º: º - º º -- - º º º º º º : º:º: s º º - º - - - º º |-- - º: º: º º º: - º º:º : º: º º º º º º º a- ºº:: º º -- Tºº. º: º: ---- º º º º: -- º º º: º º º - - º 00005 | THE ATTITUDE OF THE WRITERS OF THE ENGLISH ROMANTIC MOVEMENT TO THE MEDIEWAL CHURCH AND THE CATHOLIC CHURCH AND THEIR INFLUENCE ON THE OXFORD MOVEMENT by A - G - Beach Table of Contents ------ Introduction. Statement of theme, etc. I. The Interest of our Romantic Writers in the Medieval Church, as indicated by their reading, their wn assertions, and the extent to which this subject is treated in their work. Tº II. The Feeling of our Romantic Writers towards the Medieval Church 34. I. The Virgin Mary. * 2. The saints. (* /* - - m (P.A., ſº 3. The clergy. ” - - 4. The crusales.” - 5. Pilgrims and shrines.” 6. Religious Art. Cº., 70 7. Ceremonies, forms etc. and other expressions of the religious spirit. (ºgº 8. The Supernatural, including, superstitions, mysticism, etc.º 9. Certain Specific Doctrines of the church. Øye ºf 10. The Church; its authority; heresy; its relation to the Referation. Cºº III. The Knowledge of our Romantic Writers in regard to the Medieval Church; their sources; accuracy in historical state- ments, portraiture, use of medieval religious terms, expression of medieval religious sentiment, etc. * &(, IV. The Influence exerted by our Romantic Writers on the Oxford Movement; . fº (e. ----- I. Direct evidence of such influence ; its character and extent. 147 2. Other points of contact between the two movements which º suggest a possible influence • 1) The poetic and literary character of the Oxford Movement. Tº ſº 2) Its leaning towards the monastic life. Wºº- /?? 3) Its interest in the one dieval saints. % a 0 & 4) Its interest in the ceremonies and customs of the Medieval church.º.º. Jö 3 5) Its interest in the virgin and saints.” 2,037 6) Its interest in medieval religious art.” 2,67 7) Its interest in medieval doctrines. % ge 9.5% 8) Its attitude towards the supernatural.º. 24. 9) Its attitude towards the Reformation. Gºgº. 2L/4 3 - Conclusion. Page 215. Bibliography. Scott, Southey, Wordsworth, Coleridge etc. Beers, "A History of English Romanticism in the Eighteenth Century" New York, 1899. º "A History of English Romanticism in the Nineteenth Century" New York, 1901. • Courthope, "The Tiberal Movement in English Literature", London, 1885 Cross, "The Development of the English Novel", New York, 1899. Raleigh; "The English Novel", London, 1904. mThe Rowley Poems", Oxford, 1911. "Life and Correspondence of M. G. Lewis", London, 1839. Leigh Hunt, "The Seer", Boston l864. Wordsworth "Poems of William wordsworth" (Knight), London, 1896 "Prose works m º , London, l896 "Ietters of the Wordsworth Family", 3 vols. Iondon, 1907. "White Doe of Rylstone" (Knight), Oxford, 1891 "Memorials of Coleorton", (Knight), Edinburgh, l887 "Memoirs of Wordsworth" (ed. by Christopher Wordsworth), - º - 2 Vols, London, 1851 "Wordsworthiana" (Knight), Tondon, 1889. Pughe, "Studien ueber Byron und Wordsworth", Heidelberg, 1902. Legouis, "Early Life of William Wordsworth", London 1907 De Quincy, "Reminiscences of the Lake Poets" (Everyman's Library) *Wordsworth, Tennyson and Browning", S - Gingerich, Ann Arbor, 19. sº v \ *f; Dowden, "Introduction" to "Selections of Poems by Wordsworth", Boston, 1898. De Were, "Essays, chiefly on Poetry", London, 1887 He Crabbi-Robinson, "Diary, Reminiscences and Correspondence", Boston, 1869. L. Stephen, "Hours in a Library", 3rd Series, London, 1879 W. Pater, "Appreciations", London, 1907 W. Raleigh , "Wordsworth", London, 1903 Herford, "The Age of Wordsworth", London, 1897 S. Brooke, "Theology in the English Poets", (Everymans Library) Meyer, "Wordsworth" New York, 1881 M. Arnold, "Essays in Criticism" 2nd Series, London 1888 Southey Poems in British Poets, 10 vols, Boston, 1860 "Essays, 2 vols, London, 1832 "Common Place Books", 4 Series, London, 1850 ... "Letters written in Spain and Portugal", 2 vols. London, 1808 & evº, #e et , , , , cº-ºff Co-º-ºwa ſo-º-º-o-Co., Is…sº, & & *-*-Correspondence" (G.C. Southey), 6 vols.nin one, New York, 1851 "Selections from Letters of Robert southey" (J.W. Warter), 4 vols - London l856 "Life of Wesley (with marginal notes by S. T. celeridge), 2 vols London 1846 "History of Brazil", 3 vols. London 1817 "History of the Peninsular War 2 vols, London, 1828 "The Book of the Church", Iondon, 1844. "Life of Nelson", New York, 1830 *The Doctor", London, l865 "The Chronicle of the Cid" (translated), London and NewYork (no date "Amadis of Gaul", 3 vols, London 1872 (translated) Articles in "Quarterly Review", from 1808 and 1838 Dowden "Robert southey", New York, 1880 Scott, Novels, in the Heather Edition, New York and London, except "Ivanhoe, American Book Co. edition 1892; and "Talisman" in Everyman's Library. Poems in British Poets, London, 1857, and in "Poetical Works" (Drama Minstrelsy, Sir Tristremete) Edinburg, 1833; except "Lady of the Lake", Crowel, New York, 1891. __ "Prose Works", (Including Tales of a Grandfather, Essayson chivalry, "Romance, and Drama, Biographical Memoirs, Periodical criticism, Border Antiquities, Provincial Antiquities, "Paul's Letters etc.) Edinburg, 1834. "Letters on Demonology and Witchcraft", London, 1898 "A History of Scotland", 2 vols, London, 1830 "Journal of Sir Walter Scott; 2 vols, Edinburg 1890 4 "Familiar Tetters of " ºt 2 Vols, rt 1894 Lockhart , "Life of ºf " * 5 vols, London and New York, 1907 Young, "The Waverley Novels" Glasgow, 1907 Rºskin, "Modern Painters" vol. III, Everyman's Library. Carlyle, "Critical and Miscellaneous Essays", vol. IV, Boston, 1860 Bagehot, Literary studies", vol. II, London and New York, 1891 R. H. Hutton,"sir Walter Scott", New York, 1878 Coleridge "Complete works of Samuel Taylor Coleridge", 7 vols, (Shedd) New York l854 "Samuel Taylor Coleridge", by H. D. Trail, New York, 1884 "Letters of " T ( £. H. coloridge 2 vols. London, l895 5- "Letters, Conversations, and Recollections of Samuel Taylor Colerid (by T. Allsop) London, 1836, 2 vols "The Complete Poetical and Dramatic Works of Samuel Taylor Coleridg (J.D. Campbell-Dykes) London, 1893 "Anima Poetae" (E. C. Coleridge), London, 1895 Letters, in "Westminister Review, vols xiii and XCIV † "Lippincott's Magazine, vol. XIII ºt in "Atlantic Monthly", vol. LXXIII E.W. Lucas,"Charles Lamb and the Lloyds", London, 1898 "Books read by Coleridge and Southey', in Chambers Journal, vol VII Cottle, "Reminiscences of Samuel Tºlor coloridge and Robert Southey", New York, 18488 L. Stephen, "English Thought in the Eighteenth century", New York, l876 - Swinburne, "Essays and Studies", Iondon 1875 II, The Medieval Church, the Oxford Movement, etc. Taylor, "The Medieval Mind", 2 vols, London, 1911 Rock, "The Church of our Fathers", 4 vols, London, 1905 Colton, "From St. Francis to Dante", London, 1908 Jusserand, "English Wayfaring Life in the Middle Ages", London, 1872 Cutts "Scenes and Characters of the Liddle Ages", London, 1889 Nº. Wishart, "Monks and Monasteries", Trenton, 1890 Strutt, "Sports and Pastimes of the People of England", London, 1838 Mills "History of the Crusades", London, 1822 Michaud , " rt tº , London, 1852 - 5- "Historical Works of Gervase of Centerbury", (Stubbs, Rolls Series London, 1879) "Memorials of St. Dunstan" ( (ºn 26, *London 1874) "Memorials of Henry V" ( Avº, 1858) Pecock,"The Repressor of Overmuch Blaming of the clergy", (Rolls Series, London, 1860) Ramsay, "Lancaster and York", Oxford, 1892 - ... A "Chroniques de Monstrellet", par J. Buchon, Paris, 1826. Hollinshed, "Chronicle", London, 1870 "Henrici de Bract on de Legibus et Consuetudinibus Angliae", (Rolls series, London, 1878) Hall,"Chronicle", London, 1904 Froude "History of England; New York, 1870 Michelet "History of France", New York, l851 Lea;"History of the Inquisition", New York, 1888 " "Superstition and Force", Philadelphia, 1870 Strype, "Annals of the Reformation", London, 1824 Bede,"Ecclesiastical History of the English Nation", London, 1843 Lloyd, "History of Wales", London and New York, 1911 Fox,"Acts and Monuments of the Church", Tondon, 1841 Barbour, "Bruce", E. E. T. S. Extra Series, vols. 7 and 8 Fuller, "Church History of Britain", London, 1837 Gibbon, Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire", Boston, 1855 "Scottish cistereian Houses", Dublin Review, April 1902 a Lena,"History of Scotland", London and Edinburg, 1902 Bright," Gospel of Mark in West Saxon", Boston and London, 1905 Lechler;"Wyclif and his English Pree arsors", London, 1881 Froissart,"Chronicles", London, 1839 Trevelyan,"England in the Age of Wyclif", New York and London, 1899 Lingard, "Antiquities of the Anglo-Saxon Church", London, 1845 Wylie, "H story of England under Henry IV", London, 1884 Neilson "Trial by Combat", New York, 1891 Wyntoun,"The Orygynale Cronykil of scotland", Edinburg, 1872 Pollock and Maitland "History of English Law", Cambridge, 1911 Green, "History of the English People" New York and London, 1900 Thatcher and McNeal "Source Book of Medieval History", Boston, 1907 Thayer, "Select Essays in Anglo American Legal History" Lounsbury, "Studies in Chaucer", New York, 1892 Skeat, "The Student's Chaucer", New York, 1894 "Hans Sachs W2/rke, Herausgeben von A. von Keller, " Tübingen, 1870 Burton,"History of Scotland", Edinburg and London, 1873 Sir David Lyndsay ,"Poems", Glasgow, 1892 Gower,"Confessio Amantis", Oxford, 1893 Bates on "Medieval England", London, 1904 Hailes, "Annals of Scotland", Edinburg, lê19 Gardiner, "Students History of England", New York, 1911 Bryce, "Holy Roman Empire", New York, 1880 Prescott, "History of the Reign of Philip II", Boston, 1855 Hume, "History of England", Boston, 1856 Stoughton,"Religion in England", London, 1881 Sohm,"Outlines of Church History", London and New York, 1895 Stephen and Hunt, "History of the English Church", 8 vols. London, 1.9% Fisher,"History of the Christian Church", New York, 1894 rt "History of the Reformation", " tr Wakeman,"History of the English Church", London, 1908 Patterson,"History of the Church of England", London and New York, 190 Lindsey, "A History of the Reformation", New York, 1906 B. Ward, "The Dawn of the Catholic Revival in England", 2 vols, London º "The Eve of Catholic Emancipation in England" 3 vols, " 130°. W. Ward "W. G. Ward and the Oxford Movement", London, 1893 ** tº ºt tf " Catholic Revival in England", London, 1893 Tullock; ovements of Religious Thought in Great Britain during the Nineteenth Century", New York, 1885 Stubbs , "Constitutional History of England", Oxford, 1874 R.W. Church, "The Oxford Movement", London, 1892 "The Letters of the Rev. J. B. Mozley D. D. "London, 1885. J.B. Mozley, "Essays Historical and Theological", London, 1878 Isaac Williams, "The Cathedral", Oxford, 1848 "Autobiography of Isaac Williams", London, 1892 J. A. Froude | Short Studies on Great Subjects”, New York, 1874 Guiney, "Hurrel Froude", London, 1904 H. Froude "Remains", 2 vols, Oxford, 1839 T. Mozley,"Reminiscences, chiefly of Oxiel and the Oxford Movement", London 1882 De Vere,"Recollections", London and New York, 1894 W. Ward, "The Life of J.H. Cardinal Newman", 2 vols, London, 1% lº "Three Studies in Literature", L. E. Gates, New York and London, 1899 Abbott, "The Anglican Career of Cardinal Newman", London and New work.” 1892 Hutton, cardinal Newman", London, 1901 Bremond,"The Mystery of Newman", London, 1907 F.W. Newman,"The Early History of Cardinal Newman", London, 1891 Hºnºlogie pro Vita Sua" Everyman's Tibrary ºr "The Via Media of the Anglican Church", London 1877 * "Sermons on Various Occasion", London, l870 " "An Essay on the Development of Christian Doctrine", New York, 1845 " "Werses on Warious Occasion", London, 1868 " "The Grammar of Assent", London, 1870 " "Parochial Sermons" London and Oxford, 1837. 6 vols. * "Lectures on certain Difficulties felt by Anglicans", London 18; "Letters and Correspondence of J.H. Newman", London and New York lsº "Tracts for the Times", London and Oxford, 1840 Bowden,"Life and Letters of F. W. Faber", Baltimore, 1869 "Letters of Frederic Lord Blachford, " edited by G. E. Marindin, London, 1896 Faber,"Sir Lancelot, a Legend of the Middle Ages", London, 1857 Faber, "The Cherwell Water Lily", London 1840 ºt "The Styrian Lake", Tondon, 1842 Öalſº eley, "Historical Notes of the Tractarian Movement", Dublin Review, vols. 53, 54 & 55, 1863–1864 Keble, "Occasional Papers and Reviews", Oxford and London, 1877 t? "The Christian Year", Oxford and London, 1376 Look "Life of John Keble", London, 1895 A. G. Benson, "Essays", London, 1896 "Lives of English Saints", London, 1845 Pattison, "Memoirs" London, 1885 Purcell "Life of cardinal Manning, 2 vols, New York and London, 1896 Liddon "Life of E. B. Pusey, D. D.", London and New York, 1893 "Memoirs of J. Hope-Scott", 2 vols. London, 1842 . . Reference Works "Encyclopaedia Britanica", llth edition. "The Catholic Encyclopaedia", New York, 1907 Gillow, "Bibliographical Dictionary of English Catholics", London, is8% "Dictionary of National Biography", London, 1885 Michaud, Biographie Universelle", Paris and Leipsic Walcott, "Sacred Archeology", London, 1868 Bumpus,"Dictionary of Ecclesiastical Terms", London, 1910 Murray Oxford Dictionary, Oxford, 1888 "The New Schaff–Herzog Encyclopaedia of Religious Knowledge", New York and Tondon, 1908 Hastings,"Encyclopaedia of Religion and Ethics", Edinburg and New York, 1908 Brand, "Dictionary of Faiths and Folklore", London and New York, 1904 "The New Century Dictionary and Encyclopaedia", New York, 1905 C.K. Adams, "Manuol of Historical Literature", New York, 1882 In considering the attitude of the writers of the Romantic Movement in England to the medieval church, I have limited the inquiry to Scott, Southey, Wordsworth and Cole– ridge, since these rº". the men whose work exerted an appreciable influence on the Oxford Movement and the Catholic Revival. It has been found impossible, also, to hold strictly to the church of the middle ages, inasmuch as these writers do not confine themselves to the church of this period, but treat very often the whole history of the Catholic church, before and after the Reformation, as one thing. I have, there- fore, endeavored to indicate their at titude to the Catholic church in a broad way, distinguishing between earlier and later times where it was possible, and including to a certain extent their attitude to the Reformation and the condition of things after the Reformation which was so large a factor in the Oxford Movement. In regard to the Oxford Movement and the Catholic Revival, I have not considered to any great extent the Catholic Revival except as it was related directly to the Oxford Move- ment, that is, I have not taken up the men who went over to the Catholic church, but who had no direct relation to the Tractarians. And among the Tractarians proper I have had to limit myself to the material available, as will be seen in the bibliography. I. The fact of the interest of our Romantic writers in the medieval church is indicated by their reading, by their (l). Cf. "Apologia" pp. / OºA own assertions, and by the extent to which this subject is treated in their Works. I. In the case of Scott it is evident; that the Church was not the chief object of his interest in the Middle Ages. This is shown by the fact that in Lockhart's description of Abbotsford, º war, the chase, knighthood, etc., far outnumber those that recall the church; also by the zest which he occasionally puts into such **** that of the monk º Aldrovand, "I was a soldier e” er I was a monk", and that of Adam de Vipont"I was a Scotsman e'er I was a Templar"; #nº finally by the fact that he exhibits a deeper **** the finding of the lost Regalia of Scotland than over anything directly connected with the church. On the other hand, no object of investigation attracted him more than the **. which are more or less closely associated with the church, and the general subject of the supernatural. The enormous quantity of works in the **** Which he had collected include a great deal of material on the church; the introduction and notes to such a novel as "Count; Robert of *"º. evid- ence of wide reading and keen interest in the religious life of the period in which the story is laid. Additional evidence 4. - (1) "Life" etc. vol. IV p. 266 fif. (2) "Betrothed" chap. VI, p. 50; "Halidon Hill" p. 84 (3) "Life" vol. III, pp. 155 fſ. (4) Thesis ºr ºffſ (5) Lockhart op. cit. vol. IV, p. 275; cf. frequent references to "Account of the Parish of Ewes a £azz McFarlane's Mss" etc. (e.g. "Lay of the Last Minstrel" note to Canto III, verse VIII); cf. also his investigations into the antiquities of Westminster Abbey" (Lockhart op. cit. Vol. I, p. 256) is found in the fact that in a number of his novels and poems the medieval * fºr the bulk of the matter and the chief interest of the plot. "The Fair Maid of Perth" is an excellent example of this. Much of the action of this story takes place in the church of the Blackfriars' monastery, OJ." in the Hägh Church of St. John, or in the Dominican monastery; the action turns to quite a degree on heresy, faith, persecution, church festivals, etc.; Churchmen are among the leading characters;” the heroine considers taking the veil, but later becomes 3. Lol- £ard; and the whole story is full of such medieval religious customs as ordeal by combat , or bier-right , funeral ceremonies, confession, etc. Other examples, are "Count Robert of Paris" in which the Eastern and Western churches are contrasted; "Quentin Durward," in which the Grass Superstition of Iouis XI is a leading motive; "The Abbot" and "The Monastery", in which the conflict between faith and heresy furnishes the chief theme. In a number º works, also, the medieval Church plays an important *. though not the main part, as in "The Talis– man", "Ivanhoe", "The Betrothed", "Castle Dangerous", "Anne of Geierstein", "The Lay of the Last Minstrel", "Marmion", "The Lady of the Lake", etc. It is plain that the medieval church 4. is an indispensable, though not the main element in Scott's & - - - - works, and was an important part of that medieval world-in *- Which he felt such a keen interest. This is especially true of the active, outward, picturesque side of medieval religious life. He cared little, apparently, for the mystics, for allegory, . (6) Mills' "History of the Crusades", "The Alexiad" etc. –3– symbolism, theology, for the brooding, aspiring side. But this was characteristie of him in * * he simply turned, in the medieval church, to the elements (l that interested him in all ages and in all fields of human endeavor. 2-, Wordsworth's interest in the medieval church was only very general and vague. He did not *"…as for history. He laments that Dr. Thomas Arnold has spent so much time "put-- ting into imaginary shape the scattered fragments of the *" y of Rome". He did not care for medieval theology, criticising Coleridge for his "toils abstruse among the schoolmen". But he was interested in the medieval church as embodying, in his mind, a simple and sincere form of religious life. There are a good many references to the medieval church scattered through "The Excursion" and "The Prelude"; and the following poems either contain a large number of references to this subject or deal with it expressly: "The Ecclesiastical Sonnets", "Memorials of a Tour in Scotland" (1803); "Memorials of a Tour on the Continent" (1820); "Memorials of a Tour in Italy" (1837); "The White Doe of Rylstone"; "The Egyptian Maid"; "The Armenian Lady's Love"; Inscriptions"; "Past Illusions"; "The Pilgrim's Dream"; "Hart Leap Well"; "Artegal and Ellidure"; "Hymn of the Rhine Boatmen"; "St. Bees"; 4 "St. Catherine of Ledbury", "The Somnambulist", "The Borderers", "Nuns Well", "By the Sea Side", "The Russian Fugitive", "Nunnery", "The Force of Prayer", "To Dora", "Eclipse of the Sun". ºf is º. ºf (1) {} his lack of interest in Dante ("Life By Lockhari vol. V, ph. 498 f.) - (21 ºf. Beers "Eng. Rom. in the Nineteenth century", p. 14. (3) "Memoirs of Wordsworth" vol. II, p. 445; but cf. also "Plea for . the Historian". (4.) "Preludem Bk. II; Wordsworth may use schoolmen here in a general sense without particular reference to medieval schoolmen, but , y 3. Southey's interest in the medieval church was very keen. He records that he even dreams * medieval church in his sleep; he is as pleased as a child * acquisition of a set of the "Acta Sanctorum"; he is constantly telling, in his letters, of new legends of the medieval **** ne has learned ; he travelled much in lands that are rich in medieval church remains; he had collected a vast mass of material - - º - - - - - - º bearing on this subject, some of which appeared in his poems, essays, histories, etc., but much of which was never used except as it appeared, not Worked over at all, in his huge "Common Place assº." Among his longer poems three, "Joan of Arc", "Madog" and Roderick", are mediºval in subject, and depend for their inter- est and substance very largely on the church; four translations of long poems, "The Cid", "Palmerin of England", "Life and Death of Arthur" and "Amadis of Gaul" are full of mediºval church life; two other volumes of poems contain almost nothing that is not of his reference to "Monks and Schoolmen", "Eccl. Son. Part I, Son. V; also "Inscriptions", I. (l) "Correspondence with Caroline Bowles" pp. 366 f. 4. (2) "Letters" vol. II, p. 429. (3) Ibid vol. III, p. 356. (4) Cf. "Letters from Spain and Portugal" etc. (5) see e.g. Series II, pp. 362-402, material for his projected "History of the Religious Orders". –5– (1) (2) º related to medieval religion; his published correspondence overflows with information, criticism and comment on the mediæval and Roman catholic churches; the "Book 6f the church" written for controversial purposes, contains a history of the church in England from the earliest days, with many remarks about the mediæval church in Europe in general; a large number of the long list * * in "The Quarterly Review” and other periodicals are on different phases of the same subject; while such works as "The Life of Wesley", "The History of Brazil", "The History of the Peninsular War", and the huge miscelians call- ed "The Dºctor" are not without constant references to medieval Orº *** *. The same fact is confirmed by the wide range of medieval (4) religious matters touched upon in his writings. All the periods also of the history of the Christian church from the third century to the Reformation (and indeed, the history of the English Church after the Reformation) appeas/in his pages. Although we miss some elements of medieval religious life, Such as mysticism, miracle plays, allegory, architecture and painting, yet enough elements are found in Southey to testify to his very lively and genuine interest in the church of the middle ages. º TTY"BaTTad’s and Metrical Tales", B.P. vols. VI and VII. (2) See thesis Prºſº (3) For partial list of such articles see "Life and Correspondence", Appendix pp. 576 fif. - (4) See the numerous references to these works in this thesis. –6– 4. In the wide range of Coleridge's reading and interest the medieval **** only a minor element. The records of l - the Bristol library for several months in 1793 show that he was then reading philosophy, scientific works, and the classics rather than medieval church history or * or life. In his prospectus - 2 - for his course of lectures in 1818, however, he announces that "Ecclesiastical History is, for every reflecting mind a livelier (3) - . yº. as well as deeper interest than fable or romance". He also says of himself, "I am deep in all out of the way books, whether of monkish times" etc.; and again he speaks of "my too great partial- (4) ity for the Fathers from Ireneus to St. Bernard". He is inter- ested in Berengarius, Duns *:: 6 he thinks Thomas a Becket would be "a fine subject for Scott"; (7) we find him reading Ottfried's metrical paraphrase of the Hugo de St. Victoire, etc.; Gospel ; he is a constant reader of Chaucer, and says "I take unceasing 8 delight in Chaucer", and he quotes his description of the parish priest in his "Lecture on Style", saying, "Can it be quoted too often?". He makes frequent reference to Dante; (9) - - and it was "a quotation from Cary's Dante by Coleridge and a (TTBOOKSTRead by Coleridge and southey", Chamber 's Journal, 1890, pp. 78 fif. - - º (2) "Recollections of Coleridge and Southey" Allsop vol. II, p. 22. (3) "Letters" p. 131. (4) "Lit. Remains", Works vol. V., p. 80. *A. -* , a.....0% of a (5) a.40 º-ee: *, *** * * * : 3.0.4.4% ºf “ tº: (6) "Ja 4.4 L 2,4', Mººre, v-6 F r ***- (7). "Biog. Lit" Woºs ºf HE / 3 º' (3) Works, vol. VI, p. 504. º (9) Works vol. VI, pp. 143, 40,334,485, ; cf. "Letters" pp. 676 ff, Anima Poetae, p. 151 f. cf. also "Athenaeum"1888, vol. I. () ( . ry - A eulogistic mention of the work generally, in a lecture on Dante, . . . . in 1818 that led to the immediate sale of 1000 copies and notices re-echoing Coleridge's praise in the Edinburgh and Quarterly Reviews". colºr:age Galls Dante "the poetic union of religion and philosophy", though criticising him for lack- ing the 'Gothic accessory of proper chivalry". He quotes approvingly Carlyle's saying of the "Divine Comedy" that it is "the soul of the Middle Ages rendered rhythmically visible, &. etc.' He declares that "Dante, Ariosto, and Giordano Bruno shall be my Italy". º - of medieval church life, its doctrine, ceremonial, customs, clergy, etc. These references are seattered through his prose works, in disconnected comments, gathered from the margins of books, memoranda, and the recollections of friends, etc. We have notes, also, of lectures delivered, or prospectuses of lectures planned, treating on such topics as "The pºisºn." of the Drama" (including remarks on medieval religious drama), "The General Character of Gothic Titerature and Art", "The General Character of the Gothic Mind in the Middle Ages", "Dante", "Chaucer", etc. Poems of his that touch upon the º, medieval church in any way are "The Ancient Mariner", "Christ- - abel", "The Mad Monk", "Remorse", "Zapolye", "Melancholy", "Lines suggested by the Last Words of Berengarius", "Sancti Dominici Pallium", his translation of "Wallenstein", "Religious Musings", "Cologne", "Alice du Close", "Translation of a passage from Ott– fried's Metrical Paraphrase of the Gospel" , "Limbo", "The Virgin's Cradle Hymn". º (T) Works vol. IV, pp. 232 fif. II. The attitude of our Romantic writers to the medieval church is seen, also, in their feeling towards it, whether appreciative and sympathetic, or critical and adverse. I have tabulated the results of my investigation on this point under the following specific elements of medieval religious life; l. The Virgin Mary. 2. The Saints. 3. The Clergy Or Religious" in general. 4. The Crusades. 5. The Pilgrims. 6. Religious Art, especially Architecture. 7. Ceremonies, forms, etc., and other expressions of the religious spirit not already mentioned. - 8. The Supernatural, including superstitions, Mysticism, etc. 9. Specific Doctrines of the church. 10. The Church, its authority, heresy, etc.; and especial- ly in relation to the Reformation. 1. The Virgin Mary. 1) Wordsworth seems devoted enough to the Virgin Mary to satisfy an ardent Catholic. The "Song at the Feast of Brougham (1) Castle" contains a prayer to her; again he calls, "our tainted nature's solitary boast" in whom was reconciled "mother love (2) With maiden purity". He greets her also in "Our Lady of the --- (1) Ecclesiastical Sonnets. Part II, son. XX. (2) "Memorials of a Tour in Italy in 1820." Snows" as "more benign than fairest star", and her "very name" brings a "tender sense of shaddowy fear and chastening sympathies". He is even kindly disposed towards an Italian peasant's faith that "our Lady's **ºn "change the sky to sunny blue", and in a note to this poem he says he wishes "to enlarge if possible the views of those who can see nothing but evil in the intercessions countenanced by the church of Rome"; and he even ventures the faith that "many a devout * the Virgin Mary was "not unforgiven". 2) Goleridge also, feels attracted by the medieval religious conception of the Virgin Mary. Note e.g. "The Virgin's Cradle Hymn", which he "copied from a print of the Virgin in a Catholic village of Germany", and which Coleridge calls "the following beautiful lines"; also his translation of "A Passage in Ottfried's Metrical Paraphrase of the Gospel" . which is full of the medieval spirit of devotion to the Virgin, and in which Coleridge calls attention to "its tender enthusiasm"; also in "The Ancient Mariner", "Heaven's Mother send us grace" and "To Mary Queen the praise be given", and in "Christabel" "Praise we the Virgin all divine", "Mary mother save me now, etc". (3) Gºv. In his "Lectures on the Gothic Mind"; he comments the fact that (l) "Memorials of a Tour in Italy in 1820" "At Albano" and note; Add to the above references of Wordsworth to the Virgin Mary the following: "Ecclesiastical Sonnets" Part I, Son. X, "Nuns Well", "By the Sea Side", "The Infant M--M.--", "Nunnery", "Guilt and Sorrow" XVII, "The Russian Fugitive", Prelude Blt. I (several cases), "The Egyptian Maid"; and one might add his translation of the opening hymn to the Virgin Mary in the "Prioress' Tale". - (2) Ecclesiastical Sonnets, Part II, son. xx. (3) Works vol. IV, p. 234. -10– - - º, "the deference to women of the Gothic races combined itself With devotion in the idea of the Virgin Mother, and gave rise to many beautiful associations". On the other hand, (l) he speaks of "Romish Parthenolatry, and also makes it (2) - clear that to him "faith in Christ, has no relation to the Virgin Mary". It is evident, however, that the medieval conception of the Virgin appealed to his fancy very strongly. 3) southey has two moods, apparently, in regard to the Wirgin Mary. In "Joan of Arc" and **** "Madog" the Virgin is addressed in true medieval style, and also, of course, in the translations, "The Cid" and "Amadis of Gaul". In these poems we find the conception of the Virgin's intercessory power; she is constantly invoked to come to the assistance of her votiaries, oaths are made in name, things are done or urged to be done ºf or the blessed Mary's sake". In "All for º," i.e. there is an invo- - cation addressed to the Virgin. But, on the other hand, a humorous and even satirical attitude, which is common with him towards the medieval church, appears very often in relation to the Virgin. Such is the trºstment of this mg clieval idea in "The Pioneer *.* paints the Devil not as he is idealized, but as he really looks, and Who is saved from the devil's Wrath by the Virgin Mary. (l) Literary Remains, Works vol. V, p. 123. (2) Ibid p. 531. (3) B.P. vol. I, p. 71; vol. IX, pp. 34, 169, 212, 178, etc.; vol. V, p. 136; "The Cid, pp. 70, 230; "Amadis" of Gaul, Vol. II, p. 2. (4) B. P. vol. VII, p. 135. (5) B. P. vol. VI, pp. 64 fif. -ll- 2 , (1) In his Introduction to "The Cid" he gives a humorous account of the miracles associated in medieval legends with the Virgin Mary and in a note to "Roderick" he is ironical about the stories of her intervention. Most of his remarks in his letters (2) on this subject are of the same character, as well as the quotations * **** which he has collected in his "Common 3 Place Books". ſt , (4) . - ond of the Stabat Mater; Ellen sings º ) --- - * - / - 4./ Scott Was : ( - º * a beautiful º to the Virgin Mary, "Ave Maria undefiled", rt (5 a. pº - the Noble rºse. has a vision of her; and we have other - 6) (7) invocations to her. She is also recognized in oaths, as "by the splendor of our Lady's eyebrows", "by Christ and the Virgin Mary" etc.; chapels are *"... her honor; Evelyn is enthusiastic 9 in her faith in the protection of "Our Lady of the Gard: Doloreuse"; and * and Brunhilda are equally devoted to "our Lady of the Broken Lances"; while Louis XI *kes her a Countess, and offers many prayers to her, * others "this remarkable prayer", "sweetest lady, work with thy child that he will pardon all past sins, and one little deed which I must do this night . . . no sin but an act of justice privately administered... the villain is not deserving of thy y protection, leave him to my care". 1- Intrºduction p. 201; and "Rºderick" B-P. Vol. IX, p. 260 note. 2. "Letters" vol. I, p. 115; "Letters from Spain and Portugal" Vol. I, p. 190, Vol. II, pp. 168, 173. 3. 