He said, that if there had been any
1792. publications of an evil and dangerous tendency,
the proposed mode of noticing them was irre-
gular and inefficient; and that his majesty's
ministers ought to have prosecuted the authors
and publishers of them, the moment they ap-
peared. Presuming that Mr. Thomas Paine's
Rights of Man" were the writings particu-
larly alluded to in the proclamation, he ob-
served, that the first part of that work had been
published more than a twelvemonth, without
any proceeding against it, which, if the book
deserved the character now given of it, must
have been a gross and criminal neglect in ad-
ministration. He represented the calling upon
magistrates to make inquiry, in order to dis-
cover the authors and publishers of seditious
writings, as converting that useful and respect-
able set of men into spies and informers. He
complained, that the correspondences carried
on by the subjects of this country with foreign
societies, were mentioned with a view to cast
a reflection upon the association of the Friends
of the People, and to accuse them of an in-
tention, by following the example of France,
to make a total change in the government
of this country. He affirmed, that the pro-
clamation was entirely unnecessary, and that
66
351
XIV.
it would produce the effect of exciting un- CHAP.
founded alarms and suspicions in the minds of
the people, and of provoking rather than pre-
venting disturbances; as might be concluded
from the riots at Birmingham, which were
caused by the friends of government, and in
which the supposed enemies of the constitu-
tion were the only sufferers in truth, the
danger, if any, did not arise from the preva-
lence of a republican spirit in the country, but
from that indisposition and aversion to all re-
form, which characterised the present times.
Upon these grounds, Mr. Grey moved an
amendment, conveying a censure upon mi-
nisters for not prosecuting the authors of the
seditious writings alluded to in the procla-
mation, and which had been published a con-
siderable time.
Mr. Fox was scarcely less violent against
Mr. Pitt, than Mr. Grey had been; and re-
probated both the proclamation and address,
upon nearly the same grounds.
Mr. Pitt very slightly noticed the personal
attacks upon himself; only remarking, that no
invective should ever deter him from pursuing
that line of conduct, which he deemed most
conducive to the public tranquillity, and to the
preservation of constitutional freedom. In
defence of the measure, under the conside-
1792.
352
HAP. ration of the house, he said, that great danger
XIV. was to be apprehended from the seditious
1792. writings then in circulation, and from the per-
nicious doctrines which had been for some time
continually gaining ground; and that it was
the duty of government to frustrate the de-
signs of those large bodies of men, who not
only avowed levelling principles, but called
for foreign aid to enable them to attain their
end; that his majesty's ministers had taken
notice of these proceedings, as soon as it ap-
peared that they were producing an effect suf-
ficient to justify their interference, without
unnecessarily infringing the liberty of the
press, or violating the constitutional rights of
the subjects of this free country. He denied,
that the proclamation was designed to promote
divisions among his political adversaries. It
was, indeed, fully evident, that the members
of opposition differed on some points of pri-
mary importance; but this want of unanimity
redounded highly to their honor. A convic-
tion of the propriety and utility of the procla-
mation, of its absolute necessity to the main-
tenance of public order, and to the tranquillity
of the state, could be the only motive, which
had induced several gentlemen, on the op-
posite side of the house, to abandon their old
friends upon the present occasion—a fair and
353
XIV.
honorable conduct, affording an irrefragable CHAP.
proof, that, whatever might be their party
feelings and prepossessions, they were ready 1792.
to give up private attachments, and to forget
former animosities, when public security and
the preservation of the constitution were at
stake. Nor was the proclamation, he said,
intended to bring discredit upon the society
of the Friends of the People: it was directed
against those societies only, whose principles
and proceedings were hostile to the established
form of government. Without, however, at-
tributing any improper motives to the members
of the new association, he contended, that ad-
vantage would be taken of such a society, and
of the purpose for which it was instituted, by
persons whose designs were really mischievous;
and more especially, as parliamentary reform
was one of the ostensible objects of all who
wished for a revolution in this country. The
society, therefore, of the Friends of the People,
must expect to be implicated in the charge of
disaffection, if they connected themselves with
the societies, to which he alluded. The first
part of Paine's Rights of Man was so wild,
extravagant, and absurd, that it did not ap-
pear calculated to do mischief; and a prose-
cution by the attorney general, would only
have raised it into notice. It would, indeed,
VOL. III.
A A
354
CHAP. probably have soon sunk into oblivion, if it
XIV. had not been circulated by the unwearied
1792. exertions, and at the expence, of clubs and
societies: but a prosecution was commenced
against the second part of the work, the mo-
ment it was discovered that it carried the vi-
șionary notions of the author still farther, and
was beginning to make an unfavorable im-
pression upon the public mind: the forms,
however, of the courts of law had not yet
allowed the trial actually to take place. In
reply to the charge of converting magistrates
into spies, he said, that the proclamation only
reminded them of that part of their duty, which
they were at all times bound to perform, and
in the discharge of which, present circum-
stances demanded extraordinary vigilance:
and upon that subject, he farther remarked,
that it was impossible for the ministers and
legal advisers of the crown, to bring offenders
to punishment, unless those who were qualified
and required by their office, gave the necessary
information to the proper department of the
executive government. He expressed his asto-
nishment at the denial of the existence of
a republican spirit in this kingdom, when it
was openly avowed, and industriously pro-
pagated, both by individuals and societies; and
asserted, that Mr. Fox, by the arguments he
355
}
XIV.
1792.
had that day used, if not the advocate, was CHAP.
certainly the friend, of Mr. Paine and his doc-
trines: such conduct appeared to him irre-
concileable with any spark of patriotism, or
regard for the established form of government.
It was scarcely to be believed, that any one
should seriously maintain, that there was no
ground for apprehension and alarm, nor any
sufficient cause for the proclamation, when it
was known, that numerous clubs, established
in the manufacturing towns and districts, had
adopted, and were eagerly spreading, opinions,
inconsistent with public tranquillity, and which,
if not checked in time, might, and would, un-
dermine and overthrow the constitution.
Several opposition members, particularly
the marquis of Titchfield, lord North, Mr.
Windham, Mr. Anstruther, and Mr. T. Gren-
ville, delivered their sentiments in favor of the
address; and the last of those gentlemen said,
that writings of a seditious nature had been
circulated among the soldiers and sailors.
They all acknowledged their conviction, that
the doctrines lately propagated, and the con-
duct pursued, by clubs and societies, as well
as by individuals, demanded the utmost atten-
tion, and most vigorous interposition of go-
vernment, and called for the strenuous and
combined resistance of all, who were desirous
A A 2
356
XIV.
CHAP. of averting from this country, the evils which
had been experienced in France, from similar
1792. beginnings.
Mr. Grey did not venture to divide the
house, and his amendment being rejected, the
address was agreed to.
The more than usual violence of Mr. Fox
and Mr. Grey, and their personal attack upon
Mr. Pitt, in this debate, may probably be
attributed to the mortification they felt at
losing the support of some of the most re-
spectable of their adherents, upon a question,
not only material in itself, but involving prin-
ciples, which, in the present state of public
affairs in this country and upon the continent,
could not fail to be the subject of future dis-
cussion, and of future measures. The obvious
danger of an approaching schism in their
party, which must necessarily weaken their
own cause, and strengthen that of adminis-
tration, not unnaturally produced an irritation
of mind, which burst forth in the bitterest
asperity of language.
The address was communicated to the house
of lords, and their concurrence to it requested,
that it might be presented to his majesty, as
the joint address of the two houses. As soon
as a motion for that purpose was made and
seconded, the prince of Wales rose for the
357
XIV.
first time, to deliver his sentiments in the CHAP.
house of lords:-He should, he said, be defi-
cient in his duty as a member of parliament, 1792.
unmindful of that respect he owed to the
constitution, and inattentive to the peace and
welfare of the country, if he did not state to
the world, what was his opinion, upon a sub-
ject of such magnitude, as that on which their
lordships were then deliberating. He was
educated in principles, which taught him to
revere the constitutional liberties of the people,
on which their happiness depended; and to
those principles he was determined, as far as
he could have any weight, to give his firm
and constant support. The matter at issue,
in fact, was, whether the constitution was or
was not to be maintained; whether the wild
ideas of untried theory were to conquer the
wholesome maxims of established practice;
and whether those laws, under which we had
florished for a long series of years, were to be
subverted by a pretended reform, unsanc-
tioned by the people. As a person nearly and
dearly interested in the welfare, and he should
emphatically add, in the happiness and com-
fort of the people, it would be treason to the
principles of his mind, if he did not come
forward and declare his disapprobation of
those seditious publications, which had occa
A A 3
358
XIV.
1792.
CHAP. sioned the motion then before the house.
His interest was connected with the interest
of the people; they were indeed inseparable.
On this great, on this solid basis, he grounded
the vote which he meant to give; and that
vote should unequivocally be, for a concur-
rence with the commons in their wise and
salutary address.
Lord Grenville, alluding to the speech of
his royal highness, in the course of the de-
bate, observed, that such a testimony of regard
to the constitution, and zeal for the welfare
of the people, must warm the breast of every
Englishman who heard it; and was the strong-
est assurance and satisfaction to the people at
large, that they might long expect a conti-
nuance of that prosperity, and of those essen,
tial blessings, which they had enjoyed since
the accession of the present illustrious family
to the throne of England.
The declaration of these sentiments, by the
heir apparent to the throne, had the greater
effect, from the well-known circumstance, that
the influence of his royal highness had
hitherto been exerted against the administra-
tion of Mr. Pitt; and from the general opi-
nion, that his royal highness was personally
attached to several of those, who represented
the proclamation as wholly unnecessary.
L
359
XIV.
The address was supported by the duke of CHA P.
Portland, lords Spencer, Kinnoul, Stormont,
Porchester, and Rawdon, all of whom were
considered as opposition members.
Lord Lauderdale, a leading member of the
society of the Friends of the People, moved
nearly the same amendment as had been pro-
posed by Mr. Grey in the house of commons;
and it was rejected without a division: lord
Lansdown was the only peer who spoke in its
favor. The original motion passed.
This reception of the proclamation and ad-
dress, in the two houses of parliament, was
highly gratifying to the friends of public tran-
quillity, and of the established form of govern-
ment; and both Mr. Pitt and lord Grenville paid
a just tribute of praise to the conduct of those
members, who, though not in the habit of agree-
ing to the measures of the present administra-
tion, came forward with their approbation and
support on this occasion, in a manner which
reflected the greatest honor upon themselves,
and deserved the thanks of the country.
THE riots which took place at Birmingham,
in the preceding summer, had been several
times incidentally mentioned in the course of
the present session; and at last Mr. Whitbread
announced his intention of making a motion
1792.
A A 4
360
XIV.
CHAP. upon the subject. Mr. Dundas deprecated
a discussion, which could be productive of no
1792. good, and might give rise to fresh disturbances,
or at least cause new irritation, in the town
and neighborhood of Birmingham, where
every thing was quiet at present. Mr. Whit-
bread, however, persisted; and, on the 21st
of May, proposed an address to the king, the
object of which was, to censure ministers for
not prosecuting the magistrates, on account
of their conduct during the riots. As Mr.
Pitt took no part in the debate upon this mo-
tion, it will be sufficient to observe, that it
appeared from the speeches of Mr. Dundas,
and other members, that the riots were of
a political and not of a religious nature,
having been occasioned by a persevering de-
termination to commemorate the anniversary
of a political event, and Dr. Priestley having
taught his religious opinions at Birmingham
for eighteen years, without any molestation;
that the circumstance of the mischief being
confined to the houses and property of dis-
senters, was owing to persons of that descrip-
tion being the most violent in applauding the
French revolution, and decrying the blessings
of the British constitution; that the attorney
and solicitor general, after the most mature
deliberation, had been decidedly of opinion,
361
XIV.
that the affidavits sent from Birmingham, and CHAP.
other documents laid before them, for the pur-
pose of criminating the magistrates, did not
afford sufficient ground for a public prosecu-
tion; that both before and after this decision
of the law officers of the crown, it was open'
to the dissenters as a body, or to any indivi-
dual, to proceed against the magistrates by
indictment or information, but that no such
process had been instituted, which was a strong
presumption in their favor; that no complaint
had been made to that house, by any person
who
considered himself aggrieved by the conduct
of the magistrates; and that there was no
reason for charging any of them with wilful
neglect of duty, although it was scarcely to
be expected, that, in so long a scene of alarm
and confusion, no accidental mistake should
have been committed, and no inadvertent
expression used; that the magistrates had
received the public thanks of some of the most
respectable inhabitants of Birmingham; and
that the conduct of his majesty's ministers,
in their exertions to send troops for the pur-
pose of quelling the riots, and afterwards to
discover the rioters and bring them to punish-
ment, was acknowledged, even by the oppo-
nents of government, to have been highly
laudable and meritorious.
1792.
哼
​362
CHAP.
1792.
These facts being established to the satis-
XIV. faction of the house, and evidently exempting
both the magistrates and administration from
all possibility of blame, Mr. Whitbread was
earnestly requested to withdraw his motion,
as being imprudent, and likely to do harm;
but he refused, and upon a division, the
motion was rejected by a majority of more
than 4 to 1.
THE repeated discussions, which had taken
place in parliament, in former years, relative
to the slave trade, together with the printed
evidence, which had been very generally cir-
culated, had excited great interest upon the
subject throughout the kingdom; and no fewer
than 508 petitions, all praying for the abo-
lition of this infamous traffic, were presented
to the house of commons in the early part of
the present session. On the 2d of April, Mr.
Wilberforce, in a committee of the whole
house, moved the following resolution:-
"That it is the opinion of this committee,
that the trade, carried on by British subjects,
for the purpose of obtaining slaves on the
coast of Africa, ought to be abolished." In
the course of the debate which followed, Mr.
Dundas declared himself convinced of the
impolicy and iniquity of the trade, but thought
363
XIV.
that it would be imprudent, and unjust to the CHAP.
various descriptions of persons interested in
the cultivation and produce of the West Indian
islands, to abolish it immediately; and, there-
fore, he proposed, that the word gradually"
should be inserted before the word "abolished,"
in the motion. This amendment was sup-
ported by the Speaker, (Mr. Addington) and
several members, who were fearful of the
effects of so material a change being suddenly
made in the valuable concerns of our colo-
nies; but it was strongly opposed by Mr.
Fox and others, who had constantly stood for-
ward as decided advocates for the abolition.
Mr. Jenkinson, after admitting the trade to
be indefensible, said, that he perfectly agreed
with the friends of the abolition in their end,
and differed from them only in the means of
accomplishing that end. He was desirous of
doing, by regulation, what they wished to do
by a more direct method. He was of opi-
nion, that by a progressive improvement in
the treatment of the slaves, they would become
more and more prolific, so that in a short period
no importation would be wanted, in which
case the trade would cease of itself; and that
he might formally bring before the house
a plan for that purpose, he moved that the
chairman should leave the chair.
1792.
364
After Mr. Estwicke had said a few words in
favor of the amendment moved by Mr. Dun-
1792. das, Mr. Pitt rose, and began by remarking,
night had taken
that the debate of that
a course altogether new. A difference of
opinion had indeed been stated; but upon
principles far removed from those which had
been maintained, when the question was dis-
cussed in former years. By far the greater
number of the persons, who had spoken in
the present debate, had thought it their duty
to declare their full and entire concurrence
with his honorable friend, in promoting the
abolition of the slave trade, as their ultimate
object. Being agreed upon the abolition it-
self, the only dispute now was, as to the
period of time at which it should take place.
"I therefore," continued Mr. Pitt, congra-
tulate this house, the country, and the world,
that this great point is gained, that we may
now consider this trade as having received its
condemnation; that its sentence is sealed;
that this curse of mankind is seen by the
house, in its true light; and that the greatest
stigma on our national character, which ever
yet existed, is about to be removed: And,
sir, which is still more important, that man-
kind, I trust, in general, are now likely to be
delivered from the greatest practical evil,
66
CHAP.
XIV.
365
XIV.
that ever has afflicted the human race, from CHAP.
the severest and most extensive calamity re-
corded in the history of the world.”
Mr. Pitt then entered at great length into
the effect which the abolition would produce
upon the real interest of proprietors of estates
in the West Indies, the condition of the ne-
groes, and the tranquillity and safety of the
islands; and shewed, that all the arguments
drawn from those sources, pleaded much more
loudly and strongly for an immediate, than
for a gradual, abolition. He also contended,
that an act of parliament, operating directly
and instantly, would secure the object they
all had in view, more effectually, and with
less difficulty, than internal regulations in the
respective islands, or any other plan which
could be devised. "Let us then," said he,
begin from this time; let us not commit.
these important concerns to any farther ha-
zard; let us prosecute this great object from
this very hour; let us vote that the abolition
of the slave trade shall be immediate, and
not left to I know not what future time or
contingency."
Having drawn this conclusion from con-
sidering in what manner the colonies them-
selves would be affected by the abolition, he
proceeded to another part of the subject, in
66
1792.
366
CHAP. the following animated strain:
XIV.
1792.
"But now,
sir, I come to Africa; that is the ground on
which I rest; and there it is that I say my
right honorable friends do not carry their
principles to their full extent. Why ought
the slave trade to be abolished? Because it
is incurable injustice: surely this is a reason
for immediate, rather than gradual, abolition.
By allowing the trade to continue even for
one hour, do not my right honorable friends
weaken, do they not desert, their own argu-
ment of its injustice? If on the ground of
injustice it ought to be abolished at last, why
ought it not now? Why is injustice to be
suffered to remain for a single hour? From
what I hear without doors, I fear that the
general conviction of this injustice has led
some men to suppose, that the slave trade
would never have been permitted to begin,
but from some strong and irresistible neces-
sity, a necessity, however, which, if it was
fancied to exist at first, I have shewn cannot
be thought by any man whatever to exist now.
This plea of necessity, thus presumed, and
presumed, as I suspect, from the circumstance
of injustice itself, has caused a sort of acqui-
escence in the continuance of this evil. Men
have been led to place it in the rank of those
necessary evils, which are supposed to be the
367
XIV.
1792.
lot of human creatures, and to be permitted CHAP.
to fall upon some countries or individuals,
rather than upon others, by that Being, whose
ways are inscrutable to us, and whose dispen-
sations, it is conceived, we ought not to look
into. The origin of evil is indeed a subject
beyond the reach of human understandings;
and the permission of it by the Supreme Be-
ing, is a subject into which it belongs not to
us to inquire. But where the evil in question
is a moral evil, which a man can scrutinize,
and where that moral evil has its origin with-
in ourselves, let us not imagine, that we can
clear our consciences by this general, not to
say irreligious, way of laying aside the ques-
tion. If we reflect at all on this subject, we
must see, that every necessary evil supposes
that some other and greater evil would be in-
curred, were it removed: I therefore desire
to ask, what can be that greater evil, which
can be stated to overbalance the one in ques-
tion? I know of no evil that ever has exist-
ed, nor can I imagine any evil to exist, worse
than the tearing seventy or eighty thousand
persons annually from their native land, by
a combination of the most civilized nations,
inhabiting the most enlightened quarter of the
globe, but more especially under the sanction
of the laws of that nation, which calls herself
368
XIV.
CHAP. the most free and most happy of them all.
Even if these miserable beings were proved
1792. guilty of every crime, before you take them
off, of which however not a single proof is
adduced, ought we to take upon ourselves the
office of executioners? And even if we con-
descend so far, still can we be justified in
taking them, unless we have clear proof that
they are criminals?
"But if we go much farther, if we ourselves
tempt the Africans to sell their fellow-crea-
tures to us, we may rest assured, that they
will take care to provide, by every method,
by kidnapping, by village breaking, by unjust
wars, by iniquitous condemnations, by render-
ing their country a scene of bloodshed and
misery, a supply of victims increasing in pro-
portion to our demand. Can we then hesitate
in deciding, whether the wars in Africa be
their wars or our's? It was our arms in the
river Cameroon put into the hands of the
trader, that furnished him with the means of
pushing his trade; and I have no more doubt
that they are British arms, put into the hands
of Africans, which promote universal war and
desolation, than I can doubt their having done
so in that individual instance.
"I have shewn how great is the enormity
of this evil, even on the supposition that we
369
XIV.
buy only convicts and prisoners of war. But CHAP.
take the subject in the other way; take it on the
grounds stated by the right honorable gentleman 1792.
opposite to me, and how does it stand? Think
of eighty thousand persons carried away out
of their country, by we know not what means
-for crimes imputed! for light or inconsider-
able faults! for debt perhaps ! for the crime of
witchcraft! or a thousand other weak and
scandalous pretexts! besides all the fraud and
kidnapping, the villanies and perfidy, by which
the slave-trade is supplied! Reflect on these
eighty thousand persons, thus annually taken
off! There is something in the horror of it,
which surpasses all the bounds of imagination.
Admitting that there exists in Africa some-
thing like to courts of justice; yet, what an
office of humiliation and meanness is it in us
to take upon ourselves to carry into execution
the partial, the cruel, the iniquitous sentences
of such courts, as if we also were strangers
to all religion, and to the first principles of
justice.
•
"But that country, it is said, has been in
some degree civilized, and civilized by us.
It is said they have gained some knowledge
of the principles of justice. What, sir, have
they gained principles of justice from us?
Their civilization brought about by us! Yes,
VOL. III.
B B
Į
370
CHAP.
XIV.
1792.
we give them enough of our intercourse to
convey to them the means, and to initiate them
in the study, of mutual destruction. We give
them just enough of the forms of justice, to
enable them to add the pretext of legal trials
to their other modes of perpetrating the most
atrocious iniquity. We give them just enough
of European improvements, to enable them
the more effectually to turn Africa into a ra-
vaged wilderness. Some evidences
Some evidences say, that
the Africans are addicted to the practice of
gambling, that they even sell their wives and
children, and ultimately themselves. Are
these then the legitimate sources of slavery?
Shall we pretend, that we can thus acquire
an honest right to exact the labor of these
people? Can we pretend that we have a right
to carry away to distant regions, men of whom
we know nothing by authentic inquiry, and of
whom there is every reasonable presumption
to think, that those who sell them to us, have
no right to do so? But the evil does not stop
here. I feel that there is not time for me to
make all the remarks, which the subject de-
serves; and I refrain from attempting to enu-
merate half the dreadful consequences of this
system. Do you think nothing of the ruin
and the miseries in which so many other in-
dividuals, still remaining in Africa, are in-
371
XIV.
1792.
volved, in consequence of carrying off so many CHAP.
myriads of people? Do you think nothing of
their families which are left behind? Of the
connexions which are broken? of the friend-
ships, attachments, and relationships, that are
burst asunder? Do you think nothing of the
miseries in consequence, that are felt from
generation to generation? of the privation of
that happiness, which might be communicat-
ed to them by the introduction of civiliza-
tion, and of mental and moral improvement?
A happiness, which you withhold from them,
so long as you permit the slave trade to con-
tinue. What do you yet know of the internal
state of Africa? You have carried on a trade
to that quarter of the globe, from this civiliz-
ed and enlightened country; but such a trade,
that, instead of diffusing either knowledge or
wealth, it has been the check to every laudable
pursuit. Instead of any fair interchange of
commodities, instead of conveying to them
from this highly-favored land any means of
improvement, you carry with you that noxious
plant, by which every thing is withered and
blasted; under whose shade nothing that is
useful or profitable to Africa will ever florish
or take root. Long as that continent has
been known to navigators, the extreme line
and boundaries of its coasts are all with which
B B 2
372
XIV.
CHAP. Europe is yet become acquainted; while
other countries in the same parallels of lati-
1792. tude, through a happier system of intercourse,
have reaped the blessings of a mutually bene-
ficial commerce. But as to the whole interior
of that continent, you are, by your own prin-
ciples of commerce, entirely shut out. Africa
is known to you only in its skirts: yet even
there you are able to infuse a poison, which
spreads its contagious effects from one end of
it to the other, which penetrates to its very
centre, corrupting every part to which it
reaches. You there subvert the whole order
of nature; you aggravate every natural bar-
barity, and furnish to every man living on
that continent, motives for committing, under
the name and pretext of commerce, acts of
perpetual violence and perfidy against his
neighbor.
Thus, sir, has the perversion of British
commerce carried misery instead of happiness
to one whole quarter of the globe. False to
the very principles of trade, misguided in our
policy, and unmindful of our duty, what asto-
nishing-I had almost said, what irreparable,
mischief have we brought upon that continent?
I would apply this thought to the present ques-
tion. How shall we ever repair this mischief?
How shall we hope to obtain, if it be possible,
CC
373
XIV.
forgiveness from Heaven, for those enormous CHAP.
evils we have committed, if we refuse to make
use of those means, which the mercy of Pro-
vidence has still reserved to us, for wiping away
the guilt and shame, with which we are now
covered? If we refuse even this degree of
compensation, if, knowing the miseries we
have caused, we refuse even now to put a stop
to them, how greatly aggravated will be the
guilt of Great Britain! and what a blot will
these transactions for ever be in the history of
this country! Shall we then delay to repair
these injuries, and to begin rendering this
justice to Africa? Shall we not count the days
and hours, that are suffered to intervene, and to
postpone the accomplishment of such a work?
Reflect what an immense object is before you
-what an object for a nation to have in view,
and to have a prospect, under the favor of
Providence, of being now permitted to attain.
I think the house will agree with me, in cherish-
ing an ardent desire to enter without delay upon
the measures necessary for these great ends;
and I am sure, that the immediate abolition of
the slave trade is the first, the principal, the
most indispensable act of policy, of duty, and
of justice, which the legislature has to take; if
it be indeed their wish to secure those impor-
tant objects to which I have alluded, and which
1792.
BB 3
374
CHAP.
XIV.
1792.
we are bound to pursue by the most solemn
obligations.
"There is, however, one argument set up as
an universal answer to every thing which can
be urged on our side, whether we address our-
selves to gentlemen's understandings, or to
their hearts and consciences. It is necessary
I should remove this formidable objection;
for though not often stated in distinct terms,
I fear it is one, which has a very wide influence.
The slave-trade system, it is supposed, has
taken such deep root in Africa, that it is ab-
surd to think of its being eradicated; and the
abolition of that share of the trade carried on
by Great Britain, and especially if her example
be not followed by any other power, is likely
to be of very little service. Give me leave to
say, in answer to so dangerous an argument,
that we ought to be extremely sure indeed of
the assumption on which it rests, before we
venture to rely on its validity; before we de-
cide, that an evil, which we ourselves contri-
bute to inflict, is incurable, and on that very
plea refuse to desist from bearing our part in
the system which produces it. You do not
know, it is said, that other nations will give up
the trade, if you should renounce it. I answer,
that if this trade is as criminal as it is asserted
to be, nay, if it has in it a thousandth part
375
XIV.
of the criminality, which I and others, after CHAP.
a thorough investigation of the subject, charge
upon it, God forbid, that we should hesitate in
determining to relinquish so iniquitous a traffic,
even though it should be retained by other
countries. God forbid, however, that we should
fail to do our utmost towards inducing other
countries to abandon a bloody commerce, which
they have been probably led in a great measure
by our example to pursue. God forbid, that we
should be capable of wishing to arrogate to
ourselves the glory of being singular in re-
nouncing it.