1st Series, pp. 110, 369, 437; Second Series, pp. 344,377ff. 4-, 6-g- Ilife" vol. V, p. 436. - 5. "Lady of the Lake Canto III, verse XXIX 5a. B. P. Vol. Wi, p. 3.15. - 6. .8. g. "Magduff's Cross" p. 101. 7. Ivanhoe"p. 467; Talisman p. 19, etc. v 8. Marmion, Introduction to Canto II; Lay of the Last Minstrel - Canto II, verses 4, etc. 9. "Betrothed" Chap. XIX, p. 188. (10) "Count Robert of Paris" | |} " *** *-x R. & a sº-12- pp. 125,300,387. The conclusion to be drawn in regard to the feeling of these writers towards the Virgin Mary, seems to be, that with the exception of Southey, the conception was extremely attractive, and it was only when they turned away from the Yſtiddle (Zges and looked at the matter from the standpoint of modern religious conditions that they found it necessary to criticise it. With southey this latter mood was the more prevalent one. He never fell entirely under the influence s of the sentiment embodied in this conception, as the others did. 2. The Saints. !) Wordsworth feels the same sentimental interest in the saintsthaſ, he does in the Virgin Mary, though not to the same (I) degree. He addresses Saints Michael, George, Cecilia, Margaret and Magdalen with the plea that even though the "old idolatry be spurned" "let not your radiant shapes desert the land". He - jt - (2) compares a fine face to "St. Cecilia" when she drew an * ) - - * 3 from his station." He speaks of "the meek saint Columba". (4) He visits the "ruins of St. Cuthbert's Gell" and calls him a "self-secluded man", who after serving men in the world faithfully, retired "to * the deity gi" undistracted mind". º, (5 (6 _f- He admires St. Bede, and St. Erancis". But I find no in- stance in which he speaks of a saint as he does of the Virgin Mary, or countenances the idea of the intercession of the saints. (TTECGT.T.Son. Part II, Son. , XXIV. (2) "Hoy rich that Forehead's Calm Expanse". (3) "The Highland Broach". - (4) "Inscriptions", I. (5) "Eccl. Sons" fart I, Son. XXIII. (6) "Memorials of a Tour in Italy", XXIV and XXV; cf. also "Letters of the Wordsworth Family" vol. II, pp. 550 fif. —l3– s g/Coleridge feels somewhat less devotion to the saints than Wordsworth does. He is less inclined to sentimentalize about them, Glthough in his poems he speaks of the Saints in -º-º: the saints will aid sººn call", "fine saints º '-º', "his soul is * Saints, I trust", "never a saint took pity on my soul in º the true medieval Way as e. g. º & his prose expressions about the saints are of a different tone. For example, he laughs at Jeremy Taylor because "he saints every *"… and friar down to the very latest canonization by the modern pope", while Luther is "just plain Luther". The Church of England, he thinks, has a "more glorious alºne." (of saints) than Rome can show"; He says of St. columba"I love Saint * he shall be my saint, for he is not in the catalog of Romish saints, having never been canonized at Rome". 3) Southey fails entirely to enter into Wordsworth's admiration for the Saints, partly, perhaps, because he had (l) "Christabel". (2) "Zapolya". (3) "The Knight's Tomb". (4) "The Ancient Mariner". (5) "Lit. Rem". Works pol. V, p. 183. (6) "Lit. Rem" Works vol. V, p. 410. (7) "Anima Poetae" p. 129. -14– . (1) - - (2) read more about them. Many saints appear in his pages , such as Basil, Becket, Anselm, Dunstan, Francis, Dominic, catherine, Margaret, Bernard, etc., but it is only rarely that he has any- thing good... to say about them. The saint is associated in his (3) mind with absurd superstitions and with stories invented to ūélude the ignorant and strengthen the power of the church. He speaks of "saints who outdid the Bible in miracles". He says, "It is a common thing for saints to be polycephalous". He puts º into verse form, always with a touch of burlesque, such legends of the saints as those connected with Saint Isidore, the patron Saint of Madrid. There are *exceptions to this tone, as in "Joan of *"... Which the heroine's attitude to the saints is sympathetically presented, although in the notes the old tone reappears. As a rule, however, the Saints are to Southey an - object of satire. £) Scott, though objecting to the worship of the saints, * . (5) yet thought that "the employment #,” saintly dead in some - (6 form was possible". Ellen offers prayers to the saints; the "Noble Moringer" prays to St. Thomas, though this fact is **, humorously treated by Scott, who says that the saint, who "must have felt the justice of the imputation (viz. that it was his devotion to him that had got the knight into trouble) **** ) 8 a miracle". The same tone appears in his reference to Saint [T] Cf. his frequent references to the "Acta Sanctorum", e.g. "Tetter vil. II, p. 429; and vol. III, p. 356 on saints' legends, etc. (2) See B.P. vol. VII, note to p. 201, and vol. Ix, note to p. 355, - and "Book of the Church", pp. 32, 88ff. etc. - (3) "Letters" vol. I, p. 115; "Letters from Spain, etc.", vol. I, p. 190; "Life of Wesley" vol. I, p. 266; "Book of the Church” P. 41; B.F. vol. VII, p. 200 note, and voi. VI, (St. Romauld), - and vol. I, p. 67 note. º (4) B.F. vol. i., pp. 71 and notes. (5). "Life" vol. Iw p. 380. (6) "Lady of Lake” Canto III, versex XIX etc. –Lö – Colwell, of whom he says, that e "saint though he was" he had allowed some indulgence to his monks, etc. - Thus we find in all our authors, in their poetry or fiction, quite a sympathetic presentation of the medieval church feeling about the saints, but in all of them a very strong tend- enty, in other connections, not to take the saints very seriously. 3. The Clergy or "Religious" in general. 1/ The Nums. 3) wordsworth is especially appreciative of the nuns and their life, as suggested in his lines, "The holy tame * * 3. Illirl Breathless with adoration". When looking at a rather poorly painted picture of a (2) nun, Wordsworth indignantly insisted that "Every nun ought to - be beautiful when she takes the veil". He deplores the plight º º of the * * the time of the "dissolution of the monasteries 3 "The lovely nun. . . . goes forth. . . . an apparition. ... divinely g bright"; and his sympathy is especially strong for the aged nuns sent out into the world. He rarely * * * Without applying some such adjective as "saintly". The nun appeals also to his pity because shut in from the world of nature that º, he loved so much, although her seclusion so far as the world of men and women is concerned seemed to him an advantage. (7.T.E.T.Tvol. VI. p. 215; cf. also "Betrothed”, Introduction p. XII. - - (8) "Marmion" Canto II, verse XVII note 2. (l) "It is a beauteous Evening". (2) "Memoiºs of Wordsworth" vol. II, p. 331. (3) Eccl. son Part II, sons x*II and XXIII. (4) "The Russian Fugitive". —l 6– At Bruges his sympathy is called out in this way for a nun deprived of "English º though she might catch some glimpse of the "glory of the setting sun" must get it "thro an iron --grate". Although he does pass on the charge that "Round *". Convent's blazing fire Unhallowed threads of revelry are spun; There Venus sits disguised like a Nun-" yet in the following sonnet he returns again to his prevailing mood and describes the nun as "unveiling timidly a cheek Suffused with blushes of celestial hue", and, again, the nuns are for him "A gentle * * * sisterhood Whose saintly radiance mitigates the gloom. Of those terrestrial fabrics, where they serve To Christ, the Sun of Righteousness, espoused", and also "virgin *...* not in vain Have striven by purity to gain The beatific Grown". by Coleridge has very few referenges to the nuns, merely an occasional vague mention of an º, or "monks, friars, nuns, in short the regular as distinguished from the secular (1) Incident at Bruges". But cf. the sonnet "Nuns fret, not at their convents narrow room". (2) Part II, Son. XX. (3) "To Dora." (4) "Eclipse of the Sün." Cf. also on Wordsworth's attitude to nuns "To the Daisy", "The Force of Prayer" and "St Cather- ine of Ledbury". L. "Zan olivan (r. 405). -17– (1) clergy". But such a remark as the following, "I should fear that in this climate (Spain) cases of nymphomania in the Nunneries are not rare", shows that, so far as modern nuns go- at least, he does not share Wordsworth's feeling about them. (2) c. Although Southey describes With sympathy a nun tak- ~ing the veil, in general he does not commend nuns as Wordsworth (3) does, nor separate them in his regard from the monks. In his w - - * - - letters from Spain" he speaks often of "monks and nuns" to- gether as dirty, ignorant, useless, etc.; and in the poem (4) "Written after visiting the Convent of Arrabida" although there is a somewhat attractive picture of certain phases of the life *:::: yet it is called "a false ideal". His heroine, 5) - - Joan of Arc is also credited with strong convictions against taking the veil. 9 scott has a sentimental interest in nuns, though not (6 so marked as in the case of Wordsworth. They are "a bevy of the maids of *** their life is painted in attractive colors in "The Lord of the Isles". But their life, after all, evidently seemed to him in pitiful contrast to the full blooded life outside (1) "Literary Remains", Works vol. V, p. 531. Notes on "Letters from Spain" by Blanco White. (2) "All for Love" p. 147, B. P. vol. 7. (3) Vol. II, pp. 148, 167, 186 f. (4) B. P. vol. II, pp. 223 ff. (5) Ibid vol. I, p. 190. (6) Marmion p. 259. (7) *, 162, 177, 223, 227. (1) the walls of convents. Catherine Glover has a healthy dis- like to "taking the veil", and the same may be said of Catherine *; Constance de Beverly is in open revolt against the rules and ideals of the convent, and calls the nuns and monks "ye vassal slaves of bloody Rome". The darker side of convent life is touched on also in the "rule of the cloister" and "the death due an apostate num" as described in all its terror in the case of Constance, and as suggested by Ursula in "Castle Dangerous" as the punishment awaiting her if she should º,” captured and carried back to the convent, to be wimwed be- tween four wall; with a basket of bread and a cruse of water". The Lady *"... Marmion also betrays naively her desire to get hold of Clare's "broad lands", "shame were it to St. Hilda dear" if her Abbess should allow these lands to get out of her hands; and a suggestion of some narrowſness and prejudice is made about Eveline **** kinswoman" the abbess in the remark of Scott," Truth is, the lady abbess her edit- ary devotion to the Lady of the Garde Doloreuse was much decayed Since she had known the full merits of another gifted image, - the property of her own convent. - The striking thing, thus, in our authors’ feeling towards (1) "Fair Maid of Perth" chapter xºV, pp. 294f. (2) "The Abbot" (3) Marmion Canto II, verses XXI, XXXI, XXXIII. (4) P. 307. (5) marmion Canto W, verse XXII. . (6) Betrothed Chap. XIX, p. 188. -19- 20. the nums is Wordsworth's sentimental interest in them, which is only slightly shared by Scott, and not at all by Coléridge and Southey. 2) The Hermit. (a) The hermit and his life appealed also very strongly to Wordsworth. In "Inscriptions supposed to be found in and near a Hermit's Cell," he enters into the mood of the medieval hermit, his attitude to life in general, nis mystic contemplation, º - - (1) etc. He speaks, again, with sympathy of "the hermit ideal", " & World forgot," "the grot of sense despised where altar stone and rock-hewn seat Still hint that quiet best is found" (2) He gives a fine picture of the hermit St. Herbert "who was intent to adore the deity with undistracted mind", and he feels sure that no one can look on the "ruins of his cell" with "unmoved mind". Speaking of another hermitage he **** those crystal springs the hermit saw the angel spread his wings;" and of *..." "Within the dell he built a cell, * And there was sorrow's guest ; In hermit's weeds repose he found From vain temptations free". - (5) - He thinks that "knowledge" should have her anchorites like piety of old, "living to God and Nature". He imagines that - (6) he wrould like to retire "to some vacant hermitage," TI Temorials of a Tour in Scotland." III. (2) "Inscriptions." I. (3) "Fancy and Tradition" (4) "The Somnambulist' (5) "Excursion" Biz. W. (6) "Eccl. Sonnets" Part I, son. XX. 21. where his furniture should consist of Albeechen bowl and a maple - - 4 - ** dish", and he should not even hear the call to matins", for he is "fired of the World and all its industry". This last ex- pression is probably the key to Wordsworth's sympathy with the pº- - - * - medieval hermit. It is not to tº 4. ºr a matter of religion but of temperament. It is the mood expressed in the lines "The world is * With us, etc". He tells us "world wearied men withdrew of old", and he felt that he º could understand them. The one qualification he makes, however, is in recognizing the weakness of the hermit ideal in the direction of social service. The ** of knowledge are not to be "lost to social duties" nor the "blessings of domestic love", and he reproves the "spirit of * indolence by recalling the "venerable Bede, the "sublime recluse" and his perpetual industry" etc. BA We find in ***, * sympathy with the hermit ideal * * He quotes *s. Donne's lines "The recluse hermit of times more doth know Of the world's in most wheels, than worldlings can." Óllso it "is the hermit good" who receives and saves "The Ancient Mariner", who "singeth aloud his godly hymns" and who "Will º shrive my soul", and again "The holy hermit raised his eyes and prayed where he did sit". tº a (), "Memorials of a Tour in Scotland", I (*) Excursion" Blv. W. - (3) "Eccl. Sonnets" Part I, Son. XXIII. Cf. also for Wordsworth and the Hermit ideal, "Peter Bell", "Memorials of a Tour in a Scotland." WI, "Excursion" Bk II, and "When to the Attraction (#) §§sº 3eº. Wºłº". or also "Alice du Clos" p. 194. We have also "a youthful hermit ess" in "Christabel." Although oriº is sarcastic in his cry "What if I went And liv'd in a hollow tomb, and fed on Weeds? Aye! that's the road to heaven", yet this sentiment is merely such as fits the dramatic situation, and not the feel- ing of the poet. - Q2 Southey has some very laudatory things to say occasion- ally about hermits. In "Rºsº the hermit and his austere and solitary life is depicted in glowing colors: the Simple garden of the hermitage in the mountains to which Roderick and the hermit Romano retire for Roderick's penance; Roderick's last fearful trial and his victory in another hermitage; and a striking eulogy of hermit life in which it is suggested that hermits often become so holy that the "birds and the timid hares" do not fear them, which is supported by what Southey . Galls "a beautiful passage from Fuller's Worthies" concerning "Primitive Monks and their Piety and Painfulness". In º of Gaul" a "special revelation from God" is granted to a hermit, Who is characterized as "a holy servant and friend of God. . . . who would not speak an untruth". A hermit * 8. Curse on King Henry V as a judgment of God on his sins. But 4. On the *** We have a rather unattractive picture in - 5 "Henry * *" and some condemnations of the ascetic 6 practices of the hermit life. (1). Remorse ºp. 372 (ed. by J. Dykes Campbell) (2), B.F. vol. IX, pp. 28ff, 37ff, 25ff, 32, 274, and notes to pp. 172 and 355. (3) Vol. III, pp. 201 ff. (4) B. D. Vol. VI, pp. 76f. (5) Ibid. pp. 177f. - (6) See under monks, this thesis/ º ż. - -- d). We do not expect in a man of Scott's temperament such appreciation of the hermit life as we find in Wordsworth, and we do not find it. We have a few ***** about the hermit, such as the picture of the "Cell of St. Cuthbert", "one of those resting places which that venerable saint Wà S pleased to assign his monks" with its nearby well, its plot of ground, its alluring view, and the service its occupant could render º people on the border in "spiritual affairs" etc.; and his description of "Our Lady's chapel" of St. Mary of Lowes, which so allures his fancy that he feels that "If fate had out my ties of life Here have I thought 'twere sweet to dwell, And rear again the chaplain's Gell, Like that same peaceful hermitage, Where Milton longed to spend his age." But as a rule the ** sº is apt to be either a Jolly sham like the Clerk of coºrst, who is a high liver, and Who recites his aves and aredos and paternosters with great * when they are liable to be overheard; or such a half- Druid, half-Christian as the Hermit Brian; or a madman like the º of Engedi, who is pictured as a man of extreme fanatical zeal and a wild dweller in the mountains, though at the same time having qualities of devotion and courage and even humility. Thus, again, it is wordswortiºn the hermit life TTTTTEESt" chap. VIII, pp. 66ff. - 2. "Marmion." Introduction to Canto II, pp. 83f. 3. Ivanhoe, pp. 135ff. - 4. Lady of the Lake, p. 107. - 5. Talisman pp. 45, £3 ff, 69, 190, 306, etc. appealed most strongly, but Coleridge and Southey both felt it to a certain extent also. 3) aſ The cenobitic monks, the friars, and the priestly character in general, did not win Wordsworth's regard, to the same degree, as the two special classes, hermits and nuns. There is ample evidence, however, that the monastic ideal touch- ed his fancy to a certain extent. The "Stanzas Suggested on a Steamboat off St. Bees' Head" are full of praise for what the 2. monks of the early days stood for. He tells us that there were "none so prompt to sugg or and protect the forlorn traveller"; that "though hooded cenobites" themselves, yet they help to make "wedded life" Sacred; they "made intercession for the Soul's rest: " : º that those "cloistered architects" built churches of "symbolic beauty" about which towns gathered; that "the thought- ful monks intent their God topiease, spread the blessings of agriculture; and finally, he rebukes those who would criticise "their winged eccstacies", and their mortification of the flesh; a . g wºrſ - - - and concludes that *** * interpret the significance of St. Ś - - Bees. A monument of "priestly cunning". (l) Wordsworth is pleased with the tradition of how Canute TKº- Was charmed and softened by the chanting of "Monks in Ely". º, ) Iona is to hiſm the place "Where once came monk and nun with gentle stir blessing the poor"; Alfred he calls "a pupil of (3) - the monkish gown"; he deplores the lack of reverence shown (4) - - the monks of "old Bangorº who were the guardians of aboriginal • Eccl. Sººn" Part I, Son. XXX. 2) "Iona upon Landing" 3) "Eccl. Son" Part I, Son. xxvi. - - 4) Ibid. Son. XIII. - 25. y and Roman Zore and Christian monuments", and he imagines the floor are"knee worn" in their "beloved cells". The early sº monast- eries in general are praised because "classic lore glides Oll by these religious saved for all posterity"; also "many hooded cºntest have rendered great service to political and social life and to science. There are, however, qualifications in Wordsworth's devotion - - - - * to the monk. - (3) - A). It is the monks of the earlier days that he commends; as he approaches the later middle (lºss, just before the Reform- ation, he feels obliged to condemn them, although it is evident A. (4) that he does not like to do it. Of the "Old Abbeys" he says "Once ye were holy, ye are holy still; your spirit let me freely drink and live". While deploring the dissolution of the - 5) - - J monasteries as an "unsparing hurricane", yet he feels it "were madness", "wished we to retain" "such trumpery" as "cowls, black * - i. º 3. - - (6) White, and gray" etc. , and he condemns the abuses "of monastic (7) power" and the convents where sits "Bacchus clothed in semblance of a friar". This mood of criticism is not very deep with Words– - (8) worth, as we see, e.g. in the way the Convent of Chartreuse º, affects him as he comes to it in the evening, while traveling - (l, Ibid Son. XXIV. (?) Ibid, Part II, Son. V; of also "Lines suggested by a Portrait" and Excursion" Dic. III; "Eccl. Son" Part I, Son. XX, and Part II, Son. IV. "Eccl. Son" Part I, Son. XIX. Ibid, Son. XXXV. "Memorials of a Tour in Italy", XIV. "Eccl. Son" Part II, Son. XIX. Ibid. Son. XX. - "Prelude" Blº. VI. - - *. in France in the early days of the French Revolution, althoºk he feels that it stands for one of the forces that have block- ed the progress of liberty in France, yet he wants "these courts of mystery" spared, "where we may exchange life's vanities for pent tential tears", and "conquest over sense" etc. Moreover, modern monasticism appeals to him, too, as he sees it in Italy. At Levº, he finds some of St. Francis' "spiritual progeny", - and that "some partakers of his loving spirit do still survive". As 3) Wordsworth intends also to condemn the ascetic prac- tices and the anti-social character of the monastic life, and (2) he does do so to a certain extent. He criticizes clerical (3) celibacy, and "monastic rules stringent as flesh can tolerate and live", and he rejoices that St. Francis had a "milder genius", which led him to modify "that dreact heart freezing As (4) discipline". He fears also that the monastic life "must cheat full oft; the heart's desires". With the dualistic phase of medieval asceticism which leads to "world-flight as from that which is inherently antagonistic to * and contrasts the world and the flesh with the spirit, etc., he expressed dissent, though with no **** to the Yiddle Clees, in such lines as this: "What an empire we inherit as natural beings in the strength of Nature", and he says his own mother, (7) "not false taught" did "not distrust our nature but had virtual (TTTTemorials of a Tour in Italy", XIV. (2) "Prose Works" vol. II, p. 340. (3) "Mem. of Tour in Italy", XIV. (4) "#######" ### II, Son. III, XIV & XVII, cf. Mām. Of Tour Gºlly a 2. ; - - {5} Hastings "Ency. Rel. and Ethics" vol. I, "Asceticism". (6) "Prelude” Biz. III; cf. "Lines upon a Seat in a Yew Tree" and "The Old Cumberland Beggar". (10) "Prelude" Bic. v.; cf. Eiso Biz. II. faith in our innocent desires" etc. Yet on the other hand, he had a strong Sympathy for the other phase of asceticism, viz. "discipline. . . . training of the Will for self *s, et G. " which leads him to speak sympathetically of a "monk, thouſeale with rºle, with vigils worn" etc., and of a "young ascetic. . . poët, hero, Sage he might have been, etc.", and he is able in - another case to enter fully into the state of mind af the 3 medieval ascetic. b/ Coleridge's attitude to monles, friars, and priests in general is one of almost unqualified disapproval. He comes as near to sympathy with the monk as anywhere in his writings, in the "Mad Monk" whose song the poet overhears "on Aetna's side", Who confesses he has murdered the maiden he loved and has fled he world but can not get away from the recollection of his Grime and from his remorse; or perhaps, in * scornful reference to "those monks morals" which are to him equivalent to "high flown romantic fancies." His general tone is seen in tº (5) the following references: Cologne, which he dislikes is "a town of monks and bones" and of "two and seventy stenches"; the monks of the middle Claes are "the enemies of all genius and - - (7) liberal knowledge"; he speaks of "a gallous and unnatural modesty to which mone but a monk Gould harden himself who had - (l, Hastings, as above. (2) "Mem. of Tour in Italy", XIV; cf. also "St. Bees", and "Ecl. Son" Part I, Son. XXI. (3) Cf. "Inscriptions supposed to be Found in or near a Hermit is Cell" etc. - (4) "Zapolyeſ' p. 434. (5) "Cologne". (6) "Anima Poetae" p. 275. (7) "Lecture on the Progress of the Drama" works vol. IV p. 33. 28. been stripped of all the tender charities of life, yet is goad- ed on to make War against them by the unsuited hauntings of our meaner nature". In regard to the friars, he uses the phrase "a more than Domaicºvirulence", and the Dominicans also appearſ, as the cruel managers of the Inquisition in his play "Rºse". He speaks of the ignorance of the Franciscan friars in the south of *one. He speaks scornfully also of "the art of the Roman Friests"; and again he says "the word priest, a name after º Which any other term of abhorrence would appeak ºn anti-climax". Coleridge apparently, makes no distinction between the religious" of the earlier and later fiddle dºes, nor between those of the hiddle (Ages and modern times, but condemns them all, as a class. However, individuals appeal to him, not as monks or priests but for other reasons, their character, attain- ments, etc. , as e. g. Hugo de St. º mystic. Like Wordsworth, but more strongly and consistentis he Uſia! (7) C Ondemns the asceticism connected with the monastic, "Certainly", he says" the highest good is to live happily, and not through 3. *Fºr mortification to expect a happy death". He puts celibacy, together with the papacy as "the two prime evils * º the Roman Catholic Church", and calls celibacy" the aboursed", (1) "...it. Rem" Works, vol. v., p. 356. (2) (P. 388 etc. º - ſº "Anima Poetae" p. 288. (4) "Lit. Remº works voi. , V, p. 309. (5) "Religious Musings" nºte; Coleridge here is not referring to àny particular age or church, but the words well Gºre SS (6) his attitude to the medieval and modern Catholie priest. - Table Talk", Works vol. VI, P. 379; cf. this thesis pºols tº Allsop." Recollections" Vol. II, p. ii.6, also pr. 17, 3%. - - - "Tab. Talk" Works vol. VI, p. 444. 29. º "a deep wound to morals and social purity". He criticises (l) - Donne's leaning to the ideal of virginity as "one of the sad relics of Patristic super-moralization, aggravated by papal ambition". 9/ Monks, friars, the various religious orders, form a (2 favorite theme for Southey, and his treatment of them is found **** all through his prose and poetical works alike. He 3 comments on the ignorance, laziness and dirt of the monks in 1) - : Spain and Portugal; he has many stories to tell of the º in Brazil, their doctrinal superficiality, their º to keep their converts in ignorance, etc. "The Cell of Honorius” he calls "a case of mistaken zeal". #,” his references to the subject there is a tone of criticism. He condemns also the ascetic practices * with monasticism. He speaks of "penitents as austere as conscientious folly could devise", and 2. of "those practices which the monastic orders borrowed from eastern superstition, for the misery of their poor deluded votaries, the corruption of Christianity, and the degradation of human nature, watching, fasting, haircloth and self-flags & Áation, etc.". On the other hand he defends celibacy, at least l. Tit. Rem"- vol. V, p. 79. 2. Gif. e.g. his colle&tion of materials for "History of the Rel. Orders", in "Com. Pl. Blºs' Series II, pp. 365-402. 3. "Letters from Spain, etc." Vol. II, pp. 148, 167, 186, f, and Vol. I, p. 231. 4. "Hist. of Brazil" vol. I, pp. 226, 262, and vol. II, pp. 252, 4.17, 655, 682. 5. B. P. vol. III, pp. 101 f. 6. Cf. B. P. vol. IX, note to p. 31; and "Book of the Church" pp. 32, 88 7. Quarterly Review vol. XXXIII, p. 377, review by Southey of "yie et Revelations de la Soutinº Nativete"; cf. "Life and Correspond – ence" p. 126. s 30. in **, *. saying that the "obligation of celibacy pre- cluded º prudential anxieties which might otherwise have employed too large a portion of their time and of their thought." Southey credits the º With Originating Our modern church. He finds some * * Brazil for whose work he has genuine admiration, as Antonio Vierya "a most eloquent and extraordinary man", and he speaks also of "that system of beneficence towards the natives from which they (the Jesuits) never deviated". (4) - - We have too in John Ball a priest who is pictured as the friend of the people, though in contrast to another eccles- iastic, the Archbishop of Canterbury, who is presented as an oily, smooth, untrustworthy prelate, Who ******* can absolve the king from his oaths and promises. In "Roderick" there is - a number of noble and honest priests and other ecclesiastics, although count Julian, after his apostasy to Mohammedanism declares he is surprised to find "an honest priest". 4) scott liked the monastic life better than the lonely hermit life, and it fares better at his hands. we find many appreciative Words about monks. - - - ſº (6) - . The Abbot Eustace is pictured as a man of strong character and of devotion, courage, and fine feeling. It is said of him &t, "His heart always was, as well as seemed to be, in the duty which he was immediately performing. His voice, always beautiful, 1. ºyº & " " ºf “ſ "Life of Jésley" vol. II, p. 117. "Letters" vol. II, pp. 53,72. | "Wat Tyler" B. P. vol. II, pp. 42, 47, 53. ) B. P. vol. IX, pp. 36f, 55ſ, ºlf, 211 f. - "Monastery" chap. XXXII, p. 309, chap. XXXVI pp. 360 ºf . trembled as laboring under the immediate impulse of the Divinity; and his Whole demeanor seemed to be speak, not the mere ordinary man, but the organ of the church, in which she had vested her high power for delivering Sinners from their load of iniquity". We have, again, a fine picture of £ustace struggling between - his sense of religious duty and the dictates of a naturally Warm heart; and another in which he is the central figure, viz. the last stand of the monks of Kennequhair for the lost cause tº. of Catholicism in Scotland. Ambrose, also, in "The * is singere and devoted; so - (2) (3) also is Augustine in "The Lord of the Isles"; the Prior of St. Botolph's is an attractive figure; and also * who is the leading defender of the besieged castle in "The Betrothed", and Who in that same castle "in the evening was wont to read out of Some holy legend or from the homily of some departed saint" to º the inmates. One of Scott's finest characters is º, Who is pictured as a devoted martyr to his convictions, stern in his rebuke of wrongs, but humble in accepting rebuke himself. He is, however, a critic of monastic rules and of monastic abuses, and stands apart from his brother º!. Scott speaks of convents, often, in a vein of sentiment , , - (7) such as this description of the convent on the summit of Mont (l) * 7%.2/8, 4-2, 5 * / /C., 4 24, */ / Sº 2) Pſ. 281 ff. *} ºr pp. 413 f. 4. 5) , 5 a 7 "The Betrothed" chap. XXII, pp. 206 f. "Fair Maid of Perth" chap. xiv. pp. 159ſ and Chap. XXVII, pp. 321 ff, etc. - 6) Cº. also the mor-4 of St. Mary's Aisle in "Lay of the Last Minstrel" Canto II, verses 4ff and verses 12:ff. 7) "Anne of Geiersteinn chap. XXX, p. 365. 32. St. Victoire, in which he präises the "monks who had chosen this wild and grotesque situation, from which they could wit - mess nature in her wildest and grandest demonstrations and compare the nothingness of humanity with her awful convulsions". (l) He also praises the monasteries as "places of hospitality", (2) which had also been of "vast value" to the border country, and he thinks it was a "great mistake to destroy them". He pictures tired men of the world returning to the shelter of -- the * to prepare for death, as in "The Eve of St. 4. - John". David lst of Scotland is highly commended for his liberal- ity in founding abbeys, etc., which became "the center of charity, education, * and religion", and the rich possess to ** 5) of the convents are also defended, the reader being minded "how much their possessions oved their appearance to the art and --- f industry of the clergy, and the protection which the ecclesiastic- al character gave to their tenants and laborers". On the other hand, we have such monks as the Abbot *. who wishes 3. life of ease, and who "lays out a little plan for availing him— self of the sub-prior's widsom and experience, while he should take the º credit to himself" etc. We have also, the r Cistercian monk in "Ivanhoe” who has an "Epicurean face" and is "licentious". Scott suggests the self-indulgent side of the monastic life, meets her judges in his remark about the "Vault (l. "Quentin in Durward" p. 80. (2) "Life" vol. III, pp. 226ff. ſº instrelsy, ete. vol. III, p. 194. (4) "History ºf Scotlandº Vºi. I, pp. 31ff. (5) "Border Antiquities" on - - … pp. 58f , cf. "Monastery", Chap. . 2. e. The Monastery" chap. x, pp. 84 f. y I, p. (6) (i) ºf " ſº ) 3 3 - - , of Eenitence", which, although "old Colwell built it for his fault in penitence to dwell", yet "I fear the foundation of the penance vault a.º. not correspond with his character" since "according to his memºbilia" the vault seems to have been connected with his indulgence of the monks "in Wine and ale". He is sarcastic also, about the monº, habit of piously attribut- ing any disaster that comes to one who is an enemy of their order to "a judgment of God". Scott is a severe critic of the Templars, º He speaks, for example, of their interest in "the elitº of silver shekels as well as the sparkle of black eyes", he uses the #eat. often "the infideſ. templar"; he calls Lucas Beaumanoir, the Grand Master, "an ascetic bigot." whose features are "marked by the emaciation of abstinence, and the spiritual pride of the Self-satisfied devotee"; and their attitude of mind is implied in the ejaculation of Brian 4: Bois Guilbert, "A dog of a Jew to approach a defender of the Holy Sepulchre". The picture of the Dominicans also, in "The fair Maid of Perth" is not attractive. Of other ecclesiastics, Scott gives us a number of attractive #) . *Yº- * - cº- men. such as the Bishop of {*}. the clergy, gengral in Scot- º C 2. - A sº º land who stood by Robert Bruce and braved Roºſ” excommunication; Archbishop Baldwin º le able to overcome the will of a head- -, Strong nobżaman and force him to carry out his promise; the Bishop *Glasgow of whom it is said "the peaceful disposition Which the prelate had inspired in Michael Turnbull had in some degree infused itself among those present who heard with awe the (lºiomº Canºo II, verse xvii. note 2: cºnne Abbotn on XII, p. 103. ... " - º 2 * - Abbºt" Shep. (?) Ibiá Canto w, xx.1 and note. º (3) "Ivanhoe” pp. 310, 335, 354, 13, 18, 47, 56 etc; cf. "Talis– , , , man" 109, 235, 297, 311. ºr. *) "Quentin jurwaſ d", i. 235. (s —let of Scotland" vol. I, p. , 34. / spiritual admonition to suspend the national antipathy and remain - in truce and amity with each other". On the other hand, the clergy who appear in "Harold the Dauntless" are time-serving and º striking contrast with the pagans with whom º *...* and over whom they % gain the victory. The priests in "Ivanhoe" also, are said to be moved by their desire for the "soul-seat" or funeral fee. Summing up our findings in regard to the feelings of eve- authors about monks, etc., we may say that Wordsworth feels critical towards certain aspects of monastic life, and is aware of its abuses, but nevertheless finds his mind attracted by it; that Coleridge disapproves strongly of monks, friars, etc. in toto; that Southey is almost equally adverse towards them, though inclined to see another side to the picture; and that --> / Scott found the monastic life very interesting, and was appreci- ative of the fact that monks and "religious in general were much like other people, with their capacity for heroism, on the one hand, and their weakness on the other. 4. The Crusades, as characteristic expression of the medieval religious spirit. J/. *he Crusades caught the fancy of scott. He gºls tº S , four novels, which may be said to be novels of the Crusades, and in addition he touches on them in many other instances, as in the poems "The Noble Morºnger", "William and Helen", "The Fire ſº-ºººººººº" chap. I, p. 3, and chap. xviiI, pp. 1652.É. (i) "Castle Dangerous" eſſa. Xix, pp. 347 ff. [I] p . 4.38 (Ia) “2, a cº, hº 3 * 1 (2) "Talisman", "Ivanhoe” "count R. of Pn, "Betrothed". º 35. * King" "The Romance of Dunºº, etc. He makes several Crusaders º - characters in his novels, as Godfrey of Bouillon, Tancred, Peter the Hermit, and Richard; axe. presents Archbishºldwin preaching the erusade. He deals with appreciation with the situations, pathetic and humorous, that were created at home by the absence of the * the Holy Land. In such a character as Kenneth he sº a Crusader who is deeply in }. earnest, and who is moved by the associations of the Holy Land. The Crusades were to him part of the chivalry which he admired, and which he spoke of as "the blending of charity and religion", etc. He sees, however, the dark side of the crusades, as e.g. the casuistry by means of which the Crusaders who had register- ed a vow never to turn back till they had freed the Holy city from the infidels manage to keep their vow "entire in the chancery of heaven", and yet return to Constantinople, by backing their horses into boats and so re-cross ºne Bosphorous. He notes the darker side of chivalry as illustrated in the crusades, viz. the effect of making chivalry a religious institution was - (5) to make the defense of religious faith a sufficient cause for º - , battle and such an exploit an atonement for heinous crime and ). E.E. VoI.T.T. (2) "Betrothed" (3) G. g. "The Noble Moringer" (4) "Talisman" - (5) "Essay on Chivalry" p. "Talisman" pp. 55, 28, 20; cf." Halidon Hill, p. 50, and 56 f. - . º: to create "a military body" that considers "itself the missionary of religion" (so especially the military orders, as ſhe (l) Templars). The Pope, he says, is easily persuaded to grant a divorce to a prince who is Willing to go on a crusade. He shows the suffering the Crusades entailed, and the cruelty they led to, as e. g. the Templar in Ivanhoe'ſ mon it is suggested that "he learned his cruelty in Palestine"; he }* - (3) - speaks of the Crusades as "a waste of life" and a means of drawing men from the defense of their homes and as character— 2. yx\9AA- ized by "intolerant zeal, being lured by indulgences, and of "the gross license which the Crusaders brought back with them", etc. 2) What few references there are in Wordsworth to Crusades show that they formed part of the general picture of the medieval- church for which he had a sentinental and imaginative attachment. º Crusades are commended as being an appeal to the 4. medieval Christian imagination, which is "the nightiest lever known to the moral world". This praise is qualified, however, by the assertion that the crusades resulted in **** - (5 he papal sway"; they are described also as contributing to the ſ - P- maintenance of Christianity, although adventurers used them for their own profit; the Council of Clement and the call to **) 6 Crusades are painted in glowing colors, "When the Benedictine 1). "The Betrothed" pp. 4f, 144; cf. Introduction p. x, crusades are Galled "this superstition". - ) Ivanhoe, p. 214. . "Betrothed" p. 169; cf. also on the Templars ſº this paper, ºt also cf. "Talisman" pp. ºf, 7.6.f , 116f, 12C', 196. "Eccl. sons" Part I, son. XXI ºf. - : "Memoirs of Wordsworth" vol. II, p. 18. - . . R "St. Bees" and Eccl. Son. Part I, son. XXIII. Brethren's voice Summoned the chiefs to lay their feuds aside And under one blest ensign serve the Lord In Palestine, etc. ". - - - - - . . (1) The Crusaders receive unqualified approval, from Richard I, down to the humblest man. Their careers are described as "the (2) romance of many colored life that fortune pours round the crusad- ers", they are the "Brave and Wise and Good", and "their requiem 3. is chanted by voices never mute", till they return to "lie, their vow performed, in cross legged effigy". "The Horn of Egremont castle", a Armenian Lady's Love" are tales of the returning Crusaders, who appear in attractive colors. In the "Borderers", however, we have a * of the darker side of the crusades in Oswald who "despised alike Mohammedian and A- Christian" iſ, 9) Joleridgedoes not seem to have considered the Crusades at all. (4) 4) Although Southey insists that he "loves to vindicate the Crusades", he has very little to say about them. I find only the following: in "Robin Hood" the various states of mind of different people as they start on a Crusade to the Fº I and º are described; and the preaching of the Crusade in "Madog" by Archbishop Baldwin, with the excommunication of those who refuse to join in it. In the latter case the sympathy of the Il). Eccl. Sºon., Part I, Son. xv. (2). Ibid Part II, son. VIII. (3). Acts I and Ii. - (4). "fºº # Ceº ſº... ; ), 2 4 5- (5) D.P. vol. V, p. 124. º ( poet is plainly against the Archbishop and his preaching. Southey occasionally touches upon chivalry, as , for example; in "Roderick", in connection with the º of Alphonso, he speaks appreciatively of the Spirit and rites of chivalry as connected with religion in the middle ages; in managiºlº Gaul" we have the Vigil and mass connected With the ceremony of becoming a knight; and in one of his "Common Piaº'ecolºr he has preserved a long quotation describing the part played by priests in the degradation of a knight. Thus in respect to the crusades and chivalry, With its associations with religion, Scott alone of our authors, seems to be in real sympathy, and he also sees its darker side quite clearly. 5. Pilgrims and Shrines. - // The Pilgrim is drawn with sympathy in the few cases in Which he appears in Wordsworth. In addition to the instances - (4) (5) in which the pilgrim is used figuratively, a "group of pilgrims just returned from Palestine" play a part in the "Borderers", - tº rºtº-º-º: an one of them in particular, who says, "I have brought with me a heart. . . . rich in heavenly comfort"; and also "St. Cuth- bert and his Pilgrims" 3. G ºn ºf as a "stream of comfort. " sºvº, to the host of Nºt º'pilgrim friars" bring reports of "golden cities"; the pilgrim's privilege of hospitality in the middle l, B.F. vol. IX, p. 127. (2) ºp. 33,70 (3) 2nd Series, pp. 346 fif (4) Sée this thesis pſ. Sº (5) Acts I, II and iii. " (6) Prelude Bic. VII. º 39. (1) ages is alluded to in "the boon which staff and cockle hat and sandal shoon claim for the pilgrim"; and we have also "The Pilgrim's Dream". The ºly counter note is the allusion - - e. 44. fine situation. He deplores the destruction in sºund of z - religious buildings, saying, "There is no doubt that the humour of demolishing monuments of ancient piety and munificence Was both useless, mischievous and barbarous". Thus it is evident that all our authors with the excep- tion of Southey found the architecture and painting by which the medieval religious spirit received expression, of great º interest. They were drawn to it, not as students of architecture, but, in the case of Wordsworth, because of its appeal to his poetic fancy; in the case of Coleridge, because of the ideas it stood for, or which he imagined it stood for; and in the case of Scott, because it sººn faith and life of a bygone 3.33. 7. Forms, customs, etc. , in which the medieval religious spirit found expression. - 11 The rites and customs of the medieval church appealed Very strongly to Scott's imagination. He speaks of "those beautiful old Latin hymns which belong to the Catholic *º- C He writes to George Crabbe that he "very much prefers the Stabat Mater, Dies Irae, etc. to Buchanan and the Methodist hymns", that they sounded better to his "Gothic ear", and he repeated often the stabat Mater on his deathbed. He pauses in his (8). "Castle Dangerous" chap. XIX, p. 347 ff. cf. also for other Scene 3 p. 25 of this thesis. (9). Marmion introduction to Canto II. (10). Anne of Geierstein chap. XXX, p. 385, cf. also "Cell of St. Cuthbert" (The Abbot chap. YIII), and other instances as "Count Robert of Paris" p. 300 and "Marmion"Canto II. ſlº. "History of Scotland" vol. II, pp. 73ff. (2). "The Abbot" p. 83. - v. (3). "Life" vol. II, p. 240; vol. v. p. 426. 1) narrative to admire the anthem chanted at the trial of Rebecca. ( - He feels the reciºłº, sincerity and appeal to the heart and imagination" in the ceremonies of the church. In his impressive picture of the closing days of the Catholic Church in Scotland in "The Monastery", it is the "solem chant" of the monks, the "bells of the abbey" the "procession of monks" moving slowly forward from beneath the huge and richly adorned gateiray", the - º banner, pyx and chaliee, shrines containing relies, "the censors steaming with incense", the "long black gowns and cowls, with their white scapularies hanging over them", and the "brotherhood - raising the solemn chant De Profundis Clamavi" – that touched his - (4) heart and his fancy. Another impressive scene is in "The Tay of the Last Minstrel", in which a pilgrimage to Melrose Abbey and the service there is described— the awe and mystery, the "solemn requiem for the dead", the "hymn of intercession", the "Dies Irae", the pealing organ", etc. Yet another impressive use of the forms of the church is found in "The sººn especially the opening verses. (6) - In the "Wild Huntsman" we have "the bell calling sinful men to pray", and "the altar and rites of the church." *... ing to the tremendous effect of the poem. We find in Scott º of all sorts, "hunting mass", "nuptial mass", "masses for the dead." : "IVäTTCG, i. 373. - "Paul's Létters" works vol. v. p. 285. • Chapter XXXVI, pp. 360 fif. - • B. P. evol. I, Canto VI, verses 27–31. - Poetical Works, vol. IV, pp. 222:ff. - ãº. Works, vol. 6. • E. g. "Lord of the Isles, p. 266. 46. º - º - -- 1) . . . ! . . . . - - etc.; the rite of º and cristening; rites connected with ſº agº, as funeral dirges, the "last rites" death—prayers, the coronae of the Higlanders, the "soul-scatº, the "Tyke Wake Dirge", the funeral of Margarét of Anjoy in the Church of St. Saviour, and the funeral of Berange, with ris, Ghūr Ch. ritual; (3) . . . (4. - also "spousal rites; the solemn priestly blessing on Bruce, the ordeal by fire, bier-right, etc. , the "neck verse" or - 5 - Yº. Psalm read by criminals, claim the benefit of clergy; con- *. vigils, scourgings, beads told, and aves said, the ceremony of knighting, etc. We have a vast array of medieval religious terms, such as crucifix, candlesticks, "bell book and candle", sacring bell, ave maria, paternoster, "crossing" one's self, holy rood, benedicite, altar, rosary, curfew, aisle, dole, stipend, chalice, breviary, penance, taper, host, thorn-scourge, - novice, soapular, stole, cowl, dalmatique, ring, mitre, sackcloth vest, hair cloth shirt, assoilze, "avoid ye", etc. We find often that characteristic expression of medieval life, oaths in which - (7) - the intimate association of religion with the every day life (l). "Harold the Dauntless", p. 223. (2). "Lord of the Isles", pp. 142, 207 - ; "Anne of Geierstein", p. 421, "Castle Dangerous", chap. XIX. º, (3). "Iady of the Lake", p. 130 : "Iay of the Last II", ( Canto VI, verse W. (4). "Lord of the Isles", p. 90. (5). "Lay of the Last II", Canto V, verse XXIV. (6). G. g. "Lord of the Isles", pp. 77, 88, 6.3, 169, 181, etc. "Ivanhoe", p. 328, 376, ; "Fair Maid of P', p. 61. . "Abbot" p. 73 ff. 115; "Marmion", p. 278, 230, 286 fif; "Lay of the I. MA: Cantos III, V, VI: "Talisman", Ap. 63, 38. (7). "Ivanhoe” p. 467; "Talisman", p. 19. 47. appears, such as "by the cross of my sword", "By the holy sepulchre", "by the most beloved objects of our holy religion”. - - l - - In Scott also occur the Gºgº on of sanº, the giving of the º tithes to the church, even the sºle ºf Locksley giving scrupulously a tenth part of their spoil to the church; the º + (3) - - - -- *} reading of holy legends for their edifying effect; the º I – ation of festivals, as Ash Wednesday, Shrove Tide, etc.; the association of religion and love, in his remark suggested by r - the St. Valentine custom", Love and religion were closely allied,” and God and the ladies were appealed to in the same breath": and ... i. º finally the games and play of the people, as associated with religion, such as the festivities connected with Christmas, of which he says "who lists may in their mumming see traces of ** - (7) ancient mystery", and the Boy Bishop, and the Feast of Asses, (8) - and the Abbot of Unreason, all of which Scott evidently enjoyed - very much. He sometimes, however, is critical towards these same rites and customs. For example, he says that the customs GOnnected with the celebration of feasts became a mere excuse - "for gorging and licentiousness"; he makes Clement criticise (10) the observange of St. Valentine's day; and also the ordeal by Tºrº. 6 rº * (as a . /4 ſºo, to 2, 164– ... "Ivanhoe", pp. 323 f. - • "The Betrothed" chap. XXII, pp. 206f. ... "Fair Maid of Perth." p. 184; "Anne of Geierstein" p. 380, etc. . "Fair Maid of Perth (chap. XVI) Chap. 1, p. 5. Canto VI, and Introduction, and note. . "Anne of Geierstein" p. 381. - "Monastery" p. 189 and notes VIII and IX. "F. M. of P*. chap. XVI. - : Ibid. Chap. XXVII. j 48. combat, as "an insult to religion rather than an appeal to deity". He speaks also of ºbstacise superstition with all its absurd ritual and solemnities". He deprecates the idea of reviving in France mediº religion "with its processions and superstitions and mummery of barberous ages. When visiting Rome he declared that the ceremonies of the church were "more poºl in description than in reality". His indignation is aroused by Louis XI's scrupulous º of the forms of religion. While yet committing the worst crimes; he speaks of "this most Christian king" with the images of saints in his hat band, counting on his excessive private devotions to mak 5 up for public citimes, etc. The charge of formalism he often makes, and his * description of the confession of Eustace to the Abbot Boniface shows that he did not take the rites of the church with entire seriousness. J. In his poetry, Coleridge shows an artistic and imagin- ative appreciation of the rites and customs and life of the medieval church in general. Note in the "Ancient Mariner" the use of vespers", the cross, Curse, penance, the spell, "by him who died on cross" "by the holy rood", and won s a rive me, shrive - -º me, Holy man" etc.; also in "Christabel", the sacristan º, / (l). "Life" vol. V., pp. 240 £f; cf. vol. II, p. 515. (2). "Paul's Letters". Works voi. V., p. 292. (3). "Life" vol. V, p. 242; "Marmion" canto II, verse xxxi. (4). "Quentin Durwärä" pp. 51, 61, 67, 31, 12liff, 175 fif, 185, 359, etc. 1. "Ivanhoe” pp. 165ff. "Minstrelsy" etc. vol. I, p. 193. ). "Monastery" chap. x. º | 49. "Who duly pulls the heavy bell, Five and forty beads must tell, Between each stroke a warning knell", and beads, cross, matin bells, "by the wounds in Jesus sider etc.; also in the "Foster Mother's Tale" the description of the boy brought up in the woods, who "never learnt a prayer nor told a bead" and had a friar as a friend and teacher, but dabbled in º magic, and disappeared; also in º "So shall the church's cleansing rites be thing, Her knells and masses that redeem the dead"; and in the same play the song, "In a chapel on the shore Shall the chaunters, sad and saintly, Yellow taper's burning faintly, Doleful masses chaît for thee, Miserere Domine"; (2) also in "Zapolya, "cross thyself", chapel, altar, oratory, etc. We can find in Coleridge's prose works also expressions of praise or sympathy for the forms of medieval religious life. Note his remarks in the Battle of º as illustrating the way in . Which people in the middle ages celebrated in song "men who died / for religion and country" in a great defeat; the Greeks, he says, did not sing such events, and so "the Goths touch our hearts as 1). 9 p. 378ff. 2). 9 p. 423ff. ). Works vol. IV, p. 236, Lecture II "On the General Character of Gothic J, it erature and Art,” . * - - * 50. the Greeks do not", ſote his fondness for belis as indicated in the collection of * he had made about bells in the middle ages, their influence against evil spirits, the naming of bells after saints, etc.; also his suggestion in ºna", ºst as a reaction from the extreme rationalism. of the day it might be well to "enkindle enthusiasm" by "the vivifying influence of the altar and the censor and the sacri– (3) fice"; and also his appreciative account of medieval miracle plays, and especially of a miracle play that he saw in Germany. But in spite of these favorable comments, Coleridge speaks at - (4) times very strongly on the other sode. Note for example "the (5) antic ceremonies in Catholic Germany"; "the adoration of the tº ff - cross, the worshipping of relics, holy water, and all the other aw & Cº., countless mummeries of Popery"; "the two characteristics which (6) I have most observed in Roman Catholic mummery processions, baptisms, etc., are, first, the immense noise and jingle-jingle as if to frighten &Way the demon commonsense, and secondly, the unmoved, stupid, uninterested faces of the conjurers", so that he prefers the old Greek mythology as expressed in its º also his strong criticism of the idea of ºf the absolute merit of ceremonial observances", "RTTTTTCCTEe" p. 210. Works, vol. II, p. 395. Works vol. IV, pp. 31ff and 258. "Letters of Coleridge" p. 676. Literary Remains Works, vol. V, p. 45. "Anima Poetae", p. 143. Ibid., p. 124. . - -- - - 9 Southey's poems are full of ºvel, ſºciº customs and forms. There are, for example, in "All for Love" the rites by which one becomes a num, the marriage ceremony of the Eastern Church, funeral forms, the custom of public penance and con– ressiºn the case of notorious or excessive sin. The poems º "Queen Orraca", "The Old Woman of Berkeley", and 'ºueen Mary's Christening contain such forms as the mass, ringing of vesper bells as a call to prayer, confession, fg} such terms as the cord, russet gray robes, etc. In "Joan of Arc" We have the tonsure, vesper bells sounding among the hills, the altar, crucifix, requiem, choral hymn, "holy water, tapers, beads, mass, the ceremony of anointing a king with "mystic oil", a procession to the church of St. Catherine, and the devotions of Joan of Arc. In "Amadis of Gaul" confeſsion is accompanied . with the words "What is disclosed in the confessional must never be revealed”, and in the same poem among other forms is gºn the ceremony of Knighting Amadis"in the name of God". O - "Madoc" has the rite of excommunication of a Welsh chieftain, the solemn vow of a pilgrimage mass for the repose of a soul, a solemn procession of monks in the church in "The Holy Isle , of Bardsay" in memorial of the dead, also holy water, incense, the elevation of "the mighty mystery", tapers, alb, thurible, an impressive account of a farewell mass in St. Cybi's, the queen and prince exchanging crucifixes at parting, as a "holy pledge", (l). B. P. vol. VII, pp. 137, 147ff, 157, 166, 174, etc. {2}. B.P. vol. VI, pp. 152ſf, 160ff, 20%ff. (3) B.P. vol. I, p. 67, 70, 222, nºte to 61, 72, 74, Goff, 162. (4). Vol. I, pp. 5, 7, 33, £34. W. (5) - E-F- vol. V, pp. 32, 90, 107ff, 140f, 251. 52. and the ceremony of sprinkling with holy water. In ºan are Vigils and masses in the Church of St. Mary of Westua, the phrase "receive this Holy Body", a "Mass of the Holy Trin- ity" in the Church of St. Pedro, the Cid "crossed his forehead”, the wedding ceremony of the Cid's daughter in the church of St. Mary at Valencia, an elaborate account of the rites at the tomb of the Cid. When it was opened, sprinkling with holy water, and the phrase "the hour of tierce". In º are oblations • for the dead, rites at the death of Count Julian, Alphonso "kiss- ed the cross", and vowed to God to rid Spain of the Moors, the coronation of Pelayo, the laying on of hands by a pilgrim to heal the sick, the consecration of Roderick to win men to the faith, and such terms as alb, 3 ope, rosary, crosier, mitre, Orary, etc. In the instances just described these medieval religious forms are given as part of the background of the poems, and usually in such a way as to make the religious life of the 3. - - middle ages attractive and *. But the mention in Southey's letters of Catholic ceremonial and religious forms is usually of an adverse character. Note 3.3 examples of this his (4) - - account of "The Procession of the Body of God" which he calls , "the naked nonsense of blasphemy", and of a Lenten procession, (T. R.T.T.T.T.40, 225, 280, 282, 458. (2) B.P. vol. IX, pp. 18, 38, 128, 181ſ, 186f and note and 600 25Off and not; e. (3). An exception to this is found in "Joan of Arc". B. P. vol. I, Blº. III, pp.72ſſ discussed on 4 & / of this thesis in which the mass, confession, absolution, "etc., are criticised by the heroine with the evident approval of the poet. (4). "Life and correspondence" 125, 136, 740, p. 123; "Letters from, Spain', etc., vol. IV, p. 143. 5 3. - and of the manifold ways in which the religiousness of the people of Portugal is expressed on all occasions, by processions, fes— fivals, adoration of relics, worshipping of images; also his account of a 'Padrona’ or place of prayer by the road Side with its cross and inscription. So too in his notes to the above mentioned poems, he often criticises medieval or modern gatholic forms. Note his account of the pall, as "made of lamb's ºl and Superstition", and also the contrasting of mass with measºn. º 3/ While Wordsworth's pages are not thickly Sprinkled With these terms as are those of Scott or Southey, yet they occur in some abundance, and where they are not used merely for the sake of color, without any indication of the author's feel- ing, they are almost always used with evidence of sympathy and appreciation, confirming What * Wordsworth says of 2– C - his brother "As a poet Mr. Wordsworth was predisposed to Sympathize with a form of religion which appears to afford some exercise for the imaginative faculty. . . He loved reverence, de- corum, and even splendor and magnificence, in the worship of God". *. had a **** to prefer the call of the spirit as manifested in Nature, yet he warmly commends the "gall of the Spirit" as contained in "incense from the altar, and "flung from , º swinging censer", and "taper lights" etc. Among "Other Bene- !º, in medieval religion he enumerates "the altar", "the domestic (6) oratory", and the "chaunted rite"; he regrets the destruction of [T]. B. F. vol. Ix, p. 163, note. {2}. B.F. Yoi. III, p. loo. (3). "Memorºsº of wºrdsworth" vol. II, p. 150. (4). "Devotional Incitements". - (5). "Eccl. Son." Part II, son VI. \ (6). “Prelude" Bic." II. 54. º an old shrine once "served daily with chaunted rites" and he misses, as a young man in France, the "matin bell" and the "twilight taper" and the "cross" etc. In contrast with the factory life and rush for gain of these modern times he commends º º (2 - " - - - "Our ensºrs who "kept their vigils", and "tapers, day and - uiſ - - night on the dim altar burned continually, and he adds "religious 2. º j sº 3 men were they". He likes "the crucifix" "in calm procession 4) s. borne aloft;" and the Gross º him who floats in air, the pictiºd Saviour, He feels the appeal of "the º belier, and sºlºs", and "solemn ceremonial” and the "chant- ing of tº ºr Ely" is to him "the thrill of heaven descend- ed., piety and song"; and he is impressed by "the choral Ave Maria sung by pilgrims". He seems to enjoy also "the cross legged 9) (10) effigy" of the buried crusader, the "hooded cenobite", the "staff 11) - - and cockle hat" of the pilgrim. The modern survival of medieval forms he seems also sympathetic with, as e.g. in his "Tour on C. - (12) the Continent" (in 1820) he felt impressed by the "spirit of antiquity enshrined in sumptuous buildings, vocal in sweet song, in picture, etc.", and the "devout solemnities", and he refuses to "disdain the altar, to deride the fane, where simple suffer- / ers band, in trust, to win a happier hour". % (TTTTTTEle. Ix. (2) Excursion Bk. VIII. §º. I. (4). Eccl. Son, Part I, Son. XIV. 5) Prelude Blº. VI. {}}: "Tour in Scotland." XXXI and E31. Son, Part I, Son. VII. 7) : Ibid. Part I, Son. XXX. (8). "On the power of sound". - Hº "Eccl. Son", Part II, son. VIII and "Armenian Lady" etc. 10). Ibid. Part II. Son. W. - (ii) . 73%. Bessºr. " - (12). "Memorials, etc." cf. II, III, XIV. \ 55. The only points in the ceremonial or custom of the medieval church which we find him criticising, are the mass, which is to Thim "A cereºhial fence", and the Latin prayers of the liturgy º which he calls "blind channels of an unknown tongue". The custom of "sanctuary" he leaves an open º, saying "If full oft the Sanctuary save lives black with guilt, ferocity it calms", etc. Wordsworth's general liking,the life of the middle ages and the way in which it was saturated with º religious flavor and custom appears in his description of the (4) minstrel and his life, "now resting with a pilgrim by the side of a clear brook or "beneath an abbey roof" or "haply shrouded in a hermit's cell", his harp protecting him from ºthe Sword of war", - and all this in striking contrast to "these our unimagin– ative days". Thus all our authors, apparently, feel the charm and value of these forms but feel a need of caution against them, especially When they consider them as possible substitutes for modern Protestant religious ways. 8. The Medieval church and the Supernatural- 1) The supernatural had a great fascination for Scott. , He had naturally much of the "fear that loves the tale she shrink; ). "Eccl. Son" Part I, Son. XXX. ). Ibid. Part II, Son. XXXIII. ). Ibid Part I, Son. XXIV. Add also on Wordsworth and ceremonia. etc., "The Force of Prayer", "Inscriptions," "Borderers." Act I, (by the Mass) etc. - (4). "Excursion" Blº. II, opening lines. (5). "Marmion". Introduction to Canto I. - 56. to hear". He was naturally somewhat sensitive to omens, etc. Be Writes in his "Journal", "I am not superstitious but I wish this resſiºn had not been twice delayed by such sinister accidents, etc". The matº &ºm is called by the editor of his "Letters" his "pet superstition". However, he mingled a good deal of strong common sense with his feeling about the supernatural . . "He solº sº Lockhart, "to let his fancy run Wild about ghosts, witches and horoscopes, but I venture to say, that had he sat on a judicial bench a hundred years before he was born no man would have been more certain to give juries sound direction in estimating the pretended evidence of super- natural occurrences of any sort". Scott's interest was also Somewhat *. He was interested in finding the natural- istic * of marvels. But his chief interest, after all, in these things was from the * point of view. He discuss– ed often the "use of supernatural * aſ '" ; he wrote of 6 "Harold the Dauntless", that it is a "sort of tale of knight errantry and º which, entre nous, I am very fond of . and again "Superstition is very picturesque and I make it at times stand me in great stead". We find accordingly, an abundant and Varied treatment of medieval superstitions and customs and ideas (I). WCT. T.I.I.T.T.T., 1827. * (2). Letters vol. I, p. 350. (3). "Life" vol. V, p. 446 cf. also po. 131f. (4). Ibid vol. W. * D - on explanation of phenomena of dreams; also p. 405 on ghosts; cf. also "Minstrelsy" etc. vol. I, p. 198. (5). Prose Works vol. III, pp. 329ff, also 314 fif, and 369ff; cf. Vol. II, pp. 338 fiſ. - - (6). "Letters" vol. I, p. 35Q. - (7). Life, vol. 7, p. º: of... his defense of the use of the supernatural in "Lady of the Take", p. 115, note 2. . - - - - . Gonnected with the sºn, as follows: a) The comingling of native pagan superstitions with Christian ideas, the fairy world with its more or less harmless spirits with the Christian notion of demons of hell, etc. For example, the disembodied Spirits which according to popular * - - belief haunted certain places are exorcised *} Christian priests; and a ghost is laid by the application of a mixture of º mouth and sow's ear" and the name of God and Mary and the sign (4) - of the cross; the fairies also came to be considered of "infer-- ºnal ºrigin" and "the fulminations of the church were directed against those who consulted or consorted with fairies". Scott presents, also, the ºr medieval Christians to the heathen deities, viz., that they were devils, etc. We have the World of the Wizard º, a goblin hall -- built by magic, and "souls forged by fairy lore", river demons, water sprites, a charmed fountain, a magic amulet, "granarye", spells, "the magic book", "the spirit of the flood” and the "spirit of the felis", "a phanton sire", etc., and accounts of how the Christian sacraments awe the Fairy world and how the sign of the cross is a protection against the elves, and is able to restore a man made into an elf back to human form again. (T). Cf. alsº on Scott's interest in the supernatural, on Fairy Superstition, "Letters on Demonology" and Witchcraft, etc. (2). "Minstrelsy of the Scottish Border" vol. I, Introduction (3). Ibid. Appendix No. V. pp. 1991. (4). Ibid vol. II, p. 292. - (5). "Marmion" note II. (6). "Bridal of Triermain" pp. 64f, 91 "Monastery" pp. 96 fif. "Talisman"pp. 43, 37, "I ay of Last Ministrel" Canto III, Verse VIII. (i) y He speaks of the fact that the medieval romances were tabooed by the church because of the elements of enchantment, etc. in them. The demon world and commerce with it and the efficacy of (2) - - - - - - - - º Christian rites against it plays a part in "Harold the Dauntless", A. --~~ - the hero being in league with the "master demon", but being finally (3) - won to the church. The minstrel Bertram in "Castle Dangerous" - (4) - - - -- º is accused of practising necromancy. The Counts of Arnheim are believed to be in league with evil powers and this motive plays a leading role in "Anne of Geierstein", and the same motive is a (5) (6) leading one in "Count Robert of Paris". We have in"Marmion" "the wizard priest" whose "bones are thrust, "from company of (7) of holy dust"; and the frown of the church on the use of "Tag- hairm" as a means of getting knowledge of the future, in the (3) –- "Lady of the Lake. The clergy in "Ivanhoe” attempt to punish Rebecca as a sorceress, and to drive out demons in several (9) - - cases. The monk Eustace and also the sacristan are bewitched, and the "White Lady" makes repeated appearance in "The Monastery". "The "Lay of the Last Minstrel" as a whole is a fine presentation of medieval faith in and fear of the manipulations of the invis– ible world, and of the church's attitude to fairy lore, the black * art, and the spirit **ººl. Other phases presented by scott are the control of a ghost in a corpse by a priest saying (11) the pater noster backwards; a "Demon Lover"checked in his career - lºssay on Romance", Prose Works, vol. VI, p. 188. . £5. 