"I tremble at the thought of gentlemen's
indulging themselves in the argument which
I am combating-an argument as pernicious
as it is futile. We are friends, say they, to
humanity—we are second to none of you, in
our zeal for the good of Africa-but the French
will not abolish-the Dutch will not abolish-
we wait, therefore, on prudential principles,
till they join us, or set us an example. How,
sir, is this enormous evil ever to be eradicated,
if every nation is thus prudentially to wait, till
the concurrence of all the world shall be
obtained? Let me remark too, that there is
no nation in Europe, which has, on the one
hand, plunged so deeply into this guilt as
Britain; or which is so likely, on the other,
1792.
B B 4
376
XIV.
66
CHAP. to be looked up to as an example, if she should
have the manliness to be the first in decidedly
1792. renouncing it. But, sir, does not this argument
apply a thousand times more strongly in a con-
trary way? How much more justly may other
nations point to us, and say,
Why should
we abolish the slave-trade, when Great Britain
has not abolished it? Britain, free as she is,
just and honorable as she is, and deeply also
involved as she is in this commerce, above all
nations, not only has not abolished, but has
refused to abolish-she has investigated it
fully-she has gained a complete insight into
its nature and effects; she has collected vo-
lumes of evidence on every branch of the sub-
ject; her senate has deliberated again and
again; and what is the result? She has gravely
and solemnly determined to sanction the slave
trade; she sanctions it at least for a while: her
legislature therefore, it is plain, sees no guilt in
it, and has thus furnished us with the strongest
evidence which she can furnish-of the justice
unquestionably and of the policy also, in
a certain measure, and in certain cases at least,
of permitting this traffic to continue."
This, sir, is the argument, with which we
furnish the other nations of Europe, if we again
refuse to put an end to the slave-trade. In-
stead, therefore, of imagining, that by choosing
66
377
XIV.
to presume on their continuing it, we shall have CHAP.
exempted ourselves from guilt, and have trans-
ferred the whole criminality to them, let us
rather reflect, that on the very principle urged
against us, we shall henceforth have to answer
for their crimes, as well as for our own. We
have strong reasons to believe, that it depends
upon us, whether other countries will persist
in this bloody trade, or not. Already we have
suffered one year to pass away; and now that
the question is renewed, a proposition is made
for gradual, with the view of preventing im-
mediate, abolition. I know the difficulty that
exists in attempting to reform long-established
abuses; and I know the danger arising from
the argument in favor of delay, in the case
of evils, which, nevertheless, are thought too
enormous to be borne, when considered as per-
petual. But, by proposing some other period
than the present, by prescribing some con-
dition, by waiting for some contingency, or by
refusing to proceed till a thousand favorable
circumstances unite together, perhaps till we
gain the general concurrence of Europe, a con-
currence, which, I believe, never yet took place
at the commencement of any one improvement
in policy or in morals, year after year escapes,
and the most enormous evils go unredressed.
We see this abundantly exemplified, not only
1792.
f
378
XIV.
CHAP. in public, but in private, life. Similar obser-
vations have been often applied to the case of
1792. personal reformation. If you go into the street,
it is a chance but the first person who crosses
you is one, "vivendi recte qui prorogat horam."
We may wait; we may delay to cross the stream
before us, till it has run down; but we shall
wait for ever, for the river will still flow on,
without being exhausted*. We shall be no
nearer to the object, which we profess to have
in view, so long as the step, which alone can
bring us to it, is not taken. Until the actual,
the only, remedy is applied, we ought not to
flatter ourselves, either that we have as yet
thoroughly laid to heart the evil we affect to
deplore, or that there is as yet any reasonable
assurance of its being brought to an actual ter-
mination.
f
14
66
Having now detained the house so long,
all that I will farther add, shall be on that
important subject, the civilization of Africa,
which I have already mentioned that I con-
sider as the leading feature in this question.
Grieved am I to think, that there should be
a single person in this country, much more
that there should be a single member in the
* Mr. Pitt evidently alluded to those beautiful lines of
Horace:
Rusticus expectat dum defluat amnis, at ille
Labitur, et labetur in omne volubilis ævum.
379
XIV.
British parliament, who can look on the present CHAP.
dark, uncultivated, and uncivilized state of
that continent, as a ground for continuing the
slave-trade; as a ground not only for refusing
to attempt the improvement of Africa, but
even for hindering and intercepting every ray
of light, which might otherwise break in upon
her; as a ground for refusing to her the com-
mon chance and the common means, with which
other nations have been blessed, of emerging
from their native barbarism.
-
66
Here, as in every other branch of this
extensive question, the argument of our adver-
saries pleads against themselves; for, surely,
sir, the present deplorable state of Africa, es-
pecially when we reflect that her chief cala-
mities are to be ascribed to us, calls for our
generous aid, rather than justifies any despair
on our part of her recovery, and still less any
farther repetition of the injuries.
"I will not much longer fatigue the at-
tention of the house; but this point has im-
pressed itself so deeply on my mind, that I must
trouble the committee with a few additional
observations. Are we justified, I ask, on any
ground of theory, or by any one instance to be
found in the history of the world, from its very
beginning to this day, in forming the sup-
position which I am now combating? Are we
1792.
380
XIV.
CHAP. justified in supposing, that the particular prac-
tice, which we encourage in Africa, of men's
1792. selling each other for slaves, is any symptom
of barbarism which is incurable? Are we jus-
tified in supposing, that even the practice of
offering up human sacrifices, proves a total
incapacity for civilization? I believe it will
be found, and much more generally than is
imagined, that both the trade in slaves, and
the still more savage custom of offering human
sacrifices, obtained in former periods, through-
out many of those nations, which now, by the
blessing of Providence, and by a long pro-
gression of improvements, are advanced the far-
thest in civilization. I believe, that if we will
reflect an instant, we shall find, that this obser-
vation comes directly home to our ownselves;
and that on the same ground, on which we are
now disposed to proscribe Africa for ever from
all possibility of improvement, we ourselves
might, in like manner, have been proscribed,
and for ever shut out from all the blessings
which we now enjoy.
"There was a time, sir, which it may be
fit occasionally to revive in the remembrance of
our countrymen, when even human sacrifices
are said to have been offered in this island.
But I would peculiarly observe on this day,
for it is a case precisely in point, that the very
381
XIV.
practice of the slave-trade once prevailed CHAP.
among us. Slaves, as we may read in Henry's
History of England, were formerly an esta-
blished article of our exports. Great numbers,
he says, were exported, like cattle, from the
British coast, and were to be seen exposed for
sale in the Roman market. It does not dis-
tinctly appear, by what means they were pro-
cured; but there was unquestionably no small
resemblance in this particular point, between
the case of our ancestors and that of the pre-
sent wretched natives of Africa; for the his-
torian tells us, that adultery, witchcraft, and
debt, were probably some of the chief sources
of supplying the Roman market with British
slaves; that prisoners taken in war were added
to the number; and that there might be among
them some unfortunate gamesters, who, after
having lost all their goods, at length staked
themselves, their wives, and their children.
Every one of these sources of slavery has been
stated, and almost precisely in the same terms,
to be at this hour a source of slavery in
Africa. And these circumstances, sir, with
a solitary instance or two of human sacrifices,
furnish the alleged proofs, that Africa labors
under a natural incapacity for civilization;
that it is enthusiasm and fanaticism to think,
that she can ever enjoy the knowledge and
1792.
382
XIV.
CHAP. the morals of Europe; that Providence never
intended her to rise above a state of barba-
1792. rism; that Providence has irrevocably doomed
her to be only a nursery for slaves for us free
and civilized Europeans. Allow of this prin-
ciple as applied to Africa, and I should be
glad to know, why it might not also have been
applied to antient and uncivilized Britain.
Why might not some Roman senator, reason-
ing upon the principles of some honorable
members of this house, and pointing to British
barbarians, have predicted with equal bold-
ness, "There is a people, that will never rise
to civilization-There is a people destined
never to be free-a people without the under-
standing necessary for the attainment of use-
ful arts, depressed by the hand of nature
below the level of the human species, and
created to form a supply of slaves for the rest
of the world." Might not this have been
said, according to the principles which we
now hear stated, in all respects as fairly and
as truly of Britain herself, at that period of
her history, as it can now be said by us, of the
inhabitants of Africa? We, sir, have long
since emerged from barbarism. We have
almost forgotten, that we ever were barbarians.
We are now raised to a situation, which
exhibits a striking contrast to every circum-
383
XIV.
stance, by which a Roman might then have CHAP.
characterized us, and by which we now cha-
racterize Africa. There is indeed one thing 1792.
wanting to complete the contrast, and to clear
us altogether from the imputation of acting
even to this hour as barbarians; for we con-
tinue to this hour a barbarous traffic in slaves:
we continue it even yet in spite of all our
great and undeniable pretensions to civiliza-
tion. We were once as obscure among the
nations of the earth, as savage in our manners,
as debased in our morals, as degraded in our
understandings, as these unhappy Africans
are at present. But in the lapse of a long
series of years, by a progression, slow, and
for a time almost imperceptible, we have
become rich in a variety of acquirements,
favored above measure in the gifts of Provi-
dence, unrivalled in commerce, pre-eminent
in arts, foremost in the pursuits of philosophy
and science, and established in all the bless-
ings of civil society: We are in the possession
of peace, of happiness, and of liberty; we are
under the guidance of a mild and beneficent
religion, and we are protected by impartial
laws, and the purest administration of justice.
We are living under a system of government,
which our own happy experience leads us to
pronounce the best and wisest, which has ever
384
CHAP. yet been framed; a system, which has become
XIV. the admiration of the world. From all these
1792. blessings we must have been for ever exclu-
ded, had there been any truth in those prin-
ciples, which some gentlemen have not hesi-
tated to lay down as applicable to the case of
Africa. Had those principles been true, we
ourselves should have languished to this hour,
in that miserable state of ignorance, brutality,
and degradation, in which our history proves
our ancestors to have been immersed. Had
other nations adopted these principles in their
conduct towards us; had other nations applied
to Great Britain the reasoning, which some
of the senators of this very island now apply
to Africa, ages might have passed without
our emerging from barbarism; and we who
are enjoying the blessings of British civiliza-
tion, of British laws, and of British freedom,
might at this hour have been little superior,
either in morals, in knowledge, or refine-
ment, to the rude inhabitants of the coast of
Guinea.
"If then we feel, that this perpetual con-
finement in the fetters of brutal ignorance,
would have been the greatest calamity which
could have befallen us; if we view with grati-
tude and exultation the contrast between the
peculiar blessings we enjoy, and the wretched-
885
XIV.
ness of the antient inhabitants of Britain; if CHAP.
we shudder to think of the misery, which
would still have overwhelmed us, had Great
Britain continued to the present time to be
the mart for slaves to the more civilized
nations of the world, through some cruel
policy of theirs, God forbid that we should
any longer subject Africa to the same dread-
ful scourge, and preclude the light of know-
ledge, which has reached every other quarter
of the globe, from having access to her coasts.
"I trust we shall no longer continue this
commerce, to the destruction of every im-
provement on that wide continent; and shall
not consider ourselves as conferring too great
a boon, in restoring its inhabitants to the rank
of human beings. I trust we shall not think
ourselves too liberal, if, by abolishing the
slave trade, we give them the same common
chance of civilization with other parts of the
world, and that we shall now allow to Africa
the opportunity-the hope-the prospect, of
attaining to the same blessings, which we our-
selves, through the favorable dispensations of
Divine Providence, have been permitted to
enjoy at a much more early period. If we
listen to the voice of reason and duty, and
pursue this night the line of conduct which
they prescribe, some of us may live to see
VOL. III.
CC
1792.
386
CHAP.
XIV.
1792.
a reverse of that picture, from which we now
turn our eyes with shame and regret. We
may live to behold the natives of Africa,
engaged in the calm occupations of industry,
in the pursuits of a just and legitimate com-
merce. We
We may behold the beams of science
and philosophy breaking in upon their land,
which, at some happy period, in still later
times, may blaze with full lustre, and, joining
their influence to that of pure religion, may
illuminate and invigorate the most distant
extremities of that immense continent. Then
may we hope, that even Africa, though last
of all the quarters of the globe, shall enjoy at
length, in the evening of her days, those bless-
ings which have descended plentifully upon
us in a much earlier period of the world.
Then also will Europe, participating in her
improvement and prosperity, receive an ample
recompence for the tardy kindness, if kindness
it can be called, of no longer hindering that con-
tinent from extricating herself out of the dark-
ness, which, in other more fortunate regions,
has been so much more speedily dispelled,
Nos primus equis oriens afflavit anhelis;
Illic sera rubens accendit lumina vesper*.
"Then, sir, may be applied to Africa, those
* Georg. lib. 1. 250.
387
}
words, originally used indeed with a different CHAP.
XIV.
view,
His demum exactis,
Devenere locos lætos, et amœna vireta
Fortunatorum nemorum, sedesque beatas;
Largior hic campos æther et lumine vestit
Purpureo*.
"It is in this view, sir, it is as an atonement
for our long and cruel injustice towards
Africa, that the measure proposed by my
honorable friend, most forcibly recommends
itself to my mind. The great and happy
change to be expected in the state of her
inhabitants, is, of all the various and impor-
tant benefits of the abolition, in my estima-
tion, incomparably the most extensive and
important.
"I shall vote, sir, against the adjournment,
and I shall also oppose to the utmost every pro-
position, which in any way may tend either to
prevent, or even to postpone for an hour, the
total abolition of the slave trade; a measure,
which, on all the various grounds I have stated,
we are bound, by the most pressing and indis-
pensable duty, to adopt."
It is impossible to imagine that this truly
eloquent and persuasive speech, which was re-
ceived with the loudest applauses, did not carry
conviction to the minds of many who heard
* Æn. lib. 6. 637.
cc 2
сс
1792.
388
1
XIV.
1792.
CHAP. it; but still Mr. Pitt failed in his main object,
immediate abolition. For, though Mr. Jenkin-
son's motion was rejected by a majority of 234
to 87, Mr. Dundas's proposal for inserting the
word "gradually," was agreed to by a majority
of 193 to 125. Mr. Wilberforce's motion,
with this addition, was carried, by a majority of
145; the numbers being, 230, and 85.
After these divisions, the house adjourned.
Thus, however, was it decided, by a very
large majority, that the slave trade ought to
be gradually abolished; but Mr. Wilberforce,
on the 4th of April, informed the house, that
it was impossible for him to bring in any bill
for a gradual abolition, or, in other words, to
sanction for a time, that, which, it was his
deep and firm conviction, ought not to endure
one moment longer. It was, he said, for Mr.
Dundas, who proposed, or for, some of those
who supported the gradual, instead of the
immediate, abolition, to follow up a measure,
which he disclaimed.
Mr. Dundas acknowledged, that he was not
prepared with a bill, or with a digested system,
to carry his opinion into effect; but being
pressed by Mr. Wilberforce, Mr. Fox and other
friends to abolition, he promised to take the
subject into consideration, and to submit his
ideas to the house on a future day.
389
XIV.
Accordingly, on the 23d of the same month, CHA P.
he explained his sentiments as to the time and
manner of abolishing the trade; and at the 1792.
end of his speech, read twelve resolutions,
the first of which, fixing a definite meaning
to the word gradual, directed that the impor-
tation of African slaves into the British colo-
nies, should cease on the 1st of January 1800;
and the other eleven contained a variety of
previous regulations, which appeared to him
necessary for the final accomplishment of his
plan at the proposed period.
It being understood, that, on the present
occasion, it was intended only to make an
order for printing these resolutions, with a view
to their being debated on a future day, Mr.
Pitt contented himself with expressing an
opinion, that the house was not precluded, by
the vote of the former night, from reconsi-
dering the propriety of immediate abolition;
and he hoped, that an opportunity would be
afforded of again voting upon that question:
he did not despair of convincing the house, of
the inconsistency and impracticability of
a gradual abolition; but if he should fail
in that attempt, he would consent to any pro-
position, which was most likely to shorten
the duration of the slave trade. Mr. Wilber-
force and Mr. Fox concurred with Mr. Pitt in
c. c 3
390
XIV.
1792.
CHAP. thinking, that nothing had yet been done by
the house to prevent a revisal and alteration
of their former decision; and they all agreed,
that the doctrines and additional information
that day brought before the committee by
Mr. Dundas, tended more and more to impress
upon their minds, the necessity for a total and
immediate abolition of the trade.
Two days afterwards, Mr. Dundas moved
his first resolution; and lord Mornington pro-
posed, that, instead of the 1st of January
1800, should be substituted, the 1st of January
1793, which was, in fact, to propose an im-
mediate abolition. This amendment, although
strenuously supported by Mr. Pitt, Mr. Fox,
and Mr. Wilberforce, was lost, by a majority
of 158 to 109, and the house immediately
adjourned.
At another interval of two days, the debate
was resumed, and lord Mornington moved,
that the trade should cease on the 1st of
January 1795. Mr. Pitt, in supporting this
amendment, lamented, that his efforts on this
subject had, hitherto, not been completely
successful; but he was consoled with the
thought, that the house had come to a reso-
lution, declarative of their opinion, that this
trade ought not to continue; that all parties
had concurred in reprobating it; that even its
391
XIV.
advocates had been compelled to acknowledge CHAP
its infamy. The question now was only, the
continuance of this abominable traffic, which
even its friends, thought so intolerable, that it
ought to be crushed. Jamaica had imported
one hundred and fifty thousand negroes in
the course of twenty years: and this was ad-
mitted to be only one-tenth part of the trade.
Was there ever, could there be, any thing
beyond the enormity of this infamous traffic?
The very thought of it was beyond human
endurance. It was allowed, however, that the
trade was infamous; but the abolition of it
was resolvible to a question of expediency;
and then, when the trade was argued as
a commercial case, its advocates, in order to
continue it, deserted even the principles of
commerce; so that a traffic in the liberty,
the blood, the life of human beings, was not
to have even the advantage of the common
rules of arithmetic, which governed all other
commercial dealings.
The point now in dispute was only one
year, as he understood; for the amendment
proposed the year 1795 for the abolition,
while only the year 1796 was contended for
by some on the other side. As to those who
were concerned in the trade, a year would not
make much difference; but did it make no
1792.
CC4
392
CHAP. difference to the unhappy slaves?
XIV.
1792.
It was
true that, in the course of commercial con-
cerns in general, it was said sometimes to be
beneath the magnanimity of a man of honor
to insist on a scrupulous exactness in his own
favor, upon a disputed item in accounts; but
did it make any part of our magnanimity to
be exact in our own favor, in the traffic of
human blood? When a man gave up 5007.
or 1007. against himself, upon a complicated
reckoning, he was called generous; and when
he insisted on it in his own favor, he was
deemed niggardly. The common course when
parties disagreed, was, what the vulgar phrase
called, "to split the difference." If he could
feel that he was to calculate upon the subject
in this way, the side on which he should de-
termine it, was in favor of the unhappy suf-
ferers, not of those who oppressed them.
But this one year was only to shew the
planters, that parliament were willing to be
liberal to them. "Sir," said Mr. Pitt, "I do
not understand complimenting away the lives
of so many human beings. I do not under-
stand the principle on which a few individuals
are to be complimented, and their minds set
at rest, at the expence, and total sacrifice, of
the interest, the security, the happiness, of
a whole quarter of the world, which, from
h
393
XIV.
1792.
our foul practices, has, for a vast length of CHAP.
time, been a scene of misery and horror.
1 because I feel, that every
say,
every hour you
continue this trade, you are guilty of an of-
fence beyond your power to atone for; and
by your indulgence to the planters, thousands
of human beings are to be miserable for ever.
Notwithstanding the bill passed for regulating
the middle passage, even now the loss during
the voyage is not less than ten in every
hundred. Including the whole mortality of
this deleterious traffic, nearly five hundred out
of every thousand that are taken, still perish
-are miserable victims brought to their
graves; and the remaining part of this un-
happy groupe are tainted both in body and
mind, covered with disease and infection, in-
fecting the very earth on which they tread,
and the air in which they breathe; carrying
with them the seeds of pestilence and insur-
rection to your islands. Every year you con-
tinue this abominable trade, you add thousands
to the catalogue of misery. Am I then im-
properly pressing the house to consider,
whether it be not better, that the trade should
continue two, rather than three years? I feel
its infamy so heavily, I am so clearly con-
vinced of its impolicy, that I am ashamed
I have not been able to prevail upon the
+
394
XIV.
CHAP. house to abandon it altogether at an instant—
to pronounce with once voice, immediate and
total abolition. There is no excuse for us,
seeing this infernal traffic as we do. It is the
very death of justice, to utter a syllable in
support of it. Sir, I know I state this subject
with warmth. I feel it is impossible for me
not to do so; or if it were, I should detest
myself for the exercise of moderation.
"As to the probability, that in the year
1795 the plantations will not be in a state fit
to carry on business without the importation
of fresh negroes, I will venture to say, that
there is no ground whatever for any such ap-
prehension. They will be in a situation in
1795 to go on without importation-they will
be in that situation in 1794-they will be in
that situation in 1793; for I have proved
them to have been in that situation in 1788.
In short, unless I have misunderstood the
subject, and unless some reason much supe-
rior to any I have yet heard, be adduced,
I shall think it the most singular act that ever
was done by a deliberative assembly, to refuse
to assent to the proposed amendment.”
Mr. Pitt spoke a second time in this debate,
for the purpose of explaining and enforcing
some of his arguments, which had been mis-
understood; but all his exertions and all his
1792.
395
zeal were in vain, the amendment being re-
jected by 161 to 121.
Sir Edward Knatchbull then proposed the
1st of January, 1796, which, after a short
conversation, was carried by a majority of
151 to 132.
Mr. Dundas immediately declared, that as
so material an alteration had been made in
his plan, he must decline taking any farther
step upon the subject; and the house ad-
journed.
Mr. Pitt, finding the business thus aban-
doned both by Mr. Wilberforce and Mr.
Dundas, because their respective sentiments
were not adopted by the house to their full
extent, and being anxious, that the abolition
should take place at any period rather than
none, undertook, notwithstanding his other
occupations, to move such additional resolu-
tions as he thought requisite, and to bring
in a bill founded upon them; and accordingly
on the 2nd of May, he moved five of Mr.
Dundas's resolutions with modifications and
amendments. They passed without opposi-
tion or debate; and being reported, at Mr.
Pitt's particular desire, that night, were upon
his motion communicated to the house of
lords at a conference the next day, together
with copies of all the information and ac-
CHAP.
XIV.
1792.
396
XIV.
CHAP. counts, which had been received by the house
of commons: the object of this haste was,
that a bill might be introduced as soon as
possible, with the joint concurrence of the two
houses.
1792.
On the 8th of May, when the business came
under consideration, lord Stormont, who was
adverse to the abolition, contended, that, in
a matter of so great moment, it would be
beneath the dignity of the house of lords, to
rely upon the documents received from the
other house; and insisted, that they had
a right, and that it was their duty, before
they expressed any opinion upon these reso-
lutions, to satisfy themselves of the truth
of the facts, upon which they were founded,
by calling witnesses to their own bar he
therefore made a motion for that purpose.
The reasonableness of hearing evidence could
not be controverted; but lord Grenville, who
was a zealous friend to the abolition, and had
undertaken to conduct the business in the
house of lords, knowing that the examination
of witnesses at the bar would create great
delay, proposed, that it should take place
before a select committee. This amendment,
which was opposed by the lord chancellor
and several other peers, who were unfriendly
to the resolutions, was negatived by a ma-
397
jority of 63 to 36; and the original motion CHAP.
passed.
XIV.
1792.
The examination of witnesses at the bar
accordingly commenced, but little
very pro-
gress was made in it before the prorogation;
the time of the house being much occupied
by the trial of Mr. Hastings, and other public
business; and of course the introduction of
the intended bill was necessarily postponed
to the next session. That this must be the
case, was indeed foreseen from the moment
it was determined, that the witnesses should
be examined at the bar of the house of lords;
and such postponement was unquestionably
the object of those who supported that
measure.
On the 19th of March, Mr. Pitt introduced
into the house of commons, a bill for the en-
couragement of the growth of timber in the
New Forest. This bill was founded upon
a report of the commissioners appointed to
inquire into the state of the land revenue of
the crown, who represented, that in conse-
quence of inattention to the raising and to
the preservation of timber, both upon crown
lands and private property, there was great
danger, that within a short period there would
not be a sufficient supply of this important
1
398
1792.
CHAP. article for the use of the navy; and the situ-
XIV. ation of the New Forest, affording a ready
water conveyance to Portsmouth and Ply-
mouth, was considered very convenient for
guarding against this serious evil. The bill,
containing suitable provisions for promoting
the growth of timber, and for improving the
royal revenue arising from the New Forest,
by the sale of certain parts, and the enfran-
chisement of copyholds, passed the house of
commons without much difficulty; but in the
house of lords it met with very decided re-
sistance, not only from those members who
were in the habit of opposing the measures of
government, but from the lord chancellor
himself. His lordship, on the 5th of June,
the day appointed for the second reading,
complained, that a bill of so much importance
and delicacy had been deferred to so late at
period of the session, and objected to its prin-
ciple, as favoring the alienation of the crown
lands. Upon the same ground he censured
the reports of the commissioners; asserting,
that it was essential to the safety of the con-
stitution, that the sovereign should have his
interest blended with, and complicated in, the
fate of the landed property of the country.
He reflected severely upon those, who had
given advice to the king upon this measure;
"
399
XIV.
and went so far as to say, that his majesty had CHAP.
been imposed upon. These complaints and
reproaches could not be misunderstood-they
were directed, and known to be directed,
against Mr. Pitt, who had introduced the bill,
and whose peculiar duty it was to advise his
majesty upon such subjects. The commit-
ment of the bill was carried by a majority of
41 to 29; but a petition being presented
against its farther progress, on a following
day, from the owners of land in the forest,
affirming, that the bill would operate in a
manner injurious to their rights, and praying,
that they might be heard by counsel, and
produce evidence at the bar of the house,
which could not with propriety be refused, it
was found impossible to proceed with it in the
present session. The measure was never re-
sumed, other means being resorted to for
promoting the growth of timber.
PARLIAMENT was prorogued on the 16th of
June; and the king, in his speech, lamented
the commencement of hostilities upon the
continent; but assured the two houses, that it
should be his principal care to maintain that
harmony and good understanding which at
present subsisted between himself and the
belligerent powers.
1792.
400
CHAP.
XIV.
1792.
THE extraordinary manner in which, as has
been related, the lord chancellor opposed the
loan bill, rendered it necessary for Mr. Pitt to
take a step, which the common friends of
those two distinguished persons had for some
time seen to be inevitable. From the com-
mencement of Mr. Pitt's administration, to
the period of the king's illness, the lord chan-
cellor had acted with the utmost zeal and
cordiality as a member of the cabinet*; but
during the proceedings in parliament, to which
that unhappy event gave rise, a great alter-
ation took place in his conduct; to such a
degree indeed, that upon several occasions,
Mr. Pitt felt by no means confident, what
part he would take in the debates in the house
of lords. In all the discussions, however,
relative to the regency, he invariably, and
with apparent sincerity, supported the prin-
ciples and measures of Mr. Pitt; but not
entirely without suspicion, at the moment of
the greatest difficulty, of a disposition to
pursue an opposite line, in consequence of his
being admitted to frequent interviews with
* Mr. Pitt used to say, that he always found it useful to
talk over any measure, which he had in contemplation, with
lord Thurlow, as he was sure to hear from him every
objection, to which it was liable.