144ſ, 155, 155, 189, 1991. 202, etc. - - £. 24.1; ºf. p. 200ff on the spectre of Thomas the Rhymer. º, p. 120ff, 126;ff, 283. (5). pp. 194, 109ff, 298. - .."Isrnion" .. 85 f. (7). "Lady of the Lake, p. 156 and note - . Pp. 368, 456, 377, cf. "The Abbot, p. 357. - (l) - . . . . by "holy herbs"; the assurance that *he devil hates holy water", and that necromancy is "the art that none may name; and that sorcery and enchantment are "tabooed by the church”; ºn Y - - º - 3. pºt uses all the arts of exorcism to wrest a treasure from - - - . . . (3) the keeping of the devil and fails; a Christian ºłº who has turned Mohammedian is rescued from the demonie power that has enslaved him thus, by a rosary and the sign of the cross, while the ejaculation "bonne grace notºr uttered altogether *. unwittingly is enough to destroy the power of the sword given to this recre ant; Christian by the "Fire King". Astrology plays a role in *. in the per- son of the astrologer Martius Galeotti, and in Louis XI, Who consults the stars as a guide. In this same novel the Bohemian has a mysterious knowledge of the future. Astrology also appears in "Castie Dangerous" and in "The Talisman, where the hermit of Engedi looks out from his "mountain turret upon the starry host of heaven" and tells Richard "there sits an enemy in thy 'house of Ilife" . . . "an ensnation of Satan", while Richard replies, giving the church view of astrology, "away, 3.W&J , his is a heath ºn science. . . . Christians practice it not", and the hermit finally admits he has read the stars wrong, but insists "the , heavenly host write nothing but truth in their brilliant records", etc. In "Anne of Geier Stein"We have alchemy, in the furnace, t; he w (CJ alembic , etc. ºx {}}} - ºf an ºat- (9). "[Ionºsºº" EU, 72, 286, 310:// etical Works, vol. III, p. ll and notes. - (li), "Ibid. pp. 194 f, and 184f. J "House of Aspen" p. 397, (2) "Marmion" p. 297 of. "Minstrelsy" vol. I, p. 199 and vol. II (3) British Poets, vol. VI, pp. 106 fif. | p. 283. * º: of Trièrmain", p. 32. (5). pp. 110, 212, 236 and note x. Pp: 334, 337, etc. (7)pp. 191, 306, of. also planetary signſ in Marmion, pp. 157 ff. (6) p. 121. A 60. b) Supernatural interference in general. - l A supernatural fire greets Robert º as he lands in º Scotland. The "Noble Moringer" is º guided in a dream; the future of Spain is unfolded in a vision to *herick; and We have several allusions to the prophetic power of Thomas the Rhymer. The "Wild Hunstman" is supernºrails punished; and the monks of coºl- are requited for their expulsion by a divine judgment. A supernatural warning comes from the Cross *. of Bºrsº, Marmion heard a "dead ºlin which betokens" the death of a dear friend". Many miracles occur in connection with (9) - the founding of the Chapel of "Our Lady of the Ferry"; Cuth- (10) 'bert's miracles, both before and after his death, are recounted; (11) the Bible is miraculously preserved; the divine inter position is appealed to by the º y fire, by bier-right and by combat. 2) Coleridge makes much use of the supernatural in his poems, but of a general sort, that is, not peculiar especially to the middle ages, and also of the forms of it that are dis– tinctly medieval; but in all cases we may say that with Coleridge TTTTTTTTTTTE Isles", pp. 192, 195ſ. - (2). B. P. vol. VI, p. 214. . (3). "Vision of Don Roderick" pp. 379ff. - (4). Poetical Works, vol. V, pp. 9ſf, 19t. (5). B. P. vol. VI, pp. 171ſf. (6ſ. irmion, . 378. (77. Ibid. Canto II, verse 13. (8). "House of Aspen', p. 398. (9). "Anne of Geierstein', pp. 215, 222. º: *::::, 72. 96 as: ºf Tº **** - - º II. 2. º > - - WW §§º # º I) • 34i; of. "Marmion" p. 266 and note. 61. w" (1) it springs from the contact of the modern imagination with medieval beliefs". We have in the "Foster ſlother's Talen the boy who learned magic and was punised by the church, and who finally "#11 alone, set sail by silent moonlight, Up a great river, great as any sea, And ne'er was heard of more", In this poem the air of mystery is partly purely general, . and partly medieval. The same thing may be said of "The Ancient Mariner". The whole spirit of the poem is suggested in the motto Coleridge placed at its beginning, "Facile credo plures esse naturas invisibles quam visibles in rerum universitate". But this idea or spirit is expressed largely through medieval terms r L-w and conceptions, such as the mysterious albatross, the bird of A good onen, the idea of divine vengeance, the spell, "the Wicked whisper" that checks, the attempts at prayer on the part of the Mariner, the curse, the spectre Woman and Death her mate, the ship navigated by dººd men, and also the "hermit good." whom he - 7 asks to "shrive ºthe bloody sunº, the storm blast "like a demon", "His—ºre- the chapel, as well as the Whole air of vagueness and indefiniteness. The effect is much heightened by color- ſ idge's marginal comments, as, e.g. "A spirit had followed them; Oſlº of the invisible inhabitants of this planet, neither depart- ed souls or angels, etc". The same Spirit is in "The Wanderings of Cain" in which gain and his boy Enoch meet and commune , with º, ſ' 72 *_ , , . a. º. oº lºº! (TTEESTETST3it. p. 54 ) º-º-º-º-º: - | (2). Cf. also "The Mad Monk" whº, sº es in the hues of the leaves a wierd reminder of his or frº- 62. * more distinctly and fully medieval. The motive of magic, sorcery, etc., dominates the poem, appearing in Geraldine the witch who is weak as she comes to the threshold, but strong again when Christabel has lifted her over; and in the spell the Witch puts upon her, Jhe relation of the church to the occult is evident in "Jesu Maria, shield her Well, etc". In addition we have the fact that Christabel is led out of the castle by her dream; the ill omened dream of Bracy the bard; the queer look of the moon andſºr action of the mastiff; the tongue of flame from the dead ashes in the fireplace leaping out as Geralding passes; and Geraldine talk- ing with the "bodiless dead". º The same is true of ºrse". Although the sorcerer is merely Alvar in disguise, and the audience understands it is all "make believe", yet the medieval idea of magic, and the church's attitude to it are vividly presented. The sorcerer is besought to have his "imps" bring up from the underworld "some tokens, etc.”; the result is declared by Valdez to be due to "no mortal agency"; Teresa says these are "lawless 7 mysteries", "unholy rites", and she does not believe the y "dead hear the voice of witch or Wizard"; and finally the "Familiars of the Inquisition" break in and arrest the sorcerer as an offender against Holy Church, etc. - (l). Gif. Beers op. cit. p. 61, and also Brandſ. "Life" pp. 206 fif, especially "her (Christabel's) ancestry ramifies all through the middle ages". cf. also p. 33. (2). See Act II, Sc. 1, also Sc. II; Act III, Sc. 1; Act IV Sc. lº (l), In "Za polye), also, we have ast clºs "changeful planet", "my bright destiny", etc. In "Kubla Khan", in addition to the vague mystery suggested by "caverns measzureless to man", We have "incense bearing trees", "demon loved", "holy and en- *ºne "a woman wailing for her demon lover". $ghiller's --> "waiienstein', which Coleridge translated, turns largely on the emotive of astrology. In Coleridge's prose works we find similar evidence of his keen interest in the Supernatural. In an introductory note to the "Translation of a Passage in Ottfried's Metrical Para- phrase of the Goshtl", he says, "It is most interesting in it to consider the effect when the feelings are wrought above the natural pitch by belief in something mysterious, while all the images are purely natural". He speaks again of astrology and alchemy as childish and fanciful ways of utilizing What must be essentially true, viz., "there must be chemical ºiations between the planets.... there must be a common law, upon which all can become each and each can become all". He shows an open mind to what he saw in Catholic Germany of belief in *5 natural healing by religious practices, such as "magical powers attributed to one particular formula of Words", the "vows of pilgrims", "antic eeremonies" performed for people who are sick, of which he says it "is very natural that people should be healed in this way very often". He compares favorably the superstitions of Malta, Sicily, and Southern Italy with those of * (TIT-Tae" seene II. . . . . - - (2) Part I, "The Pigeologini", Aºt 1, ºr 1++: º Aº 11: 39. A II, IV & VIII, and Act. V, 39. II & III; also Act IV, Sc. I, VII. etc. (3) "Table Talk" works vol. VI, pp. 384f. —º'Letters" pp. 294 f. 64. Spain, the former being "good natured" and "not a whit less like the true religion of our Lord than the gloomy idolatry of Spain". He tells us, also, that before he had seen Goethers "Faust" he had drawn up a plan for a tragedy on Michael Scott and his sorcery, which was to be to y mind, what Faust was to Goethe's". He thinks Michael Scott a "better original than Faust". Coleridge, indeed, had always, even from his early youth, had a strong interest in the supernatural. Speaking of his º he says "I was haunted with spectres whenever I was in the dark", "From my early reading of fairy tales and genii. . . my mind had been habituated to the Wast, and I never regarded my senses jº, any way as the criteria of my belief". He refers in his ºrs", also, to an essay on the Supernatural which X- he wrote in early life, in which he considered the subject of ghosts, and he never lost his interest in these matters, as is evidenced by the many remarks scattered through his vairious ºned works, as well as by the fact that he devoted an entire lecture to the subject of dreams, apparitions, alchemy, etc. While some of the quotations º given show that his *; , est was purely scientific or philosophical, "a flower of medieval / or of later German romance, growing up in the peculiarly compounded TTTTFETs TalkT, TWorks vol. VI, pp42.lff. Coleridge gives an out- line of the tragedy. (2) Letters p. 684. Cf. Stopford (3) Works vol. cº-º: in the English Foets" p.68, pp. 31.9f. Lecture XII; cf. also "Table Talk", Works vol. VI, p. 26 if and 270f, The Friend Works vol. II, pp. 134, and "Anima Poeta; "p. 278. -: (4) Cf. aiso Life of Wesley by Southey, annotated by Coleridge, note to vol. I p. 19, on the Wesley goblin, and note to p. 140 on º he phenomena connected with conversions under Wesley. º - - - - -* - - - - - - - - 5) Walter pater "Appreciations" pp. 97 f : . * iggiº is itera: --- - -- º - ". - ºr - yº - - G. 4 65. atmosphere of modern psychological speculation", nevertheless, like Wordsworth, he had much of the medieval attitude of mind to the invisible World, which made him sympathetic to a degree With the medieval as opposed to the modern idea of nature and the ºneºul. It is said of him that he entertained "the perpetual hope, the half belief that the veil of the senses Would be rent in twain, and that he and not another would be **** to lay bare the mysteries of being". In the "intro- duction" to his "Lay Sermon, addressed to the Higher and Middle Classes" he describes an imaginary vision in which the crowd, in trying to get away from the temple of Superstition rush into a save where the spirit reigns that denies the Supernatural in tle name of materialism, which turns out to be only super- Stition in another form. This is Coleridge's Way of meeting those who would deny the supernatural in the name of science. 3) wordsworth has so little to say directly about the medieval church and its idea of the supernatural that it is difficult to determine his a ttitude in this matter. His refer- -º- ences to "superstition" or to the miraculous, etc. , are char- acteristically vague as to time or other particulars. However, it is certain that he was sympathetic with the idea of a sººn presence in the world which has a close relation with the lives of men, and he treats with evident pleasure the so- called popular superstitions; but when he directly associates' __ - §: TTTTTTTE ad, Preface p. XIII, E. H. Coleridge. 2). Works vol. IV. p. 157. - - tº . {3}. . . . . . ºnºs unier "Mysticism", ºkº. Rºll ..) 66. the idea of the Supernatural or of superstition with the medieval or Roman church a tone of censure is apt to appear. Note as examples (of which there are not many) of his refer- ence to the church and the supernatural or superstition, etc.; his condemnation of Duºn Whose "thoughts, etc. , "do in the Supernatural world abide", and Dumstan's "sorceries of talents misapplied" in which Wordsworth seems to imply a fraud - - ulent use of the Supernatural; also his reference to "the (2) Supernatural horror" of the people before the elevated host; (3) and his comment on Chaucer's "Prioress' Tale", "The mode in - which the story is told amply at ones for the extravagance of the rºse(e. . But, on the other hand, we find him praising medieval monkish legends, which were so largely miraculous, Y- as "legends penned for solace by dim light of monkish lamps"; and the monks are included among "the forgers of daring tales" whom he praises for their power to interest childhood, * of the { {} individual or of the race. He also inserts in "Peter Bell" a legend in the spirit of the medieval legends of "a ghostly word" that was miraculously flashed on a book in which a man was reading and which "brought many a sin to light out of the º bottom of his heart. He says º º legendary miracles of the - 6 middle ages that, "miracles believed - - Wrought in men's minds like miracles achieved, So Piety took root", etc. (ITCCT. Sºn: Part I, son. XXVIII. (2) Ibiſ Part II, Son. XI. | Note by Wordsworth to this poem. º Prelude B]. W. 6 - (3 (5) Part III opening stanzas "St Bees". 67. and after reciting the excellent deeds and lives connected with "St Bees" he compares favorably "the old credulities" of those days With the present reign of "Reason" to which "matter and spirit are as one machine. In "St. Catherine of Ledbury" he gives a legend from "monkish books" of a supernatural warning received from the ringing of Ledbury bells "when human touch... nor was applied nor could be", given to a "saintly anchoress" * she followed to her eternal benefit; and in the "Borderers, Which is laid in Henry III's time, he makes use of the sense and fear of the supernatural as a motive. We have also a number of instances in which Wordsworth treats the medieval theme of the church and its relation to the demon world, e.g. in "The Egyptian Maid" we have "the occult and perilous lore" and "crossing" one- self as a protection against it; from which the moral is drawn, "Who shrinks not from alliance Of evil with good powers To God proclaims despair etc.", In "Descriptive Sketches", again, "A view.less flight of laughing Demons mock s, by angels planted on the aerial rocl:"; and ºw The Cr OS (2) - - - - in "The Borderers" Oswald is said to have a "dim relation" to imagined beings" and to "those infernal . . . fiends" etc. Although not having any direct reference to the middle ages or the medieval church, note the following references to popular superstitions, etc. "The Wishing Gate" and "The Wishing Gate Destroyed" in which Wordsworth enters with relish into this old superstitious fancy, saying "should ye depart, Je superstitions * TIGE I: (2) Act II. J 68. of the heart, how poor a thing were life", but adding, lest he should be taken too literally, "not Fortune's slave is man", who should rather "º in sovereign law", ālso #ºneers of "rooks which angels haunt", and "eaves Where fairies sing", and "the - dolorous groan emitted by the spring”; “% "Lucy Gray"still supposed by the people to be Wandering "on the lonesome wild"; We lºve also the "Astrologer" and "the Ancient woman” in the "Waggoner", who "sit upon Helmcrag together", "as if intent Oil magic Spell"; and finally eter Bell" we have the use of superstitious terrors, as a wºº/of regeneration, such as "the chain turned round him by domoniac powers", "the ghost like li image of a cloud and the man who "uprises like a ghost" from 7 the river". We may add also the º repeated assertion of C - Wordsworth's that he is not afraid of being superstitious, but would rather take "a fearful apprehension from the owl Or death watch, and as readily rejoice If two auspicious magpies crossed my path" than be like those ultra-scientific or rational people whose "soul is dead and feeling hath no place". But on the other º we must not forget his faith in a world "ruled by those fixed laws whence spiritual dignity originates", and his criticism of those to whom the sense of the presence of a Spirit world means terror, rather than merely Wonder and rever- ºnce, as it does to him. TTT. "SCTE at the Feast of Broagham Castle". ). “Hart Leap Well" cf. also "The Thorn", and the curse in "Goody Blake" iith its miraculous effect. 3). "Excursiºn; Ek IV, cf. The Solitary ºurged to enroll himself "in the many chambered school where superstition weaves her ſ| º mº- drea = c anaeror who mesºnan tº , A 69. 4) Southey has a lively interest in the supernatural as it appears in connection with the medieval church. The natural beni of his mind predisposed him to such interest. Writing of supernatural warnings and appearances he says, "I lean to belief ºir, and his own dreams are full of commerce With the dead. The following variations of the supernatural in connection With the medieval church may be found in his pages: (2) 9. Supernatural warnings and punishments for crimes, Such as a miraculous light: ; a pirate Supernaturally punished ; the supernatural warning and death of Bishop Bruno, supernatural attestation of disapproval of an abbot's selfishness and pride; the ordeal by fire as a means of determining guilt. (3) b) Supernatural interference on behalf of those favored by Heaven, as, for example, the divine attestation to Joan of Are of the genuineness of her claims; "fliraculous manifest– ations inspiring Christians against Mohammedians; the appear- ance of angels and saints, * rain, etc. 4. 9] Collusion with elves, or evil powers of various kinds, look on nature with a superstitious eye of love". (4). Prelude Ek. XIII of the references under "Mysticism". (5). Gr. "The Haunted Tree" and Prelude Ek. W.; in the latter passage Wordsworth praises one who is not afraid of "Super- natural fear where it leaps upon him in the dark". (T. WISHEsº vol. I, p. 64, cf. "Correspondence with Caroline Bowles" pp. 364 fif, and 318; also "Life of Wesley" vol. I, pp. 18tſ and 279ff, also note VII in vol. II. (2). "British Poets" (e.g. of on vol. VI, pp. 29, i26, 133, 152 fif, 180ff, poems "Inchcape Rock, "Bishop Bruno", "Queen Oraca", "St. Gualberto" etc. , and Vol. I, "Joan , of Arc" p. 76. (3). "Ioan of Arº, pp. 77, 130,26,41,193, etc.; "The did", Intro- duction pp. 199ſf, also pn. 226, 282, 463, 460, etc. - ? and the relation of the church to this. This is a favorite theme with Southey. Examples are: the mystic lore of Merlin; the spell broken by Oriana. When she "crossed herself and commend- ed herself to God", in "Amadis of Gaul"; a demon exorcised by the "holy altar", a bargain with the devil checked by uttering the name of Jesus, Bishop Antidius riding on the devil's back and controlling him by the power of the Pater Noster" and "Ave"; the conflict between church rites, such as masses, etc., with . . the devil for the body of "The Old Woman of Berkeley (a witch); and the long poem"All for Love" in which a man obtains his bride by means of a compact with satan, forms used for get-- ting into connection with the fiend are described, the final Victory over Satan by help of the cross, prayers to the Saints, relics, ceremonial of various kinds, penances, and a miraculous interposition.&m many of the above cases Southey treats the theme with his characteristic raillery, especially in the ballads. But in the case of Joan of Arc, the cid, etc., his tone is quite different, and the medieval notion of the supernatural association with men's lives is presented with Sympathy. Summing up the attitude of our authors to the medieval faith in the supernatural, etc., we may Say that, although there f are qualifiestions to be made, yet all of them are naturally of the tenorament that would make them sympathetic with the médieval point of view in this matter. All of them are too thoroughly *- (4). "Ballads and Metrical Tales" (B.P. vol. VI) pp. 14, 20 14lff, "All Fºr (B.P. vol. VII) Iº e iº 2 “Amadič of Gaul', vol. III, pp. 291 ff. 71. - (l) modern to accept this point of view without demur, and too much devoted to a church which discounted to a large extent, the medieval and modern Catholic position on these points, to let their natural inclination have full swing, but if we should take their poetic work alone, or in the case of Scott, his fiction in general, whether poetic or prose, we should get the impression of a highly sympathetic presentation of the medieval attitude toward the supernatural world and its various manifest:- ations , for evil or good, in human life. &#e. - we may add a brief mention of the feeling of our authors towards medieval mysticism, as a sort of footnote to our treatment of their feeling towards the medieval point of view about the Supernatural. 1) Wordsworth, although he was a mystic himself, and an interesting comparison * * between his mysticism and that of the medieval mystics, yet shows practically no acquaint- ance with them, the only one he mentions being St. Francis of (1). witHTSCTEſſey the check on his entire sympathy with the medieval spirit here seems to be anti-Roman Catholicism; With Coleridge it is partly the same and partly the scientific or philosophic spirit ; with Scott; it is partly churchmanship, but more largely robust common sense; and with Wordsworth it is partly churchmanship, and partly his conception of natural law. (2). Wordsworth was like the medieval mystics, and indeeddall mystics, a in his sense of immediate communion with Cod, cf. ºf e.g. "Tintern Abbey, " "Excursion", and "Prelude" passim", etc., with Taylor "Medieval Mind", vol. I, pp. 422ff. (b) in the feeling that the mystic trance was a "supra-rational experience", cf. e.g. "Med. Mind", vol I, p. 417. With "Tintern Abbey", "I have felt a presewee", etc." and "Yarrow Unvisited", and many passages in "Excursion traná "Prelude ". But on the other hand Wordsworth is mysticism was different from that of the medieval mystics in the relation of nature to it. With Wordsworth Nature was not Inerely a divine symbol, an object of joy and a teacher and in- (1 - ) • Assisi, who was "rapt above the power of sense", and Whom he greatly admires. 9/ Coleridge is interested in mysticism, and had more or less of the mystic in his own composiº. He is much **** in the Study of the mystic experiences of St. Thereº. He quotes a number of her confessions of a mystic experience, and thinks them easily explicable. He says that he believes that such mystic experiences contain the kernel of religion, though often perverted. The effects of the mystic ecstasy, he says, though "we attribute them to a - divinity outside of us" are really "human", yet "so super- sensual that they may easily pass for supernatural". He is inspirer, etc. , but she was the medium by which he entered into his state of mystic ecstacy; it is by "sensible impress— ions" and their "quickening influence" that "higher minds" hold "fit converse with the spiritual world" (Prelude Blc. KIV) f and, moreover, Nature furnishes him the form and substance of his visions. 'such as "what there I saw the light that never was on sea or lºnd" etc.' ('Peele Castlé), or "In my mini’s eye a temple like a cloud” (Ibid), or "that blessed mood in which we see into the life of thiºngs" ("intern Abbey). Čf further on Wordsworth's mysticism and Nature, "But in the Mountains did he feel his faith", and "Living to God and Nature and content with that communichn (Excursion Bk. V, many expressions in "Tintern Abbey', such as "I so long a worshipper of nature", the anchor of my purest thought and soul of all my being", and in the “Prelude "The spirit of religious love in which I walk- ed with nature” (Bk. II), and "Great joy I felt communing in this sort through earth and heaven, etc.", and "listening to the notes that are the ghostly language of the ancient earth" Blt. II); also "Expostulation and Reply", and Composed on an Vening ºf Extraordinary Beauty", etc. *te. Øf also Gingerich "Wordsviorth, Tennyson and Browning, etc." p. 39. With the medieval mystics however the case was different. St. Francis indeed "had a happy love of nature" and "it spoke to him of God (Taylor'Med. iind" vol. I p. 455), and some of the mystics gave a symbolic integretation...to nature, as Bonaventura and Hugo St. Victoire “Iled. Mind vol. II, II. 69 and 356, of. also Ruşºi iod ºn Painters vol. III chaps. IX and XVII), yāt most of them were like Bernard of Clairvaux" whose contemplation shut his eyes to mountains, lakes and woods" (Med. Mind vol. II p. 415), and even Hugo of St. Victoire said "the appearance of g 73. enthusiastic over Rºse St. Victoire, saying "Hugo de St. 2 - Victoire, Luther's favorite divine, was a wonderful man, who in the 12th century, the jubilant age of papal dominion, nursed the lamp of Platonic mysticism in the spirit of the most re- fined Christianity". He also gives a dialogue between Bºne and Mystes, in which he takes occasion to define the mystic, and to distinguish between true and false mystics. But he speaks - also of "the degrešion of philosophy into mysticism and magic in early Christian centuries". 9) Southey does not seem to have had any leaning towards medieval mysticism specifically, at all, although he gives us several characters of the mystical type, with whom he is in evident sympathy, such as Joan of Arc, with her visions and voices, and Roderick. ſature TTSETCSEs ETs artifiger but cannot illumine the eyes of him who contemplates it "The Celestial Hierarchy", quoted in "Med. Mind" voi. II, p. 361). Moreover, the form and sub- stance of medieval mystic visions was the Virgin Mary and saints, theological dogmas and even the Trinity, etc.) see the visions of Elizabeth of Schonau and Hildegard of Bingen, Bernard, etc., as given in "Med. Mind" Vol. I, pp. 442, 449, etc. ). 'Words orth also had none of the asceticism of the medieval mystics (cf. Med. Mind, Vol. I, p. 368). º 1. "Memorials of Tour in Italy" XIV. 2. EFTTTTTTTTT65, cf. pp. 155, 173. 3. "Li+14ary Remains, Works vol. V, pp. 309ff. l. “Tºple Talk; Worºs, vol. VI, p. 397. 3. Works vol. VI, pp. 129f. 3. Allsop "Recoli.ections", etc. , vol. II, p. 223. As in the case of Wordsworth it is possible to show the approaches to mysticism in Coleridge. In this case, the most strik- ing similarity seems to be in Coleridge's favorite dis- tinction between belief and faith, belief being intellectual or rational, and faith a Super-rational, experience or º - £ºeling, e.g. "Faith elevates the soul cºove reason itself". (Aids to Reflection. Works vol. I, p. 236) of, also Table º Talk, Works vol. VI, p. 407, and “Letters, pp. 202, 204. 24 74. 4}. Scott's sympathies were naturally with a more objective type of religious experience, such as that of Quentin Durward, Hereward the Saxon, Evelyn Beranger, Eustace, Ambrose, Clement, etc. - 9. Certain specific doctrines of the church. 39 wordsworth did not care for medieval theology, as Coleridge did, and it is only in a rough way, that we can speak of his feeling towards the doctrines of the church; but what References he makes to these matters are apt to be adverse, though in most cases his criticism is qualified. 9. He is opposed to the doctrines of Purgatory and Inter- Gession for the dead. For example, he speaks of "Prayers that a!: shaped amiss, and dirges sung for souls whose doom is fixed"; and again "tapers burned and masses sung though the tomb had fixed, forever fixed ***, * the other hand he shows appreciation of the impulses of the heart out of which grew both the custom and the dogma of intereºssion for the souls of those in Purgatory, asking "Is tendel its then of no avail, etc." "Iron this sad source have sprung rites that console the spirit, under grief which ill can brook more rational relief". b) Transubstantiation and it; S formal expression in the Mass are condemned. º example, he speaks of "the pompous 4. - mass, manāºrites that trample upon soul and sense, as opposed to - ** (+). Eccl. sons. Part. I, Son. XX. (2). “Tour in Scotland (in 1814) I. (3) Part I, son. XX, as above. (4). Ibid part I, XI. 75. adoring "The Invisible and Him alone"; and in a less positive way, " virtue through ºne mass infused which old idolatry abused". 9 He condemns the doctrines of Confession, Absolution, the POW or of the Keys, and Penance, as giving the church e º - - - - - dangerous power; but on the other hand, he is reported as say— ing "The ministry of confession is provided to satisfy the A. natural desire for relief from the load of grief". He * Penance in the statement "If penance be redeemable beyond the grave", which he implies is not the case, and which he inter — prets in a note to this sonnet, "Penances were removeable by the performance of acts of charity and benevolence", but he recognises the practical good that resulted from the custom and doctrine, in the words "thence alms rice to ***". C d) He condemns the doctrine of infallibility. He does not otherwise directly attack the doctrine of the church as the custodian of tradition, and hence as an author- ity over the individual conscience, but, nevertheless, he teaches constantly the validity of the direct experience of the soul with god as a means of learning the truth, which is an indirect denial of church authority. Note, e.g. "the (6) Shepherd lad" who "early perceives within himself a measure *Tour of Sºſand', III cf. Eccl. Son. Part I, Son. XXXVIII "Eccl. Son.” Eart I, Son. XX of "Prose Works" vol. II, p.340 "Memoirs of Wordsworth" vol. II, p. 469. Eccl. Son" Part I, Son. XXIX. - "Memoirs of Wº vol. II, p. 26. "Excursion." Elº. I. 76 • and a rule which to the sum of truth he can apply, that shines for him and Shines for all mankind"; and the boy with his ear to his shell, who gets "authentic tidings of ºne things"; and the "Wanderer" who is "self taught" and sº belief" to the model of his own pure heart" "as grace divine inspired" "and human reason dictated with ave". Against this however is to be put the fact that in the Ecclesiastical Sonnets, Which represent his later and more conservative stage of thought, he (3) clings strongly to the idea of tradition. 2) He is strongly opposed to the doctrine of the - - (4) church's temporal power. He speaks, for example, of "Jesuit doctrines concerning papal power in opposing kings”; of "the r - (5) power that she (the church) arrogates"; and again ſwoe to the (6) Giº OVWin that doth the coºl obey". 2.) Coleridge is, as a rule, adverse in his feeling towards the doctrines of the medieval and modern Catholic church. He (7) - - calls "the tenet concerning faith and works" the "queen bee in (8) the hive of Popish error"; and he speaks of "the practical poison of the Romish doctrine of works". T (9) He says the Romanists "have a superstitious notion of the Eucharist and have neondensed it into an idol;" further- more "transubstantiation is at variance with the common Sense and experience of mankind". *_ III ITTTETTIV, - - (2) Ibid. Biz. I. ; cf. "Intimations of Immortality"; also "Memoirs of W* vol. II, pp. 471 ff. and "It is a Beauteous Evening". (3) of. Prose woºs, vol. II, p. 371. (6) - (4) "Men. or wºn voi. 