401
the prince of Wales. Whether the amend-
ment, which took place in the king's health,
had any influence in this respect, it is impos-
sible to know. After his majesty's recovery,
the same coolness and reserve towards Mr.
Pitt, continued and gradually increased,
although there was no difference of opinion
upon any political question, nor did there
appear any other cause for dissatisfaction.
This was a matter of so great importance,
that it was thought right to make the king
acquainted with it; and his majesty wrote to
the lord chancellor upon the subject, towards
the end of November 1789, and received such
an answer as led him confidently to hope, that
Mr. Pitt would in future have no reason to
complain of the lord chancellor. This, how-
ever, proved by no means the case; and
Mr. Pitt, at length convinced, that he could
not rely upon lord Thurlow's co-operation,
submitted to the king, at the beginning of the
following November, the expediency of ad-
vancing Mr. William Grenville, who was then
secretary of state, to the peerage, for the pur-
pose of conducting the public business in the
house of lords, and of remedying those incon-
veniences, which had frequently arisen from
the waywardness of the lord chancellor. To
this proposal his majesty immediately assent-
VOL. III.
D D
CHA P.
XIV.
1792.
402
XIV.
CHAP. ed; but though Mr. Pitt had now the satis-
faction of feeling entirely at ease, as far as
the support of the measures of government
was concerned in the house of lords, yet he
still had the mortification of observing a con-
tinuance of the same unfriendly disposition in
the lord chancellor.
1792.
One of the members of the cabinet*, who
had been intimately acquainted, as well as
politically connected, with the lord chancellor
for many years, repeatedly remonstrated with
him, upon his present conduct towards Mr.
Pitt, which he represented to be the subject of
serious concern to all their colleagues, and
earnestly pressed him, both for public and
private reasons, to state openly and candidly
his ground of complaint; assuring him, that
no offence or neglect had been intended, and
that Mr. Pitt was ready to enter into an ex-
planation upon any point he might wish.
This friendly interposition entirely failed.
No explicit answer could be obtained; nor
did the chancellor mention a single objection
to Mr. Pitt's public measures, or specify one
instance of inattention to himself. He perse-
vered in taking every opportunity of marking
his personal dislike of Mr. Pitt, though con-
stantly warned of the unreasonableness and
* The marquis of Stafford.
-
403
XIV.
unavoidable consequence of such behavior; CHAP.
and at last his spleen broke forth in a violent
censure of a bill, to which he knew Mr. Pitt 1792.
annexed the greatest importance*; and he
actually voted against it without having given
any previous notice of his intention. Mr. Pitt,
who had shown more forbearance than any
other man would have done under similar
circumstances, had now no alternative. Nei-
ther the good of the public service, nor a re-
gard to his own feelings and character, would
allow him to submit to such an indignity; and
on the following morning, he respectfully
submitted to the king, the impossibility of his
remaining in office with the lord chancellor,
and the consequent necessity of his majesty's
making his choice between themt. The king
* The bill for liquidating all future loans.
† Mr. Pitt, at the same time, wrote the following letter to
the lord chancellor :
Downing Street, Wednesday, May 16, 1792.
"My Lord,
"I think it right to take the earliest opportunity of ac-
quainting your lordship, that being convinced of the impos-
sibility of his majesty's service being any longer carried on
to advantage, while your lordship and myself both remain in
our present situations, I have felt it my duty to submit that
opinion to his majesty; humbly requesting his majesty's
determination thereupon.
((
I have the honor to be, &c.
W. PITT."
DD 2
404
XIV.
CHAP. was in some degree prepared for this commu-
nication; and the lord chancellor was imme-
1792. diately acquainted, by his majesty's command,
that he must resign the seals*. But as a change
was not desirable so near the end of the session,
and some time was requisite to bring business,
depending in the court of chancery, to a con-
clusion, he did not actually give up the seals
till the day of the prorogation, when they were
placed in the hands of three commissioners t.
This dismissal of the lord chancellor was not
followed by a single resignation or change in
any political or legal department; nor was it
expected to affect the vote of one member in
either house of parliament-a clear proof of
the opinion which was entertained of Mr. Pitt's
conduct, upon this occasion.
It was mentioned in the former part of this
chapter, that lord Cornwallis, after his return
to Bangalore, in the summer of 1791, passed
the remainder of that year in preparing for
a second expedition against Tippoo Saib. Very
early in 1792, he moved his army to Outradoog +;
*His opposition to the new forest bill, was subsequent to
this notice.
+ The three commissioners were, lord chief baron Eyre,
Mr. justice Ashurst, and Mr. justice Wilson.
It was from this place, and at this time, that lord
Cornwallis wrote to Mr. Pitt the letter, part of which was
}
405
XIV.
and being there joined by the nizam's forces CHAP.
and the Mahrattas, he proceeded on his
march, and arrived in the neighborhood of 1792.
Seringapatam, on the 5th of February. In
the evening of the following day he attacked
Tippoo's fortified camp with such success, that
after a severe conflict, which lasted the whole
of the night and part of the next day, he made
himself master of the camp itself, and also of
a considerable part of the island*, on which
the city was situated. Tippoo took refuge in
a strong fort near his capital, from whence he
informed the allies, that he was desirous of
treating for peace; and commissioners were
appointed for that purpose by the different
parties, who met for the first time on the 15th.
But lord Cornwallis, who had immediately
begun to construct works for assaulting the
fort, knowing the faithlessness of the sultan,
continued his operations even after the nego-
tiation commenced; and the batteries being
I
quoted in the beginning of this chapter. In the same letter
was the following passage:-"I think, notwithstanding all
that has been said to the contrary, that the destruction of
Tippoo's power would be very desirable; but peace, upon safe
and honorable terms, is still the first and greatest object; and
the most encouraging prospects shall not induce me to neglect
an opportunity of obtaining it."
* This island is about four miles long, and a mile and half
broad, formed by a division of the river Cavery, which flows
around it in two distinct channels.
DD 3
406
CHAP. opened on the 19th, Tippoo, who had hitherto
XIV. shewn very little disposition to yield, found
1792. himself on the 23d reduced to so perilous
a state, that he was compelled to submit to the
following terms, dictated by lord Cornwallis;
first, that he should cede one half of his do-
minions to the allied powers; secondly, that
he should pay three crores and thirty lacks of
rupees*; thirdly, that he should, without any
reserve, restore all the prisoners who had been
taken by the Mysoreans, from the time of
Hyder Ally; and fourthly, that he should de-
liver up two of his three eldest sons as hostages
for the performance of this treaty. Two of
the sultan's sons, one ten and the other eight
years old, were accordingly sent with great
pomp to the English camp, on the 26th; and
on the 19th of March, after much dilatory
and evasive conduct on the part of Tippoo,
the definitive treaty was signed. The ceded
country was divided among the three allied
powers, in the manner best suited to their re-
spective interests; and the East India company
was amply compensated for the expences of the
war, by a large acquisition of territory, which
produced a considerable revenue; and at the
same time, by its situation, afforded great protec-
sion and security to the company's former posses-
* Between three and four millions sterling.
407
sions, and to those of the friendly native powers, CHAP.
in the Carnatic, and on the coast of Malabar.
XIV.
The moderation of lord Cornwallis was
highly commended, in suffering Tippoo to re-
tain one half of his dominions, as he had it
completely in his power to deprive him of the
whole; and the good faith which he kept with
the nizam and the Mahrattas, left a favorable
impression of British justice upon the minds
of the Indian chiefs, while he ingratiated him-
self with his own officers and troops, by resigning
to them his share of the plunder-an act of ge-
nerosity, in which he was joined by general Me-
dows. The account of these transactions did
not arrive in England till the autumn of 1792.
By the death of lord Guilford on the 5th
of August in this year, the wardenship of
the Cinque Ports, worth about 3,000l. a year,
became vacant; and the king immediately
offered it to Mr. Pitt, in the following most
gracious and pressing terms:
Windsor, August 6, 1792.
Having this morning received the account
of the death of the earl of Guilford, I take the
first opportunity of acquainting Mr. Pitt, that
the wardenship of the Cinque Ports is an office,
for which I will not receive any recommen-
66
1792.
DD 4
408
I
CHAP. dations; having positively resolved to confer
XIV. it on him, as a mark of that regard, which
1792. his eminent services have deserved from me.
I am so bent on this, that I shall seriously be
offended at any attempt to decline. I have
intimated these my intentions to the earl of
Chatham, lord Grenville, and Mr. Dundas."
His Majesty, knowing that Mr. Pitt was at
Burton Pynsent, on a visit to his mother, sent
the above letter to Mr. Dundas, in London, add-
ing," Mr. Dundas is to forward it with a few
lines from himself, expressing, that I will not
admit of this favor being declined. I desire that
lord Chatham may also write, and that Mr. Dun-
das will take the first opportunity of acquaint-
ing lord Grenville with the step I have taken*."
We have seen, that Mr. Pitt declined an
office of the same value, soon after he became
first lord of the treasury, and at a moment,
when his continuance in that situation was
extremely uncertain. Having then been only
10
* The king had always expressed a great desire to make
some provision for Mr. Pitt. In May 1790, Mr. Pitt ap-
plied by letter to the king, for the reversion of a tellership of
the exchequer, in favor of lord Auckland's son, to which his
majesty assented; and added, "had Mr. Pitt proposed some
means of rendering it of utility to himself, it would have
been pleasing to me, as I do not feel easy at not having had
an opportunity of securing a provision for him, in case of
my paying that tribute, to which every one is sooner or later
subject."
409
XIV.
a short time in his majesty's service, he felt CHAP.
that he had no claim upon the public; and
the very peculiar circumstances in which he
stood, instead of operating as an inducement
to seize that opportunity of securing to himself
a provision, determined him to dispose of the
clerkship of the pells, without benefit to him-
self, or to any relative or friend. But he had
now been prime minister nearly nine years;
and conscious, that he had employed all his
time and thoughts in endeavoring to promote
the interests of his country; and knowing,
that besides giving up a lucrative profession,
he had expended the whole of his private for-
tune, in addition to his official income, he
gratefully accepted this mark of his majesty's
condescending kindness and approbation; and
the propriety of the appointment was never
called in question by any party or person *.
* This assertion admits of one exception. A noble duke,
who then held a high situation in his majesty's household,
applied to Mr. Pitt for this office, which was always consi-
dered to be in the gift of the minister; and he took every
opportunity of expressing and shewing his resentment, that
Mr. Pitt would not decline it in his favor. Three years
afterwards, he refused to give his vote for a professorship at
Cambridge, which vote he had in right of his official situa-
tion, according to Mr. Pitt's wishes, assigning his disappoint-
ment with respect to the Cinque Ports, as his reason; and
yet the noble duke was suffered to retain his situation in the
household till his death in 1799.
1792.
410
CHAP.
XV.
CHAPTER THE FIFTEENTH :
1792.
Affairs in France-Relative Conduct of Great Britain and
France-Revolutionary Spirit in England-Meeting of
Parliament-Declaration of War by France against Great
Britain and Holland-Review of Mr. Pitt's Measures.
C
THE disposition of the authors and pro-
moters of the revolution in France, to
1792. foster and encourage the same spirit in other
nations, which appeared in its earliest stage,
and in every part of its progress, has been cur-
sorily noticed; and it will now be proper to
enter more fully into the subject, as the con-
sequences it produced, necessarily and mate-
rially influenced the whole course of Mr. Pitt's
administration from this period.
The national assembly, immediately after
the removal of the king from Versailles to Paris
in 1789, received a congratulatory address
from the revolution society in London, with
the warmest approbation; and declared, that
it contained those sentiments of universal be-
nevolence, which ought to unite together, in
all countries of the world, the true friends of
411
XV.
liberty and of the happiness of mankind. In CHAP.
the following year, a similar reception was
given to a petition presented by Anacharsis
Cloots, attended by a train of persons, who
pretended to be ambassadors from all the na-
tions of the earth: in this petition it was stated,
that the people were everywhere under the
yoke of dictators, calling themselves sove-
reigns, in defiance of the national assembly,
who had pronounced, that the sovereignty re-
sided in the people themselves; and the presi-
dent in his answer, said, that the petitioners
had proved that the progress, which one nation
makes in philosophy and in the rights of man,
belongs equally to all other nations; and that
France flattered herself, that her example
would lead to the restoration of liberty in
every country, by whatever name its govern-
ment was administered. Upon one occasion
it was boasted, that the universe would be
indebted to the national assembly, for behold-
ing the yoke of error, despotism, superstition,
and ignorance, broken by all men, who, tired,
like the French, of the debasement and inert-
ness, into which the people had fallen, should
annihilate every species of tyranny: and upon
another it was said, that the national assembly,
having had the honor of making France free, it
belonged to the rising generation to carry that
-⇓
1792.
412
1792.
CHAP. Conquest to the very extremities of the two
XV. worlds; and the only mode of obtaining free-
dom for any country was pronounced to be,
by raising the governed against the governors;
and by teaching the people, that such resistance
was easy, and could not fail to be attended
with advantage. These and other sentiments,
in the same spirit of hostility to all established
governments, were delivered and applauded in
the national assembly, before it was even pre-
tended, that any foreign court had expressed
the slightest dissatisfaction upon the subject
of the French revolution; and to give greater
effect to what passed in public, the Jacobin
clubs in France, the leading members of which
had the principal influence in the assembly,
maintained a constant communication with
similar institutions in other countries, and em-
ployed emissaries, in violation of the law of
nations, to propagate their principles and ex-
cite discontent among the middle and lower
classes of society. To this it may be added,
that the refusal to exempt the possessions of
the German princes in Alsace and Lorrain,
from the operation of the decrees for the abo-
lition of feudal rights, was in direct contra-
diction to the solemn compact, by which those
countries were annexed to the crown of
France; and the seizure of Avignon and the
413
XV.
>
1792.
Contat Venaissin, which had formed part of CHAP.
the pope's dominions for several centuries *
was another instance of the flagrant violation
of the most sacred treaties, and of an utter
disregard to the fundamental principles of
national faith.
It was impossible that these proceedings,
which threatened to disturb the tranquillity,
and endanger the safety, of every independent
state, should not awaken general apprehension
and alarm; and it was natural to expect, that
the powers, whose territories were contiguous
to France, should feel themselves peculiarly
interested in checking this disorganizing and
revolutionary system. Soon after the flight
and subsequent detention of the king of
France in a state of captivity, the emperor of
Germany pointed out to other courts the de-
graded condition, to which his brother-in-law
and ally was reduced, as an example of most
pernicious tendency; and suggested the ne-
cessity of requiring, in their joint names, the
liberation of his most christian majesty, and
of announcing their determination to unite in
avenging, in the most signal manner, any
farther attempt against the liberty, the honor,
or safety of his royal person. The emperor
* Avignon had belonged to the Roman See four centuries
and a half, and the Contat Venaissin nearly six centuries.
414
XV.
CHAP. and king of Prussia held a conference at
Pilnitz *, to consider the expediency and
means of forming a confederacy for that pur-
pose; and a manifesto, signed by them at that
place on the 27th of August 1791, was the first
public notice taken of the French revolution,
by any foreign power. In this manifesto they
declared, that they considered the then situa-
tion of the king of France as an object of
common interest to all the sovereigns of Eu-
rope; and that they hoped for the concurrence
of other powers, whose assistance they had
already solicited, in making the necessary exer-
tions to enable the king of France, when placed
in a state of perfect freedom, to establish
a monarchical government, upon principles
equally consistent with the rights of sovereigns
and the welfare of the French nation.
1792.
-
It is to be observed, that it formed no part
of this plan to restore the king of France to
that absolute dominion, which he enjoyed before
the revolution-its only object was, to put an
end to that dangerous usurpation of authority
then existing in France, by contributing to
the establishment of a limited monarchy, which
would have been no less beneficial to that
* The elector of Saxony, the comte d'Artois, the marquis
de Bouillè, and M. de Calonne, were present at this con-
ferencé.
415
XV.
country, than to the surrounding nations, whose CHAP.
peace had been frequently disturbed by the
uncontrolled ambition of the French sove-
reigns. The powers alluded to as having
been invited to join in the proposed alliance
were Spain, Russia, England, Naples, and
Sardinia; and they all, with the exception
of England, promised to co-operate with the
emperor of Germany and the king of Prussia
against the ruling party in France.
But before any active step could be taken
by this coalition, if any such were really in-
tended*, the king of France formally notified
his acceptance of the new constitution to all
the courts of Europe; in consequence of which,
the emperor, considering this as the voluntary
act of Louis, immediately declared, that the
confederacy was at an end for the present;
and only recommended to the other sovereigns
to be upon their guard, and to hold themselves
in readiness, in case any fresh events should ren-
der the renewal of the alliance adviseable. He
wrote a letter soon after to the king of France,
to assure him that he had no design to interfere
* "There is reason to believe, that it was not the em-
peror's design to commence hostilities against France, but
merely to alarm the Jacobins by a junction of several
powers, and to deter them from offering violence to the
persons of his brother-in-law, and his own sister." Marsh
v. 1. p. 10.
-
1792.
416
XV.
1792.
CHAP. in the affairs of his kingdom, while the con-
stitution, which had been duly proposed and
acceded to, was faithfully observed. He made
a considerable reduction in his army, and again
received the French ambassador, who had been
forbidden to appear at his court.
He also re-
quired the elector of Mentz to disperse the
corps of French emigrants stationed in his
dominions; and prohibited their assembling
in military array in the Austrian Netherlands.
It was scarcely possible for the emperor to give
more unequivocal proof of his wish and in-
tention to remain at peace with France; and
had the king been permitted freely to exercise
even the little power which the constitution
gave him, no war would have ensued. The
pacific disposition of his imperial majesty was
indeed acknowledged by Brissot, who, both
on the 29th of September and the 20th of
October 1791, assured the national assembly,
that there was no reason to apprehend war on
the part of Austria, as the emperor was a lover
of peace. This confession was the more re-
markable, as on the former of those days,
Brissot recommended war as a national benefit
to France.
The second national assembly, generally
known by the name of the Legislative As-
sembly, met in October 1791; and by far the
417
XV.
1792.
greater number of its members were Jacobins CHAP.
of the lowest origin*, and most unprincipled
character, determined to abolish royalty with
all its appendages t. While a large majority
agreed upon this main point, there was a dif
ference of opinion among them, whether their
common object would be best attained by a
foreign war, or by a continuance of peace;
and after a struggle, which was maintained
with eagerness for a considerable time, the
advocates for war prevailed ‡. The ultimate
end, however, at which they aimed, and the
means by which it was to be accomplished,
were both of them measures of too great im-
* The members of the dissolved national assembly were,
by the constitution, incapable of being re-elected. Not 50
out of 750 members of the new assembly were supposed to
possess a clear annual income of 100l. sterling.
+ On the 4th of September in the following year, all the
members of the assembly who were present, exclaimed at
once, that they swore hatred to kings and to royalty.
‡ Brissot, who was at the head of the war faction, in
a pamphlet addressed to the republicans of France, said,
"without war France would not have become a republic;"
and, "it was the abolition of royalty which I had in view in
causing war to be declared!" And Louvet, in his address to
Roberspierre, said, "republicans who were worthy of the
name, demanded the war: they dared to aspire to the lasting
renown, to the immortal honor, of abolishing royalty itself,
of abolishing it for ever, first in France, and then throughout
the world." Marsh v. 1. p. 69. The speeches and writings
of the principal members of the national assembly abounded
with expressions and sentiments in favor of war.
VOL. III.
EE
418
CHAP. portance to be carried into execution abruptly.
XV. Plausible pretexts were to be sought, and the
public mind was to be prepared, for these
violent and unjustifiable acts.
1792.
With that view, reports were industriously
circulated, that the emigrant princes were
assembling an army for the purpose of invading
France and effecting a counter-revolution ;
and that they kept up a constant correspond-
ence with what was called an Austrian com-
mittee in the Thuilleries, under the sanction
of the king*. It was also asserted, that the
emperor, notwithstanding his pacific profes-
sions, was actually marching large bodies of
troops towards Alsace and Lorrain; and that
he was secretly urging the other powers of
Europe to join in a general confederacy, for
the restoration of absolute monarchy in France.
These plots, it was pretended, could only be
defeated by "assuming a bold attitude, and
by striking the first blow." "A hundred
thousand Frenchmen," the instigators to war
exclaimed, "brave and well armed, are im-
patiently waiting for the signal to attack;
while on the side of our enemies, nothing is
to be perceived but extreme impotence: the
* One of the journalists was tried for asserting, that such
a committee existed, and could produce no proof of his
assertion.
419
XV.
!
empire is only a phantom; Brabant will pro- CHAP.
bably become free, and the ally of France;
Holland, restored to liberty, cannot be the
enemy of a free people; the distresses of
Spain will render her inactive; and the English
government can only strike at a distance, while
the people of England will offer up prayers for
the success, which they know will one day be
their own: war will fix the French revolution
upon an immovable basis, and shake the throne
of every despot in Europe." It was now *, for
the first time, affirmed, that the Rhine, the
Alps, the Pyrenees, and the ocean, were the
boundaries pointed out by nature for the king-
dom of France; an extent of country evidently
comprehending several territories then pos-
sessed by other powers, to which France had
not the slightest claim, and which could not
be obtained but by military conquest. It was
expressly asserted, that war was necessary for
France for her honor-for her safety-for
the re-establishment of her finances, and of
her public credit. To shew the probability
of success in any attempt against their German
neighbors, an official report was made to the
national assembly, as early as the 12th of
January 1792, stating, that 240 battalions of
foot, and 160 squadrons of horse, were already
* December 14, 1791.
1792.
EE 2
420
XV.
CHAP. assembled on the borders from Dunkirk to
Besançon, with artillery and magazines for an
army of 200,000 men, and that the most active
measures were taking for a still farther aug-
mentation *.
1792.
These confident representations of hostile
intentions against the new constitution of
France, and these projects of ambition, with
the power of carrying them into execution,
artfully displayed, produced the desired effect;
and the national assembly, finding its autho-
rity sufficiently established, and the people
favorably disposed to its plans, declared war,
with only seven dissentient voices, on the 20th
of April 1792, against the king of Hungary
and Bohemia, there being at this time no
emperor of Germany +. This was also, in
fact, a declaration of war against the king of
Prussia, who had formally announced to the
French cabinet, that he should consider any
attack upon the dominions of Austria, as an
attack upon his own.
Such was the commencement of the French
revolutionary war, which, from the principles
* These measures were so successful, that in the summer
of 1792, the French had 300,000 men in arms.
+ Leopold died on the 1st of March, and his son Francis
the Second, who immediately succeeded to his hereditary
dominions, was not elected emperor till the 5th of July. He
was crowned at Frankfort on the 14th.
421
XV.
1792.
in which it originated, from the number of CHAP.
powers afterwards engaged in the contest, from
the wonderful events attending almost every
stage of its long continuance, and from the
extraordinary circumstances with which it was
concluded, at the end of three-and-twenty
years, must always occupy a most distinguished
place in the page of history; and can never
cease to be highly interesting to every reflect-
ing mind, to the latest period of time.
The decisive step of declaring war against
Austria being taken, the republican party
persevered in their efforts for the utter annihi-
lation of regal power in France.
The press
overflowed with productions abusive of royalty;
the private characters of the reigning family
were grossly calumniated; fresh contrivances
were constantly resorted to for the purpose of
lowering the king in the public estimation; no
artifice was omitted which could excite jea-
lousy and suspicion against him; the sincerity
of his acceptance of the constitution was
questioned; and to keep the public mind in
a state of constant agitation, continual rumors
were spread of his intention to quit the king-
dom, and throw himself into the arms of the
hostile powers.
The new national assembly, from their first
meeting, refused to receive the king, or to
EE 3
422
XV.
CHAP. make communications to him, with those ex-
terior marks of respect, which their predeces-
sors had observed; neither did they address
him with the accustomed titles of sire and
majesty. So little regard did they pay to the
constitutional code, although recently and
solemnly ratified, that a member was vehe-
mently called to order, for supposing that the
consent of the king was necessary to give
validity to a law; and his majesty's exercise
of the veto*, expressly vested in him by the
constitution, was, soon after, the subject of
severe animadversion and complaint, and even
excited the most indecent clamor in the as-
sembly. In the debates, he was treated with
gradually increasing insolence and contempt;
and addresses were received with applause,
which at first intimated the expediency of
abridging his power, and at last urged the
necessity of abrogating his office. On the 3d
of August, the mayor of Paris, appearing at
the bar of the assembly, surrounded by depu-
1792.
* The king refused his consent to two decrees passed on
the 9th and 18th of November 1791, the former of which
declared, that the emigrant princes and public functionaries,
who should not return to France before the 1st of January
1792, should be considered as guilty of high treason, and
have all their property confiscated; and the other deprived
the ejected priests of their pensions, and in certain cases
made them liable to imprisonment for two years.
423
XV.
tations from all the sections, demanded, in CHAP.
unqualified terms, the deposition of the king;
and on the sixth, a petition, to the same effect,
with a long list of signatures, was presented
by a numerous rabble, preceded by a man,
carrying a cap of liberty upon a pike, with
this inscription, "The deposition of the king."
The leaders of the republican party called
upon the assembly to take these addresses
and petitions into consideration; and the
tenth of August was fixed for the purpose of
determining the important question, whether
kingly authority should be any longer retained
in France.
On the morning of that day, an armed
mob, instigated by the heads of the Jacobin
club, made an attack upon the Thuilleries,
and being joined by the national soldiers, over-
powered the Swiss guards, most of whom were
killed in the conflict, or afterwards murdered
in cold blood, together with all the servants
and attendants of the royal family, found in
the palace *. The king and queen, with their
children, and the princess Elizabeth, at the
beginning of the tumult, to avoid assassina-
*.
* Petion, in a printed speech, afterwards confessed, that
this insurrection was planned by the Federates, and their
secret directors. The whole number of persons on both
sides, who lost their lives this day, was supposed to be between
four and five thousand.
1792.
EE 4
424
CHAP. tion, repaired to the hall of the assembly, who
XV. were then sitting. The assembly, instead of
1792. taking measures for stopping this outrage, and
apprehending the offenders, after a short inter-
ruption, returned to the discussion in which
they were engaged; and it was the lot of the
king, after being detained 14 hours, in a state
of the utmost anxiety, to hear a decree
passed, by which he was suspended from the
exercise of his royal functions, till a national
convention could be assembled, for the pur-
pose of finally deciding, whether he should be
restored or dethroned. In the mean time, the
king and queen were ordered to be confined
close prisoners in the Temple*, whither they
were immediately conducted, and a provisional
executive council was appointed, consisting of
six members.
Thus was the new constitution of France
overturned by one of its branches, which had
three times † sworn to maintain it, through
the prevalence of the Jacobin party, in less
than a twelvemonth after it had been accepted
by the king; and on its ruins was established
the reign of terror and violence. All persons
of respectability and consideration, supposed
* A prison so called.
† At its first meeting on the 3d of October 1791, and on
the 7th and 14th of July 1792.
1
425
XV.
to be attached to the king or favorable to his CHAP.
cause, who could not find the means of leay-
ing the kingdom, were seized and committed
to prison. The lands of emigrants were con-
fiscated. The ejected priests were banished.
The vessels, images, and other moveables in
the churches, were sent to the mint to be
coined into money; and the church bells and
public statues were converted into cannon.
Domiciliary visits were instituted; and under
the pretence of searching for arms, private
houses were plundered by municipal officers;
and their owners, if suspected of being aris-
tocrats, arrested and imprisoned, or put to
death. All regard to property, liberty, and
life, was equally laid aside.
The national assembly, having learnt, that
Austria and Prussia were preparing to invade
France, first declared the country to be in
danger, and afterwards decreed, that the ci-
tizens should enrol themselves into volunteer
regiments; and a considerable number of per-
sons being collected in the Champ de Mars
for that purpose, on the 2d of September,
voices were heard in the crowd, exclaiming,
that they were ready to march against their
foreign enemies, but that they must first purge
the nation of its domestic foes. This was the
signal for one of the most horrible and exten-
1792.
426
XV.
CHAP. sive massacres recorded in history. Armed
assassins, prepared for the atrocious deed,
1792. rushing forward, hastened in a body to the
different prisons in succession, all of which
were crowded in consequence of the late ar-
rests; and the prisoners, being brought forth,
after a sort of mock trial of a few minutes,
were condemned, and instantly put to death *:
and during the confusion caused by these un-
paralleled proceedings, which continued the
whole of that and of the following day, without
intermission or resistance, many private as-
sassinations took place in various parts of the
city. It is difficult to ascertain the precise
number of persons who perished on those two
days, but there is reason to believe that it
amounted to several thousands t. The national
* The following is the description of these proceedings by
Garat, who was himself at this time minister of justice.
"En deux ou trois interrogatories, en deux ou trois reponses,
toute cette espèce de procedure est accomplie; l'arrêt de vie
ou de mort est prononcé. Les executeurs sont là à coté des
juges; des mains des uns les condamnès passent sous la
hache des autres. Là, les juges et les bourreaux, le tribunal
et l'echaufaud, la vie et la mort, tout est tellement rapprochè
que tout paroit se confondre. Tandis qu'un prisonnier est
jugè, vingt autres sont executès; les cris, les hurlemens de
ceux qu'on egorge, etouffent les voix de celui qui se justifie."
+ Even the authors who wish to palliate the horrors and
atrocities of the French revolution, acknowledge, that 1,085
persons were murdered on those two days at Paris; but this
number is certainly far beneath the truth.
427
XV.
¿
guards were all ready at their respective posts; CHAP.
and as no one ordered them to move, it is
impossible not to conclude, that their com-
manding officers, and also the provisional go-
vernment, connived, at least, at these dreadful
and infamous murders--perhaps we may go
farther, and affirm, that neither the attack upon
the palace on the 10th of August, nor the mas-
sacre of the prisoners on the 2d and 3d of
September, was the sudden and tumultuary
act of an ungovernable populace, but that both
were the preconcerted plans of the sanguinary
rulers in France, executed by hired ruffians * ;
especially, when we consider, that similar
atrocities were perpetrated in several provin-
cial towns t, between the the 4th and 16th of
September, without any opposition from the
municipal authorities, or national guards, of
the respective places ; and that no serious.
attempt § was made either in the capital or in
the provinces, to discover and punish the au-
* Not more than 200 persons were supposed to be con-
cerned in these massacres, in a city containing 600,000
inhabitants, with 30,000 men under arms.
+ Particularly at Orleans, Meaux, Lyons, and Versailles.
‡ At Versailles, 30 assassins murdered all the state pri-
soners, in the presence of 1,500 national guards.
§ No attempt whatever was made by the national assem-
bly. The national convention appointed a committee to
inquire into the facts relative to the death of these prisoners,
but no report was made or called for.
-1792.
428
1
XV.
CHAP. thors of these abominable crimes. Indeed,
soon after the massacres at Paris, the muni-
1792. cipality addressed a letter to the other mu-
nicipalities in France, in which they acknow-
ledged, that they had upon this occasion been
under the necessity of having recourse to the
power of the people, and that the national con-
vention had borne honorable testimony to their
conduct; and therefore they called upon the
departments to give their sanction to this in-
dispensable act of justice. This letter was
signed by the administrators of the committee
of public safety, sitting in the house of the
mayor of Paris, and countersigned by the mi-
nister of justice, who was also a member of
the executive council.
In the mean time, the duke of Brunswick
conducted the allied armies of Austria and
Prussia* into France; and relying on the as-
surances of the emigrants, that their country-
men would receive him as a friend and de-
liverer, he directed his march towards Paris.
The inhabitants, however, on the contrary,
threw every difficulty and impediment in his
way; and by a slow progress, in the course
* On the 6th of July, the king of France informed the
national assembly, that the king of Prussia was marching
with 52,000 troops to join the Austrian army. The allied
armies entered France on the 21st of August.
129
XV.
of which he took several fortified towns, he CHAP.
reached the borders of Champagne, where
he met with a severe repulse on the 20th of 1792.
September. Finding it impossible to advance
any farther, on account of the force opposed
to him, and the sickness which prevailed among
his soldiers, and unable to obtain provisions in
a country so hostilely disposed, about ten days
afterwards he was under the necessity of re-
treating; and before the end of October, he
had relinquished all the places he had taken,
and his troops had entirely evacuated France.
The result of this expedition, which the
royalists boasted would easily effect a coun-
ter-revolution, afforded no small exultation to
the French patriots; and in other parts their
triumph was still greater. Upon the Lower
Rhine, general Custine took Spire, Worms,
Mentz, and Frankfort *; and Dumourier, after
the decisive battle of Gemappe on the 6th of
November, made himself master of Brussells
and the whole of the Austrian Netherlands,
except Luxembourg. War having been de-
clared by the national assembly against Sar-
dinia, on the 16th of September, general
Montesquiou soon after invaded Savoy, and
the whole country submitted to him without
resistance. In the mean time a small French
* Frankfort was retaken in the beginning of December.
430
XV.
CHAP. army, aided by the fleet in the Mediterranean
under the command of admiral Truguet, took
1792. Nice, Villa Franca, and the fortress of Mon-
talban.
The national convention met on the 20th
of September 1792, and it was chiefly com-
posed of the most violent and democratic
members of the two national assemblies *.
The eternal abolition of royalty was imme-
diately voted by acclamation; and France
was declared to be a republic. Not contented
with the former suppression of all ranks and
distinctions in society, the democratic rage
was now carried to such a puerile length, that
even the common titles of monsieur and
madame were forbidden to be used, by a for-
mal decree, and that of citizen was substi-
tuted in their room. One of the members
was highly applauded for asserting, that the
religion of Jesus Christ was unfit to be to-
lerated in a republic, because it was a monar-
chical religion, and preached subjection and
obedience to God; and that all altars raised
to the Almighty, ought to be overturned, none
being worthy of remaining but the sacred
altars of liberty, nature, and reason †. The
*Two Englishmen, Mr. Thomas Paine, and Dr. Priestley,
were chosen members of the national convention.
+ Dupont a distinguished member of the national conven-
tion, delivered the following speech, which was received
431
XV.
absolute predominance of the Jacobin faction CHAP.
in the convention, was now manifest, and
their conduct was such as might be expected 1792.
with almost unanimous applause, and may therefore be
considered as declaratory of the general sentiments of the
convention. "Thrones are overturned! Sceptres broken!
Kings expire! And yet the altars of God remain! Tyrants,
in outrage to nature, continue to burn an impious incense on
those altars! The thrones that have been reversed, have
left these altars naked, unsupported, and tottering. A single
breath of enlightened reason will now be sufficient to make
them disappear. And if the human race is under obliga-
tions to the French nation for the first of these benefits, the
fall of kings; can it be doubted, but that the French people,
now sovereign, will be wise enough, in like manner, to over-
throw those altars, and those idols, to which those kings
have hitherto made them subject. Nature and reason, these
ought to be the gods of men. These are my gods. Admire
Nature-cultivate Reason. And you, legislators, if you
desire that the French people should be happy, make haste
to propagate these principles and to teach them in your
primary schools, instead of those fanatical principles which
have hitherto been taught. The tyranny of kings was con-
fined to make their people miserable in this life ;—but those
other tyrants, the priests, extend their dominion into another,
of which they have no other idea than of eternal punish-
ment; a doctrine which some men have hitherto had the
good nature to believe. But the moment of the catastrophe
is come-all these prejudices must fall at the same time—
we must destroy them, or they will destroy us.
For myself,
I honestly avow to the convention, I am an Atheist. There
another consideration.-Paris has had great losses. It has
been deprived of the commerce of luxury; of that factitious
splendor which was found at courts, and invited strangers
hither. Well! we must repair these losses. Let me then
represent to you the times that are fast approaching, when
432
XV.
CHAP. from men, who had usurped the government
of a great and powerful nation, and who acted
under the influence of principles, which sti-
mulate the worst passions to an uncontrolled
operation, setting at defiance every restraint,
human and divine.
1792.
The success of the French armies inspired
the convention with the idea of universal con-
quest; and emboldened them to make an
open avowal of their design to carry their
revolutionary system into other countries. On
the 19th of November, they passed the famous
decree, by which they declared, in the name
of the French nation, "that they will grant
fraternity and assistance to all those people,
who wish to procure liberty; and that they
charge the executive power to send orders
to their generals to give assistance to such
our philosophers, whose names are celebrated throughout
Europe, Petion, Sieyes, Condorcet, and others, surrounded
in our Pantheon, as the Greek philosophers were at Athens,
with a crowd of disciples, coming from all parts of Europe,
walking like the Peripateticks, and teaching, this man the
system of the universe, and developing the progress of all
human knowledge; that, perfectioning the social system,
and shewing in our decree of the 17th of June 1789, the
seeds of the insurrections of the 14th of July, and the 10th
of August, and of all those insurrections, which are spreading
with such rapidity throughout Europe; so that these young
strangers, on their return to their respective countries, may
spread the same lights, and may operate, for the happiness
of mankind, similar revolutions throughout the world."
433
XV.
people, as have suffered, or may suffer, in the CHAP.
cause of liberty." This decree may justly be
considered, and was indeed intended, as an
invitation to the subjects of every state to revolt
and rebellion, and as a promise to support any
attempt to overturn the existing government;
and to make it universally known, it was or-
dered to be translated and printed in all the
European languages *. They pronounced
Savoy to be for ever united to France; and the
Netherlands to be for ever dismembered from
the Austrian dominions, under the pretended
character of independence, although occupied
by French armies, and in reality designed to
be annexed to France; and in the whole of
their proceedings, they manifested a fixed
determination to subvert the internal govern-
ment, and to attack the rights and possessions,
of every nation in Europe.
Their principal attention, however, was
directed to the destruction of the amiable and
unfortunate Louis, which they considered es-
sential to the permanence of their own autho-
rity, but which they did not venture, even in
the plenitude of their power, to attempt,
without some regard to accustomed forms in
* Brissot afterwards called this decree absurd and im-
politic; and acknowledged, that it justly excited uneasiness
in foreign cabinets.
VOL. III.
F F
1792.
434
CHAP. criminal prosecutions. Regular charges were
XV. therefore produced against him; and he was
1792. permitted to have the assistance of counsel.
A day was appointed for his trial before the
convention, although it was not vested with
any judicial authority, and the person of the
king was declared to be inviolable by that
constitution, the infringement of which was
one of his alleged offences. Ali who knew
the character of his judges, a committee of
whom were also his accusers, anticipated the
result. On the 19th of January 1793, he was
condemned to suffer death*; and on the 23rd,
the sentence was carried into execution.
It is extremely useful to trace the French
revolution from its commencement to this
fatal catastrophe, to mark the series of weak
and ill-concerted measures, by which a degree
of financial embarrassment, at first within the
reach of an easy remedy, was allowed to lead
to every species of individual suffering and
national calamity-the imprudent concessions
of the king and his ministers, in 1789, to the
* Of the members of the convention, 366 voted for death
absolutely; 23 for death, but leaving it hereafter to be
discussed, when the execution should take place; eight for
death, and a certain delay or respite; two for death at the
peace; 319 for detention; and two for detention in irons.—
It will be observed, that not a single member voted for
acquittal.
435
XV.
importunate demands of turbulent demagogues CHAP.
-the inconsiderate co-operation of well-in-
tentioned men with persons, who aimed at
the most mischievous purposes-the gradual
destruction of all ancient institutions, con-
nected with regal government-the extinction
of every sentiment of loyalty towards a mild
and beneficent monarch, in a people, for
centuries distinguished by veneration for their
sovereigns-the numerous instances of savage
barbarity, in a country long admired for its
superior elegance and refinement—the in-
creasing violence of each successive national
assembly, as well as of the prevailing parties
and individuals-the utter annihilation of even
the forms of administrative justice, and the
consequent insecurity of life and property—
the demolition of every part of the eccle-
siastical establishment, and the persecution
and exile of all the clergy, who refused, by
a fresh oath, to apostatize from the faith they
had sworn to maintain-the boundless and
dangerous influence of political clubs and so-
cieties, acting in concert with each other-
the progressive seduction of the middle and
lower ranks of the community, by an inunda-
tion of books, pamphlets, and journals, cal-
culated to mislead the understanding, inflame
the passions, and deprave the heart, till the
1792.
F F 2
436
XV.
1792.
CHAP. minds of men, released from all apprehension
of punishment in this world, and from all fear
of retribution in the next, were prepared for
the commission of crimes unparalleled in the
history of the world. The French revolu-
tion, thus considered, holds out an awful
warning to governments, how they neglect,
and to all men of fair intentions, and of weight
in a country, how they encourage, the slight-
est tendency to resist the constituted autho-
rities, or the first attempt to unsettle and
change what has been long established, under
the specious pretence of correcting abuses,
bringing things back to their supposed pri-
mitive purity, or attaining an imaginary
standard of perfection.
Many of the deputies of the states general,
equally averse from anarchy and despotism,
originally engaged in measures hostile to the
court, not from a desire to overturn the mo-
narchy, but merely to reform what was amiss
in the existing government, and to reduce
the power of the king within just and proper
limits. But unfortunately, in pursuing these
justifiable and salutary objects, they in fact
forwarded the views of persons of far different
principles, with whom they had imprudently
associated themselves, and whose violent and
mischievous conduct, when it broke out, they
437
XV.
were utterly unable to restrain. They saw their CHAP.
error too late; and were among the earliest
victims to that system, which they had un-
designedly contributed to establish.
If any one had been rash enough to call
upon
the constituent assembly, at its first formation,
to take away the life of Louis the 16th, the
proposal would have been rejected with indig-
nation and horror, and very generally repro-
bated throughout the kingdom; but in less
than four years, all respect and reverence for
the authority and person of the king having
been gradually destroyed, his death was de-
liberately voted, and the sentence publicly
carried into execution, without any commotion
or disturbance. The decided republicans did
not venture even to mention the establishment
of their favorite form of government, at the
commencement of the revolution, being aware
that the idea of so violent a transition would
have excited alarm and disgust, and that many
preparatory measures were necessary to the
accomplishment of their object; but in 1792
kingly power had by progressive steps become
so unpopular and odious, that the eternal abo-
lition of monarchy was unanimously decreed
by the national convention, and welcomed as
a public blessing, both in the capital and in
the provinces. Nor was the smallest effort
1792.
F F 3
438
CHAP. made by the people of France to assist in re-
XV. storing their king to his throne, when the
1792. combined armies of Austria and Prussia were
marching towards Paris, avowedly for that pur-
pose. This quick and astonishing change is
to be ascribed to the powerful operation of
Jacobinical principles, which had in the in-
terval been circulated with so much industry,
and which, by undermining the foundations of
all religious, moral, and social obligation, have
been the baneful source of greater atrocities,
and of more extensive and lasting misery to
the human race, than can be traced to any
other single cause. It may indeed be truly
said of Jacobinism, that it created a new cha-
racter in man. "This monster," says a writer
who had been an eye witness of its effects in
France, "was unknown in the world till the
present time. It took upon itself to carry on
the revolution: it directed, it executed all the
operations of it, all the explosions, all the out-
rages it every where appointed the most ac-
tive leaders, and as instruments employed the
profligates of every country. Its power far
surpassed that which has been attributed to
the inquisition, and other fiery tribunals, by
those who have spoken of them with the greatest
exaggeration. Its centre was at Paris; and its
rays formed by particular clubs in every town,
439
XV.
in every little borough, overspread the whole CHAP.
surface of the kingdom. The constant cor-
respondence kept up between those clubs and
that of the capital, or to use their own ex-
pression, between the affiliated popular so-
cieties and the parent society, was as secret
and as speedy as that of free masons. In a word,
the Jacobin clubs had prevailed in causing
themselves to be looked up to as the real na-
tional representation. Under that pretence,
they censured all the authorities, in the most
imperious manner; and whenever their de-
nunciations, petitions, or addresses failed to
produce an immediate effect, they gained their
point by having recourse to insurrection, as-
sassination, and fire. While Jacobinism thus
subjected all France to its control, an immense
number of emissaries propagated its doctrines
among foreign nations, and prepared for it new
conquests *."
I AM next to enquire into the relative con-
duct of the British and French governments
towards each other, while the events, which
have been just related, were taking place, and
into the effect which those events produced in
this country; that a just idea may be formed
of the origin of the war, which broke out be-
* Bertrand de Moleville.
1792.
FF 4
440
CHAP. tween Great Britain and France, soon after
the murder of the unfortunate Louis.
XV.
1792.
1
In giving an account of the conference at
Pilnitz, and of the manifesto issued by the
emperor and the king of Prussia, it was no-
ticed, that of all the courts, to which appli-
cation was then made, that of London was the
only one, which refused to join in the proposed
confederacy. The emperor's own words to
the marquis de Bouillè were, "England is de-
termined to observe the strictest neutrality;"
an incontrovertible testimony, that the mi-
nisters of this country were resolved not to
interfere in the internal affairs of France; and
when the king of France soon after formally
notified to the different courts of Europe, his
acceptance of the new constitution, the king
of Great Britain immediately sent an answer
in terms of studied caution and respect, without
expressing any opinion upon the change which
had taken place, and plainly indicating a de-
sire to avoid every ground of offence. Upon
the same principle, Mr. Pitt, in October 1791,
refused to comply with a very pressing appli-
cation from M. de Calonne, to assist the French
emigrant princes, who were then assembled at
Coblentz, with the loan of three or four hun-
dred thousand pounds, to enable them to
execute a plan, which they had in contem-
LA
441
plation, of invading France, for the purpose CHA P.
of effecting a counter-revolution.
XV.
The doctrine of the universal rights of man,
and of the indefeasible claim to freedom in
every part of the human race, having found
its way into St. Domingo, produced, as its
natural fruit, a spirit of turbulence and in-
subordination among the negroes, which was
greatly promoted by the secret instigation of
the emissaries of a society at Paris, called Amis
des Noirs; and at length, towards the end of
the summer 1791, a dreadful insurrection took
place, in which many hundred lives were lost.
The town of Cape François was surrounded
by a formidable army of these insurgents; and
the inhabitants had neither a sufficient quan-
tity of arms and ammunition to repel them,
nor of provisions to support a long blockade;
and to obtain a timely supply from France
was impossible. In this state of distress the
governor applied to the governor of Jamaica*
for assistance, who immediately dispatched
three frigates with arms, ammunition, and
provisions, which proved the means of saving
that valuable island to France. As soon as
these circumstances were known in Europe,
the British ambassador was directed to signify
to the court of France, that the king his master
* The Earl of Effingham.
1792.
442
XV.
CHAP. highly approved this conduct of the governor
of Jamaica. These proceedings were the
more generous, and more clearly evinced the
friendly disposition of the British administra-
tion, as a great part of the white inhabitants,
highly incensed against the national assembly,
to whose sentiments and declarations they
justly ascribed the insurrection of the negroes,
had formally offered to surrender the island to
any English armament, which might be sent
for that purpose*. But the British ministers,
as I have before had occasion to observe, were
influenced by principles very different from
those, which directed the counsels of France
at the commencement of the American war;
and declined taking any advantage of the dis-
satisfaction which prevailed in this important
colony towards the mother country.
The king, at the opening of the session in
January 1792, informed parliament, that the
friendly assurances, which he received from
foreign powers, and the general state of affairs
in Europe, seemed to promise to his subjects
the continuance of the present tranquillity;
and conformably to this declaration, Mr. Pitt,
in the course of the session, introduced bills
1792.
* I have found among Mr. Pitt's papers, a letter from the
president of the assembly, to Mr. Pitt, containing the same
offer.
443
XV.
for the repeal of taxes to the amount of CHAP.
200,000l. a year; proposed a considerable
reduction in the naval and military establish-
ments; and acquainted the house of commons,
that there was no occasion for the renewal of
the Hessian subsidy, which had just expired.
These measures, all of which received the
sanction of parliament, most indubitably prove,
that the British cabinet had no intention to
take any part in the war, then breaking out
upon the continent; and that Mr. Pitt enter-
tained no suspicion, that the French them-
selves would disturb the repose of Great
Britain. He had not the remotest idea, that
France, upon the point of being invaded by
the most formidable powers of the continent,
convulsed also as she was by domestic dissen-
sions, and laboring under the most pressing
pecuniary embarrassments, would wish to add
to the number of her enemies, by an unpro-
voked attack upon this country. Himself de-
termined, that no just ground of complaint
should be offered by Great Britain, he con-
cluded that France would find full employ-
ment for her whole military force and all her
resources, in resisting Austria and Prussia;
and whatever might be the issue of the con-
test then commencing, or of the crisis with
respect to her internal government, which was
$
→
1792.
444
XV.
CHAP. evidently fast approaching, it appeared to him,
that a long period must ensue before she
would be in a state to cause fresh annoyance
to her neighbors. He farther flattered him-
self, that England's forbearance to take ad-
vantage of the distress and difficulties of
France, would have a favorable effect upon
the future government of that country, what-
ever form it might assume. Such were the
speculations of Mr. Pitt, when he said on the
21st of February 1792, "It is not unreason-
able to expect, that the peace, which we at
present enjoy, should continue at least fifteen
years, since at no period of the British history,
whether we consider the internal situation of
this kingdom, or its relation to foreign powers,
has the prospect of war been farther removed
than at present." Mr. Pitt's favorite objects
had for some time been, and still continued to
be, the diminution of the national debt, and
the abolition of taxes, both of which were
incompatible with foreign war; and it seems
scarcely possible to conceive, that he, or any
other man, would have spoken in the most
glowing terms of the advantages to be ex-
pected from the continuance of peace, at
a time when he himself intended to put an end.
to the enjoyment of those advantages, by
voluntarily entering into a war; or when he
1792.
145
XV.
considered it in any degree probable, that CHAP.
France would of her own accord commence
hostilities against this country. But the
French revolution was destined to defeat all
human expectation, to baffle all human saga-
city. Who that contemplated the anarchy
and confusion prevailing in France in 1792,
and the variety of difficulties with which she
was then struggling, would have imagined,
that in a very few years, she would have the
means of carrying the evils of war, in their
most aggravated shape, into every part of the
continent, and of overturning, or shaking the
foundation of, almost every throne in Europe?
Had, however, Mr. Pitt penetrated into the
views and designs of the rulers of France, had
he foreseen what really happened, he must
have felt it his duty, instead of reducing the
establishments of our army and navy, to place
the country in a state of preparation to meet
the enemy; and that very preparation might
have been construed into an indication of
meditated hostility on his part, and have weak-
ened one of the proofs, upon which it is now
pronounced, that the French were the unpro-
voked aggressors, and that it was impossible
for Great Britain to have avoided war, without
a sacrifice of her honor, and of her independ-
Mr. Pitt was indeed a sincere and
ence.
1792.
446
CHAP. determined lover of peace, which was essential
XV. to all the plans he had most at heart; and he
1792. persevered in his pacific system, till he was
compelled to abandon it by the most imperious
necessity.
Though all the recent measures and speeches
of ministers announced the probability of the
continuance of peace, the declaration of war
by France against Austria, on the 28th of
April, caused a depression in our funds; and
it was even reported, that press warrants were
issued; but Mr. Pitt took the earliest oppor-
tunity of publicly declaring, that the British
government had resolved to have no concern
in the approaching contest; and it was soon
known, that there were no warlike preparations
in any of our ports. This additional proof of
England's remaining neuter, was acknow-
ledged in the most explicit terms by the
French minister in London, in his dispatches
to his own court; and the king of France
returned thanks to the king of Great Britain,
for not having become a party to "the concert
formed by certain powers against France *.”
On the 25th of May, the king, having
received an application from the court of
* The king of France's words were, " Je vous remercie de
ce qu'a l'epoque du concert que quelques puissances ont formé
contre la France, vous ne vous etes lié avec elles."
447
XV.
Versailles, grounded upon an article in the CHAP.
commercial treaty, published a proclamation,
strictly forbidding all his subjects to serve
under any of the enemies of France. The
ready and friendly manner, in which this
request was attended to, and "the sentiments
of humanity, of justice, and of peace, so clearly
manifested," upon this occasion, were also ac-
knowledged in a note from the French minister
in London to the foreign secretary of state.
In consequence of the deposition of the
king of France on the 10th of August, the
British government, on the 17th of that month
dispatched a letter of recall to earl Gower, the
British ambassador at Paris. The new con-
stitution of France vested the executive autho-
rity in the king; and of course, when Louis
was deposed, lord Gower's credentials, which
were addressed to him, ceased to be valid.
The same decree, which deprived the king of
the exercise of his functions, ordered also the
dissolution of the national assembly, the elec-
tion of a national convention, and the appoint-
ment of a provisional or temporary executive
council. There was therefore at this time no
permanent authority in France, either legis-
lative or executive, and no person, or set of
persons, to whom an ambassador's letters of
credence could with propriety be addressed,
-
1792.
448
XV.
CHAP. or with whom any binding or lasting treaty or
contract could be made. What one party
1792. ratified to-day, another might dissolve or vio-
late to-morrow. This was so generally felt to
be the case, that all the ambassadors from
the other courts of Europe were likewise
recalled. How long the present anarchy
might continue, whether the combined armies
would succeed in restoring Louis to his throne,
or what would be the form of government
ultimately established, it was impossible to
foresee. In this unsettled and uncertain state
of things, it was thought most prudent by our
ministers not only to suspend all diplomatic
communication with France, but to remove
from thence the person, who had lately been
invested with the character of ambassador,
which was now at an end, as his residence at
Paris in a private capacity, might have excited
jealousy and distrust, or at least might have
afforded a pretence for suspicion and com-
plaint against the British cabinet.
This step
was, under present circumstances, most con-
formable to those principles of neutrality on
which the British government had uniformly
acted since the commencement of the revo-
lution; and best calculated to evince a deter-
mination not to inferfere in the internal affairs
of France. It was to leave the French to
449
XV.
their own deliberations, and silently and pas- CHAP.
sively to wait the result, without shewing
favor or predilection to any of the parties,
which were struggling for the ascendancy.