'II, p. 772. - (5) "Ecol. son" part I, son. xxvii.I. (6) Ibid. Son. XXIx. (7) “Aniº Pºetaen p. i*4. (3) "Lit. Rem." Works, vol. V, p. 91. º (9) "Tab. Taikº works voi. VI, pp. 316ſ. 77. - - (1) He says "The Catholics are far more afraid of and in- comparably more influenced by the doctrine of Purgatory than the Protestants by that of Helº"; and he plays with the fancy º - - of an * Purgatory" in which a period spent with the Luthers, liltons, etc. , "might serve as a step to break the abruptness of an immediate heaven". He criticises the doctrine that "sins comitted after baptism are not remitted for Christ's rz salve" but the sinner "must ºfer the extremity of punishment which they deserve" etc. - - He comments on the rººts Conception, remarking that: it is as credible as that Christ was born sinless. - (5) He criticises the doctrine of "the absolute efficiency per se of all the sacraments". (6) He criticises the church for "contending for a practical - 7 - infallibility of council or pope". He speaks * the "abuses consequent on the Popish theory of Christianity.” While condemning ºne doctrines of the church, he, never- theless, thinks that most of then "sprang from figures of (8) rhetoric and warm devotion and he instances as examples of this origin, prayers for the dead, and prayers to saints. CTTTTTTTef.", Works vol. I, p. 191. (TUCFETETReminiscences" p. 85. (2) Anima Poetae p. 152. (3) maids, etc.” works, vol. I, p. 306 (4) "Lit. Rem." Works Vol. V, (5) ºniº Poetae" p. 124. - pp 551 ff. (6) "I it. Rem". Works vol. W, PI) • 33, 333, 176. (7) “Tab. Taizº Works vol. VI, p. 339. (8) ºb. Taikº works, vol. VI, p. 444- 78. 3) Although Southey was not of a philosophie turn of mind yet he seems to have heen much interested in doctrine, and we find a good many opinions expressed about the doctrines of the medieval and modern Roman Catholic Churches in his prose writ:- ings, and **** also in his poetical works. In "Joan of Arc" the doctrine that evil inheres in all that is "natural" is expounded by a doctor of theology, but opposed with a vigor and eloquence by the heroine that evident- ly express the feeling of the poet. We asºn impressive delinestion in Roderick and Elor- inda, **** faith in the cross and its redeeming power, the certainty that "all sins can be forgiven", confession, absol— ution, contrition, penance, faith in the power of sale red relics, etc. In ºne ºn Place Books is a vast collection of extracts from various authors, on fºrcetery, {ein, the Cross, the state of the dead, confession and absolution, etc. In a good many of these Southey seems to have collected not merely what is striking but also what is extreme or absurd from the modern Standpoint, showing thºs his own feeling very clearly. In . the "Book of the Church" he makes º eference to matters / of doctrine, such as +ransubstantiation, saying "they pretend that this is that daily bread for which our Saviour has instructed us to pray"; and Gonfession and absatº, , which he says, relieveſ (T. E.F. voi. I, pp. 73ff. (8) B.F. vol. IX, pp. 104ff, 89, 217ſ, 222, 182; of vol. v. p. 140; Gf. also "The Cid" p. 440. º, (3) First series p. 437; Second series pp. 581 ff. (4) P. 86. º - the foulest murderer "from worry about his sins." In his "Life of Wesley", clerical celibacy, confession, the doctrine of works, the treasury of merit, money penances, etc. , are commented on adversely. The dogma of Papal authority o º is presented in an u. light in "Joan of Arc" and in ºx - - ed "Madoc". 4] Scott was interested in the forms in which doctrines --~ expressed themselves rather than in the doctrines as such. With the exception of the possible employment in some way of the Saintly dead, already alſº to, most of his references to doctrine are adverse, although the form as such may appeal to his imagination. Examples of this are found in his "Tales of 3. cºlºr in which he condemns, as not being confirmed by Scripture the infallibility of the pope, worship of the saints, Worship of relics, confession, penance and purgatory. He con– n demns also through his characters Clement and Catherine, the - (6) (7) doctrine of celibacy; and in the statement of Eustace about the Bible is an implied condemnation of the church teaching as to its use by the laity, "by the order of holy church unfit to be in the hands of any lay person", to which Dame Elspeth responds, "Is it witchcraft or devil's work"? Henry Warden, the Protestant . (3) º and Eustace the Catholic discuss doctrinal matters, both of them . Wol. I, pp. 262 fif. • B. P. Vol. I, p. . B. P. vol. V., pp. 123 ff, cf. "Common Place Book". Second • Thesis p. 1 sº - ( Series p. 384. - Vol. II, chap. XXVIII. ... "Fair Màid of Perth" p. 161 rºº rº . "The Monastery" chap. V., pp. ºf: . . "Monastery", chap. XXVII, ſº- 304 f. 80. "apt and armed for controversy", including such matters as the authority of scripture versus human reason, church tradition, the intercession of the saints, etc., and scott shows that he favors strongly the Protestant disputant. We have occasionally the mere use of doctrinal terms, without any opinion expressed, as part of the background of the novel or poem, such as indulg- ences, purgatory, future retribution, "May God assoil the dead,” "penal fire", the church's power of excommunication, the church ban, power of the keys, "the Christian Creed", etc. lo. The church in relation to *. º J While Scott had a sentimental attachment to the Cath- olic church and deplored the destruction of the ancient churches, and missed the picturesqueness of the older faití, yet he con– demns the abuses of the church and justifies the Reformation. He is sympathetic with the **** ideas and Griticisms upon d the church of Glement and Catherine; and with the rebellion of (4) Constance de Beverley against the tyrx&ny of the church. º cisms of the abuses that brought about the Reformation are found in his writings, as e.g. that, in the case of Catherine, taking the veil will be amply sufficient to remove the charge of heresy, or that a man who has broken a promise can be shrived for a florin; or the description of "the profligacy, hypocrisy and impudence" . (6) of the pardoners. He "disapproved of Romanism as a system of TT). "Tonastery" p. 17 (and note 16); "Guentin Durward" pp. 79ff: "Castle Dangerous" pp. 264ff, 347; "Halidºn Hill", pp. 63: , 79; "Fair Maid of Perth, p. 423; "Minstrels." Foetic Works vol. IV, p. 101; 'Anne of sº I? - º of Triermain, . 51: " : the Isles, pp. f; etc. etc. - tº ſº. *igiºn ºf Pert, p. isc. º: (5) "Fair Maid of Perth, p. 455; (6) "Life" vo - IV, p. 303. "The Beºr othed." p. 20 _-_ º 4. º, *-T- - 31. " *- --> o faith and practice and called it "a mean and aerºus religion. In "Tales of Grandfather" he insisted that "Popery is with us an abomination", and he charges the "popes of Rome" with "intro– ducing into the simple and beautiful system delivered to us in the Gospel, other doctrines, many of them inconsistent with or contradictory of pure christianity". He describes the sale of indulgénces, the use of helics, etc., calling it all "an extraord- inary fabric of superstition, and he follows this by an enthus – º is stic account of the asºn. He criticises in the Reform- ation merely the destruction of buildings and wintolerant zeal a, A_\}- against ritual and custom, lack of Asense of "historic continuity". º º 29 Southey praises the Reformers, yet criticises their ex- ſ\ ºn tº "hº is C&S Gº S. Rºe ºf --- that "the best people and the worst united in bringing about the Reformation and in its progress it bore evident marks of both"; and that "Ireland is the only country in which the Reform- ation produced nothing but evil". He gives an elaborate * (3) - of the Inquisition and an attack upon it. He charges the church with an attempt "to degrade and subdue the human *"..., C and'étities see its attitude towards intellectual differences. l\ - (5) - However, he censures the Puritans strongly and defends Arch- 4. bishop Laud. - (7) 3) Wordsworth ovdently * Wyclif and Peter Waldo 6 and the Waldenses, etc., He justifies the dissolution of the (TTTTTTTTSGotland". vol. II, pp. 73ff. º 2). "Life ºf issiºn vol. I, p. 253, ini vol. II, p. 373, also note XX on p. 527; in same work see adverse Griticisms vol. I, pp. 148, 207. (3). "Quartefly Review" Vºl. VI. jorrespondence" p. 238- (4). "Book of the Church", p. 85. (5). "Roderick" B.F. vol. 1.-- PP. (Dec. 1811); cf. also "Life and 406–66, 192, 201, 210 82. *_ monasteries, though regretting the violence of the Work, and the fact that "green leaves with yellow mixed are torn away", and admitting that "not utterly unworthy to endure was the Supremacy of crafty Rome". In the "White sº Rylstone" he praises the Reformation, as "The sunrise new of zeal, of a pure faith; etc., although he accompanies this with a characteristie tone of regret for the "old holy places”; he also condemns in this poem the "triumphant cruelties" of the Protestants, and depicts in Norton - a fine and Worthy devotion to the **** cause. Noſe, also his defense of Archbishop Jaud, his º of the Anglican ºre a the "Holy Church", and as the "abode of genuine faith", and his love of her liturgy, Sacraments, etc. , together with his condemn— ation of ultra-protestantism as expressed in the puritans and 4. (5) - the Pilgrim Fathers, and Dissenters. 4) Coleridge uphol, is * * signs of revolt against the church as the case of * "twixt, conscience *; (7) ing and the Pope"; and Wyclif; and Huss, whom he calls no brave Tſiſ ºs I, I, Cº. ºf sis: "Eccl. sonnets" Part II, son (6) "Tºok of the Church" pp. 201, 205, 225. -- (7) "Eccl. Son". "Part II, sons. VI, II, XII, XIV, and part I, Son XVII. (9) Ibid, VIII, XVI-XXIII, etc. - ſ XCIV and XXXI; cf. also his präise of Scotch Reformers. Bic. IV. (2 £f. Eccl. son: fart II, Son. XIV of note to ed. of 1822 * º "the opinion I pronounced in favor of Iaud (long before the 4. Oxford Tragt Movement) is not in the least changed." (3 ) Eccl. Son. Part II, Son. X, and XLV-XIVI, also fart III entire; cf. L. Hunt "The Seer." p. 207. 4, Ibid Pärt III, Sons. I and II, and Part II son. XII. 5) "Letters of Wordsworth Family, vol. III, p. 46. - 6) See "Lines suggested by the Last Words of Berengarius" and "Refle&tions on the Goove". {{ "The ºriend" Works, vol. II, p. 363. 8) Eoem, "Sancti Dominici Paºlium”. 83. narrower, purer and deeper, the Protestant church, and insists (l) - ~ºf John Huss". The Reformation to him is "the ever blessed - Reformation". As to the need of the Reformation he says,"In the time º X atheism or infidelity of some sort was almost - universal in Italy among the high dignitaries of the Roman church". Yet he says also that "if the rites and doctrine of te ROInäll church could be separated from the papacy" they would not "have sufficed to justify the convulsion under Leo X". He likens the history of the church to a river which struck a great - rock (the Reformation), and divided into woºts, the broader, filthy and troubled, being the Roman Catholic church, and the that the Protestants are the true Catholies. He praises lº. Calvin and other reformers. He speaks of the Reformers as "the º Of the Christian religion" in praiseworthy contrast * With the "reformers of the Latin Church" in the 17th century, such as Donne and Hacket, and he objects to Hacket's "tricking him— Self up in such * rags and lappets of fºopish monkery". But he criticises * for feeling that because so much was wrong everything was wrong", and so "by denying all reverence te the raters and to the constant tradition of the Catholic Churches, they undermined the wall of the city itself". He º criticises the Puritans also for objecting to the surplice, as (IT.T.T.C.T.ETWCT. IV, p. 34. - (2). Table Talk. Works vol. VI, p. 339; cf. also p. 310. {3}. Ibi pº. 33.8%. (4). “Literary Remains. Works, vol. V, p. 183, gif. also Southey's "Life of Wesley", marginal note by Coleridge, vol. I, p.149. Goleridge suggests the writing of a work on the evils re- sulting from the Roman Catholic tenets which the Reformers rejected. - ---> ſº ºf - - (33) - -- a pilgrim resolute"; mountain climbers are trude Mººre is pil– grims"; and ships are like pilgrims; an attractive place is "as - - (5) tempting a recess as ever pilgrim chose"; his sense of a vocation - (6) is expressed as "to clothe in priestly robe a renovated spirit - - - \! - (7) singled out for holy service: and a youth is "Nature's priest"; (8) letters above the doors in London are "like guardian saints"; a (9) group of trees is "a brotherhood of lofty elms"; and we have - (10) - - "tender as a num", etc. *~ (11) We find also "cloistral º in the Woods; any place 12 Where a man prays is "a secret º"; the poet sees in a sun- 13 set a "minisłer with its tower substantially expressed- a place for bell or clock to toll from"; he sees a rock "as fair as (14) W. Lº- church or abbey; safety is expressed by saying "as safe as in (15) - - a sam&tuary; of the vast poem which Wordsworth designed, to be called "The Recluse", of Which the "Excursion" Was a part only, (16) - - he says "The two works have the same kind of relation to each other--- as the ante-chapel has to the body of a Gothic church, and his "minor pieces" have "such connection with the main work - - - i. º as may give them claims to be likened to the little cells, oratorſ ios, and a sepulchral recesses ordinarily included in these (17). - - — edifices. (TTTTTTāer B. VIII. (2). Ibid. Blº. XII. Ibid II. (33). "Mem. Of Tour on Continent", XXXII. "Where lies the land, etc.” (5). "River ºuddon", XXIV, cf. XXXII - * * > * * -- * +--- ºf #####3; # ºri. (3) ºrºº'. }*Prelude” Biz. W. (11) Ibid. Blº. VI. (12) "Excursion" Blv. W. ) "Inscriptions", II. (14) "Hambleton Hills". (15) "Torderers" ) ºccursion" Preface to edition of 1814. (Act I. } @f. Ruskin "Modern Painters" vol. III, p. 127. S. 86. Coleridge occasionally indulges in this same poetic or 1) figurative use, as e.g. "Privation" is "but a Purgatory ourse” as compared with "positive Negation" conceived as a possible future state. III. The attitude of our Romantic authors to the medieval church is seen, also, in their knºwledge of it. How accurate and how wide in range was their knowledge? mat authorities did they use and with what care? Did they understand the historic conditions of the medieval Church, and its spirit and doctrines and forms? l. Southey. - - (2) Southey wrote, "my plan is always to go to first sources", a statement which is usually borne out by the facts. Note, for example, his collections of material in his "Common Place Books", . the * from original documents in his notes, etc. He uses the voluminous authorities which he quotes with a great deal of care and judgment, and with a direct view to justifying his statements and descriptions, etc. For example, the * of the knighting of Alphonso by Pelayo in "Roderick" is supported by ample quotations from the rites connected with this ceremony - - º and their meaning from "The Partidas" and "Tirante el Blanco". Theº (5) - miraculous escape of Roderick in the battle is justified by ref- erence to a similar miracle recounted º,"**** de la II. - 6 France" (1642, p. 129). Of the prayers used at the coronation (LTTTTTTE'ſ. (2) "Letters" vol. II, p. 146; cf. DeQuincy "Reminiscenses of the Lake Poets", p. 192, for tribute to Southey's "vast historical research," etc. - (3). An excellent example is Southey's notes to "Madge", which show great industry in his preparation for Writing the poem. * (4) B.F. vºl. Ix, p. 127 and notes. (5) Ibid note to p. 18. (6) Ibid, note to p. 187; I find these prayers, etc. , for stºn- 37 ° of Pelayo, he says , the Substance of these prayers will be found in the forms of coronation observed by the Anglo-Saxons, and in the early age of the French Monarchy", and that he gets these from Turner's "History of the Anglo-Saxons" and Lingard's "Antiquities of the Ango-Saxon Church". He supports his reference to "orary" by a long quotation from *. and to ºmitreº by an extract from the "Ceremoniale Episcoporum". A long extract from **** is given to save him from the charge of exaggeration in his account of the penances and temptation of Roderick. In "All º which is based on a 9th century legendary life of St. Basil, who was Bishop of Caesarea in the 4th century, the ceremonies of betroth- al and marriage are taken from King's "Rites and Ceremonies of the Greek Church in Russia", which, he adds, "compares very close-- ly with Martene" De Antiquis Ecclesiae Ritibus". Inasmuch as the Russian Church uses "the liturgy of St. Chrysostom, which is an abridgement of St. Basil "s", Southey is justified in using the ceremony of the Russian church. - - Although he sometimes refers for authority to controversial Writers, such as Robert South and Isaac Barrow, yet as a rule, he merely refers to statements which these writers quote from earlier documents. In the "Book of the Church", for example, (5) — Barrow is quoted in support of the assertion of the Pope's J. B. P. vol. IX, notes to pp. 182:f. (2) Ibid, note tº p. 274. (3) B. P. vol. VII, note º º: . 51 - - {# Schaff–Herzog, op. Git. Yºl. º: *; i. -- - - - - G. G. - º 5- Works vol. I - 5 3. º sº isºgérºn. #, 19 - 11: • D ~ " . 88. "universal, absolute empire over all persons", etc., and South is made authority for "the monstrous proposition" that "if the Pope" should through error, enjoin vices to be committed, this would be binding on the consciences of believers. A reference, however, to the works referred to, shows that these statements are taken from Bellarmine, and Thomas Aquinas. But southey ºrses, with considerable freedom, at times, as, for example, in making Joan of Arc actually anoint cºlºr, and put the crown on his head with her own hands, whereas she merely" stood beside Charles, etc."; and also in making the doctors of * test her by various "ordeals" etc. He is guilty, occasionally, of sweeping assertions Without supporting evidence, which indeed it would be difficult to prove because of their very general character and in which he allows his strong personal prejudice to interfere with historic accuracy. "The Book of the Church", as a controversial writing, naturally contains some such statements. For example, he Sëy S > "The sº...". Rome seems to have delighted in insulting as well as abusing it (credulity) and to have pleased itself With discover- ing how far it was possible to degrade the human intellect". The , mental attitude on the part of the Church of Rome suggested by this is too absurd to require comment, and While there may be instances in which individuals acted in this way, as a general charge against the church in its whole history it merely 5.In *- (l). See Bic. IX, cf. "Biggraphie Universelle" vol. 21, p. 15, and "Ency. Brit" vol. XV p. 420. º (2). See Bº. iii. of. above authorities; also "cath. Ency. " vol. * XI, pp. 277ff, by J. E. Kirsch. (3). P. 35. - 89. evidence of prejudice. In his Lºren also he remarks that "the Roman Catholie Church has demoralized every people among whom it has taken root", a statement against which one might quote his own tribute to the Roman church, "The conversion º is a beautiful chapter in the annals of mankind", and his remark about Rome at: the time of the norman conquest, that "the light of the World - was there", and also his commendation of Rome in her influence over "distant churches" in early days. Again in macaº Southey describes the conversion of Egypt in these words, "Very little benefit was produced by a conversion which exchanged crocodiles and monkeys for monks and mountebanks". Compare with this the following historical estimate of the same event mult- (4) - - - imately the new religion (Christianity) spread to the Egyptians; - their own creed was worn out, and they found in Christianity a doctrine of the future life for which their old belief had made them not unready; while the social teaching of Christianity Gººle with special fitness to a subject race." Southey also makes a general chargé of fraud against the church in its whole course. The church teaching about transub- º ( -. - ..., Stantiation is described as a "pretence". The lives of the saint's, he sys are "composed in a spirit of deliberate and systematic T. IV, p. 40. (2) "Life of Wesley" vol. II, pp. 262 fif. J. B. P. voi. IX, note to p. 31. - - - - - ). "Ency. Brit: article "Egypt" by R. S. Poole and T.I. Griffith, - vol. 9, p. 89. (5) "Book of the Church" p. 36. (l (3 (4. (6) Ibid. p. 113. 90. falsehood", showing that he failed to eaten the proper point {i, _r - - - - (l view from which to regard such stories, as given, e.g. by stubbs' "The lives of the saints were not written for the purpose of add- ing to our knowledge of events, but for the purpose of arousing pious affection, admiration for holy men, and devotion to the principles and practices which they represented", and "Eccles— is stical beatification is, in a vast majority of cases, the result rather than the cause of popular devotion". Again, Southey charges the Roman Catholic church with having deliberately *ses the sublime and salutary truths of revelation beneath a mass of fables more gross and monstrous than the very heathen had feigned". A similar lack of historical impartiality is seen (3) in Southey's view of St. Francis. He says "It is not possible to decide whether in riper years he became madman or imposter, nor whether at last he was the accomplice of his associates *— or the victim." He disposes of the story of the "stigmata" With the words "moral and physical imbecility", and "horrible imposture". (4) Of the Franciscans he writes, "I believe the Franciscans designed to follow the example of the Moslems and supersede Christ", and -- again "The lies invented for, and the infamous tricks practised by their founder, led to this, he had proclaimed himself a living º 3. TTTTTTTTails of St. Dunstan" in Rolls Series, Introduction h. VII; cf. also po. 53 in same volume, "Life of Dunstºn" by Adelard, the expression by the author of exactly, this gon- ception of saints lives, "Scias autem in opere is tº 'historism vitae ejus (St. D's) not contineri, sed ex_eadern vita quasi breven sermonis versiculum" etc. Southey does make an ex- ception of the legend of St. Mary of Egypt, saying it may have been written to "Edify the people, without any intention of deceiving them: (B.F. vol. IX, p. 13): 17 tº #: of Wesley, vol. I, p. 266. (3). "Boºk of the Church p. 88ſ. 4) Tºdo ºn iº" obi-ii se oni series, i. 596. - 91. pattern and parallel of the Redeeming God. If their systems at all differed, the one must therefore yield". How differ- ent * is the general verdict of historians. "He (St. Francis) has sº undying impulse to the world's spiritual life"; "The most loving and best beloved of medieval Saints", . . . . "His mind was as simple as his heart was single"; "These novel, simple, open, sympathetic brethren (Franciscans) Who * themselves through Europe", "The earlier __ spiritual poetry of Italy was inspired by Francis himself and Was followed by Thomas of Celano, Bonaventura, and Jacopone da Todi, and in a certain sense even Dante may be included Within the sphere of Franciscan influence". Yet another instance of unfair statement is found in What Southey says about Hildebrand. He says that "his motives were all bad". . . "Whether the desire of benefitting mankind *— had any place among the early impulses of Hildebrand may well be doubted, upon the most impartial consideration of his con– duct". Whatever we may think of the theory of the relation of church and state up on which Hildebrand acted as Pope, we can not fail to recognise his genius and high character. "His was the rarest and *** **, says Bryce, "an intellectual courage and power of imaginative belief which When it %as convinced itself of aught, accepts it fully with all its consequences and shrinks not from acting at once upon it"; and as for his theory, says Bryce "no one dreamed of deny- TT. T.T.T.Titon "Iron St. Francis to Dante" p. 2. (2). Taylor "The Medieval Mind" vol. I, p. 415, ef. also note p. 416, vol. I, p. 48. (3). Schaff–Herzog ºp. cit. vol. IV, p. 361 (0. Zöckler) J (4). "Book of the Church" p. 36. (5). "Holy Roman Empire" p. 160. 92. ing it" at that time. Southey, seems altogether blind to (if 3. Hildebrand's services in "destroying the three closely con– nected corruptions of simony, lay investitute and clerical concubinage", and in asserting the "supremacy of the spiritual and eternal over the carnal and temporal" he seems unable to conceive it to be true that "in **** it should be borne in mind that it was not personal ambition, but sincere devotion that lay beneath" his deeds. - A final instance of bias is furnished by Sºº's remark that St. Dunstan is a good example of "the monkish character in its worst form" and is in general a fraud, etc., a judgment in Which he agrees with Wordsworth, but which is not the usual verdict of histºans. Southey, also, sometimes puts sentiments into the mouths of his characters that do not fit the time or condition, or the * historic personage, showing that he failed to grasp the intelled- ual * * * he was dealing. A good example of this is found in woº. Are". In the examination before the group of "doctors" who wish to test the Maid's alleged revelations, she is asked whether at stated times she has always confessed and received absolution. She replies, - º * The forms of worship in mine earlier years Woke my young mind to artificial awe, And made me fear my God", Taylor "Medieval Mind" vol. I, p. 244. Ogg "Source Book of Medieval History" p. 230. tºok of the Church" p. 52; cf Wordsworth "Eccl. Son" Part I, Sons. Kºvill f. - - Čſ the references given in connection with Wordsworth, this thesis p} \** - --~ B.P. vol. I, Bk. III, pp. 72 ft. i 54. )) - _* and she felt then the need of attending the regular services of the church, but in her "riper years" "I saw the eternal energy pervade The boundless range of nature", so she decided she could find God anywhere, and hence she "for- sook the house of worship". Feeling in herself a love of what was good and a horror of what was evil, she asks "was it strange That in my heart I had no thought of sin, . And did not need forgiveness?" The doctors are horrified that she should claim that "Nature . . . . taught thee in solitude The feelines of religion, and that now Masses and absoluteness, and the use Of the holy water, are to thee unknowm". The discussion then +uºis to the matter of "nature", which the doctors, in accordance with the usual medieval notion, regard as evil, and no proper source of a true teaching as to God and sin and forgivenness and the church. The Maid defends nature, and insists that the birds' morning songs are more genuinely religious than the hymns that ring "along the high arched roofs of man", and "It is not Nature that doth lead to sin". This º leads one of the doctors to call her." That deluded one, who of the mass Unheeding, and the church's saving power, Deems Nature sinless". In another instance in the Gºne poem, the monk in charge of the convent where Joan goes to attend the last rites over the body *-i- (1) BK. Iv. pp. 190 fſ. º 94. of Theodore attempts to win her to the monastic life, but she replies in the same tone that Southey often uses on this subject; - - - - Amid these tombs Cold as the clayey tenants, know, my heart Must never grow to stone : Chill thou thyself, And break thy midnight rest, and tell thy beads, And labor through thy oft-repeated prayers; — — — and sepulchre thyself alive". An examination of the º upon which Southey drew in his portrayal of Joan of Arc, and of the contemporary chron- iclers, and the historians in general who cover this period, fails to give any foundation for such a view as this. There is, indeed, a suggestion of her * her confid – ence in her direct communion with God. monstréliet, 5 - 3 - quotes a letter from the Iing of England to the Duke of Burgandy regarding the trial and death of ſoºn he says, "but worst of all, she refused to acknowledge any power on earth but God and his saints, rejecting and doubting the judgment of our Holy Father, the Pope, of the general council, and the universal church militant". Michelet also says "that ºto the doctors Who quoted learned works to her She replied, * is more in , God's book than in yours". This seems a slender basis, however, for Southey's picture of a young woman who was Superior to the ordinance of the religious life, who entertained views of nature entirely out of accord with the medieval Way of thinking, and . TICTSTFEllet, Hollins' ed., Haſ/, etc. , Rapim, Joshua Barnes, Stowe. tſ. A. 7, A, - - (2). "Chronique" 'ar Bouëhon, torne V, p. 357; Michelet "History of Irance", vol. II, p. 137. 95. who saw clearly and stated distinctly the * against the - - - - (I) - - ascetic life. Holinshed describes her as "humble, obedient, and fasting diverse days and weeks". A modern authority says "they (the doctors) reported that they found in her nothing of (2) ** - evil or contrary to the Catholic Faith, although charges were trumped up against her so that she was at the last "publicly 5 accused as a heretic and witch". According to Lea "her examin- - C 2. _--> ers were won by her earnestness, her evident conviction, and the intelligence of her replies." And he notes the fact that just before her final trial she had "earnestly begged the privilege of hearing mass" and had "confessed", etc. Another example (4) of this same defect is found in "Madog". Southey gives an impressive picture of "the gray brotherhood" changing the "solemn mass", "the holy father sprinkling the graves with holy . water" "the solemn Psalm of mercy all intoned", but strangely enough, he interrupts this description to apologize for the fact that his hero, Madoc, does not protest against these ceremonies. He tells us that "pure was the faith of Madoc", and the only reason why his "mind to all this pomp and solemn circumstance yielded a willing homage", was that the "sacred # offors of the incense", "the daylight and the tapers’ flame commingled, the "slow procession", and "the echoing aisles, etc. "infused associate awe", so that "what wonder if the prince yielded his homage there"? (TFSTTET vol. III, p. 163. (2). "Ency. Britiſ (lith ed.) Vol. XV, pp. 420ſ by Chisholm and Shorthouse; cf. also "Pigºraphie Universelle" vol. 81 pp. 15 fif. - (3). "Histſ of the Inquisition" vol. III, pp. 345,565,369,573, etc. 4). B. P. vol. V, Book XIII, pp. 107ff. X- 96. a Th e only wonder, apparently, is in the mind of Southey, Who seems to have imagined that his hero was of a protestant turn of mind, although the scene is laid in the 12th century. So far as Iadoc is concerned, there is no * evid- ence for his life, and he is probably not a historical character at all. He is merely a legendary character of the 12th century referred to by various Welsh bards of succeeding centuries, but not mentioned in the "Annales Cambrenses", nor in any poem of ºne tº e. But there is no reason to suppose that such a eneracter living in the 12th century in Wales would have held such views as Southey attributes to his hero. While there had been (2) in the 6th entury a strong feeling of jealousy on the part of the weign towards the English church, no such feeling GVG in then had existed towards Rome, and "no theological differences parted the Roman from the Celtic churches, for the notion that the latter was the none of a kind of primitive Protestantism, of apostolic purity and simplicity, is without historia basis". Southey is referring to this Protestant tradition, six hundred years had intervened between that time and the time of "Madoe". There is no record of any anti-ceremonialism or feeling %uperior- - º ity to church ritual, such as Southey describes. 4. (I). "Diſcº TOTy of National Biography on "Madog" Vol. XXXV, pp. 3O2 f by J. L. Lloyd. - - -- - (2). "History of Wales", by J. L. Iloyd, vol. I, pp. 171 ff. 97. - |ſ - - - onlookers. The poet here seems to be expressing his own feeling __ Another instance of the same tendency in Southey is found in tºº. Pelayo is acclaimed king by Urban, Archbishop of Toledo, the circumstances making it impossible to use aim the usual elaborate ceremonial for such occasions, vestments, in- signia, etc. , and Southey insists that the absence of mold observances" and the "display of royal pomp and wealth pontifie– al" made the occasion "more solemn" and deeply impressive to the rather than that of the medieval Spanish Catholie. Southey is usually accurate in his use of the terms and his description of the forms and customs of medieval religion. Note, for example, in regard to * * * cases in which it; occurs in "Madoc", such as "daily due masses for his soul are - Sung", or tº more elaborate account of a requiem mass in 2. Which "the º in his alb arrayed", "at the high altar stood". We have "sweet incense from the the waving thurible", and the chanting of ºne eras brotherhood", the elevating of the "mighty mystery", and then the procession to the near-by graves, with the cross borne before, and the "awful Image" "mighy Mystery" carried by the abbot, while "three monks uphold - it - ---> -- " - / above on silver wands the purple pall", and one of them sprinkles the graves with holy water "from hyssop branch" and "all intone the solemn psalm of mercy". All these allusions, while not constituting a complete description of this ceremonial, seem to fit the usage of the 12th century, in which the scene is laid. - (IT. E.I.TWCT. IX, Bk. XVIII. §: Canto X; cf. also "Joan of Arc." Blº. VIII. º 3) - - . Canto XIII. 98. The "furple pall" is probably the ºverine of the coffin at the burial of the dead". The elevation of the host was instit- º - uted by Pope Honorius #if, about 121C, and "it has been traced in England as early as the 11th *.*.* account, in the *. in which the departing voyagers "hear the last mass" and "all assoiled of sin", "partake the bread of Christian fellowship," and "lºneel while the priest gives his benediction", may be open to question in one particular, viz. the implication - that the communion was **** to the communicants win only One kind", since "the sº Lambeth in 1281 directed that the consecrated wine is to be received by the priest alone" and” it is impossible to say exactly when the new custom became uni- versal. According to other authorities, however, it was in the 12th century that * occured. In any case Southey is not far out of the way, if at all. The form of excommunication (2) in "Madog" seems to be ºuite exact; the Archhishop stands by - | 1 the altar holding a taper, and says "let him be accursed", cut off from Christian fellowship" and "Christian sacraments" and "Christian burial", and "let his soul be quenched in hell", and finally he and the other ministering priests east their tapers on the floor to "sonsummate the imprecation"; and there follows Mº, further declaration of Archbishop Baldwin about Madoc's father, who had been excommunicated, and yet buried in the sam&tuary, (T.TETS Tictionary of Ecclesiastical Terms" p. 216; this "pall was of different colors" in different places and churches etc. (2) Walcott "Sacred Archaeology" , Elevation". ). Canto XVII. - º 1. Cath. Encyclopaedia vol. IV, p. 178 by P. J. Tomer. ). Waleott "Sacred Archeology." "Chalice" p. 150. • Canto XV; cf. "Cath. Ency", "Excommunication", vol. V, pp. 678ff, by A. Baudinhon. - - ( ( ( ( ) 99. that "the church disowned him, dead" and so he must be removed, etc In the second part of the same poem, the natives of Aztlan who (1) are converted are "sprinkled with the sanctifying water. It is possible that Southey is inaccurate as to the form of baptism, since it was not; *º 13th century that "infusion and asper- sion were growing commond and gradually prevailed in the Western church" (as opposed to immersion, which seems to have been the earlier custom). ***". again, the monks remained at their feast __*- "from noon #1. nones", and "when the quire was done, renewed their converse till the vesper bell". He seems open to criticism here in regard to the use of * "noon" meaning midday, since according to the Oxford Dietionary, it was not till about the 14th century that this became the "ordinary sense" of the word; before this it was used to indicate "the hour or office of nones"; although the same authority adds that the time is uncertain when the change occurred. In "Joan of Arc" Southey's knowledge of medieval religious customs is eviº in such cases as the following: the description of the ordeals by water and hot iron, including the proposition to search the culprit "lest haply in her clothes should be concealed some relic so profaned", although there º seems to be no basis for the suggestion that these ordeals (I) TTºſca in Tzºlant Canto VIII. (2) "Gath. Ency. vol. II, p. 262, "Baptism", by W. H. W. Fanning. (3) Canto XIII; cf. on the terms employed here Bumpus op.cit. (4) see under *noon". - (5) Bk. III; cf. Oxford Dictionary; cf. also Brand "Dietionary of Faith and Folk Lore; cf. also Biographie Universelle", vol. 21, p. 11; "Jean D'are" by Walcmaer". 100. were proposed in the case of Joan of Arc, and as a matter of fact "no case of resort to the ordeal can be found in _2 France later than the 14th century”; “the * With the imaged cross leading the º the º the oil in anointing the king at Rheims, with Southey's note on its **** mystical significance"; the description of the funeral º "bedecked with flowers and funeral herbs"; and the description of the nun's life as to "die to the world and (4) live espoused to heaven". ) _- In "Roclerick" we find a very careful account of the last rites at the death of Count Julian, including confession, absolution, and the giving of "the bread and Wine", both elements being still given to the laity at this time (8th century), although there is no mention of the last unction. Another custom is given correctly in the lines, "Keeps in her º the deserter's name __ But, from the service which with dºily zeal Devout her ancient prelacy recalls Blots it, unworthy to partake her prayers". Southey supports this by an excerpt from "Histoire de Bearn etc. and it is confirmed by other authorities, both as to the custom, and the time. - Southey's references to architecture 3.I.'G usually of too vague a character to allow us to determine whether he had a scientific or historical knowledge of these matters. Note TTEE. IV; cf. Tº IGott op. cit. "Processions" p. 473. (2). Bk. IV and Bº X, and note 197; cf. "Cath. Ency. " vol. IV, p. 385 "Coronation". (3). Bk. IX; cf. Brand "Dictionary of Faiths and Folklore" vol. I. "Flowers, etc - " - - - * (4). Biz. ix; &f. Walcott op. cit - p. 403, etc. > (5). Bk. XXIV; cf. "Cath. Ency - vol. IV, p - 178. -- (6). Bk. xxv ; cf. "Cath. Ency."vol. V, p. 23, "Diptych" by R. Maere TOT. for example, his description of "St. Catherine is fathem at Chinon, , "The floor with many a monumental stone was spread, and brass ** - ensculptured effigies", the branching arms of many a ponder- our pillar met aloft, wreathed on the roof embossed”, the "high arched windows through which came the timetured light" etc. In regard to "the religious" of various kinds, southey is very little open to criticism both as to his knowledge and use of terms, etc. For example, the abbot in º celebrates the mass "in his alb arrayed", and this seems to be the vestment which "until about the middle of the 12th century all cleries wore when exercising their functions". In the same DOGIſ. We have a sº scene in which the hospitality of the convent is illustrated, and the abbot appears as the chief entertainer of distinguished guests, the entertainment being interrupted only for the regular services of the day, which seems to agree __ With medieval º its general character. - w (5) L^. - - - + - The Archbishop, as is proper, "the mitred Urban", in the N account of the coronation of Pelayo by Archbishop Urban of Toledo. (6) - * In "Roderick", however, Southey seems open to question we his description of what the Archbishop would have worn, except for -- - ſt the peculiar circumstances of the time, viz. alb, 3 ope, orary and - - - - - . mitre", and he adds that he actually did have the "pall of wool 2 undyed throºm over of or his gorget's iron rings". Although he refers to the "ceremoniale Episcoporum" and to ſuller. "Church *- - v\ - -- wº -- (IITC. Tº TXIII. (2) gath. Ency. Vol. I, p. 251. (5). Canto XIII. (4) . cf. Cutts "Scenes and Characters of the (5). Ganto XV. Middle Ages" p. 56. (6). Ek. XVIII and notes. 102. *- History" and to Bingham for these vestments, etc., yet their use seems doubtful, in some particulars at this date, namely the early 6th century. The mitre, e.g. was priſº used at: Rome about the middle of the tenth century, and outside of Rome about the year Iood. although the 'Ceremonial Episcoporum’ makes the general statement *mitrae usus antiquissimus est" etc. As to the cope, it was "not until theºn century that it was in general use in the ceremonies of the church”. Al- though the pain is "the resºlº of primates, metropol- itans and archbishops", and goes back at least to the year 336, yet it was not until the 9th century that its use became general, its use until that time by others than the pope being "tolerated only by virtue of the permission of the pope", and its use ser, conferred by the pope as a special mark of distinction. Also the ... º (4. - - - use of the alb as a priestly vestment is not certain beyond the 9th century. Southey, we may conclude then, had a wide knowledge of the medieval church. He took great pains to be accurate in What he said about it and in his use of its terms, customs, etc. But his strong bias against the modern Roman Catholic church obscured the clearness of his vision; and he had a marked tendency, to view the life of the period in the light of his Own intellectual pre-possessions, so that he failed at times to catch and reflect the sentiment of the times of which he was writing. We may quote (l). "Gath. Ency. " vol. X, p. 405 by J. Braun; cf. Bumpus op. cit. p. 195; cf. "Ceremonial Episcoporum." I, i. c. 17 (quot- ed in Southey's note). 1. Cath Ency: voi. IV, p. 3.1, by H. Thurston. 1. Walcott op. cit. p. 4:19; "Cath. Ency. vol. XI, p. 428, by J. Braun. (4). "Gath. Ency" vol. I, p. 25, by H. Thurston. ( ( 2 º º Southey's own words, in which he says that to appreciate the Church, that is, the Catholic church, medieval and modern," one's (1) - brains must be differently organized from mine"; and also the opening lines of the legend of "St. Gualberton \\ What if a monk from better themes debarred Should for an edifying story choose How some good saint the Flesh and Fiend o'er came; His taste, I trow, and not his conscience were to blame". Thus his shortcoming was a failure to grasp clearly the senti– ment or spirit of the medieval church, although he was usually to an indefatigable student of its life and faith. –2. Scott. - * . t No one can deny that Scott knew a great deal about kºs nº native Scotland and its early custom and life, and - that he took great jains to be true to this life in his books. He says, for example, about the "Lady of the Lake", "I took (3) - uncommon pains to verify the accuracy of the local circumstances of this story. ... I went into Perthshire to see whether King James Gould actually have ridden from the banks of Loch Venraghur to Stirling Castle within the time supposed in the poem". He (4) - quotes at length, also, the old "Coronach of Sir Lauchlin, - - - - - f - Chief of Maclean" to confirm the general **** ºne career - 5 which he composes. He justifies his portrait of Brian, the half- mad hermit, by an excerpt which he has "transcribed from the - J. "Teºters" vol. I, p. 198. 1. B.P. vol. VI, pp. 187f. }: Introduction, p. 3. ) * Canto III, verse XVI, note. . Ibid, Canto III, verse V, note, and Appendix. Note C. the above mentioned "Excommunication" is given in full in its - Lajin original in the "Introduction to the Border Ministrel- sy No. VII, vol. I, pp. 274f. - 104. geographical collection made by the Laird of masteriane", by reference to Lithgow's "Travels”, Martin's "Description of the Western Highlands"; and finally by translating "an ex- communication fulminated against ºthese confessors” by Richard Fox, Bishop of Durham, tempore Henrici VII". Yet he indicates clearly, in relation to this same character, that his chief interest is not the giving of exact historical details, so much as the free development of characters and plots within the back-ground supplied by his reading and investigation, in his remark that he has º to trace the effects which such a believ (viz. that Brian was "a spectre's child") was likely to produce, in a barbarous age" on one who accepted such super- Stitions, and yet was influenced by the teaching of the church. Observe also the abundant references in the notes toº "The Lord of the Isles" to such authorities as Wyntoun's "chron- icle, Barber's "Bruce", Hailes' "Annals of Scotland”, Faryng's ºronicle, Lameter's cºronicle, etc. , besides such evidence of industry and care as are found in citations from "An Ancient Ms., (2) - (3) Translation from the Gaelic", and a "Ms. History of the Presby- tery of Penpont, in the Advocates' Library of Edinburgh", and (4) f a letter from Mr. Joseph Train, on the tradition of the super- natural fire seen by Bruce, in regard to which the editor says, "Mr. Train made a journey into Ayer shire at Sir Walter Scott's TTTTTTTTote to verse VIII. (2). Appendix. Note C. - (3). II. Note G. - (4). Note to p. 196. - - 105. request on purpose to collect accurate information for the notes to this poem". While Scott had no idea of Writing an accurate history of Robert Bruce, yet a comparison of the episodes he recounts in that monarch's life with º and Barbour shows that he had read them carefully and followed them quite closely where he made any pretence of So doing. But there is abundant evidence that Scott read widely and intelligently in preparation for the writing of works that took him beyond the bounds of Scotland. Note as an example of this the fact that in writing "count Robert of Paris" he º quotes or refers to Gibbon, Mills "History Of º, villehardcºn, Muratori, Ordericus Vitalis, Duc ange's edition of "The Alexiad of Anna Comnena" etc. I find his characteriz– - 3. - ation of Behemond of Antioch confirmed by Mills; ** -- historian quotes several authorities who give in substance the impression made upon the Crusaders by the appearance of Constant- * T: - - (5) inople, as it is described by Scott; the account of the Varangar- ian guards of which Scott says "This account.......is strictly historical", is confirmed by Gibbon, and º portrayal of the treacherous character of the Emperor Alsº, his superstition, his speculative interest, and his hypocrisy, is confirmed by TJ F. S. Tº s Advertisement to the poem; cf. Hailes Vºl: II, p. 4, and vol. I, p. 389, with Scott's aggount of the murder of ºp. and his implication that the ex- communication ºf Bruce included also his adherents: Cf. Barbour, (E. E. Text Society Extra Series vols. 7 and 8) See notes I. Vol. I, pp. 109ff, 115ff, etc. Chap. III, pp. 125ff. - Tº ºr "iegiine ºd śli" etc., vol. VII, pg. 20, 22, 20, 123, 304. Gibbon, op. cit. chap. XLVIII quoted by Loclzart in "Intro- duction." Hoºgounº Robert of Paris" p. XXVIIf; Mills op. cit. Chap. III. - 100. Gibbon and Mills. Scott, of course, deals quite freely with history, in constructing his story, in many respects, as e.g. in the dramatic episode of the crusaders, even including God- frey and Peter the Hermit, backing their horses to * Bosphorus ---- + - and into the transports, in order to go back to Constantinople to Witness a single combat, and at the same time keep the letter of their vow never to turn back till they had freed the sepulchre of the master º pagans. But he also seems - º - to have exercised a rather unhistorical freedom in making the Labarum or sacred standard of Constantine appear in the pro- - rºz (3) Gession of the Imperor Alexius, inasmuch as Gibbon says, that after the time of Theodosius" the labarum was deposited as a venerable and useless relic in the palace" and it does not seem to have been used after that time. This is * also, by º w º -- _s_ the writer of the article "Labarum in the Catholic Encyclopaedia", who finds that the only means we have of obtaining "an idea of it" is from several coins of the reign of Constantine which are still preserved. - Scott also ailudes in this novel to what **** "Girus- - º aders' punishment", viz. the application of tar and feathers for º certain offences, which he says gº back to the Crusades, though "it is supposed to be a punishment of modern invention". This - (6) - - seems to be correct, as the custon is "at least as old as the Crusades", and a statute of Tichard I's is on record prescrib- ing this mode of punishment, belonging to the year 1189. There ). Op.cit. vol. III, pp. lºf 5) Chap. XXIII, and note - - - to . 376. - *- (6). Century, Dictionary under "Tºr... guoted from Hºyt's Voyages II, 21; eiso found i'jatin original in "Rºmer's (l). Chap. XXIII. (2). Chap. ix. (3 (4). Vol. VIII p. 718, by M. H. Hassett ( ū . *— 1. oedera", I, 65. - - - - 24 107. seems, however, to be no known instance of it quite so early as the First crusade. - - It is evident, in general, as already hinted, that in Spite of the imposing array of authorities presented by scott in his ****, *oductions, etc. , he aimed at a general rather than a detailed accuracy. He wished to give the life of the times about which ne was writing as nearly as it actually was, as he could do it, but he did not mind slips in statement, ana– __ chronisms, etc., if they did not affect the interest and general effectiveness ºr ºf pictures. He says in regard to "Marmion", "Of course there were no nuns there (Abbey of Whitby) in tº º'e time nor long before it"; and again "I am un- sº if I abuse poetical license, in introducing Sir David Lyndsay in ºne character of Lion Herald sixteen years before he º that office". Also in regard to his giving the Templar º slaves, he seve, the author of a modern romance is not obliged to confine himself to. . . . those manners that existed in the time he is depicting" etc. H. A good instance of Scott's approximate accuracy is found in his use of Lollardy º as a leading motive in nºne Fair Maid of Perth". The time of the story is fixed as 1396 by the combat of two Highland clans - at the Inc. (5): Perth in that year. There is no absolute evid- ence that the teachings Of Wyclif spread to Scotland quite so * (*) that. In 1407 an English Lollard by the name of * ( ò - John Rese by, flying from persecution took refuge in Scotland (TF. Tºries Novels" p. 91 ºf Bagehot "Literary Studies" ºol. Iv, pp. 154, 166ff. - - ſº. Marmion. Canto II, verse i, nºte. (3) Tºid gºto IV, note 7 . (4). "Ivanhoe" Note II, Čhap. II. (5) See Scott's note £2'-il. of Peºth (6). See Trevelyan"England in the Age of Wyclif" pp. 553 f. cf. a-2C Neilson "Trial by Combat" p. 25l. *— - - . -vº-e and was burned at the stake; this, so far as actual records go, is the beginning of Lollardy in Scotland. In 1425 the Scottish Parliament directed the bishops to suppress Lollardy; but, according to the Hºnºrs, &S early as 1399 the Scottish Parliament directed ºne Duke of Albany to look for "malefactors, and especially heretics, at the request of the kirk to restrain them". Nothing is said as to just what kind of hereties these Were, yet the fact that there was a rising of ºtes in England is 1399, which resulted in many of them being put to death, would make it probable that some would flee to sootland, Or at least the authorities would fear this and provide against the danger arising from it. If this supposition be correct, We can trace Lollardy in scotland to within three years of the time at which Scott uses it in his story; or on the sup= -- position that 1487 is our earliest date, to within eleven years; or allowing several years to account for the seasoned and settled Lollardy of the monk Clement, to within about fifteen years of the time at which Scott makes it a vital issue in the life of Seotland. This is not near enough to make for ab– solute historical accuracy, but is near enough for Scott. In º fact in his own "History *** he refers to the burning # of John Rese by in 1407, showing that he knew how near he could bring Lollardy to 1396, and that k, was satisfied ºn this degree of accuracy, if he considered the question at all. As to accuracy of portrayal, aside from the matter of date, __ (ITTTTTTTTTE apersº II, 21, quoted in A. Lang "History of Scotland" vol. II, p. 265. . (2). "History of sectiánd", vol. I, p. 242. 109. his use of Lollardy in this novel, affords a good instance, again, of the degree of accuracy and fullness which seott attained. He makes no attempt to give a full account of Lollardy, but selects a few of its leading features, which seem to be correct so far as they go, and to refleet the popular view. The characterization of Lollard criticism of contemp- orary church sº and life, as put in the mouth of the monk Clement, includes the following items; that "the clergy . live easily and sleep softly"; that "our churchmen have become wealthy" and "accept bribes", and "allow people to purchase pardons by endowments to the church" and have let the "church doctrines become ºn and obscure"; doubt of the necessity of the rules and austerities of the monastic orderº clerical celibacy; desire to restore the priesthood to its "primitive simplicity"; remonstrance against the method of celebrating church festivals, the ordeal by combat, the half-heathen religious practices of the Highlanders, and the superstitious notion of cures wrought by sacred wells; charging the church with usurpation over men's consciences, etc. Many important points are omitted in this account of Lollardy, such as the 4. (TTTTTTTTTTTTT Perth." Chap. XIV. p. 159ſ. cf. Chap. XXVII pp 321, 323, and Chap. XI. p. 253. (2). On the ºccuracy of Scott, so far as he goes, and on the vital omissions in his account of Lollardy, cf. Lechler op. cit. "p. 569; Dictionary National Biography, Vol. IVIII, pp. 203ff "Wyclif" by H. Rashdall; Jºlie "History of Lºng- land under Henry IV "vol. I, p. 176; " Trevelyan, op. cit. p. 328. - 110. Lollard attack on transubstantiation, secularization of the church, "bought masses", indulgences and prayers, the treasury of merit and confession and absolution; the suggestion of witholding the tithes from bad priests; the exaltation of the Bible as compared with the Fathers and the authority of prelates and priests; our inability to dogmatize about Purgatory; ob- ſº to pilgrimages and to prayers and offerings at crosses and images, etc. Many of the above points seem vital to a truthful portrait of Lollardy, as e.g. its stand on transub- stantiation, which is "the central doctrine of medieval ortho- doxy", and the denial of it by Wyclif became the turning point in the history of the Lollard movement. Scott is accurate, however, in representing the her 2 sy hunters as being the piñior º monks of the *. since this order was "form- 3 * the special purpose of combating heresy", and in the 15th century the office *** was turned over to them, and it was before the Dominican º of Lindores that John Rese by was executed in 1407. (5) scott's absolute accuracy in haviº Rebecca tried for sorcery, and threatened with the death penalty and finally allowed to appeal to the ordeal by combat and being given the right of a champion to represent her, at the close of the 12th - T*ETEE-ITE+. Bior. Article "Wyclif", Vol. IXIII, p. 204. }: Fair Maid of Perth" chap. XIII, p. 152. clans" and vol. VI, p. 2, article "Inquisition". 4). A. Lang. op. cit. vol. I, p. 899. - 5). "Ivanhoe” p. 366. - _*- . "Schaff–Herzog" op. cit. vol. III, p. 439, article "Domini*- lil. century (c. 1194) in Scotland, seems open to question. Lee º- finds a *alsº of the secular jurists and law-givers respecting sorcerers in England in the thirteenth century". "Sorcery", he says, "is not mentioned at all in Glanvill, Braeton, the Eleta, or Britton”, nor in the ºthe mediaeval laws of Scotland compiled by Skene;" and "The Iter Camer- arii embodies detailed instructions for the inquests to be held by the Royal Chamberlain in his circuits, but in the long list of crimes and misdemeanors requiring investigation there is no allusion to sorcery or divination." He finds, also, that even the church paid little attention throughout Europe every- Where, to sorcery at this time, this being proved by the fact that when the Inguisition was organized it "was restrained for a con– siderable time from jurisdiction over this class of offenees", but they were left to the bishop to settle, as of ſo serious -º- import; and in England it was not till 1407 "in letters issued by Henry IV to his bishops that the matter of sorcery was placed in the hands of the church". Still further, the penalty provid- ed was only imprisonment, withdrawal of the sacraments, or excommunication in cases of obduracy," thus manifesting a leni- ency almost incredible"; as late as 1572 "a man accused of sorºry, in Southwark was simply summoned before the King's Bench and no indictment was brought against him; he was simply sworn not to practice sorcery and was discharged. Tea concludes that "to the fair and open character of English law is doubtless to be attributed the comparative freedom of the island from the terror - - (1) "History of the Inquisition" vol. III, pp. */ 4 20, 42.7 ° 112. of sorcery. --until the persecuting excitement arose in the (l) Lollard troubles". Finally, as to the resort to judicial com— bat in a case of sorcery, among all the cases of its use collect- ed by Les I find only one case showing any connection between sorcery and trial by battle. In the year ised in France two Women were accused of sorcery and one challenged the other to a duel to prove her innocence, but "no notice of this challenge _º was talen by the court". In contrast to this the case of - º - (2) by combat in the "Fair Maid of Perth" seems quite justified by fe (5) historic probability, for while it is true that in 1216 the º rial Lateran Council had abolished the ordeal" altogether and that - - (4) trial by combat "was not favored by the church", and that Alexander II had forbidden its use in Scotland in the 15th century, yet even James VI defended its use and in his time it * seems to have been employed in Scotland, and there are many evidences that both the from of the church and legal enactments were ineffective. Scott's purely relative accuracy may be illustrated, also, (5) by his presentation of the ordeal of "bier-right" in this same novel. This form of the º interested him greatly, and in a note to the ballad of "Earl Richard" he gives a number of in- stances of the prevalence of this superstition and also of its actually being admitte, in court as evidence, as late as 1661 - (44) * -º- * - " -: * ~ - - -t, - in Scotland. In these cases, however, it was not deliberately TT. Cº. CTT. vol. II, p. 420, and Chapter VI "Sorcery and the Cºult Arts", and Chap. VII "Witchgraft" - ºf- also Leº "Superstition and Force" p. 199 and leilson *Trial by Cºmbat". (2). Pº. 149, 274. (3). Schaff–Herage "º lºgº - º' vol. VI.ii, p. 252, "Ordeal" by G. W. Gilmore . . gif. also lait- * land "History of English Law" Vol. II, p. £99. (4). Thatcher and Ionesi "Source Book of Medieval History" p. 400. ----~ * Q) resorted to, as Scott presented it in the novel, but, by - 2– chance, evidence was obtained in this way and was allowed to receive some consideration. Scott shows by his method of introducing it that he recognises a certain degree of hist– orical impac bability in having the Scottish royal council solemnly turn to this primitive imethod of securing justice. He makes the town-clerk, in calling for this ancient method, Sãy that, it was often resorted to in the days of the sover- eign's ºncestors. . . in the time of Charlemagne, King Arthur, Gregory the Great, and the mighty Achains. . . . in this our land of Scotland" etc. and the provost in his reply says he has "heard of it". . . but "not being well versed in our ancient laws" he does not know much about it. But scott evidently Wished to use it as a picturesque element of medieval life, and so disregarded the actual time of his story. He is - equally free in his use of the forms for this ordeal, which, indeed he frankly !ºresses. He gives the ceremonial in some detail, and then in a note quotes as authority a document giv- ing the form used for another ordeal, that by fire, with the remark, "the ceremonial on occasions such as that in the text (bier-right) was probably much the same as what is here describ- º ed" 4. We note also in Scott, as in Southey, "the habit of put- - fing sentiments into the mouths of his characters that do not; TCT XX, pp. 240ſ. (6) "Minstrelsy of the Scottish Border" vol. II, p. 133; cf. also "Fair Maid of Perth". Note 41 to p. 272. (Cº.) cf. Lea "Superstition and Force" pp. 278 fif; Lea gives cases of the judicial employment of "Bahr- Recht" in Germany until the l6th cent. 1, but not in Scotland. - Aºa º ºs woºd Dictiºnary", "with the exception of . , triël by battle the various forms of trial by ordeal were abolish- ed in England, in 1815–19 "of... also Thayer in "Select Essays - - " 5 of lin Anº - erical eral T ist Ory vol. II, D = < * * * le-ºriº Hº H ºw == - º to the period with which he is dealing. He makes Lord - Marmion, for example, declare , "Of Mature's laws So strong I held the force That never superhuman cause Could e 'er control their course". Now, although at the time in which the seene of the poem is laid, a sceptical turn of mind is not out of place, yet the Scepticism of the middle ages i3 different from modern scepticism. and this sentiment is the modern attitude to natural law. Medieval scepticism included such free discussion * * Trinity, the divine justice, etc., as is cited in "Piers Plowman" as one of the acoustations against the laity at their feasts. Lounsbury also thinks Chaucer shows a sceptical turn of mind towards Judicial astrology, alchemy, many popular superstitions, the Value of celibacy, and monasticism, and that ºver considers O Critically the question of immortality. Sir David Lyndsey, Whom Scott mentions in this poem, as being present at the battle of Flodden, exhibits in **** a critical attitude towards the church. In Peacock's "Repressor" we find rationalism, an appeal to the "doom of reason", etc., which is, perhaps, an anticip- ation of modern historical criticism. But these sentiments º are not at all like the words of Lord º about the reign º of law. There were, indeed, "a few philosophical spirits among the ºatharin who were "accused by their enemies of denying the J. Cºnto TV, verse XVIII. (2) See Lounsbury "Studies in Chaucer" Vol. II, pp. 495ff, cf. also Trevelyan" op. cit. h. 3 1? - 1. See e.g. "Kittie's Confession","The Three Estate'", "The Dream", • E. g. vol. I, chap S. III and IV and passim. º ºg. ) Lea "History of the Inquisition" vol. I, p. 99, cf. also p. 61. - --- TT ( ( ( 115. (1) - existence of miracles" and Edward I is reported to have ſlaughed ” to scorn the idea that his dead father had miraculously restored a rogue's * these cases are only sporadio at best, and by their very raº show that this attººse towards nature was not characteristic of the medieval mind, even when of a sceptical turn. It seems apparent that Scott has introduced rather a pure- ly modern state of mind into Lord Marmion. scott */*-* regard to an important point in the plot of "Marmion" º not concerned with our special theme, that "the nature of Marmion's guilt, though similar instances were found and might be quoted, as existing in feudal times, was nevertheless, not sufficiently peculiar to be indic– ative of the character of the period, forgery being a crime of a commercial rather than a proud and warlike age. This gross defeat ought to have been remedied or palliated". Another tºgence of this same defect is found in the so astonished ejaculation of Brian du Bois Guilbert, regarding the trial of Rebecca for sorcery, "Will future ages believe that such bigotry ever existed", which seems to express the senti- ment of these same future º rather than the time of the first crusade. Again in the "Betrothed" (whose date is about 1187) we . find the terms "Lollard or Iconoclast" applied to a heretic. This is almost two hundred years too sºrºr Lollard and as for - º Iconoclast, while it was originally used in the ºth and 9th (TTaºs Toº TTC ſieval England" pp. 359ſ. (2) Introduction, p. YI. (3). "Ivanhoe, p. 368. º (4) ...E. 186. (5). Oxford Dictionary. 