That the grounds upon which lord Gower was
required to quit France might be distinctly
understood, he was directed by his govern-
ment to send his letter of recall, in which they
were detailed, to the French minister for
foreign affairs, for the purpose of its being
communicated to the provisional executive
council; and an answer was returned in their
name, expressing satisfaction at the renewed
assurance of neutrality, which the letter con-
tained, and acknowledging, that the French
nation had good reason to hope, that the Bri-
tish cabinet would not depart from the justice,
moderation, and impartiality, which it had
hitherto manifested. Their "confidence in
this respect," it was said, "was founded on
facts." It is evident, therefore, that the recall
of lord Gower, although afterwards enume-
rated among the causes, which induced the
convention to declare war against this coun-
try, was not considered at the time by the
executive council, as any breach of neutrality;
but on the other hand they expressly ad-
mitted, that he "had left a satisfactory tes-
timony of the sentiments of his court."
VOL. III.
G G
1792.
450
CHAP.
XV.
1792.
-
In the course of the summer repeated ap-
plications were made by the courts of Vienna
and Berlin to the court of London, to join in
the confederacy for the restoration of Louis;
but they were all rejected without a moment's
hesitation. Mr. Pitt, in a private letter dated
August 31st, 1792, says, "An account is ar-
rived from Brussells, of the surrender of
Longwy to the duke of Brunswick, which, as
far as it goes, is a favorable circumstance.
The particulars of his plan are not yet at all
known, nor is there much ground to conjec-
ture as to his prospect of success." This
letter proves, that Mr. Pitt had no confidential
communication with the courts of Vienna and
Berlin, relative to their proceedings against
France; and that he so studiously avoided
every degree and species of interference, that
he was not acquainted with their plan of the
campaign.
Although the system of neutrality was thus
strictly adhered to by the British cabinet, and
even acknowledged by the government of
France, the conduct of the national conven-
tion and of the executive council, very soon
after the recall of lord Gower, so plainly indi-
cated a hostile disposition towards this coun-
try, that it could not but excite the attention
of our ministers, and weaken Mr. Pitt's hope
451
XV.
of the continuance of peace. It appeared CHAP.
from a report made by Monge, the marine
minister, on the 23d of September 1792, that
the French had then actually at sea 21 ships
of the line, besides 30 frigates, and that 34
ships of the line and 23 frigates were ready
to be commissioned upon the shortest notice.
These naval armaments and preparations could
have no reference to the war with Austria and
Prussia, neither of which was a maritime
power, nor were they rendered necessary by
any British armament, as our naval establish-
ment was lower than at any period since the
peace: there was therefore no cause to which
they could be attributed, but an intended
rupture with England.
On the 16th of November the executive
council came to a determination to open the
Scheldt, the exclusive navigation of which
was secured to Holland by a variety of trea-
ties, guaranteed by France herself, as well as
by the other powers of Europe; and it was
well known, that a treaty of alliance, entered
into in 1788, subsisted between Great Britain
and Holland, by which they agreed to assist
each other, in case the territories or rights
of either were attacked. The opening, there-
fore, of the Scheldt would not only be a gross
violation of treaties, and an act of direct
1792.
G G 2
452
XV.
1792.
CHAP. hostility against Holland, upon a point of
the utmost importance to her commercial
prosperity, but it must also have been fore-
seen, that it would inevitably involve France
in war with this country; and consequently
the determination to take this step, which was
unequivocally avowed, and for which prepa-
rations were actually making, was a proof,
that the French did not wish or intend to
remain at peace with Great Britain.
This proof was also corroborated by other
circumstances, which took place at the same
period, and which will also shew the conduct
of the disaffected in England, after the depo-
sition of Louis. The abolition of royalty in
France, and the success of the French arms,
afforded great exultation to the democratic
societies in this kingdom; and several of them
hastened to offer their congratulations to the
national convention*. The London corres-
*It is remarkable, that the English was the only nation
which presented addresses of congratulation to the three
successive assemblies of representatives of the French people.
So early as the 14th of August 1792, several Englishmen
appeared at the bar of the national assembly, and congratu-
lated the French upon the energy which they had displayed
on the 10th of that month, that is, in murdering the Swiss
guards, and deposing the king. On the 13th of December
of the same year, Lord Grenville said, in the house of lords,
that he held in his hand, no fewer than ten addresses to the
national convention from subjects of Great Britain.
453
XV.
ponding society, and four other societies, in CHAP.
a joint address, voted by 5,000 persons, re-
presented the English, as nearly reduced, by 1792.
an oppressive system, and gradual encroach-
ments, to that abject slavery, from which the
French had so gloriously emerged. The
French, they said, were already free, and
Britons were preparing to become so. They
assured the convention, that they considered
the cause in which the French were engaged,
as intimately connected with their own; that
they were eager to behold freedom trium-
phant, and man everywhere restored to the
enjoyment of his just rights; that they repro-
bated the neutrality of England, in the pre-
sent struggle of liberty against despotism, as
a national disgrace; it being the duty of
Britons to countenance and assist, to the ut-
most of their power, the champions of human
happiness, and to swear inviolable friendship
to a people proceeding on the plan which the
French had adopted. Addresses were pre-
sented from various other English societies,
and from the British and Irish citizens then at
Paris*, congratulating the national conven-
* This address was voted by acclamation, at a festival for
celebrating the victories of the French armies; and the fol-
lowing toasts among others were given;-" The republic of
France, founded on the rights of man-The abolition of here-
ditary titles in England (sir Robert Smith, and lord Edward
GG 3
4.54
XV.
CHAP. tion on the resolution of the 10th of August,
on the successful exercise of the right of in-
surrection, and on their other triumphs of
liberty; all which events afforded so favorable
an omen to nations desirous of emancipating
themselves from the yoke of governments,
which were the offspring of the combined
frauds of priests and tyrants. They stated,
that their own political principles coincided
with those of the national convention; that
there now prevailed a spirit of universal in-
quiry into the complicated abuses of govern-
ment, and the simple means of reform, in
consequence of which, innumerable societies
were forming in England, Scotland, and
Ireland, for putting an end to tyranny and
slavery; that the example of France had ren-
dered the science of revolution easy; that
nations, roused from their lethargy, and fol-
lowing France in her career of improvement,
would arm themselves, and reclaim the rights
of man, with an irresistible voice; that the
French were not fighting for themselves only,
but for the whole human race, and that they
1792.
Fitzgerald, who were present, renounced their titles)-The
patriotic societies of Great Britain and Ireland; with those
who have contributed to enlighten the people, Priestley, Fox,
Sheridan, Barlow, Mackintosh, Cooper, Tooke, and Paine-
The approaching national convention of Great Britain and
Ireland-May revolutions never be made by halves."
455
XV.
hoped the troops of liberty would not lay CHAP.
down their arms, while either tyrants or
slaves* remained; and that addresses of fe-
licitation might soon be expected to cross the
sea, to a national convention in England,
where a reform of parliament, their present
object, would soon lead to the establishment
of a republic, their ultimate end. The pre-
sident, in his answers, assured the deputies,
who presented these addresses, that the gene-
ral wish for the liberty of nations expressed
in them, would be realized; that principles
were waging war against tyranny, which would
fall under the blows of philosophy; that roy-
alty in Europe, was either destroyed, or on
the point of perishing on the ruins of feud-
ality; that the declaration of rights, placed
by the side of thrones, was a devouring fire,
which would consume them; that the defen-
ders of French liberty would, one day, be the
supporters of English; that the moment
could not indeed be distant, when the people
of France would offer their congratulations
to a national convention in England; that
*It is always to be remembered, that in revolutionary
language, tyrants mean kings, however limited their autho-
rity; and slaves mean their subjects, however mild the
government under which they live.
+ Several of the journals published at Paris, and particu-
larly one under the conduct of Condorcet, asserted, that the
1792.
G G 4
456
XV.
CHAP. nature and principles were drawing together
the French and English nations; and that the
voice of friendship would soon resound through
the two republics.
While the sentiments expressed in these
addresses proved beyond a possibility of doubt,
that there were now, numerous societies of
men in this kingdom, ready to overturn its
constitution; the answers of the president,
coupled with the decree of the 19th of No-
vember, and with the naval armament, as
plainly proved, that any attempt of that kind
would be forwarded and assisted by the pre-
sent rulers in France, not merely by means
of those secret arts which had been long prac-
tised, but by open force.
Though these societies, which were daily
increasing, in general professed to aim at
parliamentary reform only, it was soon mani-
fest, that they had other views and designs.
Their proceedings gradually became more
factious and daring, under the guidance of
experienced French agents, who were amply
1792.
people of England were determined to shake off hereditary
succession, and to establish a convention, as the only genuine
organ of representation. The same person, in an address to
the Batavians, as he called the Dutch, said, "George the
third sees with anxious surprise, that throne totter under
him which is founded in sophistry, and which republican
truths have sapped to its very foundation."
457
•
supplied with money*, for the purpose of cor-
rupting and seducing the people. Riots and
disturbances took place in many populous dis-
tricts, of so serious a nature, that they could
not be quelled without the aid of military
force; and there appeared a general tendency
among the lower ranks, to insubordination
and resistance of authority. The royal pro-
clamation, and the unanimous address of the
two houses of parliament, although at first
they seemed to repress the turbulent spirit
against which they were directed, did not pro-
duce any lasting effect; and Mr. Pitt became
convinced of the necessity of opposing a more
powerful check to the progress of revolution-
ary principles, as well as of taking some pre-
cautionary steps, in consequence of the hostile
disposition manifested by the national conven-
tion. He had, however, hoped, that these
measures might have been postponed till after
Christmas, with which view parliament had
been prorogued to the 3d of January, and a
G
* Brissot said, that " the republicans never ceased to assert,
that to ensure success they must have money for secret ex-
penses, partly for the purpose of dividing the cabinets, and
partly for the purpose of exciting the people against their
tyrants;" and he acknowledged, that before the declaration
of war, 25 millions of livres (more than a million sterling)
had been sent to England from the national treasury of
France.
CHAP.
XV.
1792.
458
XV.
CHAP. farther prorogation was intended; but the
unexpected success of the French arms caused
such a sudden and unfavorable change in the
state of affairs in France, and gave such spirits
and encouragement to the Jacobins in Eng-
land*, that this delay would, he perceived,
1792.
* The following letter from a military officer, dated Nov.
28, 1792, stationed at Sheffield, will give some idea of the
state of the manufacturing districts at that time: "You ask
me about the disposition of the people here: I had an oppor-
tunity of seeing one of their rejoicing days upon the success
of the French, which took place yesterday. They began the
day with roasting an ox whole, which was ready by one
o'clock, and devoured very soon, the number collected being
nearly ten thousand. They then formed into a regular pro-
cession, with French national colours flying, and a picture at
the end of a pole, elevated in the air; this picture repre-
sented Dundas and Burke stabbing Liberty, who was falling
under their daggers, and Burke treading on the swinish
multitude. This procession came forward to the head inn,
where they halted and formed a lane for eleven cannon,
which were drawn up and fired. A man then rose up into
a kind of pulpit, and read a copy of verses of some length,
and of the most seditious nature. Perhaps you will have
them in the papers, but I remember that they would have
either death or liberty, and the last line was, "Let's live like
Frenchmen, or like Frenchmen die." Between each firing of
the cannon, and at all those pleasing sentiments which the
verses contained, there were the loudest plaudits. After this
halt, they passed on, and proceeded to other parts of the
town, and in the evening separated quietly. I thought a mob
of such magnitude could not have been collected without
committing some outrage, but I understand they had dis-
tributed hand-bills among one another, urgently desiring
them not to commit any riots. This system and order, which
459
XV.
be attended with the most serious danger. CHAP.
Having indeed now reason to think, that the
French executive council had resolved upon
immediate war with England; and knowing
from secret intelligence, that a general insur-
rection was meditated, at no distant period,
by the republican party of this kingdom, he
determined to lose no more time, and by his
advice two royal proclamations were issued
on the first of December, the one for embody-
ing a part of the militia, and the other for
summoning parliament to meet on the 13th
of that month*
governed them yesterday, makes them in reality much more
formidable; for, though it may be a year before they attempt
any thing, yet, whenever they do, they are as resolute and
determined a set of villains as I ever saw, and will gain their
object, if it is to be gained. They have debating societies,
regular correspondence with the other towns, and have sub-
scribed to purchase fire-arms, and are endeavouring to cor-
rupt the soldiers. You must imagine I have a pleasant
quarter here, but I do not think I shall be employed, and, if
I am, I think myself equal to them, as their plans are not
yet ripe, but hereafter they will rise into a formidable conse-
quence, unless they are opposed and crushed very soon."
This letter was addressed by the writer to his brother, and
by him communicated to Mr. Pitt, among whose papers
I found it.
* The King is empowered by 26 Geo. 3, c. 107, to call
out the militia during a prorogation, in case of invasion or
insurrection; but it is provided, that whenever the mili-
tia was so called out, parliament should meet within 14
days although it should happen to stand prorogued to a
1792.
•
460
CHAP.
XV.
1792.
In the mean time, the exportation of corn
to France was prohibited; steps were taken
for augmenting the army and navy; the guard
at the bank was increased; the tower was
put into a state of defence; several regiments
were assembled in the neighborhood of the
metropolis; soldiers were stationed in the sus-
pected districts of the country; and ministers
used all the means in their power to excite the
vigilance and activity of magistrates, and to
afford them support within their respective
jurisdictions.
Though the growing disaffection among the
inferior classes of every description, and their
propensity to tumult and violence, had for
some time been so evident and so alarming, as
to excite in the minds of all well-disposed
persons, the most anxious apprehensions for
the public tranquillity and the safety of the
constitution, it was very justly believed, that
a great majority of the nation were warmly
attached to the existing form of government,
and fully aware of the risque, which must ever
attend political innovation. But it was ob-
vious, that if those, who had imbibed revolu-
tionary principles, though comparatively few
more distant time, which was the case at present; of
course a fresh proclamation for summoning parliament was
necessary.
461
XV.
in number, were left to carry on their plans CHAP.
without opposition or control, the worst con-
sequences must inevitably follow*; their un-
remitting assiduity, their cordial co-operation,
and their connection with France rendering
them a truly formidable body. It was acknow-
ledged, that the danger with which the state
was now threatened, arose chiefly from the
seditious societies established in most of the
large towns and populous districts; and it
was wisely thought, that the most effectual
mode of counteracting this evil would be, by
societies of an opposite character, by associa-
tions of persons, who were desirous of avert-
ing from this country, the confusion and mi-
sery which had been experienced in France.
The idea originated with Mr. Reeves †; and
it was so highly approved by all to whom it
was communicated, that he was induced to
announce by public advertisement, a meeting
at the Crown and Anchor tavern, on the 29th
of November, for taking this important subject
into full consideration. The meeting was
most numerously and respectably attended;
and it was unanimously agreed to form an
* Brissot, who must be acknowledged to be good authority
upon such a subject, said, that "revolutions were made by
minorities."
† Mr. Reeves had been chief justice in Newfoundland,
from whence he was lately returned.
1792.
"
462
XV.
1792.
CHAP. association, the objects of which were declar-
ed to be, to defend the laws and constitution;
to preserve liberty and property against re-
publicans and levellers; to assist the civil
magistrate, in preventing or suppressing tu-
mults and riots; and to supply cheap books
and pamphlets, calculated to undeceive those
who had been already misled, and to inculcate
the duty and expediency of industrious, quiet,
and peaceable demeanor. This seasonable
and judicious association roused the dormant
spirit of loyalty, and infused a new energy
into the public mind. Its numbers rapidly
increased; and its beneficial effects were
quickly experienced throughout the metro-
polis. Similar institutions were gradually
formed with the same success, in different
parts of the kingdom; and a change from
supineness and despondency to exertion and
confidence, was every where visible. The
peaceable had a rallying point to resort to for
protection and security; the disaffected were
intimidated and restrained; and the hands of
government were materially strengthened at
a moment, when nothing but the vigorous
execution of the laws could save the country
from ruin. It has rarely happened, that any
private individual has so essentially contribut-
ed to the preservation of public tranquility, at
468
a crisis of imminent danger, as the author of CHAP.
these loyal associations.
XV.
Mr. Pitt has sometimes been censured for
not giving open support to the association
when first formed, at the Crown and Anchor;
but he considered it far better, that the mea-
sure should appear, as it really was, perfectly
unconnected with government. It was, both
in its origin and in its progress, the work of
independent men, free from party motives and
views, and influenced solely by a desire to res-
cue their country from impending evil. Had
Mr. Pitt stood forward as its avowed friend
and advocate, it would have been represented
as a ministerial manœuvre, and have lost a great
part of its weight and effect. He was not con-
sulted upon the plan before it was proposed;
but as soon as he perceived the eagerness and
zeal with which it was adopted, he was con-
vinced, that it would be productive of most
signal benefit, if left to its own merit and
popularity. The event fully justified his ex-
pectation, and proved that upon this occasion
he acted with his usual judgement.
The meeting at the Crown and Anchor
tavern was followed by a meeting of mer-
chants, bankers, traders, and other inhabitants
of the City of London, at Merchant Taylors'
Hall, on the 5th of December, at which it
1
1792.
464
XV.
CHAP. was unanimously agreed, to sign a declaration,
stating, that having perceived with the deepest
concern, that attempts were made to inculcate
opinions contrary to the dearest interests of
Britons, and subversive of those principles,
which had produced and preserved their most
invaluable privileges, they felt it a duty, which
they owed to their country, to themselves, and
to their posterity, to invite all their fellow-
subjects to join with them in the expression
of a sincere and firm attachment to the con-
stitution of these kingdoms, formed in remote,
and improved in succeeding, ages, and under
which the glorious revolution in 1688 was
effected-a constitution, wisely framed for the
diffusion of happiness and true liberty, and
possessing the distinguished merit, that it had
on former occasions been, and they trusted
would in future be, found competent to correct
its errors, and reform its abuses: their ex-
perience of improvements in agriculture and
manufactures, of the florishing state of na-
vigation and commerce, and of increased po-
pulation, still farther impelled them to make
a declaration of their determined resolution to
support, by every means in their power, the
antient and most excellent constitution of
Great Britain, and a government by king,
lords, and commons; and to exert their best
1792.
I
465
1
XV.
endeavors to impress on the minds of those CHAP.
connected with them, a reverence for, and
a due submission to, the laws of their coun-
try, which had hitherto preserved the li-
berty, protected the property, and increased
the enjoyments of a free and prosperous
people.
The immense number, and great respec-
tability of the persons, who signed this decla-
ration, produced a very beneficial effect; and
the example was followed in most of the large
commercial towns in the kingdom.
These exertions of individuals, and the loyal
spirit manifested in every quarter, added to
the precautions taken by government, had
great influence in preventing the insurrection
intended towards the end of the year; and
paved the way for the legislative measures of
the ensuing session, which the situation of the
country rendered indispensable.
PARLIAMENT met on the 13th of December;
and the king began his speech from the throne
by stating, that having judged it necessary to
embody a part of the militia, he had called the
parliament together within the time limited by
law for that purpose.
His majesty then informed the two houses,
that the seditious practices, which were in
VOL. III.
H HI
1792.
466
XV.
1792.
CHAP. a great measure checked by the proceedings
of the last session, had, of late, been renewed
more openly, and with greater activity; that
a spirit of tumult and disorder had shown itself
in acts of riot and insurrection, which required
the interposition of a military force in support
of the civil magistrate; that the industry em-
ployed to excite discontent, seemed to proceed
from a design to attempt the destruction of
the constitution, and the subversion of all
order and government; and that this design
was evidently pursued in connexion and con-
cert with persons in foreign countries; that,
having himself observed the strictest neutra-
lity in the present war on the continent, and
uniformly abstained from all interference in
the internal affairs of France, he could not see,
without the most serious uneasiness, the strong
and increasing indications, which appeared
there, of an intention to cause disturbances in
other countries, to disregard the rights of
neutral nations, and to pursue views of con-
quest and aggrandizement; as well as to adopt
towards his allies, the states general, who had
been equally studious to observe the same
neutrality, measures, neither conformable to
the law of nations, nor to the positive stipu-
lations of existing treaties; and that, under
these circumstances, his majesty felt it his in-
467
dispensable duty to have recourse to the means
of prevention and self-defence entrusted to
him by law, and to augment his naval and mi-
litary force; being persuaded, that such exer-
tions were best calculated to maintain internal
tranquillity, and to preserve the blessings of
peace.
His majesty next proceeded to express his
concern at the necessity for extraordinary ex-
penses, which must, for a time, prevent the
application of any additional sums to the re-
duction of the national debt, and retard the
farther diminution of taxes; but it was a great
consolation to him to reflect, that the excess
of the actual revenue beyond the ordinary
expenditure, would afford ample resources for
defraying the expences of the preparations
required for present and future safety.
After acquainting parliament, that the war
in India had been terminated by an advan-
tageous and honorable peace, his majesty
concluded, by recommending the immediate
adoption of such measures as might be neces-
sary, under existing circumstances, for en-
forcing obedience to the laws, and for repress-
ing every attempt to disturb the peace and
tranquillity of the kingdom; and by pro-
mising his zealous and cordial co-operation in
all their endeavors to preserve and transmit to
CHAP.
XV.
1792.
HH 2
4.68
CHAP. posterity, the inestimable blessings which they
XV.
themselves experienced.
The address was moved in the house of
commons, by the lord mayor of London, who
stated, that the information, which he had
received in his official capacity, enabled him
to bear testimony to the recent establishment
of numerous societies in the city of London,
confederated and corresponding with other
societies in different parts of the kingdom, all
formed under specious pretences, but really
designed to propagate seditious doctrines.
These societies, he said, circulated gratis
a great variety of pernicious pamphlets and
publications, accommodated to the meanest
capacities, and manifesly tending to create dis-
content in the lower classes of society; and
by slow, but sure, means, to alienate them
from their allegiance to the king, and from
their attachment to the constitution. Under
these circumstances, and recollecting also the
fatal consequences of insurrection and want
of timely exertion some years ago in the capi-
tal *, as well as the calamities, which had at
a later period overwhelmed the metropolis of
a neighboring kingdom from similar causes,
he had felt himself bound in duty to put his
fellow citizens upon their guard; and the de-
* In 1780.
1792.
469
XV.
cided manner in which they seconded his CHAP:
feeble efforts, together with the firm and tem-
perate measures of prevention adopted by 1792.
government, had restored tranquillity to the
city, and in some degree awed the societies, to
which he had alluded, into a change of con-
duct. He trusted that his majesty's ministers
would, with equally good effect, apply the
same provident wisdom, which they had dis-
played with respect to internal commotion, to
the external danger which threatened the
country.
In the debate which ensued, Mr. Fox de-
clared it to be his firm opinion and belief, that
there was not one fact stated in the king's
speech, which was not false, or one assertion
or insinuation, which was not unfounded.
While he acknowledged, that the calamities,
which had befallen a neighboring kingdom,
ought to deter men from forming experi-
mental governments, he denied that there had
been any insurrection in any part of this king-
dom to warrant the calling out of the militia.
He admitted, however, that there had been
riots in some places; but affirmed, that those
who were concerned in them, had no design
to overthrow the constitution, which they
could not but know was the source of so many
blessings to every description of his majesty's
H H 3
470
CHAP. subjects. He said, that a miserable mockery
had been held out, of dangers, which had no
existence, but which were made the pretext
for assembling parliament in an extraordinary
way, in order in reality to plunge the country
into a foreign war-the whole was a minis-
terial artifice—a direct fraud, similar to the
pretended popish plot in the reign of Charles
the second. He thought, that under the pre-
text of guarding the constitution against the
assaults of republicans and levellers, there was
great risque of running into the opposite evil,
that of increasing the power of the crown, and
of degrading the influence of the commons
house of parliament. It was at such a moment
as the present, that the most dangerous, be-
cause unexpected, attacks, were made on the
dearest rights of the people, when the minds
of men were agitated by the "idiotic clamor
of republican frenzy, and popular insur-
rection."
XV.
1792.
He was aware, he said, that his own opinions
relative to the situation of the country, were
unpopular, and that a general alarm did pre-
vail; but, he asserted, that this alarm had been
excited by the arts of ministers. He con-
demned the Crown and Anchor meeting, and
other similar associations; and recommended
the repeal of the test and corporation acts, the
HH 3
-
471
XV.
reform of parliament, and the removal of the CHAP.
disabilities to which the roman catholics were
subject, as the best means of quieting the
alarms of the people, and putting an end to
all cause of complaint. He considered the
associations, which had been formed in some
of the parishes of Westminster, for the purpose
of obtaining registers of strangers resident in
them, and preventing the reading of seditious
newspapers in public houses, as inconsistent
with law and the constitution, and militating
against freedom of opinion, and the liberty of
the press. He admitted, that societies had
circulated pamphlets containing doctrines sub-
versive of our establishments; but he con-
tended, that the people of England were not
likely to be misled by these fanciful notions;
and that the measures taken by ministers to
check the circulation of these pamphlets, were
themselves illegal, and contrary to the found-
ation of all legitimate government, the rights
of the people, the rights of man. He asserted,
that there was at present more danger from
the exploded doctrine of despotism, than from
the new-fangled theory of republicanism; al-
though some of the societies had indulged
themselves in silly and frantic speculations,
and had published toasts, which he thought
objectionable. In speaking of French affairs,
1792.
HH 4
472
XV.
CHAP. he censured the recall of our minister from
Paris; and confessed, that he had rejoiced in
the failure and retreat of the duke of Bruns-
wick, because his success would have ruined,
not merely the cause of liberty in France,
but of liberty in England, and the liberty
of man.
He called the victory at Jemappe,
a glorious victory, although it had made
France mistress of the Netherlands, and of
course facilitated the invasion of Holland.
He concluded, with a motion, for omitting all
those parts of the address, which acknowledged
the existence of seditious practices at home,
dangerous to the constitution, and also those
which related to the hostile proceedings of the
French government; in the room of which,
he proposed to substitute a few sentences,
expressive of anxiety and concern at seeing
measures adopted by the executive govern-
ment, authorized by law only in cases of insur-
rection; and assuring his majesty, that his
faithful commons would make it their first
business to inquire into the causes of parlia-
ment being assembled in a manner new and
alarming to the country.
Mr. Pitt's seat in the house of commons,
having been vacated, by his acceptance of the
wardenship of the Cinque Ports, he was not
present at this debate; but, in reply to Mr.
1792.
C
473
XV.
Fox's speech, which excited no small astonish- CHAP.
ment, Mr. Dundas, and others, justly remarked,
that the main point, which the house had to
consider, was, whether the country was, at
present, in a state of danger, or not? and that
this point was not to be decided, by reasoning
upon the probability or improbability, that
Englishmen would wish to overturn the con-
stitution, or, by a gratuitous denial of any co-
operation, or hostile intention, on the part of
France; but by a reference to facts. The
facts alleged, in proof of the danger, were, the
numerous societies of a mischievous tendency,
established in every part of the kingdom; the
addresses of these societies to the national
convention, and the constant communication
between their principal members, and French
agents; the industrious circulation of seditious
pamphlets; the actual insurrections in several
specified places; and in one instance, where
the tree of liberty, the emblem of French doc-
trines, had been planted amidst the shouts of
"liberty and equality, no excise, no king;" the
general alarm pervading the minds of persons
of all ranks and descriptions, visible to every
one not determined to shut his eyes against it,
and evinced by the voluntary loyal associations,
which had taken place, and by the declarations
of attachment to the constitution, which had
1792.