116. Ar- centuries it does not appear again until the 1sº century in connection with the Reformation. Scott also, in several cases, introduces into his novels 3. naturalistic explanation of nºvelious phenomena, which is modern rather than medieval, inasmuch as the middle ages drew no line between the natural and the supernatural, and so the supernatural required no explanation. Tor example, in "Anne of sººn Scott makes the heroine explain to Arthur at the close of the story all the supernatural phenomene that have played so large a part in the development of the action; the Whole mystery is unravelled and nothing supernatural left. In the same way, º the spectre of the midnight combat of Marmion, and the demon that spoke from the Edinburgh Cross. In the "Lord ..º. Isles" in an impressive description of the "supernatural fire" that greeted Bruce upon his landing in Scotland, the medieval mental attitude is broken in upon by the question "Now ask w8 whence that wondrous light Whose fº glow beguiled their sight" etc. and the question is answered by the suggestion of a meteor, etc. . - - ( 4. ) - - - - º inally, "The White Lady of Avenel" after affecting the minds of the characters in "The Monastery" in true medieval style, is laugh- ed off the stage at the close of the story. *- (l). Pſ, 283f. (2). "Marmion" ºp. 512ſſ. (3) canto v, verse (4). Cº. soott's criticism of Mrs. Radcliffe, | XVI.i. Clare Reeve, etc., along this same line, "Periodical Criticism" vol. II, p. 166, 250ff, 870 fif, and "Biographical Memoirs" vol. I, pp. 314 fif, and 369.ſf. *Q II 7. These are indications of a failure to grasp clearly the intellectual conditions of the middle ages. While this may - - (1) be a characteristic limitation of Scott in general it applies certainly to his presentation of the medieval church. It is the Outer appearance that * jº sees and not the inner soul, what - 2. - - men do and not what they tºº or feel. In the "Monastery" 3 - e.g. Soot starts out to "conjoin two characters in that bustling and contentious age, who, thrown into situations that give them – different views on tle subject of the Reformation. . . . . with the same Sincerity and purity of intention, dedicate themselves, the one to the sinking fabric of the gatholic Church, the other to the establishment of the Reformed doctrines", but these two - - - men, Halbert and Edward Glendemning, do not anywhere in the Whole course of the novel, nor in its sequel." The Abbot", reveal he process by which they adpºt their diverse creeds. We merely (4) learn that Halbert "has fallen from the faith", and Cdward appears as "a novice in the monastery". we have plenty of inform- ation about º "bustling and contentious age" but little light on the state of mind of these two men, of their feelings, beliefs, mental conflict, etc. Scott also, occasionally is chargeable with the inexactness. of exaggeration. He accuses the medieval *** of deliberate fraud. He speaks, for example, of "priestly forgeries to give credence to a legend" as a general thing in the church. Penances (6) he calls "a composition between guilt and innocence". H-T- (T), GT.T.T.T. Hutton "Sir Walter Scott, p. 216. (2). Gif. Bagehot "Literary Studies" vol. II, pp. 130-173, 180. "Creeds are data in his novels; people have different creeds ... but each keeps his own", etc. - sº 3). "Monastery." Introduction p. VII. (4) pp. 57,366. 5). "Essay on Romance" p. 182. (6) "Tales of a Grandfather" vol. II. Gham. - 118. l He speaks of the Popes as "pretending they were infallible", - and of the "popes and clergy." selling "as they pretended, the forgiveness of heaven". A great many clerical characters of one sort or another appear in Scott's pages, and he shows a general and wide know- ledge of them, as to their costumes, customs, distinctions, etc., and a fairly exact knowledge as well. It is to be noted, how- ever, that he aims here as in other respects to give a general impression, rather than *** in details. In "Harold the **, *. example, the "sculptur- ed form" of the dead Bishop of St. Cuthbert's is described with "staff and ring and scapulaire". The term "scapulaire" does not seem to belong distinctively **ay bishop, as ring and staff do, being merely a "general monastic garment", which the Bishop might have on under his cope, if he were a monk or friar, but apparently is selected at random among possible vestment . The Bishop's successor, Aldingar, is said to "have * him in Cope and pall", but "pall" seems to be "the canº! mark of primates, metropolitans and archbishops" and only a few privil- eged bishops wore them; Scott seems to assume that all bishops wore them. In the same passage we have the expression "that priests and all beadsmen may pray for his soul" money was left . by Count Wittikind, etc., but beadsmen in the sense of "one paid Or endowed to ſº for others" is not found, apparently before its use by Skelton in 1528. In "The Abbot" also we have a description of the general (5) Gustom for such ceremonials as the induction of a new Abbot, in TITC-TEC I, verse xx. - - (2) "cath. Ency. ", vol. XIII, p. 508; cf. also Cutts, cf. cit - p. 235. (3) Waleott p. 419. (4) oxford Diet. (5) Chap. xIII. 119. h which it is said that "the new abbot. ... with ring, mitre, dal- matique and crosier, etc". The ring, mitre and erosier, however, are part of the insignia of a bishop, and would not be worn un- less the abbot were a nitrºbot", that is, possessed of 9piscopal rank. Scott seems to assume that all abbots were mitred. Of the Knights Templar of whom Scott speaks so often, he seems to have been quite accurately informed, even to small - details. He refers to their habit, for example, that worn by Brian Du Bois Guilbert, as showing at once by its "tough of º Scarlet" that; he did º belong to any of the four regular orders of monks"; and that worn by the Grand Master Iºlas Beaumanoir, "his white mantſ, "... "shaped with severe regularity according to the rule of St. Bernard himself", with further details added. He gives, also, a quite minute account of the original austerity of - the order, its rules touching on various things, which seems to be very exact although he does indicate his authority. There Seem to be instances in which he uses the terms "grey", "White", "black", etc. of monks, applying them as epithets without any indication in the text that the adjective fitted, such º (4) 5) grey brothers sung". But in calling the abbot in "The Lord of the Isles” a "black stoled monk", and a little later "that grey . monk", he seems to be correct in the use of these epithets, / tº since the Cistercian Monks, for example, Wore a gown and hood Over a white cassock", but they also were a black cloak over it TT. C.F. Guº's op. cit. p. 115, also century Dietionary under ring, mitre; also Thatcher and McNeal op. cit. p. 497, "occasiºnally the Pöpe granted its use (mitre) io some abbºt whom, he wished specially to honor", and see also letter of Innºgent III grant- ing use of mitre to the Abbot of Marseilles in 1204; cf. also "Abbot" in "cath. Ency. ", vol. I, p. 20, by T- Cestºich; (2). "Ivanhoe” chap. II. - - (3). Ibid. chap. XXXV. cf. "Cath. Ency." Vol. XIV, pp. 493 ff. by G. Moeller: of. quotations from early documents given in 120. | when they went beyond the walls of the monastery". When, how- ever, he describes the monks of Renº, which he says is Melrose Abbey, as marching out of the abbey "with long black gowns and cowls with their white scapulaires hanging over them", he seems to have reversed the garments, as Melrose was a bisºn monastery. - Scott's allusions to the life within the convent seem to show his knowledge of such matters, as for example, the __ hosºlity shown: the Abbot receiving the soºn of his monks, etc. He uses the term "Father" loosely, applying it quite - 5 generally to his clergy, as for example, ºrateſ diamentº and ** - 6 Father Frances", wºº "Father Mikoyanan. The term "Father” (7) - means "a priest belonging to a religious order" or "the superior of a monastic house in relation to those subject to his rule, Or it is used as a prefix to the name of a priest. But the earliest instance of the first use given in the Oxford Dictionary is löll, and of the latter use, 152%, quoted from More's "Dyologue" (Father Donald). Scott seems to have adopted freely a later usage of the term. - (8) ſt In "The Lady of the Lake, Scott introduces a "soldier's º Song", which is supposed to reflect the view that more or less The EGTSTETTIENETop. cit. p. 492. Although the rule for the Templars was that of St. Benedict, it was drawn up by St. Bernard. (4). “Harold the Dauntless" Canto i, verse II. (5). "Canto II, verse 12, and Canto III; Cutts op. cit. p. 17. TTTTTHE TOTE: Féry" chaft. xXVI. - (8). See Cutts as above; and "Cath. Ency". under "Melrose". (3). "Quentin Durward” p. 80; cf. Cutts, op. cit. p. 61. (5). F.M. of P. n (date e. 1396) (4) "Monastery" chap. X; cf. Cutts, (6). "Betrothed" date e. 1187) op. Git. p. 55. (7). Oxford Dictionary. (8) Canto VI, verse V. 2- drunken soldiers would take of the elergy. To give a medieval effect he has the soldier speak of "the seven deadly sins", "Peter and Poule", "good Mother church", terms that fit the middle º Well, but he also has the line "the dues of his cure are plalºet and pot", though placet or p£acket, meaning women, is fiot found, according to the Oxford Dictionary, earlier than 1606 in Shakespeare's "Troilus and Cressida", and "pot", meaning liquor is not found, according to the same authority until 1583. (a) He uses also the phrase "Curtal Friar", applying it to Friar Tuck in Ivanhoe, although this is found for the first time in 1610, and its use by Scott is called by the Oxford Dictionary "a vague archaism of Sãott's"; p- (3) In "The Lord of the Isles" Scott puts in the mouth of the * abbot who comes to the castle to perform the marriage ceremony, s description of the excommunication, as it had been pronounced against Robert Bruce by the Pope for the murder of Comyn. Certain phrases describing the effect of excommunication are literally *. such as "expels thee from the church's care", "stills o'er thy bier the holy verse", and "spurns thy corpse from y hallow'd ground". Others may be taken as loosely poetical, such # as "shuts paradise and opens hell", and "blends the living with the dead". ºbids each good angel soar away", and "deafens heaven .T.Reign of James V, 1513–1542. - . Chap. XXXII; cf. also "Tiady ** the Lake", Appendix note G. . Canto II, verses XXVIIIf... (I) (2) (3) (4). "Cath. Eméy." "Excommunication" by A. Baudinhon. ** against thy prayer", their accuracy, also, depending some- What on the point of view, of the vićtim or of others. But one or two phrases are incorrect, such as "bids every ill one claim his prey", "arms every hand against thy life", "banas all who aid thee in the strife", "nay, each whose succor cold and scant, With meanest alms relieves thy want". The effect of the "major excommunication" is the loss of the sacraments, of the public Services of the church, of ecclesiastical burial, of jurisdic- tion, of benefices, of Ganonical rights, and of social inter- course, so far as it can be enforced. The Bull of excommunic- ation against Bruce did apply to "his ** as well as him- self, but there is no indication that the bull went so far in its specifications as suggested in these phrases, in fact "the bull sº to have had little effect in Scotland", and the --- precarious position of Bruce, as described in Hailes’ "Annals of Scotland" was due to political conditions, not to the bull. Scott also applies to the excommunication of Bruce the term "anathema", as though the two were strictly synonymous, but, the term "anathema", while often loosely used as synonymous With the major excommunication, seems to be specially used as "an (4) exaggerated form of excommunication, from which, however, it . does not differ essentially, but simply in the matter of special solemnities and outward display". - (l). Hai Te's Tºnnals of Scotland" (Edinburgh 1819) vol. 11, p. 4. (2). Burton "History of Scotland" vol. II, p. 244; cf. "Dict. of Nat. Biog." on "Robert Bruce" by A. E. Mackay, vol. VII, pplifff (3). Hailes op. cit. vol.II, p. 10; it was Edward I, who issued an order that all who aided Bruce in any way should be hanged. (4). "Gath. Ency" as above. ~ 123. " In his description of the method of recantation, proposed “ by Simon Glover, Scott may have applied to the Iollards of Scot- land a method of recantation that was not actually used at that time. It runs as follows: "I am *Hasa to sue out my pardon in the spiritual court, carry my fagot to the gallows foot in token of recantation, and purchase once more the name of a good Cath- olic, etc". This general method of recanting seems to have been º use in the middle ages, since a fagot is defined as "a badge - º, in medieval times by those who had recanted their heretical opinions" and "to burn one's fagot" means "to recant heresy, from the custom of obliging one who had escaped the stake by recant- ing his errors, to carry a fagot- fºr publicly and burn it". I can find , however, as cases in which this method was used in the time of the Lollards, a case quoted by º being quite different, the heretic simply coming to the king's court - of chancery and being examined there in the presence of the arch- bishop of York and swearing that "from this day I will Worship images, etc., and shall no more despise pilgrimage". It seems probable that Scott had picked up this 4.3% of medieval Golor somewhere and was not overparticular as to * * it belong- ed., at least had no evidence that it belonged here. In the "Lay of the Last Minstrel" we find a somewhat con- (5) fused account of the requiem mass. The procession of priests is described as coming up the aisle, dressed in "sable cowl and soap- ular", and "snow white stoles" and bearing "taper and host and (I).T.I. C.F.T. p. 322. - (2). "Ventury Dictionary" under "fagot". . . - (3). Trevely an op. cit. 321. (4) cf. Lea "Hist: of the Inquis- ition", vol. I, p. 457, on different forms of abjuratiºn "adapted to different cases of its use, whether for suspicion, light, vehe- ment, or violent, or after confession and repentance, etc." (5). Canto WI. verse xxx. {- 124. book", and then pausing while the abbot blesses the pilgrims as they kneel, and after this "mass was sung" etc., and nearby in the "close" the "hymn of intercession", the "Dies Irae" was heard etc. One of the requirements for a requiem mass is that it shall "always beºlºrates in black vestments", so that "snow white stoles" would not be used. The scapular is "part of the habit #ºns monastic orders", but not a vestment for the mass, and so would not be visible as a mark for description, as these priests advance; the mº also Would not be borne in the procession, along with "taper" and "book"; the officiating priests would not advance up the aisle, nor would the ceremonial be apt to be * to bless the kneeling pilgrims, nor is 4. - the singing of the mass a separate thing in itself. The sequence º (5) "Dies Irae" although "that hymn is comparatively new even to the " až - Roman liturgy, for the true date of its employment, Rome is not earlier than the end of the 15th century", might have been used at this time, as the present scene is laid in the middle of the 16th century. 6 Scott also says that "many a priest in cope and stole" shall sing masses for "Red Comyn's soul". While the stole was worn at mass, the cope was "not a £ucharistic but a an!!!, vestment", a * * processions. . . but never employed by the priest and his sacred ministers in offering the holy sacrifice", the "dis- tinctive vestment for the mass" being the chasuble. TTTTTTTETTE Tºyolopaedi. on "Requiem Mass" vol. XII, p. 777 by Pietro Piacenza. - §: Walcott, op. cit. - ship of the divine Eucharist which had been brought thither and placed on the holy table". (4). "Gath. Ency. " on "Mass" vol. IX, p. 791 f, by A. Fortescue. Çf. Rook "The Church of Our Fathers" vol. IV, p. 32 "in Wor-- (I) The Gibbot who comes to the castle of then Lord of the Isles" to perform the marriage ceremony is described as bearing in his hand "#ine holy rood", wearing a white amice" and pronounc- ing a "#enédicite". While the âmice seems to be one of the necessary garments for such an occasion, the Oxford Dictionary gives 1610, (Giles Fletcher) as the earliest instance found of saw-e “k . the use of "Benediate" ºne Invocation of a blessing on one- - self or others", though its use in England as a blessing asked at table is earlier. ( The twelve monºs * With the abbot, are "black stol- ed", bear relics, and are followed "by many a ***". The bringing of relics seems to have been usual, º reliquaries" being part of "the accessories" of a procession, but in process— | ions the crosses seem to lead, rather than bring up the rear. - (4) The account of the last rites for a dying man in "Castle 4. - Dangerous" is rather vague and loose and hardly seems to fit the description of such a rite. Scott says the Bishop of Glas- gow whag" called to administer comfort to a dying man", and "the prelate lost no time in calling the attention of the wounded man to the state of his spiritual affairs, and assisted him to such comfort as the doctrine of the church directed should be *#) º 5 istered to departing sinners; but there is no mention of confession on the part of the dying man, nor of absolution, but the two TRock op. cit. vol. IV, p. 204. (6) "Lord of the Isles" Canto II (7) Bumpus "Dictionary of Ecclesiastical Terms" p. 99. ( verse XXIX (8) "Catholic Ency. " vol. IV, p. 352 on "Cope" by H. Thurston. - l) Canto II, verse XXIII. (2) Ibia verse XXII. (3) Walcott op.cit on "Relies" and "Processions" p. 497, 475. (4) Chapter XIX. (5). "cath. Ency" on "Sacrament of Penance" by E. J. Hanna, vol. #3 "confession was regularly a part of the preparation for death "in England, cases being found as early as 1172, etc. 126. | engage in an animated discussion of the righteousness of bearing arms against the enemies of Scotland, during the entire time they are together. But the account of the same sacrament in l "The Lay of the Last Minstrel" seems quite adequate, // . - - O'er him he kneels down in prayer And still the crucifix on high He holds before his darkening eye; And still he bends an anxious ear His faltering penitence (confession) to hear. Pours ghostly comfort in his heart And bids him trust in God", although there is no mention of extreme unction which seems never to have been omitted even in cases of imminent death, and in circumstances which made the viaticum impossible. In ** the lines "On Christmas Eve the mass was sung That only night in all the year saw the stated priest the chalice rear". In a note Scott says "In all Catholic countries mass . was never said at night except on Christmas Eve." This is partially confirmed by the ºatholie **** says "Mass may be said at any time between dawn and midday" except Orl * when a priest should say three masses, of which the first should be just after midnight. It is to this latter TT. Jº-Wi-FEºse xxLII; of "cath. Ency." Vol. IV, pp. 990ff "Preparation for Death". 289 sº (2). Introduction to Canto VI, and note p- - (3). Article mass, vol. IX, p. 798, by A. Fortescue- mass, probably that Scott refers. But on the other hand, the same regulation seems to have applied to All souls day, though only in Spain and Portugal; and according to wºbºt, "In the Middle Ages the nightly celebrations were permitted on Christ- mas Eve, on St. John Bºstºne on Easter Eve". Scott defines an indulgence as "a * to break through the laws of God and the Church... called indulgence, because - - - Lºs those who purchased ºf were indulged in the privilege of committing irregularities and vices, without being supposed to be amenable to the divinë. Wrath". This is an incorrect though popular Way of describing indulgenses, Which are rather to be defined as follows:"An * is a remission of the temporal punishment due to sin, the guilt of which has been forgiven". . . "not a per- mission to commit sin, nor the forgiveness of the guilt of sin". It has been said that Scott" had no knowledge of nor judgment about gothic architecture or any other * and this is probably true so far as exact jºientific knowledge of it is concerned. His use of the term sºlº furnishes an inter- esting case of this. He speaks of "corbells carved grotesque and grim", and in a note adds this explanation , "projections º from which arches sprung, usually cut in a fantastic face or mask". The Oxford Dictionary says this passage of Scott's "has taken hold of the popular fancy and associated the word With the notion of grotesque, nrnamentation; but a G Orbell is not an orn- ament, nor does ornamentation enter into its essential character". T.T.SacreºſTArchaeology." "Mass" p. 368. ). "Tales of a Grandfather", vol. II, p. 36. - - ). "Cath. Ency. " vol. VII, p. 789, by W. H. Kent, cf. Schaff- Herzog, op. Git. by T. Brieger, Vol. V, p. 485. 4). Ruskin "Modern Painters" vol. III, p. 271. 5). "Lay of the Last Minstrel" Canto II, verse X. º | 128. But his description of such a building as wºe Abbey, shows if not a detalied knowledge of architecture, a general knowledge of it and a fine appreciation of it. To him it is "the ancient and beautiful monastery of Melrose" and "its ruins afford the finest specimen of Gothic Architecture and Gothic Sculpture which Scotland can boast", rather than "in the Decorated and Perpendicular º Style With pronounced Frºntinence" as a student of architecture would describe it. His notes show that he was familiar with sudk works as Hall's "Essay on Gothic Architecture"; and it is true 3 - also that "The grand ºature drawn by Scott in “The Lay of the Last Minstrel' is constantly quoted as an almost perfect presentation of the Abbey in the days of its Splendor", and also that he has "**** the 243. window" etc. - In "The Făir Maid of Perth" the custom of criminals flee— , ing to the "galilee" of the church is introduced. Scott gets the description of the galilee and its use for excommunicated persons from Surtee's "History of Durham", but adds, without mentioning his authority, its use for criminals as a same tºy. Its use as a sanctuary does not seem to have been the universal custom, as Scott asserts. At Durham, for example, the criminal seeking sanctuary applied to the North door of the Cathedral and not at the galilee. At cofºne, however, the fugitive "lay in a chamber near the galilee" etc.; and the galilee "according to TIEHTTEEETI, Verse XXXI. (2). "Ency. Brit. " vol. 18, p. 100 ). Note to Canto II, verse XI. See "Edinburgh Philosophical Transactions". Scott, however, was evidently more interested and knew more about what had taken place in Melrose Abbey, etc. , than about its architecture. "Scottish Cisteroian Houses" in Dublin Review, April, 1902. *Eigy. Erit." as above. (6). Chap. IX and note 24: Surtees º "History of Durham" vol. I, p. 56. Waleott op. cit. article on "Sanctuary" p. 527. : ( ( : | -- -(| 7 ) - 129. (l) - - SOIſle authorities" was regarded as less sacred than other parts of the church or cathedral. This may be the origin of Scott's idea about its use as a sanctuary; and doubtless customs varied at different churches, as already suggested by the difference in use between Durham and Cologne. In the same connection, Scott makes the Prior of St. Dominic's Church say that "the custom of our house is to afford º hours of uninterrupted refuge in the sanctuary of -- St. Dominic, without asking any questions, and after that the fugitives must have "their seeking sanctuary put on the register of the convent". I can find no mention in the laws regulating the use of sanctuary of this twenty ºr hours respite, except the fact, that at Rºsa, which was a special sanctuary for debtors, "after twenty four hours' residence the debtor had to __ enter his name in the record of the Abbey court in order to ent; it le him to ºther protection". The different houses may have had rules of their own governing such matters, but the common law, on the other hand, regulated the privilege of sanctuary very stringently. A few instances may be given in which Scott shows care , to be exact in his use of the terms, etc. , of medieval church life. He is correct in his use of the pious ejaculation "May 4. - * - - - God assº dead", for while there was a discussion in the middle ages as to the power of absolution entrusted to the church, {T, KUE-FOTTTTotionary. (2). See Walcott, Oxford Dictionary, Cath. Ency. etc. under "Sanctuary". (3). Ency. Brit. vol. 24, p. 130 (article unsigned). (4). "Haiidon Hill" p. 79. º 130 - 3.S. #plied to the dead in Purgatory, the usually accepted GOIl- clusion.ºe authority of Thomas A-quinas, was that the church can only "apply indulgenges to the dead by way of suffrage" that is, by way of appeal to God, and "only God can absolve the dead". In "Ivanhoe" the descriptions of the burial customs practised seem to be quite *runs done, including the hymns Sung, the Watchers, the priests praying continually by the bier - at night, and the use of "soul-seat" wºuneral fee, etc. Scott is able to justify such an apparently strange state- ment as that, when a bride appeared in church to be married and (3) stood by the altar, "a merlin sat upon her Wrist". - - (4) He refers to the "pacts" entered into between rival clans to go on a pilgrimage as a means of ending a feud, Which he Supports by a citation from Froissart's "Chronicle". º - (5) He quotes in full a Latin charter "De Pitāmcia Centum Librarum", given by Robert Bruce to the obbot and monks of Melrose for a regular sum of money to supply them. With extra delicacies, to support his remarks on the "indulgences of monks"; (6) - while the phrase "by way of Miseric ord" he gets from Fosbrooke's - - - - "British Monachism". (7) º He shows acquaintance with Strutt's "Sports and Pastimes of the People of England", from which he cites a reference to the Anglo-Saxon Gospel of Mark that throws light on the methods of the jongleurs. - (TTTC:{TTET. Vºl. I, pp. Clf by E. J. Hanna, (2). Chaps. …II, and xiii.; cf. "Cent- Diºt - on "sºul-seat': (3). º. of the T.I.. " Canto VI, verse V, note; one of the evils complained of by the clergy seems to have been that the * people brought hawks and hounds to church with them. - (4). "I of the i.M." Canto I, verse VIII; cf. Froissart, Vol. I, chap. GX, pp. 158ſ, (edition by Thomas Johnes. Scott used "Ber- ners F. ) 131. º While his account of the journey of the messenger bear- ing the **** in "The Lady of the Lake" is imaginary in its exact details yet Scott succeeds in putting together the information he had gathered of the blending of war and religion in the lives of medieval Highlanders in such a way as to give a striking picture and one that may well have been true to history. It includes Brian the Hermit with his "muttered Spell", which "Although the holiest name was there, Had more of blasphemy than prayer" Who sends the "young Maclise" on his journey; the funeral pro- Gession which he encounters where "the dismal coronac resounds" and the messenger "holds forth the cross besmeared with blood." and calls the mourners to leave the dead and attend the muster; and the wedding in the Church of St. Bride's which he inter- rupts and calls the bride-groom away from the altar, etc. While this is a made up" picture, yet its parts are described by one Who understands them. We may conclude in regard to Scott, that while he was less accurate as a student of the medieval church than Southey, yet he was a diligent student in his own Way, and he more than , ) ) ) - "Monastery" note XX. - Ibid note XIX; cf. on "Miseric ord" Oxford Dictiºnary. "Lady of the fake", Canto VI, verse V1; of Strutt op. cit. Bk. III, chap. W, and Bright's edition of West Saxon Gospel of Mark, Chap. VI, verse 22, on verb "tumbode", as trans- lation for "danged" in case of Herodias. - TTT jºii, verse Xff. - --º 132. made up for his lack of scientific accuracy at times, by a natural sympathy with the field he was studying and by an instinct for the study of history and a genuine human inter- est, which Southey lacked. But, as was the case with Southey, he fails to grasp perfectly the intellectual conditions of the period and to identify himself with the standpoint of the medieval church. He betrays occasionally the feeling of dealing _- With an alien civilization. 3. Coleridge. Coleridge is not a careful sºent of medieval religious faith or custom. He writes,"I do not like history", but rather "poetry, poets of the mind, dreamers", etc. He refers to few authorities, and to these usually only in the most general Way. For example, º quotes a story reflecting on the priest- º - --> ) hobd "from an old spanish humorist". He writes "I have read some- 3. - tº-º-º: (4) ** where a story ºf a Turk" etc. He says "the Românists teach etc. When he reads an author his notes and comments are merely expressions of personal opinion, ideas suggested by what he he is reading, fancies/likes to play with, rather than a con- sideration of the matter from an historical point of view. He ºº remarks that the case of a *anton num" mentioned by Blanco White in º tº Letters from Spain", "must be a common thing in such a climate, etc". and the statement in the same book that "the dispute on the Immaculate conception of the Virgin began between the Franciscans and poºleans as early as the 15th - Tsºters ºf p. 181, cf. pH 211 and 105. - - Allsop ºniº, º: vol. II 5. º: (3) Ibid P. 47. º "Aids, etc." Works vol. I, Ph. soºf. (5) miliº. Rémºism’ is...sº Ibid p. 532. | vol. V, p. 531. I ---- (I) (2) (4) (6) century" starts in his mind, not a question of historical truth but a discussion of the abstract credibility of the doctrine. Although he raises the question whether *. in the Frescoes in the cemetery at Pisa (on the Patience of Job) "borrowed from Dante or vice versa", he leaves it as a "curious question" tº makes no effort to investigate it,In his "Critique of Bertram" he refers to an "old Spanish play entitled "Atheista ſºulminata", formerly and perhaps still - acted in the churches and monasteries of Spain, which under various names (Don Juan, The Libºine, etc. ) has had its day f favor in every country throughout Europe", but except this brief reference he does not consider it at all from the historical point of view, but criticises "it's grotesqueness and extravagance" and wonders about the reason for its popularity. It is difficult to tell whether Coleridge means to imply that this Spanish play is the source of the other plays dealing with Don Juan, but if so he does not seem to be correct, since "he º was first introduced into formal literature in the Spanish El Burlader de Sevilla y Convidado de Piedra, a play which was first printed at Barcelona in 1630 and is usually attributed to Tirso de Molina", and "the story was current . before 1630 and is not peculiar to Spain", yet "the character of Don Juan may be considered as the creation of Tirso do Molina". The dramas "Zapolya" and "Remorse" have practically no notes referring to the sources drawn upon in their production. TWGFTVoI. VI, p. 334. (2). "Biog. Lit. Works, vol. III, p. 560 (3). "Ene. Brit. " voi. 8, p. 416, "Don Juan" by J. Fitzmaurice-Kelley. * 134. His statements that touch on medieval or NCatholic church matters are apt to be sweeping generalizations without reference to concrete cases or special times or conditions, and are often to be put down as mere expressions of personal Opinion, perhaps, entertained only for the moment. Examples of this are the follow— ing: "No country ever º benefit; jº more harm from the Papacy than England"; "Look in Popish sº for the - hideous consequences of the doctrine that the priest may go to hell for sinfully commanding, and his parishoners go with him for not obeying his command"; "The º has had three phases, anti-caesarean, extra-national, anti-Christian"; "How deep a wougld to moral and social purity has that accursed doctrine of the celibacy of the clergy been", a statement that ignores - altogether the fact acknowledged by *. that there were -º- advantages in the practice of celibacy at the time in which it was begun, and even benefits of a practical kind to be urged in its favor still. - - One or two statements of Coleridge may be tested more in detail as to their historic accuracy, etc. (5) - 1). "The lawful kings and parliaments of England were , always essentially Protestant in feeling for a national church though they adhered to the received doctrines of the Christianity of the day; and it was only the usurpers, John, Henry IV, etc., that went against this policy". TI). WCFESTWCITWTTT5. (2) Works vol. W. p. 258 (3). Works vol. VI, p. 445. . (4). "Cath. Ency" völ. III, p. 482, "Celibacy", in which Pºllinger - is quoted as opposing the abolition of clerical celibacy - by the Old Catholic party, etc. (5). Works vol. vi., p. 448. (a). While it is true that the Mºors of England shows a general tendency to oppose the aggressions of the papacy, and infavor of the independence of the national church, yet we should hardly speak of such kings as William Rufus, Henry I, Henry II, 3. etc. , in their struggle for personal power against the church, as being "essentially Protestant in feeling". It was rather "the church against the despotism of the crown", "the encroachment of the Pope upon the rights of the crown", etc. (b). In a number of cases also, "The º and the popes found it to their mutual interest to assist each other to domineer over the nation". Edward III, e.g., bargained with {º} Pope in 1330 "to share between them the tenths which for four years were to be levied on the revenues of ecclesiastics, "Which is eited &S "another instance in which the Papacy and the Crown conspired º, together. . . . to replenish their funds at the expense of the church". Henry III also, was in close "alliance with the Pope against the interest of the nation and the national church". ºngº ºur- ing the reign of Henry III was sucked dry like an orange by king and pope combined". (c.). On the other hand Henry IV, far from being an ally tº-, treated With derision 4 of the Pope, as suggested by Co. (5) - the fope's excommunication of those who took part in the execution of Richard Scrope, Archbishop of York; and he also "repeatedly refused to accept the papal nominees". (6) 2). "Look through the whole history of countries professing TTT. Taizº Tstory of English Church" pp. 98, 103, 120. (2). Wakeman op. cit. p. 138. - (3). Capes op. cit. pp. 34:ff. (4). Wakeman op. cit. pp. 132f. - (5). Capes op. cit. pp. 159ſ f. (6). Works vol. VI, p. 365. 