474
XV.
CHAP. been spontaneously made, in almost every part
of the kingdom; the decree of the national
1792. convention, which, under the pretence of
assisting to give liberty to mankind, indicated
an intention of disturbing the government of
every country in Europe; their determination
to open the Scheldt, which would be an act of
direct hostility against Holland, our ally; their
system of conquest and aggrandizement, ex-
emplified by their annexation of Savoy to
France, and their separation of the Nether-
lands from the dominions of Austria, evidently
for the same purpose of uniting them to
France; and their naval armament, and other
symptoms of hostility, against Great Britain:
these were urged as incontrovertible proofs of
the danger to which our constitution was
exposed from internal disaffection, and of
meditated aggression by France; the present
rulers of which, in addition to the old rivalry,
and inveterate enmity, of that nation, had
resolved to abolish monarchy, wherever their
influence could be made to extend. And it
was maintained, upon grounds equally incon-
trovertible, that the only mode of counteracting
this joint design of domestic and foreign foes,
and of averting the calamities which had deso-
lated France, and now threatened this country,
would be, by active and vigorous measures of
475
XV.
the legislature, accompanied by the timely CHAP.
exertions of the well-disposed parts of the
community; that it was in vain to endeavor,
to remove discontents, by compliance or con-
cession, when the constitution itself was held
out as a grievance, and nothing less was aimed
at, than a total subversion of the present
system of government; when the people were
taught, that the present was the time for them
to assert their rights, and, with the assistance
of France, to follow the example which France
herself had set them.
In the course of the debate, an appeal was
made to the members, whether they had not,
in their respective neighborhoods, perceived
such strong symptoms of disaffection, as fully
justified his majesty's ministers, in embodying
the militia, and summoning parliament; and
their opinions appeared, by the majority which
rejected Mr. Fox's amendment, the numbers
being 290 and 50.
This decisive majority, however, did not
deter Mr. Fox from renewing his opposition
to the address, when reported on the follow-
ing day, and from offering another amend-
ment, the object of which was to induce his
majesty to open a negotiation with France,
for the purpose of preventing war. This
amendment was rejected without a division.
1792.
476
;
XV.
CHAP. Mr. Fox still persevered, and brought the
subject again before the house, the next day,
in a more direct manner, by moving an address
to the king, requesting his majesty to send
a minister to Paris, to treat with the provi-
sional executive government of France, touch-
ing such points as might be in discussion
between his majesty and his allies, and the
French nation. This motion, also, was re-
jected without a division.
1792.
Mr. Pitt was unanimously re-elected for the
university of Cambridge, and took his seat on
the 18th. He availed himself of the earliest
opportunity of referring to the debates of the
first three days of the session, at which he had
not been present; and declared his conviction,
of the truth of the facts which had been stat-
ed, and his entire approbation of the argu
ments which had been urged, in support of
the address; adding, that he knew, from un-
questionable authority, the situation of the
country still to be such, that the smallest
spark might produce a dreadful explosion.
He farther observed, that to send an ambassa-
dor to France*, under present circumstances,
* Marsh asks, "what reception could an ambassador of
his Britannic majesty have expected from the president of
the French convention, who had received with every mark
of friendship, and every token of applause, the deputies of
477
XV.
would be incompatible with the dignity of the CHAP.
crown, and contrary to the interests of the
public; and would moreover counteract, and
solemnly disclaim, those very principles, on
which the whole of our conduct was founded.
To solicit any thing from France, would be to
solicit the eternal disgrace of this country, and
must be as useless, as it would be ignominious.
He heard, he said, with pleasure, of the de-
cided opinion expressed by all parties, that if
war should appear to be necessary, it ought
to be carried on with vigor; but, at the same
time, he assured the house, that nothing, con-
sistent with the dignity of the crown, the in-
ternal safety of the country, and the general
security of Europe, should be omitted by
government, to avert the calamities of war.
THE trial of the king of France, which was
at this time depending, attracted very general
and anxious attention in this kingdom; and
on the 20th of December, Mr. Sheridan ob-
served, in the house of commons, that if the
French nation could, in any authentic man-
ner, be apprized of the temper and feelings of
the people of Great Britain relative to the
critical situation of Louis and his family,
those societies who declared their resolution of overturning
the British government and constitution?" p. 168.
1792.
•
478
XV.
CHAP. namely, that there was not a man, of any party
or description, who did not deprecate, and
who would not deplore, the fate of those per-
secuted and unhappy victims, should the ap-
prehended catastrophe take place, he was con-
fident, that the knowledge of this circum-
stance would produce a considerable influence,
he wished he could say a successful effect,
upon the public mind in Paris, and throughout
France. He did not undertake to propose
the mode, by which this universal sentiment
of England might be expressed; but he was
more and more convinced, by the latest intel-
ligence from France, that the opportunity
ought not to be omitted.
1792.
Mr. Fox concurred with Mr. Sheridan, in
wishing for some interposition, or declaration,
on the part of Great Britain upon this inter-
esting subject; and added, that he too had
reason to believe, that there was a disposition
in France, to attend to the opinions and sen-
timents of this country. He suggested, there-
fore, as the best mode which occurred to him
of promoting the purpose in question, that the
house should address the king, for a communi-
cation of the words or substance of his ma-
jesty's directions to lord Gower, in conse-
quence of which his lordship left Paris; and
then, that the house, in returning thanks to
}
479
XV.
his majesty for his gracious compliance with CHAP
their request, should express their abhorrence
of the proceedings of the national convention
against the royal family of France.
Mr. Pitt approved Mr. Sheridan's idea, and
also the proposal of Mr. Fox, though he con-
fessed himself less sanguine than either of
those gentlemen, as to the effect, which any
vote of that house, or any feeling of the British
public, was likely to have upon the ruling
party in the convention; and he immediately
moved an address to the king, requesting
a copy of his majesty's orders to lord Gower
to quit Paris, after the deposition of their
most christian majesties.
On the following day, a copy of these orders
was presented to the house and read, the last
clause of which was, "In all the conversa-
tions you may have occasion to hold before
your departure, you will take especial care
not to neglect any opportunity of declaring,
that, at the same time his majesty means to
observe the principles of neutrality, in every
thing which regards the arrangement of the
internal government of France, he does not
conceive, that he departs from those principles,
in manifesting, by every possible means in his
power, his solicitude for the personal safety of
their most christian majesties and their family.
1792.
480
XV.
CHAP. He most earnestly hopes, that his wishes in
that respect will not be deceived; that the
royal family will be preserved from every act
of violence, the commission of which would
not fail to excite sentiments of universal in-
dignation throughout Europe."
Mr. Pitt said, that from the paper which
had just been read, the house would perceive,
what were the sentiments of his majesty last
August, with respect to the then recent trans-
actions in France, and the prospects then
existing in that country; and which, he pre-
sumed, were the sentiments of every British
heart upon the same subject. What must be
those sentiments now, when such rigors and
cruelties had been exercised; when a spirit
of the utmost barbarity had been displayed;
and nothing remained to look forward to, but
that dreadful and final consummation, which
could not fail to excite horror and indignation!
The only difficulty was, in what terms that
house should express itself suitable to the oc-
casion. Considering the unanimity which
prevailed, he had, at first, coincided with the
gentlemen opposite to him, in thinking, that
the best mode by which the sense of that house
could be made known, would be by a vote,
which might reach the whole of Europe,
and the influence of which should extend to
1792.
481
,
XV.
1792.
France, and might, perhaps, there produce CHAP.
the effect so much to be desired. But, in
turning the business over in his mind, a doubt
had occurred to him, and had, since, been
suggested to him by others, whether this would
be the best mode of proceeding. This doubt
had arisen, from reflecting, whether such
a vote, which, to convey the feelings of the
house, must be expressed in terms the most
strong and indignant, might not, by alarming
national pride and jealousy, have the effect,
in that state of fury to which the minds of the
French people were worked up, of hurrying
on the commission of that very crime, which
it was the earnest wish of the house, by their
weight, to prevent. Influenced by this con-
sideration, it appeared to him a better mode,
simply to allow the paper, which had been
presented, to remain upon the table of the
house; and, therefore, he should make no
other motion, unless he should see reason to
alter his opinion, in the course of the discus-
sion which might take place. He only farther
observed, that this mode, while it guarded
against the imputation of interference, would
fully imply the concurrence of the house in
his majesty's sentiments, and clearly shew,
that they considered no confirmation or addi-:
tion necessary.
VOL. III.
I I
482
CHAP.
XV.
1792.
1
Mr. Fox, Mr. Sheridan, Mr. Burke, and Mr.
Windham, avowing also a change in their
original wishes upon the subject, expressed
their entire approbation of Mr. Pitt's present
proposal; and it was unanimously adopted,
under an apprehension, that a more formal
declaration of the sentiments of the house
might offend and irritate the ruling party in
France, and contribute to produce the event
so warmly and universally deprecated.
We have seen, that this solicitude for the
fate of the unfortunate Louis, had no influence
upon his cruel and unrelenting enemies. Con-
ceiving that their favorite republic could not
be firmly established, while he was alive, they
had determined to put him to death; and no
consideration could divert them from their
sanguinary purpose.
ALTHOUGH in the present situation of the
country, Mr. Pitt thought, that some addition
ought to be made to the naval and military
establishments, yet, as he was unwilling to
consider war as quite inevitable, and reluc-
tant to incur any great expence till it was
absolutely necessary, the house of commons
was called upon to vote only 25,000 seamen,
and 17,344 land forces for the service of the
following year. To these numbers no objec-
483
XV.
tion was made; but on the contrary Mr. Fox CHAP.
said, that he should readily have consented
to a larger augmentation of the navy, if it
had been desired by ministers.
It was evident, that while assignats circu-
lated in this country, the French government
had it in their power to raise money to any
amount, which might be transmitted to.
France*, or employed here in encouraging
disaffection and riotst. It was indeed well
known, that they had sent over assignats
for both those purposes; and therefore a
bill was introduced for preventing the circu-
lation of assignats, or any paper issued by
public authority in France. This bill was
so obviously necessary, that it passed with
scarcely any opposition.
Two other bills, equally necessary, passed with
the same ease; the one for restraining the ex-
portation of naval stores, arms and ammunition‡;
* Chalmers, in his estimate of the comparative strength
of Great Britain, says, that in 1792, 2,900,000 ounces of
silver, besides coin, were purchased in England with assig-
nats, and sent to France; and Chaussard acknowledges, that
it was intended to ruin the bank of England, by means of
French assignats issued in England.
+ The 25 millions of livres, mentioned in a former note,
were transmitted in assignats.
↑ On the 8th of November 1791, the national assembly
passed a decree, prohibiting the exportation of arms and
ammunition from France.
1792.
II 2
484
XV.
CHAP. and the other for preventing the exporta-
tion of corn*. These were articles, with
which it would have been manifestly unwise
to supply France, under present circum-
stances,
17.92.
The revolution had caused a great influx of
Frenchmen into this kingdom, by far the
greater part of whom had been compelled to
fly from their native country by the fear of
want, persecution, and death; but others had
come for the sole purpose of exciting dis-
content and sedition among the lower classes
of our community. To the former, who
were in general men of unexceptionable prin-
ciples and character, and objects of the great-
est compassion, it was the pride and glory of:
Britons to afford protection and support; but
to allow the latter to remain, and carry on
their mischievous plans, would have been
highly criminal on the part of government.
The king was generally considered as possess-
* The French had already adopted a similar measure, for
in the whole of the year 1792, no wheat of French growth
was exported from France. The French purchased wheat in
England, in December 1792, at a higher price than it was
sold for in the French market, with the hope of occasioning
a scarcity, and thereby exciting a general discontent, and
thus promoting the wished for insurrection. The scarcity of
corn in France was one great cause of discontent and com-
motion at the beginning of the revolution.
485
ing the power of sending aliens out of his
dominions; but so many years had elapsed,
since this prerogative had been exercised,
foreigners having been permitted to resort
to and reside in this country without inter-
ruption or restraint, that the acting upon it
would have been attended with material dif-
ficulty; and it was also thought expedient to
subject even those emigrants, who might
with safety be permitted to continue in
England, to certain regulations; principally
with a view, that they might the more easily
be distinguished from persons of an opposite
description. Ministers, therefore, determined
to apply for a special act of the legislature,
with provisions adapted to the particular cir-
cumstances of the present case, leaving the
royal prerogative without any alteration. Ac-
cordingly, on the 19th of December, lord
Grenville introduced into the house of lords,
what has since been known by the name of the
alien bill*. This bill enacted, that any alien,
who should refuse to depart from the king-
dom, when ordered by his majesty, should be
liable to be committed to goal, to be brought
to trial, to be sentenced to suffer imprisonment
* On the 18th of the preceding May, the national assem-
bly had passed a decree relative to strangers resident in.
France, similar in principle to this bill.
CHAP.
XV.
1792.
II 3
486
CHAP. for a month, and afterwards to leave the king-
XV. dom within a limited time, and if he disobey-
1792. ed, to be transported for life; that every
alien, who had arrived in England since Jan-
uary the 1st, 1792, should give an account to
a magistrate of the district where he lived,
of his name, rank, occupation or description,
and of the weapons, arms, and ammunition,
which he possessed; that every alien, who
should hereafter arrive, should give to the
officer of the port, at which he landed, a si-
milar account, and also of the place where
he had principally resided during the preced-
nig six months, and of the place to which he
was going; that he should give up all arms
except such as might be wanted for defence
or dress, and should not leave the port at
which he landed, or the place of his residence.
afterwards, without a passport; that his ma-
jesty might prohibit the landing of foreigners
entirely, or direct that they should be landed
only at certain ports; that his majesty might
appoint the places where aliens should reside;
and that copies of the above accounts receiv-
ed from aliens by magistrates or by port-offi-
cers, and of all passports, should be transmit-
ted to the secretary of state.
Those members, who denied, that there was
any connexion between French emissaries and
487
XV.
disaffected persons in this kingdom, and who CHAP
maintained, that there was no danger of any
interruption to the public tranquillity from
the proceedings either of our own countrymen
or of foreigners, objected to this bill, con-
tending, that it was unprecedented, and that
no proof of its necessity had been laid before
parliament. It was admitted in reply, that
there was indeed no precedent for the measure:
but it was asserted, that the present crisis was
also new and unprecedented; that this bill
was called for by the known general situation
of this country, and of France; and that to
bring any particular proof of its necessity
might defeat its object; that it was a measure
of precaution and self-defence, calculated to
counteract the machinations of the enemies of
our constitution; that within a few days some
of the members of the national convention had
been in London, and even some of the as-
sassins of the 2d of September: it was asked,
whether under such circumstances, the execu-
tive government ought to remain, without
a clear and defined power of controlling fo-
reigners, and of guarding against their per-
nicious designs, either by sending them out of
the country, or by subjecting their residence
in it to strict regulation?
It was farther urged, that while other na
1792.
II 4
488
XV.
CHAP. tions were compelled by their fears to refuse
an asylum alike to the guilty and to the un-
1792. fortunate, to the harmless and to the mis-
chievous, this bill enabled Great Britain to
extend her hospitality to those, whom anarchy,
injustice, and the most imminent personal
danger, had driven from their homes, without
exposing herself to the evils and calamities
which had desolated France: this was, there-
fore, a measure not of rigor and oppression,
but of benevolence and humanity; it received
and protected the innocent and meritorious
sufferer, while it rejected and expelled the
rebel and assassin.
It may be justly observed, that it is of the
very essence of a free constitution, in which
the legislative and executive authorities are
necessarily distinct and separate, that the le-
gislature should, in extraordinary cases, invest
the executive government with extraordinary
powers, for the purpose of correcting any ex
isting evil, or of warding off any impending
danger. Such power may be unfit to be con-
stantly intrusted to the executive magistrate ;
and yet, at a particular conjuncture, may be
indispensable to the public safety. Upon this
principle, the habeas corpus act, that palladium
of British liberty, has been repeatedly sus-
pended for a limited time since the revolution.
-no
489
•
XV.
1792.
Of the same nature was the alien bill, which CHAP.
was intended to continue in force only till the
end of the next session; and which was so
evidently required by the present situation of
the country, and so generally approved, that
its opponents, conscious of the smallness of
their number, and the unpopularity of their
opinion, did not venture to call for a division
in either house. It received the royal assent
with the three other bills, on the 8th of
January; and Mr. Pitt, not considering any
other measure to be at present necessary,
either for the preservation of public tran-
quillity, or as a defensive preparation against
the hostile designs of France, proposed, that
the house should adjourn to the 23d of
January, to which no objection was made.
The most remarkable circumstance, which
attended these debates, was, the support given
to administration by several members of both
houses, of distinguished talents and of great
influence, alluded to in a former chapter, who
had hitherto opposed Mr. Pitt; and who now
declared, that the principles avowed, and the
sentiments expressed, by Mr. Fox, relative as
well to the affairs of France as to the situation
of our own country, rendered it impossible
for them to act with him upon the present
occasion. Alarmed by the danger which
490
XV.
CHAP. threatened the kingdom, both from external
and internal enemies, they conceived, that
party spirit should be laid aside, and that all
men, of all descriptions, forgetting former
differences and contentions, should, from
a sense of public duty, unite in supporting
government, as the most effectual means of
preserving the constitution, and maintaining
the independence of the nation. They acknow-
ledged, that the change of administration,
which they had been so long laboring to effect,
was no longer to be desired, as no person
could be found, who enjoyed the confidence
both of the crown and of the people, in the
same degree as the present minister; a consi-
deration of the utmost importance at a time
of foreign war and domestic disaffection. This
was a subject frequently mentioned; and Mr.
Fox uniformly spoke of his old friends, who
now disclaimed him, with great temper and
moderation. He regretted the want of their
concurrence with him, upon the measures
which were then depending; but he did not,
he said, see any such disagreement, as should
make it necessary for them to dissolve the
political connexion, which had subsisted so
many years. He endeavored to convince
them, that they were deluded by the artifices
of the minister, and misled by groundless
1792.
491
XV.
fears of danger. He reminded them of the CHAP.
strong objections they had formerly felt and
urged against the mode, by which Mr. Pitt
came into office; and represented the incon-
sistency, of which they would be guilty, if,
after so long an opposition, they should give
him that systematic support, which some
gentlemen pretended to be requisite, in the
present situation of the country. This was
undoubtedly very politic conduct in Mr.
Fox; but there was in reality a fundamental
difference between him and the persons in
question, upon points, which involved the
security of every public and every private
blessing, and superseded all other considera-
tions: it was a difference upon principle,
which prevented their future re-union, and
deprived Mr. Fox of his most respectable and
powerful adherents.
It will now be necessary to give an account
of several occurrences, which took place be-
tween the meeting of parliament, and the
declaration of war by France, against Great
Britain.
On the first of December, a French frigate,
and several armed vessels, sailed up the Scheldt,
in defiance of the remonstrances of the captain
of the Dutch guard ship, stationed at the
1792.
492
XV.
CHAP. mouth of the river, for the purpose of bom-
barding the citadel of Antwerp; and this act,
1792. being contrary both to express treaties, and
to the law of nations, was, in fact, an avowal
of a determination in the executive council,
to go to war with Holland, and consequently
with England, on account of the known con-
nexion and alliance between those two coun-
tries.
On the 15th of December, the convention
declared, by a formal decree, that the prin-
ciples upon which they acted, would not allow
them to acknowledge any institution militating
against the sovereignty of the people; and
therefore they ordered their generals, in all
countries, which were, or should be hereafter,
occupied by the French armies, to proclaim,
in the name of the French nation, the sove-
reignty of the people, the suppression of all
existing authorities and privileges, and the
repeal of all taxes and public contributions;
to establish a provisional government, upon
democratic principles; and to seize, on the
account of the French republic, all property
belonging to the treasury, to the church, and
to the prince or his adherents :—which was an
unequivocal declaration of a design not to
acknowledge any kingly government, and to
overturn the constitution of every country,
493
XV.
into which the power of France should extend. CHAP.
The decree farther declared, that the French
nation would treat as an enemy, that people, 1792.
who, rejecting or renouncing liberty and equa-
lity, should choose to preserve, recall, or treat
with, its prince and privileged orders :—which
was a declaration of war against every nation
that refused to take up arms against its lawful
sovereign. This decree, as well as that of the
19th of November, to which it was a sequel,
were known to be particularly directed against
England *.
On the 24th of the same month, M. Baraillon,
one of the few temperate members of the na-
tional convention, observed, that the decree of
the 19th of November had caused uneasiness
to the British ministers; and therefore he pro-
posed a supplementary clause for confining it
to those nations, with which the French should
be actually at war: but the previous question
being demanded, without any debate, the pro-
posal was virtually rejected by a vote, that there
was no room for deliberation upon the subject.
* Mr. Miles, who lived many years upon the continent,
and was employed by Mr. Pitt to procure secret intelligence,
said, "I have reason to believe, that these decrees were le-
velled at this country, in consequence of the delusion which
prevailed in France, that we were on the eve of an insurrec-
tion in England, and that the promise of support would in-
stantly produce an explosion."
494
One of the numerous French agents in
London, assured Mr. Miles, at the end of
1792. November, that he was commissioned by the
executive council, to treat with the British
ministers, relative to the differences between
Great Britain and France, and requested, that
Mr. Pitt might be informed of his desire to wait
upon him, for that purpose; but, at the same
time, he would not allow his name to be men-
tioned. Mr. Pitt, upon receiving this commu-
nication, consented to see the person, without
knowing his name; but, before the day fixed
for the interview arrived, a friend of Mr. Pitt
saw the person at the house of Mr. Miles, and,
upon questioning him, discovered, that he had
no authority or instruction whatever from the
executive council. This man, however, said,
that there was another person, M. Maret, in
London, fully empowered to enter into a ne-
gotiation with the English government. Mr.
Pitt, having understood, that M. Maret was
confidentially employed by M. le Brun, the
French minister for foreign affairs, agreed to
receive him on the 2d of December. At this
interview, it appeared that M. Maret had in
reality no authority to treat; but he declared
his firm belief, that the executive council was
desirous of setting on foot a friendly expla-
nation, through private agents, without any
CHAP.
XV.
495
XV.
official character. Mr. Pitt replied, that such CHAP.
a mode of explanation was much to be wished,
as the most probable means of avoiding those
extremities, which the conduct and designs of
France gave great reason to apprehend; and he
particularly mentioned the decree of the 19th
of November, and the announced intention
of opening the Scheldt, as clear indications.
of a hostile disposition, on the part of France.
The conversation ended, by M. Maret's pro-
mise to inform M. le Brun immediately, of
Mr. Pitt's readiness to enter into a negotiation
with any person, duly authorized by the ex-
ecutive government; and it was evident, that
M. Maret himself expected to be appointed.
He waited upon Mr. Pitt again, after the
return of his courier from Paris, and stated,
that the executive council declined giving
the required power to any private individual,
as their intentions might be known through
M. Chauvelin, who was properly accredited
at the court of London. Mr. Pitt observed,
that M. Chauvelin was not accredited; and
M. Maret, after some general remarks upon
the situation of the two countries, and ex-
pressions of personal civility, took his leave.
Le Brun, in reporting this transaction, re-
presented to the national convention, that
Mr. Pitt had, through fear, solicited a con-
1792.
496
T
XV.
CHAP. ference with the secret agents of the executive
council, but that he (Le Brun) had forbidden
them to hold any communication with the
English minister.
1792.
These facts fully show, on the one hand,
Mr. Pitt's eagerness to omit no opportunity,
which afforded the remotest chance of pre-
venting a rupture with France; and on the
other, the determination of the executive
council not to adopt any proposal, which
should, in the slightest degree, endanger their
favorite plan of war with Great Britain. They
knew that M. Maret was himself disposed to
peace; and therefore they considered him
very unfit to act as a negotiator. They soon
afterwards employed M. Chauvelin, who was
far better suited to their purpose.
As the deposition of the king of France;
had rendered the credentials of lord Gower
no longer of any avail, so the same event had
put an end to the diplomatic character of
M. Chauvelin, the ambassador of his most
christian majesty at the court of London; and
letters of recall were actually sent to him,
soon after lord Gower's departure from Paris.
But M. Chauvelin, instead of obeying the or-
der, represented to the executive council,
that though he was ill with the English minis-
ter, he was perfectly well with Mr. Fox, and
497
XV.
some other members of opposition, and that CHAP.
it would not be prudent in France to lose the
fruits of his labors with those gentlemen, and
their subsequent services, for a vain form of
diplomatic etiquette; and the French govern-
ment, finding, from this representation, as
well as from the general tenor of his dispatches,
that his views and principles were the same
as their own, permitted him to remain in Eng-
land *. Nor was his continuance here object-
ed to by our ministers, who did not, at this
time, despair of the preservation of peace;
and were unwilling to take any step, which
might be offensive to the new government of
France. As he was known to keep up a con-
stant communication with the executive coun-
cil, lord Grenville declared to him, in the
-
* M. Chauvelin arrived in England as ambassador in the
spring of 1792, and immediately formed a close connexion
with the leading members of opposition. Before the ne-
gotiation commenced, which will be presently related, he
shewed his secret instructions to an intimate friend of Mr.
Fox; and he promoted disaffection and hostility to the ex-
isting government, by all the means in his power, during his
whole residence in England. After the deposition of the
king, he said, that if he were not received at St. James's,
the height of his ambition would be, to leave England with
a declaration of war.-Marsh. Mr. Miles, who was well
acquainted with his character, observed, that if a pretext for
a quarrel between the two countries had been sought, France
could not have selected a fitter object for the purpose than
M. Chauvelin.
VOL. III.
K K
1792.
498
XV.
CHAP. same spirit which had uniformly actuated the
British cabinet, that outward forms would be
1792. dispensed with by his Britannic majesty, in
the discussion of any question relative to ex-
planations, which might be satisfactory and
advantageous to both parties; and Mr. Pitt
assured him, that he was desirous of avoiding
war, and wished to receive a testimony of the
same disposition from the French ministry.
This being a virtual acknowledgment, that
the present rulers in France were capable of
maintaining the relations of amity and peace,
which was afterwards confirmed by what
passed between Mr. Pitt and M. Maret, the
executive council considered it impossible to
decline all negotiation with England; and
therefore, on the 27th of December, M. Chau-
velin delivered a note to lord Grenville, in
which he said, that he was authorized to de-
clare, that it was the desire of the French
government to continue on good terms with
the court of London*, and to demand of the
*“That the French nation have spoken so speciously,
and have acted so infamously, is no wonder, because syste-
matic deception is a constituent part of their general plan;
but that so many men of talents and penetration could suffer
themselves to be duped by their artifices, is really a wonder.
Fortunately, however, for Great Britain, our ministers saw
more clearly, or we should now have shared the wretched
fate which has befallen the Dutch and the Swiss."-Marsh.
v. ii. p. 86, who is here speaking of the year 1799. The
499
British ministers, whether France was to con-
sider England, as a hostile or a neutral power.
Under pretence of removing all ground of
complaint against France, on the part of Great
Britain, he proceeded to explain the decree
of the 19th of November; asserting, that the
national convention did not intend to favor
insurrections, or espouse the quarrels of a few
seditious persons, or endeavor to excite dis-
turbances in any neutral or friendly country;
and that the decree was applicable only to
those people, who, after having acquired their
liberty by conquest*, might request the fra-
ternity and assistance of the French republic,
by a solemn and unequivocal expression of the
general will. M. Chauvelin said also, that he
was charged to declare formally, that France
would not attack Holland, while that power
confined itself, on its part, within the bounds
of strict neutrality.
opposition between the actions and the declarations of the
French government is strongly marked in Marsh's valuable
work.
* This expression supposes, that the people have already
recovered their liberty, which is directly contrary to the
words of the decree, qui voudront recouvrir la liberté, who
shall wish to recover their liberty, that is, who shall be de-
sirous of effecting a revolution. Besides, those who had already
recovered their liberty without the assistance of France, and
were actuated by a "general will," would scarcely afterwards
stand in need of the assistance of any foreign power.
CHAP.
XV.
1792.
KK 2
500
CHAP.
XV.
Having given this explanation upon these
two points, he observed, that the only remain-
1792. ing difficulty related to the opening of the
Scheldt, a question irrevocably decided by
reason and justice*, of little importance in
itself, and on which the opinion of England,
and perhaps even of Holland, was so well
known, as to render it difficult to make it
seriously the single cause of war. If, how-
ever, the British ministers should consider the
opening of the Scheldt a sufficient ground for
a rupture, the whole blame and responsibility
of the war would rest with them; and France
would make this evident by an appeal to the
English nation, "a generous and free people,
who would not long consent to betray their
own interests, by serving as an auxiliary and
a reinforcement to a tyrannical coalition."
Lord Grenville, in his answer sent on the
31st of December, observed, that all England
saw in the decree of November the 19th, the
formal declaration of a design to extend uni-
66
* The Dutch territories extended on both sides of the
Scheldt for some distance from its mouth, and therefore the
exclusive navigation of that part of the river belonged, ac-
cording to the law of nations, or reason and justice," to
Holland. This right was, moreover, secured to her by
a variety of treaties, from 1648 to 1785, when it was last
confirmed, and guaranteed to the Dutch by the French
hemselves.
501
XV.
versally the new principles of government CHAP.
adopted in France, and to encourage disorder
and revolt in all countries, even in those which
were neutral; and that this design, as far as
Great Britain was concerned, was exemplified
by the public reception given to the promoters
of sedition in this kingdom, and by the speeches
made to them by the president of the national
convention, precisely at the time of this decree,
and on several subsequent occasions: that the
explanation now given of this decree, so far
from being satisfactory, must be considered
as a fresh avowal of those dispositions, which
had caused so much uneasiness and jealousy;
inasmuch as it reserved to France a right of
mixing herself in the internal affairs of this
country, whenever she should judge it proper;
and on principles incompatible with the po-
litical institutions of other nations, contrary
to the respect which is reciprocally due from
independent states, and repugnant to the con-
duct of Great Britain, in abstaining, at all
times, from any interference whatever in the
internal affairs of France.
Lord Grenville farther remarked, that the
declaration now made, that France will not
attack Holland, so long as that power shall
observe a strict neutrality, was expressed
nearly in the same terms with that which was
1792.
KK 3
502
XV.
CHAP. made by M. Chauvelin, in the month of June
last; since which, a French officer had sailed
up the Scheldt, to attack the citadel of Ant-
werp, notwithstanding the known determina-
tion of the Dutch government not to grant
that passage, and the formal protest by which
they opposed it; and that at the very moment,
France, under the name of an amicable ex-
planation, renewed her promise of respecting
the independence and rights of England, and
her allies, she announced her intention to
maintain this open and injurious aggression:
that on such a declaration, therefore, no re-
liance could be placed for the continuance of
public tranquillity. If it were true, that the
question of opening the Scheldt was of little
importance, it would serve to prove more
clearly, that it was brought forward only for
the purpose of insulting the allies of England,
by the infraction of their neutrality, and by
the violation of their rights, expressly secured
to them by the faith of treaties: it was, how-
ever, well known, that the utmost importance
was attached by the British government to
the principles, which France wished to esta-
blish by this proceeding, and to the conse-
quences which would naturally result from
them; and that those principles, and those
consequences, would never be admitted by
1792.
503
}
XV.
England, but that she was, and ever would CHAP.
be, ready to oppose them with all her force.
France, continued lord Grenville, can have no
right to annul the stipulations relative to the
Scheldt, unless she have also the right to set
aside all the other treaties between all the
powers of Europe, and all the other rights of
England, and of her allies. She can even
have no pretence to interfere in the question
of opening the Scheldt, unless she were the
sovereign of the low countries, or had the
right to dictate laws to all Europe. England
will never consent, that France should arro-
gate the power of annulling at her pleasure,
and under the pretence of a natural right, of
which she makes herself the only judge, the
political system of Europe, established by
solemn treaties, and guaranteed by the con-
sent of all the powers. This government,
adhering to the maxims which it has followed
for more than a century, will also never see
with indifference, that France shall make her-
self, either directly or indirectly, sovereign of
the low countries, or general arbitress of the
rights and liberties of Europe.
"If France be really desirous of main-
taining friendship and peace with England,
she must shew herself disposed to renounce
her views of aggression and aggrandizement,
1792.
KK 4
504
XV.
CHAP. and to confine herself within her own terri-
tory, without insulting other governments,
without disturbing their tranquillity, without
violating their rights."-" His majesty has
always been desirous of peace: he desires
it still; but such as may be real and solid,
and consistent with the interests and dignity
of his own dominions, and with the general
security of Europe."
Lord Grenville concluded by informing
M. Chauvelin, that he had no answer to give
on the subject of the appeal proposed to be
made by France to the English nation; and
by declaring, that Great Britain, according
to that constitution, by which its liberty and
its prosperity are secured, and which it will
always be able to defend against any attack,
direct or indirect, will never have with foreign
powers, connexion or correspondence, except
through the organ of its king.
This explicit and spirited answer of lord
Grenville was transmitted to France; and on
the 8th of January, Le Brun, the minister for
foreign affairs, signed a note in the name of
the executive council, addressed to M. Chau-
velin, and by him delivered on the 13th, to
lord Grenville. In this note, the executive
council repeated and defended M. Chauvelin's
interpretation of the decree of the 19th of
..
1792.
¿
•
505
XV.
1793.
November, and asserted their right and deter- CHAP.
mination to open the Scheldt, as well as their
intention to keep possession of the Nether-
lands during the war, and "as much longer
as might be necessary for the Belgians to
secure and consolidate their liberty;" and
they declared, as their ultimatum, that if their
explanations upon these points, were not satis-
factory to the British ministers, and if the
armaments were still continued in the ports
of England, the French government would
prepare for war.
On the 18th of January, lord Grenville ac-
quainted M. Chauvelin, that M. Le Brun's
note was by no means satisfactory, as the ex-
planations contained in it were confined nearly
to those points, to which he had already re-
plied, and as it renewed the declaration of
the design of the French government to
interfere in the internal affairs of other coun-
tries, to annul treaties, and to violate the
rights of his majesty's allies: to which he
added, that to threaten Great Britain with
war, because she judged it expedient to aug-
ment her forces, and also to declare, upon
a former occasion, that a solemn treaty should
be broken *, because England adopted, for
* M. Chauvelin remonstrated against the alien bill, while
it was depending in parliament, as an infraction of the com-
ļ
1
506
XV.
1793.
CHAP. her own safety, such precautions as already
existed in France, could only be considered
as new grounds of offence, which, as long as
they subsisted, would prove a bar to every
kind of negotiation. And, therefore, as it
could not promote the object of conciliation,
again to discuss the subjects upon which he
had before delivered his opinion, he thought
it his duty to inform him, in the most positive
terms, that his majesty's ministers, although
still ready to receive satisfactory explanations
from the government of France, would, under
existing circumstances, continue all those pre-
parations, which they might judge necessary
to protect the safety, the tranquillity, and the
rights of their own country, as well as to
guarantee those of its allies; and to oppose
a barrier to those views of ambition and ag-
grandizement, at all times dangerous to the
rest of Europe, but which were rendered still
more so, from being supported by the propa-
gation of principles destructive of all social
order.
It is to be observed, that the three main
points upon which lord Grenville insisted in
mercial treaty; and after it had passed, he declared, that the
French republic considered that treaty as no longer binding.
He also complained of the steps taken by the English govern-
ment, to prevent the exportation of corn.
t
507
XV.
-
this negotiation, namely the decree of the CHAP.
19th of November, the opening of the Scheldt,
and the occupation of the Netherlands, had
no reference whatever to the internal form of
the French government; and therefore, if it
had been the object of the executive council
merely to establish and maintain a republic in
France, they might safely have conceded
every one of those points, which would un-
questionably have prevented war with Great
Britain. They had no reason to suppose, that
the British ministers were inclined to depart
from that neutrality, which it was acknow-
ledged they had hitherto strictly observed;
and indeed the readiness manifested by Mr.
Pitt and lord Grenville, to treat with any
person duly authorized by the executive coun-
cil, was a positive proof of their desire to
avoid a rupture with France. Not even a wish
was expressed by the English government,
upon this or any other occasion, for the resto-
ration of monarchy; nor was a single objec-
tion made to any of the proceedings of the
national convention, or any of the measures
of the French ministers, which did not affect
the security and independence of foreign
states. But most unfortunately for the peace
and happiness of the world, the Jacobins of
France were not contented with overturning
1793.
508
XV.
CHAP. the constitution of their own country; nor
was their ambition satisfied with the acqui-
sition and peaceable exercise of sovereign
power in the antient limits of that kingdom,
extensive and populous as it was. They had
formed the wildest projects of conquest and
aggrandizement; and were unalterably deter-
mined to exert the whole strength of France
by sea and land, in conjunction with all the
secret arts of intrigue, to carry their revolu-
tionary system into every part of Europe.
Trusting to the addresses of the democratic
societies, presented to the national convention,
as speaking the sense of the nation, and rely-
ing upon the reports of their own emissaries,
they vainly imagined, that the bulk of the
English people were dissatisfied with their go-
vernment; and that the commencement of hos-
tilities on the part of France, would be imme-
diately followed by a general insurrection
throughout the kingdom, and by an open
declaration of such numbers in favor of
republican principles, as might at once cause
the overthrow of the constitution*, or at least
lead to civil commotions of such extent, as
1793.
* Many of the leading members of the national convention
at this time predicted the speedy "overthrow of royal and
noble tyranny in England:"-" Let the head of Louis," said
one of them," fall, and George the third, and his minister
Pitt, will feel if their heads rest firm on their shoulders."
509
could not fail to promote the success of the CHAP.
French arms.
XV.
These designs and these expectations in-
duced the executive council to resolve on war
with this country; and the previous negotia-
tion was only intended as some sort of com-
pliance with the usual forms upon such occa-
sions, and to gain time till their plans should
be ripe for execution. It might also be
imagined that, by the use of menacing and
insulting language in their refusal to give
a satisfactory explanation upon the subjects
in dispute, the British government might be
provoked to commence hostilities, by which
the French would have avoided the reproach
of being the first aggressors.
From the moment the Jacobins usurped the
government of France, they adopted a system
of deception in all their proceedings, with
respect to foreign countries, unexampled in
the history of any civilized nation; and this
should always be remembered in reading the
professions and assertions in their public and
official documents. The correspondence, of
which an account has just been given, was, on
the part of the executive council, an act of the
grossest duplicity; and it exhibited several
instances of a total disregard to fact and truth;
some of which it may be proper to notice.
1793.
510
CHAP.
XV.
1793.
Le Brun, in his note, said, "the French
republic has renounced, and still renounces,
all conquest;" which assertion was made, not
only after the conquest of the Netherlands,
and of several parts of Germany, but after
the incorporation of the duchy of Savoy,
which had also been conquered by the French
armies, by a formal and unanimous decree of
the national convention; and, only three
weeks before, Nice, and its territories, were
annexed to France with the same unanimity.
The French had, likewise, recently commenced
hostilities against Geneva and several states
of Italy; and secret preparations were at that
time making for the invasion of the Swiss can-
tons. This renunciation, therefore, of con-
quest was contrary to the prior, the present,
and the subsequent conduct of the French
government; and the executive council, when
they directed Le Brun to sign the note to lord
Grenville, must have been conscious, that they
were giving their sanction to a palpable false-
hood.
Le Brun also declared, in the same note,
that the French republic would respect the
independence of the Netherlands; and, on
the next day, the executive council, who had
directed this declaration to be made, signed
instructions to the commissaries in Belgium,
511
XV.
as they called the Netherlands, the object of CHAP.
which was, to reduce the Belgians to a state
of absolute dependence upon France; and
these commissaries, acting under the instruc-
tions they had received, on the 3d of February
incorporated Belgium with France, by a for-
mal instrument, which was afterwards con-
firmed by a decree of the national conven-
tion; although one of the commissaries, in
writing to Le Brun, admitted, that by far the
greater part of the inhabitants were adverse
to the incorporation.
And they not only
united Belgium to France, but they sequester-
ed all the ecclesiastical property, and pro-
nounced it to belong to the nation, without
consulting the Belgians themselves upon the
subject, and, as it is well known, in direct
contradiction to their wishes. It is scarcely
possible to conceive conduct more diametri-
cally opposite to professions.
The reluctance of the Belgians to an incor-
poration with France, seems to have been
foreseen by the executive council; for, in
their instructions to their commissaries, they
declared, nearly in the words of the decree of
the 15th of December, "that the French
nation would consider as enemies a whole
people, who, refusing liberty and equality,
should be disposed to treat with a prince and
1793.
512
XV.
This conduct of the
CHAP. privileged orders."
French government towards the Austrian
1793. Netherlands, was a practical example of the
universal right, which the convention had
asserted, to conquer and annex to France
any country, which had hitherto been sub-
ject to another power, or to overthrow any
constitution, which even the people them-
selves wished to preserve; and could not
possibly be reconciled with M. Chauvelin's
explanation of the decree of the 29th of No-
vember, in which it was said, "that the French
would not interfere in the internal affairs of
any country, except where a general wish
was expressed for their fraternity and assis-
tance."
To the proofs, which have been already
adduced, of the fixed intention of the French
government to engage in war with this coun-
try, the following circumstances, which oc-
cured subsequently to the commencement of
M. Chauvelin's negotiation, may be added;
and they will also furnish fresh instances of
the duplicity of the French rulers.
The marine minister, Monge, in a circular
letter to the seaports of France, speaking
of the " English republicans," said, "We
will fly to their assistance; we will make a
513
XV.
descent upon that island; we will hurl thither CHAP.
50,000 caps of liberty; we will plant there
the sacred tree, and stretch out our arms to
our brother republicans; the tyranny of their
government shall soon be destroyed: may we
all be strongly animated with this thought!”
This letter, and a resolution of the executive
council, sent with it on the 7th of January,
the day before Le Brun signed the note to
lord Grenville, caused great activity in all
the French sea-ports, where it was considered
as the signal for an immediate attack upon
England; and on the 13th, three days after
the order was given for the invasion of Hol-
land, an augmentation of 30 ships of the line
was made to the French navy, for the avowed
purpose of acting against the English; al-
though the French had then in commission
more ships than were preparing in the Eng-
lish ports. It seems, therefore, clear, that
the French executive council fully expected,
that the commencement of hostilities against
Holland would be immediately followed by
war with Great Britain; and, indeed, the
common interests of the two countries, and
the treaty known to subsist between them,
rendered this inference unavoidable.
Dumourier confessed, that Le Brun, in the
early part of January, desired him to pay no
VOL. III,
L L
1793.
514
XV.
CHAP. regard to the negotiation then depending
with England and Holland; meaning, of
course, that this negotiation was not intended
to produce any effect; and that, in concert-
ing measures for the next campaign, which
was then the subject of their deliberations, he
was to consider war with those two countries
as certain. This determination of the exe-
cutive council, Dumourier, on the 10th of
January communicated to general Miranda,
who in his absence commanded the French
army in the Netherlands, and directed him
to make arrangements with all possible secre-
cy for invading the Dutch dominions within
twelve days; giving him particular instruc-
tions with respect to the places he was to
attack, and the number of forces he was to
employ, according to a plan settled with the
French minister*; and authorizing him to
raise money for defraying the expences of
this expedition, by means of a forced loan at
Antwerp, provided the capitalists of that city
refused to advance the necessary sum volun-
tarily. And yet, only two days after these
secret orders and instructions were given for
the invasion of Holland, the convention pass-
ed a decree, directing the executive council
1793.
* The invasion of Holland did not take place at this time,
as will be afterwards mentioned.
515
XV.
1793.
to inform the British government, that it was CHAP.
the intention of the French republic to main-
tain peace and fraternity with England, and
to respect her independence and that of her
allies, so long as they should not attack
France: "So daring and so solemn a false-
hood," says Marsh, " had probably never
been uttered by statesmen of any country,
till French philosophy and French republican-
ism had set religion and honor at defiance."
An introduction to a decree of the 13th of
January, mentioned the naval preparations in
England, of which the national convention
had just received information, as a departure
from the character of neutrality hitherto ob-
served by that country with respect to the
affairs of France, which must be considered
as an authentic acknowledgement, that Great
Britain had not been guilty of any provocation
or offence at the time France had resolved up-
It was well known, that the prepa-
rations here alluded to, were merely of a
defensive nature, caused by the manifest
hostile disposition of France, and by no means
calculated for any act of aggression, being
much inferior to the French naval force ac-
tually ready for service.
on war.
On the 25th of January, a report was made
to the national convention, relative to the or-
1
L L 2
316
XV.
CHAP. ganization of the land forces, in which it was
proposed, that England should be invaded with
an army of 40,000 men; and an expedition
was also in contemplation against the Cape of
Good Hope, under the command of La Clos,
who was afterwards to proceed to the East
Indies, join Tippoo Saib, and attack Bengal.
Although the French government had de-
termined upon war, as is fully proved by
these irrefragable testimonies, M. Chauvelin,
by order of the executive council, formally
demanded on the 17th of January, that the
court of Great Britain should receive him as
the accredited minister of the French republic.
This application could have been made with
no other view, than to afford some pretext for
a measure, on which the executive council
had long resolved; and the answer must have
been anticipated by them. On the 20th,
lord Grenville informed M. Chauvelin, that
under the present circumstances his majesty
did not think proper to receive his letters of
credence; and, on the 23d, the earliest day on
which intelligence of the king's refusal could
have reached Paris, an order was sent to him
from thence to return to France. On the
24th, however, before it was possible for this
recall to be known in England, the British
ministers, having received information of the
1793.
517
XV.
execution of the king of France, ordered CHAP.
M. Chauvelin to leave London within eight
days.
It appears that General Miranda, from
want of sufficient magazines, was not enabled
to execute the orders he had received for the
immediate invasion of Holland; and therefore
the executive council, finding it convenient to
carry on their system of duplicity a little
longer, pretended that they were desirous of
opening a new negotiation both with England
and Holland, under the auspices of General
Dumourier*. De Mauldet was actually sent
to Lord Auckland, the British ambassador at
the Hague, to propose a conference between
him and Dumourier, to which Lord Auck-
land, knowing the general wishes of his court
for peace, consented without hesitation; and
having also obtained the consent of the Dutch-
government to concur in the negotiation, he
sent a courier to England for full instructions.
On the 26th of January Maret was sent from
Paris to London, for the purpose of inquiring,
whether the English ministers would treat with
* Dumourier confessed, that the executive council had at
this time determined upon war with England. Vide lord
Auckland's speech in the house of lords on the 9th of
January, 1798.
+ He had been the French ambassador at the Hague.
1793.
LL 3
518
CHAP. Dumourier; and, in case they would, to pro-
XV. cure a passport for him. On the road M.
1793. Maret met M. Chauvelin returning to Paris;
and probably thinking, that his dismissal might
cause some alteration in the wishes of the ex-
ecutive council, he wrote to Le Brun from
Dover, requesting farther instructions, and
acquainting him, that he should wait in Lon-
don to receive them, before he applied for an
interview with the English minister. It has
been supposed, that M. Maret, who was not
sufficiently in the confidence of the executive
council, to be trusted with the real design of
his own mission, entertained some hope of
being himself empowered to negotiate with
the British cabinet; but no answer whatever
being sent by Le Brun, he left London, after
remaining there eight days, without any com-
munication either with Mr. Pitt or lord Gren-
ville, except two formal notes to the latter, the
one announcing his arrival to take charge of
the diplomatic papers of the French envoy,
and the other notifying his departure*. In
the mean time the English ministers received
lord Auckland's dispatches, and although they
}
* On the 12th of February, Mr. Pitt declared in the
house of commons, that M. Maret, during his whole stay in
London, had proposed to his majesty's ministers no questions
of state whatever.
519
XV.
had been previously informed of an embargo CHAP.
being laid on all British vessels and subjects
in France, yet they immediately authorized
him to enter into a negotiation with Dumou-
rier; and lord Auckland, with as little delay,
proposed the 11th of February, as the day for
holding the first conference, at which the
grand pensionary of Holland was also to have
been present. But this conference did not
take place.
THE house of commons met on the 23d of
January, and adjourned to the 28th, on which
day a message was presented from the king,
stating, that he had given directions for lay-
ing before the house, copies of a correspon-
dence which had passed between M. Chauvelin
and his majesty's secretary of state for foreign
affairs, and of an order to M. Chauvelin to
quit the kingdom, in consequence of the atro-
cious act recently perpetrated at Paris; and
acquainting the house, that in the present
situation of affairs, his majesty had thought it
necessary to make a farther augmentation of
his forces by sea and land, and that he relied
upon the known affection and zeal of the
house of commons to enable him to take the
most effectual measures, in the present impor-
tant conjuncture, for maintaining the security
1793.
LL 4
520
XV.
CHAP. and rights of his own dominions, for support-
ing his allies, and for opposing views of ag-
grandizement and ambition on the part of
France, which would be at all times dangerous
to the general interests of Europe, but which
were peculiarly so, when connected with the
propagation of principles, leading to the viola-
tion of the most sacred duties, and utterly
subversive of the peace and order of society.
On a following day, Mr. Pitt, in moving an
address in answer to this message, grounded
upon the papers presented, first adverted to
that calamitous event, the murder of the
French king, which he described as revolting
to the feelings of nature, as outraging every
sentiment of religion, justice, and humanity,
and as having excited general indignation and
abhorrence in this island, and most undoubted-
ly in every other civilized country. In this
dreadful transaction, he said, might be seen the
effect of principles, pushed to their utmost ex-
tent, which set out with dissolving all the bonds
of civil society, and which, presumptuously
relying on wild and delusive theories, rejected
all the advantages to be derived from the
wisdom and experience of former ages, and
even the sacred instructions of revelation itself.
Hence, however, was suggested an useful sub-
ject for reflection: for, by considering the
1793.
521
XV.
pernicious tendency of those principles, and CHAP.
learning to guard against their progress, this
kingdom might be preserved from suffering 1793.
the evils which had disgraced and ruined
a neighboring country, and from exhibiting
a similar scene of calamity and guilt. He
contrasted the happy condition of England,
in which there existed the greatest national
felicity, and an equal protection was afforded
to every individual, with the present situation
of France, where a system of the utmost
licentiousness and insecurity prevailed, and
anarchy operated through a thousand organs
to produce unnumbered mischiefs. Jacobinism
had given a more fatal blow to liberty, than
the boldest attempts of the most aspiring
monarch.
Mr. Pitt next pointed out the strict neutra-
lity observed by his majesty, in the domestic
affairs of France, and the manner in which
the national assembly had received the ad-
dresses from the seditious societies in England.
He then referred to one of the papers under
consideration, in which the French rulers dis-
claimed all ideas of conquest and aggrandize-
ment, promised to respect the rights of his
majesty and his allies, and protested against
every interference in the internal government
of neutral countries, on the ground, that such
V
522
XV.
1793.
CHAP. interference would be inconsistent with the
law of nations-thus, by anticipation, passing
sentence upon their own conduct, which had
since been in direct contradiction to these
professions and engagements, and which clear-
ly shewed, that wherever the influence of
French arms or of French principles extended,
revolutions must follow. He farther remarked,
that the explanations contained in another of
the papers, could only be considered as re-
newed insults, and as a decisive proof of the
hostile intentions of France towards Great
Britain. Indeed, M. Chauvelin had expressly
declared as an ultimatum, that, if the satisfac-
tion then offered, which in fact asserted a right
to violate treaties, and to overturn the con-
stitution of any country, were not accepted,
the French would prepare for war. Under
these circumstances, Mr. Pitt, conceiving it
scarcely possible that war could be avoided,
thought it his duty to propose an address to
the king, which, after thanking his majesty,
for his communication of the correspondence,
and offering the heart-felt condolence of the
house on the atrocious deed lately perpetrated
at Paris, expressed their sense of the ambitious
and aggressive system of French policy; de-
clared their conviction of the necessity of
a vigorous opposition to such conduct, and to
523
the principles out of which it arose ;
; and
mised to make a suitable provision for a far-
ther augmentation of the national forces by sea
and land
pro- CHAP.
XV.
Mr. Fox acknowledged, that Mr. Pitt had
stated the grounds of complaint against France
ably and accurately; but still he deprecated
war as an evil, which, under present circum-
stances, would be peculiarly injurious to this
country; admitting, however, that we were
bound to supply the Dutch with the contingent
of troops stipulated by treaty, as the preser-
vation of national faith and honor was para-
mount to every other consideration. Although
he reprobated in the strongest terms the exe-
cution of Louis the 16th, who had, he said,
been tried and condemned, in violation of all
the rules of criminal justice, without any exist-
ing law to which he was personally amenable,
and even contrary to laws which at that time
actually existed, and who had received from
his enemies nothing but insulting asperity,
instead of that republican magnanimity which
they professed, yet he saw neither propriety
nor wisdom in passing judgment upon an act
committed in another nation, which had no
direct reference to this kingdom, it being an
undisputed maxim of policy, that domestic
crimes perpetrated in one independent state,
1793.
524
$
XV.
CHAP. were not cognizable by another. He objected
to the address, as condemning principles, the
1793. abuse only of which ought to be blamed. The
principles themselves were those, on which all
just and equitable government was founded,
but he admitted, that they had been carried
too far by the French; at the same time con-
tending, that their sense of the word equality
was perfectly innocent, as signifying merely
that "all men are equal in respect to their
rights." He maintained, that the people were
the sovereigns in every state; and that they
had a right to change the form of their go-
vernment, and to cashier their governors for
misconduct.
Mr. Windham in reply said, that he could
by no means join Mr. Fox in his approbation
of French principles, which, abstractedly con-
sidered, appeared to him as false in theory,
as they had been proved to be mischievous in
practice. He desired to enter his protest
against the doctrine, that the people, or
a majority of them, had a right to make or
unmake governments, according to their ca-
price; but this being a nice and intricate
subject, he declined entering into it any far-
ther at present. From the avowed disposi-
tion of the French rulers, he thought hos-
tilities inevitable; and considering that the
**
525
XV.
object of the war on our part was the security CHAP.
of the country, and that principles and opi-
nions, from which the greatest danger was to
be apprehended, when supported and propa-
gated by arms, must be opposed by arms, he
gave his unqualified assent to the motion. The
address passed without a division.
THESE and the other proceedings of the
British government relative to the augmenta-
tion of the army and navy were fully justified
by the event; for, on the 1st of February the
national convention, finding their plans ripe
for execution, unanimously declared war
against Great Britain and Holland.
*
* The convention was at this time divided into two par-
ties, who were struggling for superiority, of which Brissot
and Roberspierre were the respective leaders; but they
agreed upon the subject of commencing hostilities against
Great Britain. Afterwards, when the war was taking an
nnfavorable turn for France, these two parties quarrelled, and
each reproached the other with having been the cause of this
war—an additional proof that its origin is to be ascribed to
France." The mad ambition of the French rulers, their
determination to extirpate all kingly governments, and the
confident expectation of insurrection in every part of Eu-
rope, aided by the necessity of finding employment for their
turbulent armies, were their motives to war in general; and
their firm belief, that the inhabitants of Great Britain
were so disaffected to their government, that French assist-
ance would induce them to an immediate revolt, the incon-
siderable number of troops at that time in Great Britain, in
comparison with those which could easily be spared from
1793.
526
CHAP.
XV.
1793.
In this declaration of war, nothing is laid
to the charge of England, prior to the seven-
teenth of August, when the British ambassa-
dor was recalled from Paris; since which time
the measures of the British government had
only been such as were dictated by the prin-
ciples of precaution and self-defence against
the manifestly hostile disposition of France.
Indeed the decree of the 13th of January, just
now mentioned, acknowledged, that the Eng-
lish had done nothing inconsistent with the
character of neutrality to that day, before
which it has appeared, that the French them-
selves had resolved on war with England and
Holland; and the measure then complained
of was only a moderate augmentation of our
navy, which the naval armaments of France
had rendered indispensably necessary.
It seems scarcely possible to conceive more
satisfactory and convincing proofs respecting
any political event, than those, by which it has
France, the forward state of the French navy, the persuasion
that the landing upon the British coast would be attended
with no difficulty, and the immense advantages expected
from the acquisition of British wealth, commerce, and ma-
rine, in the prosecution of their conquests on the continent;-
all these motives, added to the innate desire of crushing an
antient and formidable, but at that time despised, rival, in-
duced them to a war with Great Britain in particular.
* Marsh, v. ii. p. 230.
527
XV.
been here established, that the origin of the CHAP.
revolutionary war is to be attributed solely to
France.
As we are now arrived at a marked epoch
in Mr. Pitt's administration, it may be right to
take a brief review of his principal measures,
from the time he was placed at the head of
the treasury, towards the end of December
1783, to the declaration of war by France
against this country, in the beginning of
February 1793.
It will be remembered, that Mr. Pitt was
appointed to the situation of prime minister,
when he was only in the 25th year of his age,
and under circumstances of a very peculiar
and formidable nature; that a few days after-
wards, by a singular act of disinterestedness,
he declined an office for life of 3,000l. a year,
and disposed of it in the manner most condu-
cive to the public good; that he was imme-
diately called upon to resist, almost singly,
a band of veteran politicians and powerful
debaters, supported by a majority in the
house of commons; and that he maintained
the most extraordinary parliamentary contest
recorded in our history, with a firmness, judg-
ment, eloquence, and ability, which excited
universal admiration, procured him the con-
}
1793.
528
XV.
CHAP. fidence of his sovereign, and of the nation at
large; and at length silenced the opposition
of that very house of commons, which had at
first declared itself so decidedly and so vehe-
mently hostile to his appointment.
Having succeeded in defending the true
principles of the constitution against the most
violent and dangerous attacks, and being se-
curely seated in office by the defeat and dis-
grace of his antagonists, he found, that of all
the difficulties, under which the country was
laboring, the depressed state of its finances.
was by far the most serious and urgent. The
public income was several millions less than
the expenditure; there was an unfunded debt
of nearly thirty millions, totally unprovided
for; and the funds, instead of rising upon the
restoration of peace, had fallen fifteen per cent
since the preliminaries were signed. Though
such was the deplorable condition of the re-
venue, and of public credit, yet Mr. Pitt, con-
templating the resources of the kingdom in
his penetrating and comprehensive mind, was
convinced of the practicability of raising the
public income, till it should not only become
equal to the expenditure, but also leave
a surplus applicable to the gradual reduc-
tion of the national debt; and he boldly de-
termined to direct his immediate attention
'1793.
›
1
529
to the attainment of this most desirable CHAP.
XV.
purpose.
In the years 1784 and 1785, he funded all 1793.
the navy and victualling bills, and ordnance
debentures, and proposed taxes, which, he
calculated, would produce 1,300,000l. annu-
ally; and in the former of those years, he
introduced the commutation act, and other
acts for the prevention of smuggling, which
had, for some time, been carried on to an
extent highly injurious to the revenue. The
effect of these measures, and of various eco-
nomical regulations, was, that so early as the
year 1786, the public income, after providing
for all the services of every description, af-
forded a clear annual surplus of 900,0001.;
and therefore, by proposing additional taxes
to the amount of 100,000l. a year, he was
enabled to bring forward his important plan
for establishing a sinking fund of a million
a year, to increase at compound interest, and
to be unalienably applied to the redemption
of the national debt.
Having accomplished this great and favorite
object, he persevered in proposing a variety
of other measures, all tending to augment the
produce of the revenue. The chief of these
were the manifest act, the design of which was
to correct the frauds practised in obtaining
VOL. III.
M M
530
CHAP. bounties and drawbacks, and the acts for
XV. letting the tax upon post horses by auction,
1793. and for subjecting wine and tobacco to the
excise laws, which greatly increased the legal
consumption of those articles.
The total increase in the revenue, arising
from these numerous measures, and from se-
veral important improvements in the mode of
collecting existing taxes, amounted to almost
four millions a year; and thus the income of
the country, which in 1784 had fallen very
short of its expenditure, in 1792 exceeded it
by a considerable sum, although in that in-
terval, besides defraying large extraordinary
expences, some necessary additions had been
made to the annual expenditure, and an effec-
tual sinking fund had been established, which
had already discharged 8,200,000l. of the
public debt.
This excess induced Mr. Pitt to propose,
that the sum of 400,000l. which remained in
the exchequer after satisfying all demands,
should be applied to the redemption of the
national debt in 1792, besides the million with
its accumulated interest, and that in future
200,000 l. should be annually added to the
sinking fund. In consequence of this excess,
he also proposed the repeal of taxes to the
amount of 200,000l. a year, studiously se-
531
XV.
lecting such as were most burdensome to the CHAP.
bulk of the people; and he intimated his san-
guine hope, that the state of the revenue
would, at a moderate distance of time, allow
a farther repeal of taxes. Nor did he stop
there. The augmentation of the revenue,
and the confidence in government, having had
such an effect upon public credit, as to raise
the consols 3 per cent, from 54 to 97, since
he came into office, he declared his full ex-
pectation, that in the next session, he should
be able to propose a reduction in the interest
of the four per cents, which, with other plans
for the benefit of the public, he would un-
questionably have accomplished, had peace
continued.
So anxious was Mr. Pitt, that nothing should
interfere with the operation of the sinking
fund, that instead of suffering the expences
of the Russian armament, amounting to more
than three millions, to be added to the na-
tional debt, as a permanent increase, he pro-
posed taxes which should, in four years, dis-
charge the whole of those expences; thus
subjecting himself to the unpleasant task of
burdening the people for that period, with
taxes six times greater than would have been
necessary, if the debt had been funded in the
ordinary manner, and to a larger amount than
1793.
3
M M 2
532
L
1793.
CHAP. had ever been imposed in any one year: but
XV. being convinced, that this mode of defraying
these expences would be ultimately for the
public benefit, and would convey a high idea
of the resources of the country to foreign
powers, he did not shrink from the risk of
incurring the odium, which might attend its
adoption, though nothing of this kind had
ever been attempted by any minister, since
the commencement of the national debt.
The involved and complicated nature of the
duties paid at the custom-house, had long
been the subject of complaint; but all former
ministers had been deterred from attempting
to remedy this evil, which had of course been
gradually increasing with the numerous taxes
imposed during the American war, not only
by the labor which must attend the formation
and establishment of a new system, but on
account of very serious difficulties arising from
the appropriation of several of these duties to
the payment, in the first instance, of the in-
terest of particular parts of the national debt.
Mr. Pitt undertook the herculean task of con-
solidating all the duties paid upon every
article imported or exported; and the bill he
introduced for that purpose, afforded great
facility to the transaction of business at the
custom-house, relieving merchants both from
533
XV.
delay, and from the expence of employing CHA P.
agents. He extended the same principle to
the excise and stamps; in the former of which
it operated as a considerable accommodation
to large bodies of tradesmen; and in the
latter, to all who were engaged in the pro-
fession of the law, and to the public in gene-
ral. Although additional revenue was not the
immediate object of these consolidations, he
contrived to make them in some degree use-
ful, even in that respect; and he obviated
all the objections relative to the appropriated
duties, by an arrangement, which was per-
fectly satisfactory to every stockholder, and
indeed improved, rather than impaired, the
security of those public creditors, who had
a claim to priority of payment. The whole
of this plan met with universal approbation,
and was even warmly applauded by the lead.
ing members of opposition.
Having, while in opposition, objected to
the practice of his predecessors, in distributing
beneficial shares of loans, and lottery tickets
under the market price, among their private
friends and the parliamentary supporters of
government, he adopted a new plan of con-
tracting for loans and lotteries, by means of
sealed proposals from different persons, which
were opened in the presence of each other; and
}
1793.
M M 3
534
XV.
CHAP. while this competition ensured to the public,
the best terms which could be obtained under
1793. existing circumstances, it cut off a very im-
proper source of shewing favor to individuals,
and increasing ministerial influence.
He introduced a bill for the appointment
of commissioners to inquire into the state of
the woods, forests, and other crown lands,
with a view to the improvement of the landed
property belonging to his majesty.
He caused a careful examination to be
made into the losses of the American loyalists,
and formed a plan, which was very generally
approved, for making a suitable compensation
to those unfortunate and deserving men, ac-
cording to the nature and extent of their
respective claims. Upon his proposal, nearly
two millions were unanimously voted by par-
liament for this equitable purpose; but that
the country might not be burdened by raising
so large a sum at once, debentures were
issued, bearing interest, which were to be
gradually discharged by the annual profits of
a lottery.
He provided an adequate compensation for
those of our countrymen, who suffered any
pecuniary loss by the cession of Florida to
Spain, in consequence of the treaty of
peace.
535
XV.
He introduced a complete and highly use- CHAP.
ful reform in the mode of advancing money
to the heads of the great departments of na-
tional expenditure, and of auditing the public
accounts; which had the effect of preventing
considerable sums from remaining for a long
period in the hands of individuals, to the
detriment of the public, and of guarding
against those frauds and losses, to which the
old system was confessedly liable. He also
regulated the fees and perquisites received
by clerks and others in public offices, and
abolished a variety of abuses which created
expence and delay, and had long been the
subject of most serious complaint. There was
not indeed a single office connected with the
revenue, in which, under Mr. Pitt's direction,
the mode of conducting business was not ma-
terially improved; and besides economical
and other useful arrangements, and a strict
and speedy inquiry into all disbursements for
the public service, every part of the national
receipt and expenditure was simplified and
rendered intelligible, by new methods of
making up the accounts, which had hitherto
been intricate and obscure in the extreme.
Financial statements were likewise, upon his
suggestion, constantly laid before the house
of commons, for the purpose of enabling par-
1793.
M M 4
536
!
CHAP. liament and the public, to judge of the real
XV. situation of the country, with which they had
1793. hitherto been but little acquainted.
The only finance measure of Mr. Pitt, which
remains to be mentioned, is, that great and
beneficial act, which effectually secured the
redemption of all future public debts, by re-
quiring, that in every loan hereafter to be
made, one per cent should be applied to the
reduction of the capital so created. By this
regulation, all money borrowed for the public
service must, even upon the unfavorable, and
almost impossible, supposition of a 3 per cent
fund redeemed at par, be repaid in 47 years;
and upon every other supposition, in a shorter
period. This and the sinking fund bill of
1786 will be lasting monuments of Mr. Pitt's
provident wisdom; and the advantages de-
rived from them ought to endear his memory
to the present and every future generation.
Mr. Pitt's strict attention to economy, and
his earnest desire to reduce the national debt,
did not lead him to a parsimonious retrench-
ment in any branch of the public service: he
directed seven millions to be expended in
building and repairing ships, in the four years
preceding 1789, after which, farther large
sums were employed for the same laudable"
purpose; and thus he laid the foundation of
537
XV.
those splendid and important naval victories, CHAP.
which raised the glory of the nation and
prevented this country from becoming the
theatre of war.
The commercial treaty with France was
a work of great labor and nicety; and Mr.
Pitt accomplished it with such correct atten-
tion to all the numerous and complicated
interests concerned in the measure, that it
gave satisfaction to every description of
traders and manufacturers throughout the
kingdom.
Commercial treaties were entered into with
other foreign powers, the advantages of which,
and of Mr. Pitt's various regulations relative
to manufactures, trade, and commerce, will
best appear by stating a few plain and simple
facts.
The average annual importation of tea by
the East India company and their officers,
previously to 1784, was between five and six
millions of pounds; and after the commuta-
tion act operated in its full extent, it exceeded
twenty millions. In 1783, the value of British
goods exported to India, was about 100,0007.
and in 1791, it exceeded 600,000l. The
value of goods imported into this kingdom in
1783, was 13 millions; in 1790, 19 millions.
The value of goods exported in the former
1793.
538
CHAP. year, was 15 millions, in the latter 20 mil-
XV. lions*; and in the same short period, the num-
1793. ber of ships employed in the trade of the
kingdom, was increased in the proportion of
five to three.
Notwithstanding this great increase in the
produce of the taxes, and in the trade of the
country, Mr. Pitt, sacrificing his patronage
as minister, abolished 441 patent and other
revenue offices, which caused a consider-
able saving to the public; but at the same
time, he judged it expedient to raise the
salaries of some of the inferior officers of
the customs and excise, for the purpose
of removing the temptation to corruption,
to which their inadequate pay had before
exposed them, and which operated to the
detriment both of the revenue and of the
fair trader.
The pecuniary embarrassment of the prince
of Wales being brought before the house
of commons by an opposition member, with
the avowed approbation of his royal high-
ness, Mr. Pitt prevented any hostile de-
bate upon that delicate subject, by proposing
* This custom house valuation of exports and imports is
certainly not accurate; but it serves to shew the proportions
in the different years here mentioned, which is the principal
object I have in view.
539
an arrangement to which all parties readily CHAP.
acceded.
XV.
The new and extraordinary situation in 1793.
which the country was placed, by the sudden
illness of the king, gave rise to discussions, in
which Mr. Pitt was again called upon to stand
forward in support of the genuine principles of
the constitution. In the year 1784, he had
defended the just and legal prerogative of the
sovereign; and now he maintained, with equal
success, the essential privileges of the people,
by asserting the right of their representatives.
He carried through the house of commons,
a bill for the establishment of a regency, amidst
difficulties which required the greatest talents
and soundest judgement to surmount; and
his conduct upon that unprecedented and
trying occasion, raised him still higher in the
estimation of all ranks and descriptions of
persons.
The bills proposed by Mr. Pitt, for the go-
vernment of the British possessions in the East
Indies, not only relieved the company from
present embarrassments, but gradually pro-
duced a most advantageous change in the
general state of their affairs *; and put an end
to all those peculations, extortions, and op-
* India stock, which in December 1783, was 119, in
November 1792, was 212.
540
XV.
1793.
CHAP. pressions, which had so long disgraced the
name of Britons, and, at last, endangered the
very existence of our power in India. The
great improvement, which immediately took
place, and has ever since continued, in all the
concerns of that important part of the em-
pire, without creating any undue influence at
home, incontestably established the wisdom of
Mr. Pitt's regulations upon a subject, confess-
edly attended with more than ordinary dif-
ficulty, and respecting which opinions of the
most opposite nature had been entertained.
All subsequent administrations have been stu-
dious to persevere in a system, the merit of
which they found confirmed by actual expe-
rience.
My
Mr. Pitt introduced a bill for new modelling
the goverment of Canada upon the principles
of the British constitution, and for dividing
the country into two distinct provinces, which
has been the means of preserving that colony
in a state of tranquillity, and of increasing its
population and trade. This bill also provided
for the establishment of a protestant episcopal
church in Canada, and for the maintenance
of the parochial clergy.
It was Mr. Pitt's anxious desire, to form
a commercial intercourse between England
and Ireland, which should be beneficial to both
5.11
XV.
countries; but, after much labor and long CHAP.
discussion, he was under the necessity of aban-
doning the preparatory resolutions, which had 1793.
passed the parliament of Great Britain for
that purpose, in consequence of the arts and
misrepresentations of a faction in Ireland.
By the prudent exertions, however, of the
Irish government, acting under his directions,
a rising spirit of turbulence and disaffection
was checked, and public tranquillity preserved
in that kingdom.
He failed, also, in his endeavors to introduce
a new system of fortifications for the protection
of our dock-yards in time of war; the house
of commons refusing their assent to the plan
he proposed, although sanctioned by the most
distinguished officers, both in the naval and
military service. But he prevailed upon 'par-
liament to allow the erection of additional
fortifications in our West Indian islands, as
a security against a sudden attack from an
enemy.
Disputes having arisen between the Eng-
lish and French subjects in the East Indies,
concerning the meaning of one of the ar-
ticles of the treaty of peace, a negotiation,
under the direction of Mr. Pitt, was en-
tered into with the court of Versailles,
and an explanatory convention signed, which
5.12
CHAP. removed all doubt, and prevented future dis-
XV.
satisfaction.
1793.
A convention was likewise signed between
the courts of London and Madrid, relative
to the evacuation of the Mosquito shore; by
which the boundaries of the British and
Spanish dominions in that part of the world
were defined, and the respective rights of
the subjects of the two countries ascertained
and settled.
A bill was prepared with Mr. Pitt's sanc-
tion, and carried by him through parliament,
for establishing a new system of police in
the metropolis, which corrected many evils,
and has been productive of most beneficial
effects.
In the former part of the period, now under
consideration, Mr. Pitt was a warm, though
unsuccessful, advocate for a reform of par-
liament, which had been a favorite object of
his early youth; but in the year 1792, when
the most dangerous political doctrines were
eagerly circulated, and the most mischievous
designs were in contemplation, under the mask
of parliamentary reform, he avowed his fixed
determination to oppose every attempt of that
kind; and by his advice, a royal proclamation
was issued, and other steps were taken, for the
purpose of checking the progress of opinions
543
XV.
and practices, which threatened to interrupt CHA P.
the internal peace, and subvert the consti-
tution, of the country.
The impartial and honorable part he took
in the debates upon the charges against Mr.
Hastings, and his full and able discussion of
the great constitutional question of the abate-
ment of impeachments by a dissolution of par-
liament, obtained the unreserved applause of
his most determined political adversaries.
His zealous and continued exertions, in ex-
posing the injustice and impolicy of the slave
trade, materially contributed to the removal
of the apprehensions and prejudices, at first
entertained upon the subject, and laid the
foundation for the entire abolition of that in-
famous traffic, at a future period. This was
a question, which called forth all the sensi-
bilities of his heart; and the speeches, in which
he pleaded the cause of the unhappy negroes,
are among the most beautiful specimens of
his eloquence, abounding in pathos, and lively
sallies of imagination, as well as sound and
convincing argument.
He successfully opposed repeated motions
for the repeal of the corporation and test acts,
which were justly regarded as the firmest bul-
warks of the British constitution; and he
manifested his zeal in defence of the national
1793.
544
XV.
1793.
CHAP. faith, by opposing a motion for the repeal of
the penal statutes against those who denied the
doctrine of the Trinity; considering these
restraints as no infringement of civil rights, or
of the true principles of religious toleration,
to which no one could be a more sincere
friend.
While Mr. Pitt, by a series of most im-
portant measures, was improving the internal
situation of these kingdoms, supporting the
respective rights of the different branches of
the constitution, and providing for the secu-
rity and welfare of our distant possessions,
both in the east and in the west, displaying
at the same time, a minute and perfect know-
ledge of the various subjects brought by others
under the consideration of parliament, and
resisting all attempts, tending to endanger the
established form of government, in church
or state, he was equally attentive to every
thing passing upon the continent, which could
in any degree affect the honor or interest of
this country.
By a wise and timely interposition, he was
instrumental in restoring the stadtholder to
the full enjoyment of that power, of which he
had been unjustly deprived by a predominant
faction, and in preventing France from esta-
blishing an influence in Holland, which must
545
XV.
have been highly prejudicial to Great Britain. CHAP.
By forming a close alliance between Prussia,
Holland, and Great Britain, he checked the
ambitious projects of Russia and Austria,
saved both Sweden and Turkey from ruin
and preserved that balance of power which is
essential to the independence and safety of
Europe. He vindicated, with becoming spirit,
the national dignity, by requiring from Spain,
full reparation for the insult and injury re-
ceived by our countrymen, at Nootka; and
obtained the acknowledgment of rights, which
had long been the subject of jealousy and
dispute between the two kingdoms: These
repeated instances of vigilance and energy,
and the power and vigor displayed in the
several armaments, raised Great Britain to
the highest degree of credit and influence in
foreign courts.
With signal prudence and moderation, and
from a real desire for the continuance of
peace, he abstained from all interference in
the internal concerns of France, and from
taking any advantage of the distracted state
of that kingdom; disdaining to follow the
example of the French ministers, in fomenting
the disturbances in America, and in attacking
England, when embarrassed and weakened by
VOL. III.
N N
Her
1793.
546
XV.
CHAP. the war with her own colonies. He rejected.
all the solicitations of Austria and Prussia ;
he refused to listen to the applications of the
emigrant princes; he declined the offers of the
French West Indian islands; and he strictly
complied with the terms of the commercial
treaty, not suffering himself to be diverted
from this line of just and pacific policy, by
insulting decrees, or even by naval equip-
ments. This undeviating observance, how-
ever, of neutrality, did not prevent the usurpers
of power in France from making every exer-
tion, in equal violation of the law of nations,
and of the faith of treaties, to propagate
their revolutionary principles in this kingdom,
and to excite the people to acts of sedition
and rebellion. The success of these endea-
vors, and the manifestation of a hostile dis-
position on the part of France, caused parlia-
ment to be suddenly assembled, and to pass,
upon the recommendation of Mr. Pitt, bills
and resolutions for the maintenance of public
tranquillity, and for the augmentation of the
army and navy. At length, on the first of
February 1793, war was declared by the na-
tional convention, against Great Britain; an
event, for which the public had been for some
time prepared, and which, they well knew,
1793.
547
had not been provoked by any aggressive or
unfriendly conduct in our ministers.
Had Mr. Pitt, at an early period of the
revolution, proposed to counteract, by open
interference, the democratic proceedings in
France, or to join in any confederacy of con-
tinental powers against that country, it is
highly probable, that he would not have been
supported, either by the house of commons
or by the public-he would not at least have
obtained that almost universal concurrence,
which was the consequence of England re-
maining perfectly neuter, and making no war-
like preparation whatever, till the conduct of
the convention and executive council was
such, as to leave no doubt in any unprejudiced
mind, with respect to the system they had
adopted, of extending their own dominions
by foreign conquest, and of subverting, by
the joint operation of intrigue and force,
every established government in Europe. A si-
milar observation is applicable to the steps,
which Mr. Pitt took for securing the internal
tranquillity of this kingdom. It was neces-
sary, that the real designs of the seditious
societies should be so fully manifest, and the
mischievous tendency of their principles so
clearly evinced by facts, that the danger, with
CHAP
XV.
1793.
NN 2
548
¡
XV.
CHAP. which the country was threatened, could not
be denied by any impartial person, before the
1793. people would consent to the strong measures,
which were essential to the preservation of the
blessings they enjoyed. This jealousy of their
liberties belongs to men living under a limited
monarchy; and therefore Mr. Pitt, though
he saw the evil at a distance, and anxiously
watched its gradual approach, was yet aware,
that time must be given for its coming so near,
as to be visible to every common beholder,
before it would be wise, or rather practicable,
to oppose its farther progress. He perceived
the formidable co-operation of external and
internal enemies; but the former could not
be effectually resisted, except by open war,
nor the latter without coercive acts of the
legislature; and he was persuaded, that neither
of these expedients, exclusive of his own ear-
nest wish not to have recourse to them, would
be approved, till their necessity was obvious
and incontestable. Let it not then be sup-
posed, that Mr. Pitt, though by no means of
a disposition to take premature alarm, did not
discern the danger, till he applied to parlia
ment for a remedy: like every other minister
of a free country, he was compelled to con-
sult public opinion; and by persisting, with
549
sincere zeal, though with little hope of suc-
cess, in his endeavors to prevent a rupture,
till war was actually declared by France, in
the midst of a negotiation for preserving
peace, and by abstaining from all extraordinary
domestic regulations, till the public tranquil-
lity, notwithstanding every legal precaution,
was disturbed by actual insurrection, he con-
vinced both the parliament and the people,
that the difficulties, with which the country
had to contend, were equally inevitable and
alarming; and that nothing but the most vi-
gorous exertions at home and abroad, with
additional powers vested in the executive go-
vernment, could preserve the constitution, and
secure the independence of Great Britain.
The wisdom of Mr. Pitt's conduct, indeed,
clearly appeared from the effect it produced
upon some of the former opponents of his
administration. Nothing but a sense of the
most serious public danger, and a conviction
of the absolute necessity of strengthening the
hands of government, could have induced
those respectable members of both houses,
who had for nine years acted with the most
determined hostility against Mr. Pitt, to stand
forward in his support, and to relinquish all
connexion with the leader of their party;
5
CHAP.
XV.
1793.
550
+:
CHAP. who, besides other distinguished talents, is
XV. known to have possessed, in an extraordinary
1793. degree, the faculty of personally attaching to
himself his political adherents. The junction
of the duke of Portland and his friends with
Mr. Pitt, on the present occasion, reflected
equal honor upon both; and this sudden
change in so large a body of men, whose
characters precluded all suspicion, either
of unworthy motive or of weak delusion,
must be considered as an early and unequivo-
cal testimony in favor of those principles,
a perseverance in which is acknowledged to
have been the means, under Providence, of
saving this kingdom and all Europe, from the
galling yoke of Jacobinical tyranny.
Such were the proofs which Mr. Pitt gave,
at an age, which added greatly to their effect
upon his contemporaries, and must ever ren-
der them more interesting to succeeding
generations, of consummate ability, undaunt-
ed firmness, sound judgment, and honorable
policy; and such were his numerous and
eminent services to his country, in the first
nine years of his administration, during a
period of peace. From this time to the end
of his life, we shall have to follow him in the
wise and vigorous conduct of a war, attended
ل۔
551
XV.
with circumstances and difficulties unexampled CHAP.
in the history of the world; and which the
prosperity, strength, and resources derived 1793.
from his former measures, together with his
salutary and effectual provisions for war at
the time of profound and apparently settled
peace, principally enabled the nation to sup-
port, and at length to bring to a most brilliant
conclusion.
END OF THE THIRD VOLUME.
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