136. the Romish Religion and you will uniformly find the leaven of this besetting and accursed principle of action, that the end Will sanction any means". It is fair to ask, Has this principle of conduct ever been so recognized by the church, or is it so universally found in practice in Catholic countries that it may be said to be a principle of ºn ºf the Roman Catholic Church? Even in re- l º “ ºr ºn a sed --- *- gard to the Jesuits, it is a fºr questiop” he —--- _- cas fºether this order ever taught that the end justifies the - tl& means, individual Jesuits probably did teach it; 4 ºf - - there is no evidence that the church as a whole, or officially, ever approved of the doctrine. 3). "In the preparation of the sº the great British schoolmen led the way", "All the Great English School- --- men, Scotus Erigena, Duns Scotus, Ockham and others, those morn- ing stars of the Reformation, were heart and soul opposed to Rome, and maintained the Papacy to be anti-Christ". whilº * three of these men were, in a sense, forerunners of the Reformation, it is only of Oceam that it could be said º he was "heart and soul opposed to Rome". Although Scotus º was condemned by the Synod of Valence for putting reason 4. above authority, yet "in his general thinking he was true to the teaching of the church", and there seems to be no evidence of TT). SGTaſſ-Teſzog op. cit. vol. VI, pp. 141 ff. Article "Jesuits" by A. H. Newman. (2). Works vol. VI, pp. 339, 448. (3). Čf Green "Hist. of Eng.ºvol. I, p. 449, and Lechle, op. cit. in n. 45ff. (4). Schaff–Herzog op. cit. vol. X, pp. 303ff, article or "sootus Erigena" by S.M.Deutsch. " . . . . . . . * * * - - - º -* -- 137. - (1) Az opposition to the papacy. Duns Scotus called the Pope "the authentic Father", and it was only indirectly that he may be regarded at all as a forerunner of the reformation, namely, be- cause of the general character of his teaching, "his sharp griticism of traditional the ories, and his bold creation of new terms and combinations" by which "he set forces at work in the domain of theology which did much to prepare the way for the still more thorough going criticism of the Reformers". None of ~ these men mentioned seem to have galled the Pope "anti-Christ". 4). Coleridge in suggesting Thomas a Becket as a "fine Subject for Scott", says "it º in essence the conflict between arms or force, and the men of letters". This seems a rather strange characterization of the sig-- nificance of Becket which historians interpret to be "liberty against personal will" or "what he believed to be the right of the church against the despotism of the king". On the other hand, cases could be cited in which Coler- idge shows an accurate knowledge of medieval church history. For example, his drama "Remorse" is iºd in the reign of Philip II (of Spain) just at the close of the civil Wàiº S against the Moors and during the heat of the persecution which raged against them, shortly after the edict which forbade the Wearing of the Moresco a parel under pain of death". While Coleridge mentions no authorities, yet a comparison of his presentation of the - - ... [4 conditions of the time corresponds closely with the ºss 2). Woº's vol. VI, p. 292, cf. Wakeman op. cit. p. 116f. (1). Schaff–Herzog' op. cit. vol. IV, pp. 27ff, article "Duns sootus" ... . see bºg, º. aiso Ency. Brig." (lith ed.), i.e. ºf Nat. Biog." and "Medieval Mind" Vol. II, pp. 51 liff. 1. Coleridge's opening note. * . Prescott's "Philip II" vol. I, pp. lff, on "The Moors of Spain" and "The Rebellion of the Morescoes", especially pp. 7, 9, 17, 24. 138 - of the historians. The only inaccuracy I have observed is that - the ediot in regard to the Moresco dress came at the beginning of the war with the Moors, so that Coleridge has apparently brought this edict forward somewhat. Coleridge criticises Charles Butler for justifying the burning of John Huss, saying that he º anew the pope- Wrought perfidy that made an Emperor's plighted faith a lieſ. There seems to be some difference of opinion among historians in regard to the question of the violation of the safe conduct given by Emperor Sigismund to ºl. But Coleridge has follow- ed the opinion of the majority of writers. Perhaps, Coleridge is somewhat prejudiced in calling Butler "Rome's brazen serpent " , and saying that Butler would "bless each haut-gout cook'd by monk QI" ºriest". since Butler was classed among the liberal and anti- º, Catholics, to such an extent that he was bitterly attack– ed by the other Wing. History also sustains Coleridge in such a statement as the following: "In the time of Leo X. at heism or infidelity of some º was almost universal in Italy among the high dignitaries of the Romish Church", or this, " A jealous - priesthood was constrained to make it; (the Bible) useless in - 4. Order to guard it from profanation . . . . . . . . . . . . . . The Church of (IITsancti DOTTTTFallium". TEY. Fisher "History of the Reform- ation", p. 62 note says the safeguard was violated, but refers to Palacky "Geschichte Böhmen’s and Hefele's "Concilien Ceschichte" Wol VII for the contrary opinion; cf. also "Cath. Ency." and Schaff–Herzog. (3) See B. Ward "Dawn of Catholic Revival in England "vol. I, pp. 152ſf, 175, 241, cf. also Ward's "Eve of Catholic Emancipation" vol. II, pp - 180 f. (4) Works- voi. VI. p. 339. Cf. Fisher "History of the Reformation" p. 72, "a secret scepticism" and "epicurean infidelity" as to the "foundations of religion" was so prevalent that "The Council of the Lateran, under Leo X, "felt called upon to affirm the immortal- ity and individuality of the soul". cf. also Guizot, "Hist. of Civilization." Lect. XI. (l) - ºy- Rome never ceases to avow the profoundest reverence for the Scriptures themselves, and what it forbids its vassals to ascertain, it not only permits, but commands them to take for granted". This is simply a rather bald statement of the Cath- olic position, that "the reckless distribution of the º, becomes in too many cases an occasion for the profanation of the written Word", and "the insufficiency of the Scripture alone (i.e. without the church's interpretation) to convey to the general reader a sure knowledge of faith and morals", and that only such editions of the Bible are to be allowed to be distributed" as have the approval of the bishops", that is that are edited by the church. ( 5) Coleridge also seems to be correct in the few fragments - MI - that are preserved of his Lecture on the Progress of the Drama" that refer to the medieval drama, such as "the drama recommenced in England in religion"; the priesthood used it to "give knowledge º to the people of the great events of sacred history"; and "the most ludicrous images were mixed with the most awful personations, etc.", although few definite examples are given to ** these statements. He alludes, however, to the play "Adam and Even of which he gives some account, as he had seen it in Germany, fkº. - - ~~ and he is correct in attributing this form of medieval miracle - \ (l) Works vol. I, p. 421. (2). Gif. "Cath Encyc." vol. II, p. 545, article "Bible" cf. also B. Ward. "The Huº-" of Catholic Emancipation, vol. II, pp. 189 #: ºr , - 3). Works vol. IV, pp. 3ifſº "Ency." Brit. vol. 8, p. 500 "Drama". 4). Works, vol. IV, pp. 23?f, cf. Hans Sachs Werke, herausgeben von Adelbert von Kellºr, and I, "Tragedia von Adam and Eva". 140. play motif to Hans Sachs. Note also his fine and just characterication of some medieval churchmen who appealed to his fancy, as Hugo ". Saint Victoire, and Borºus, etc. , although it is the spirit of these men that he accurately estimates rather than the facts of their life, work, or teachings. In regard to the rites and customs of the medieval church, - its clergy and their ways, etc., its buildings ºute Scott, and A Southey, Coleridge gives us no descriptions in detail which would show how much he knew about these things. He uses some terms and phrases which any man might use as he does, who had only the most superficial knowledge about them, and yet which might be used by one who had wide and accurate information but was not interested in this phase of history or religion. Yet the very * vagueness, and relative scarcity as well, of these terms in his work, suggest that he carried in his mind no accurate or detailed knowledge, and that his interest did not lie here. Yote as examples, "the church's seaſºns rites"; "her knells (#) and masses that redeem the dead", "Misere Domine", "Jesu Maria tº shield her well", the sacristian who rings the bell and tells his beads, and the Baron who "swore by the wounds in Jesu's side" º etc.; all of which are true to medieval church life and custom, but which require very little investigation for their use in (S) ' this way. Such phrases as "a mouldered abbey's broadest wall", or "the minister's pile" are of the same character; and the same may be said ºf the friar in "The Foster Mother's Tale" of whom TEETETTE, works, vol. 1, p. 397. (2) tº 27"Remorse". ºs (4) "Chriſtºiº." (4 Melanchóly. - - 14l. We learn nothing except that he "gathered simples in the wood and became the teacher of a child. The line "his soul isºlº the saints I trust" does not enable us to determine how much Coleridge knew about methods of burial in the middle ages. The "hermit good" of the "Ancient Mariner" is drawn more in detail, yet after all, we are merely told that he "singeth aloud his god- ly hymn", that when he was amazed and affrighted at the appear – ance of the mariner he "raised his eyes and prayed where he did sit", and wereºis brow" and was urged by the mariner to "shrieve" him, that form of the word shrive being part of Coler- idge's effort to add to the archaic and wierd effect of his poem, and finally that he "kneels at morn and noon and eve", which is the only point open to criticism, inasmuch as a devout hermit would probably have observed the full program of daily offices Of the church. The fragments of information he has gathered in º Poetae" for a proposed poem on "Bells" seem to be accurate so far as they go, including the supposed influence of the "Passing Bell" in driving away evil spirits, although there is no recog- nition in Coleridge's notes of the fact mentioned by Walcott s that "the peſºs bell even in medieval times was peculiar to England". Note also his accurate distinction between the secular (5) and regular clergy. The doctrines of the medieval and Catholic Church Coleridge does not treat historically nor define to any great extent, but (i) ºr ºt's Tomb." (2). ºf. Brand op. cit. Vol. I, p. 156, gf. Oxford Dictionary on "shrive". (3). 8. 21df. (4). "Walcott "op. cit: "...p. 97. (5). milit. Remains” works vol. V, p. 303. 142. merely mentions in order to estimate them from his own point of view. Note on p;77 of this thesis a number of these estimates, which are at once seen to be personal rather than historical. So far as they can be said to cle fine these doctrines of the church, they seem to be correct, as e.g. "The Doctrine of the (l) - absolute efficiency of all the sacraments", which is in agree– ment with the Catholic statement of the doctrine of the sacra- ments, viz. that "they (the sacraments) do not merely signify divine grace . . . . but . . . . they cause that grace in the souls of | men (efficax gratiae), and in this respect all the sacraments are aſſuſ's , w (2) P #nother example is the doctrine in regard to "sins - - --~~~~ committed after baptism", in which Coleridge is supported by the Council of Trent, which condemned the doctrine that "all sins committed after baptism are either forgiven or rendered venial by the sole remembrance and faith of the baptism that has been received". - - - (3) - A third example is his statement about the doctrine of faith and works, though in this case he is somewhat open to critic– ise in making the emphasis on works "on definite and most often material action", since the regular statement in this matter by , Catholic writers is seven ºforºs of mercy in each case, spiritual and bodily, and the spiritual include instructing the ignorant, counselling the doubtful, forgiving, etc., which are certainly ######, I., f. "Cath. Ency". Vol. XIII, pp. 276,300 Tānis tº p.r. cf. "Cath. Ency". • *---L-L - P.D. ºf 93 (2) #: as, en: ; :'', of. ºath. gº Vol. II, p. 259; by J.H. W.; (3) ºf his new ºr p. Tº of. Cath. Ency. Vol. X, pp.i.29ſf{lanning. "% by J.F. Delaney; cf. also on "Faith." "Gath Ency" vol. V, pp. º 753ff by H. Pape. There were , of course, varieties in medieval teaching on faith, and that ºf the mystics would hardly accord with tºe assertion of Coleridge, but his assertion is true l of the main trend of official Catholic teaching. 145. 4. Wordsworth. Wordsworth did not care for historical investigation, nor was he particular about exactness in the statement of facts or in descriptions of customs or places etc . He says of a spot connected in tradition with Dante, "Upon What evidence the belief rests that this was a favorite º seat of Dante I do not º but a man would little consult his own interests as a traveller, if he should busy himself with doubts as to the fact". He likes to dream about old traditions but not to investigate them or study them. He cries out, Christian tºº. at my spirit 's call, descend" that is, "let me dream about you. In a letter to 7 Scott thanking him for sending him some facts about the Norton family, he writes "so far from * . to my poem, they would stand in the Way of it, as I have - followed (as I was in duty bound to do) the traditionary and common - historic account. Therefore I shall say, in this case, a plague upon your industrious antiquarians, that have put my fine story to confusion". It was his own ideas , º that interested Wordsworth, and the particular period in which 3. scene is laid mattered little to him. This he confesses in regard to the "White Doe of Rylstong. This poem is founded TITTMem. of Tour in Italy", XIX, note ºf "Excursion, Bk. III etc. (2) Excursion Bk. II, and "Roman Antigºities". (3) Note to "white Döe of R" (in Knight ed.) p. 194. 144. on the old ballad of "The Rising of the North", and yet in his own words "the poem begins and ends with *..., the poetry proceeds from the soul of man". He also says that this poem has been compared with some of Scott's dealing with the same age, but he objects to the comparison, for his aim is entirely different, "Sir Walter º the customary and very natural course of conducting an action, presenting various turns of fort;une " etc., while in his case "everything that is attempted in the poem fails so far as it is external and substantial; so far as it is moral and spiritual it **** It would not; 3. be fair, however, to give the impression that Wordsworth was altogether ignorant of medieval religious literature or history, or that he paid not attention to the facts in his work as a Writer. He was familiar for example with *. though he cone fesses that his study of the Divine comedy was largely confined (5) to his early youth. He was an enthusiastic student of Chaucer, A whom he quoted often, admired greatly, and whom he translated tv (6) . Reliques. He to some extent. He knew #nd admired Percy's refers to Kentº. Digby's "numerous and valuable Writings illustrating the piety and chivalry of the olden times; to "The History of the Renowned King Arthur and his Knights of (l) Letter of W to Archdeacon Wrangham, quoted in Knight ed., p. 201 (2) Note dictated by W to Miss Fenwick, quoted by Knight (Clarendon Press ed) p. 9 of also "Letters to W Family" Vol. II • , p. 209, and "Memoir of Wº vol.II, p. 545, in which W speaks of Scott is novels as "professing to give the manners of a past, time, an attempt in which success is impossible'. (3) ºf A. de Vere'ss remark apropos of "Tintern Abbey." "The one thing which he (W) did not see was the great monastic ruin". (quoted by Beers, op. cit - p. 18): (4) Mem., of a Tour in Italy XIX, "Letters of the Family" vol. - - t; f. W. vol. II, p. 479. #; B.º.º.o.º. ºf 1: Son. XXXI", ºf £º: Bk. I. "Prose ... p. 150 of his "Liberty" and said "South Wºits §º "The pºsiº, "The Manciple Tale", *The Guékoo and the Nightingale", and "a passage from the -, "Troilus and Cresseyda". (6) 6f, notºphe Armenian Lady's Love", and to "the Doe of Rylston&. - 145 " º (2) - (1) (3) the Round *" to Geoffrey of Monmouth } to Tasso; a...(6 (4 - "our old chronicles" vin a general way. In his notes on the "***** Sonnets", he makes reference to Bede's assiºn History", Daniel º "History of #leºn Turner's "History of the º Sälzons", nº. History and Antiquities of the Deanery of ºverſiºner's "church º of Britain", Fox',"Acts and º etc.", Strype', "Annals of the Reformation", º Stillingfleet (probably "origines Brittanicae) Walton & "Life of Richard Hoºker", nº C. Wordsworth's "Ecclesiastical Biographies. But, in general Whatever references he malves to authorities are of the most general kind, as are also his references to the past, which, as a rule, are found in º Such phrases as "those old ...º. days", "unhappy far off (12) (13) things and battles long ago", and "the Shores of old romance". Wordsworth's knowledge of the medieval church and the degree of care which he exercised in relation to it, may be better tested in the "Ecclesiastical Sonnets" than in any other of his works, inasmuch as he deliberately sets out in this series ſº riote to TThe ####"; Lady", but W. does not mention the authºr. 33. (3) flote to FArte and Eli dure". {}}"; of W. " vol. II, p. 478. 4) "Inscription", W. {3} Part I, Sons WI, XV, XVI, XIX. 6) Part I, Son. II. (7) Part I, Sons. XII, XXIV, XXIX. (8) Part II, Son. III. (9) Part I, Son. XVII. (10) Part I, Son. XXXIV. (ll) "The Armenian Lady's Love". (12) "The Solitary Reaper, - - (13) upoems on the Naming of Places", IV. 146 (1) - º of poems to give an account " of the introduction, progress, and operation of the church in England, both previous and (2) subsequent to the Reformation". Although he refers to author- ities, yet he makes no attempt to give either a complete or a chronological account of the period under consideration. He selects elements that appeal to his fancy for one reason or another, either as being picturesque traditions, or as fitting his own ºne. without regard to their historicity. * º les are: Canute and the monks of Ely; the tradition of ( William the Conqueror introducing the grfew into England; - ( - the legend of the decision of the couns; of Clermont being ( instantly known throughout Europe; Fuller's fancy of the ashes of Wyclif being carried by the brook Swift, the Avon River and the Severn out into the sea and so "dispersed over - 2. the whºle world"; and the tradition reported by Fox that Latimer was transfigured when he was burned at the stake, etc. -- In one instance Wordsworth does − recognize the question of fact or fiction in regard to these traditions, viz.," the story 8) of Pope Alºhaer III putting his foot on the neck of Frederick Barbarossa, but it is because a fried had pointed, to him * Note by Wordsworth to Sonnets. Vol III. p. 2ſf. See # nº Yºſhaari, ºu, II, XII, XXI , (Paºlº II, ow. X-1, Part I, son. xxx. (4) Part I, Son. XXXI (5) Part I, SonxXXIII. Part II, Son. XVII, of Fuller "Church History" BK. IV. p. 424 Part II, Son. XXXIV, of Fox"Acts and Monuments of the Church." Wol III p. 550. in this case, however, Wordsworth refers to Christopher Wordsworth's Ecclesiastical Biggraphy" Vol II in p. 676 for examples tending to sustain the legend. i (8) part I, son. xxxWIII, cfmote . ( in ed. of 1822). 147 that this was a mere legend of no authority". His general position is, perhaps, fairly indicated by a further observation in this same note, namely, "The Sonnets were written long before ecclesiastical history and points of doctrine had ex- cited the interest with which they have been recently enquired into and discussed". It may be observed, however, that, as ac- cording to his own statement, was "composed in 1821" and the ºs- sonnets were "begun in December 1820", very little time seems to be allowed for such a growth as he speaks of . So far as the authorities whom he mentions specifically are concerned, he seems to have followed them carefully enough for such a purpose as his in Writing the sonnets. The cases in which he quotes or refers to Bede, although he gives the exact reference in only **ºne. it is easy - C2) to verify and he has followed his author quite closely. The ºx. same may be said of Fuller, whom he definitely refers to in (3) . - only one case, saying "to whom I am indebted in the Sonnet on Wyckif, and in other instances", one such instance evidently - Uſ - (4) - v \ being the sonnet on Dissensions and another the sonnet on (5) - "Persecution". In the case of Strype, Wordsworth is probably referring to his "Annals of the Reformation, although he - (6) merely says "see Strype". He refers to him in support of º Note to Bart I, Son. XIX. 2) 8. g. Part I, Son. IX on "The Saxon Conquest", see Bede "Eeel. Hist. "Biz. 'I chap xx. Sons. XVI and XVII; on conversion of Edwin etc. see Bede as above Bk II, chap XIII; Son. XIX on the early Saxon Clergy, see - Bede Bk. III, chap XXIII; Son VI on St. Alban see Bede Bk I, chap VII - (3) Part I son. XI, note, see. Fuller "Church. Hist. of Britain" º Bk IV p 424. (4) Part I, son Ix, see Fuller op. cit. vol I. p. 43. (5) Part I, son yi, º, dº nºis, ºre rºll rºly £º, Bede, but § ºn 1 g o a on - this instance", viz., the activity of sects in the time of Elizabeth and the interest of Rome in these controversies. I do not find *** statement Wordsworth gives, in Strype, - ( but there are plenty of ****, * such sentiment: . . in 2 this work. Hégrefers, again, to Hume in support of his position on Laud, probably meaning his "History of England". I cannot find the exact words quoted } Wordsworth, but I (3 _- find many expressions of similar import, although there are º enough expression of Hume to show how far he is from 4) being 4s enthusiastic over Laud as Wordsworth was. His reference to Daniel is as **** last six lines-- 5 are chiefly from the prose of Daniel". He evidently means Samuel Daniel’s "History of England", from which I find he (6) takes a passage #;"sº literally, just as he says. The two l - references to Turner are also correct. - w Wordsworth, however, makes a number of Statements in the Ecclesiastical sonnets which, while they may be taken from the authors already quoted, show that *** * had not read beyond them, taking their assertions and opinions for - granted, or that he himself is not always impartial in his attitude to the medieval church. (l) Strype "Annals of the Reformation" vol. III chap. XIX etc. (2) Part. II. Son. XIV. (3) E. g. vol ſº f : (4) E. G. vol.Y. º. 68, the genius of his (Laud's) religion was, though in a less degree, the same as that of the Romish. . . . . . the same superstitions in regard to days, postures, meats and Westment: s , - (5) Part I son. XI. (6) Yol. I, p. 9. (7) Part I Son XII, and son. XXIV* see Turner" Hist of the Anglo-sº Saxons", Vol. I Bk III, pp. 336 f, and Yol III p 528. \ Note some of these instances. (I) Part I, Sons. XXVIIIf concerning St. Dunstan, his char- acter, influence etc. Wordsworth says that St. Dunstan was extremely ambitious, an enthusiast, a hypocrit, "turned the instrument of good to ill", ſ' frightened the chaste affections", that is, was severely ascetic in his attitude towards marriage, dwelt much in the t" - w - supernatural world, was a master mind", wºmade the "cowl rule the crown", and that "his violent measures to strengthen the (1) Bendictine order were a leading cause of the Danish invasion. Wordsworth does not indicate the source from which he gets these facts about Dunstan, but I note in Turner's "History" to which Wordsworth occasionally º that Dunstan is (2 described as "great in all the knowledge of his day as well as * in his ambition". From whatever source he has taken it, his account is somewhat open to question. *º- early lives of 3 Dunstan published by Stubbs in the Rolls Series under the title "Memorials of St. Dunstan" show as might be expected of that age, that Dunstan was certainly much given to dwelling (4) "in the supernatural"; they show that he was rigorous against (I) See note by Wordsworth to Son. XXIX. Wordsworth here refers" to Sharon "Turner's History etc" as an authority, C. K. Adams in "Manual of Historic Literature p 443 says that Turner's history" can hardly be considered standard authority. . . the in- vestigations of Kemble, Palgrave, and others have deprived it of a value it once possessed (2) 6p. cit. BR WI chap. VII. - (3) j; he first written within 16 years of the death of Dunstan (Stubbs Introduction pp IXff) is of ungertain, authorship; the second by Adelard of Blandinum, Was written within 23 years etc . the third by Osborn, who lived in the time of Lanfranc and Anselm, the fourth by Hadmer, who died in 1124, the fifth by Wm of Malms- bury, which is not earlier than ll 20, and the sixth by GCapgravs, early in the 15th century - (4) See all six of the "Lives." passim. 7 unlawful marriages; was fearless in his rebuke of the evils - - (l) t .. of kings; had a deep interest in mons hism, and in church reform, and was somewhat severe towards the secular clergy; but they reveal no unusual personal ambition, no signs of hypocrisy, no evidence that he made the church or his position in the church an instrument % evil. Stubbs., says that "the accounts suggest a mind slightly morbid and very sensitive, but pure, devout, void of grossness and _*. grotesqueness; the early and trustworthy writers connect t; he memory of Dunstan with no cruel or barbarous asceticism, he was a statesman not e zealot, and for thirty years the main- stay of the safety and glory of theºnglish." Hº'º. that Dunstan was "hot a leader in the English War against the married clergy, nor an extremist in introducing the Benedictine A- rule into England", that his influence was in the direction of peace and progress,and that he was a lover of education, and a patron of scholars etc. - - (2)-Part II, son. xy ( cf. Son. XVI opening line). In this sonnet wordsworth charges Archbishop Chichele with instigating the French war of Henry V, with "the craft of a shrewd counsellerit, in order to divert attention from the church and protect her wealth etc. This story is found in Shakespear's 1) See "Life" by Osbern. 3) Op. cit. Introduction pp. IVIII, CVIII, LIX- 3) "History of the English Church" (Stephen and Hunt Series vol I) pp. 332, 357, 334, 359, 364f, 370ff, of , also Stubbs as above pp. CVIII, CXVIII, CX, LXXXV. ſ - - 151. T (l U2 \ (3) 2. Henry V, in Holinshed's "Chronicle", in Hallºs "Chronicle", (4) and in the "Historia Henrici Quinti, Roberto Redmano Auctore", published in the "Memorials of Henry V”, so that although Wordsworth gives no authorities it is not difficult to know where he obtained it. As to the truth of tº story, there seems to be a difference of opinion. c.A. §. who edits the "Historia Henrici Quinti" thinks the author was strongly anti-Catholic, and hence liable to a prejudiced statement. -> But nevertheless, he is inclined to accept the story of the speech gº the Archbishop because it is also contained in Hall. J. H. Hºw regards "Hall's Speeches" as " palpable fabric- ations", and the story as due to "the writers of the next century" and, hence, of uncertain value ; but at the same time he is of the opinion that the clergy were more eager for the War than the gentry. W. W. Capes, however, is very positive against the story. He says "We º sweep aside as unattested fiction the malicious charge invented by Hall the Chronicler and passed as current coin by the poet Shakespeare, that the war in France was urged on by his " (Chichele's) fiery Act I, Sc. II. Wol. III p. 65. . - - Hall's "Chronicle. (this part of the chronicle not in University Library - ) Rolls Series; d. by. C. A. Cole, 1858 Vol III. pp. 25 fſ. Cole thinks written c. 1540. Op. Git. Preface. , XX1 as to Anti-R. C. leaning see p 15 iſ text. *Lancaster and York" vol. I, pp. 187 ff ; cf. to same effec Stubbs "Const. History of England" Vol. III pp 82ſf. Öp. cit. p. 176. | 4.: 5 76 rhetoric, inspired by the desire to divert the interest and energy of Englishmen from the spoliation of the church, He also shows that Chichele's character and interests were of a totally different kind, such as a deep interest in learning, the preservation of peacef It seems evident, on the whole, that the story is at least open to grave doubt, but that Wordsworth merely followed a well known tradition, º. without any idea of investigating its correctness. (III) Part II, Sons, XI and XIV and Part III Son. XII concern the waldenses, wordswortheays that Peter Waldo" could not; brock" transubstantiation, and instances this as his chief characteristic. He cites no authorities for this statement, but, FOX Says *alaenses raised questions about transub- stantiation, and this may be the source of Wordsworth's asser- tion. I do not ria, however, that historians confirm this assertion, that Waldo attacked transubstantiation, nor that his attitude towards the doctrine of the Eucharist was a main item in his protest against the medieval church. He (2) emphasized devotion to the Scriptures, purity of life, oppos- ition to clerical usurpation and profligacy; he insisted on the vowſof poverty, and made much of ascetic practices. As to the Eucharist, he "insisted on the power of consecrating M - ºr its) and Church". Vol.II g-, 264. . {} gº Hº!, #e hiris iºctºr *. 204 fif. 10 the Eucharist", and even in the early days also the - (1) - Waldenses "doubted the efficacy of the Sacraments", especially the Eucharist, as "administered by unworthy priests", but Waldo does not seem to have considered the question of the doctrine of transubstantiation as such nore the ceremonial of the mass. In later years, when the º became more extreme as a result of persecution they came to take, of course, a more heretical and definite attitude in opposition to church doctrines and forms. Wordsworth may, perhaps, have confused _- the later developed attitude of the Waldenses with the first views, as taught by Peter Waldo himself, but in any case, his seizing upon the doctrine of transubstantiation, and the forms of the mass as the chief characteristics of Waldo shows how vague was his knowledge of the man. In Son. XII, Part III, Wordsworth speaks as though the Vaudois and the weldenses were different here- tical sects, the Vaudois appearing "ages ere Waldo raised his Voice". As a matter of fact the Vaudois and the º are two names for the same sect, other variants being Waldesii, Vallenses etc., just as Waldo's name was written variously Waldo, Waldo, Waldesius, or Gualdensis. It is (4) possible that Wordsworth is following an old tradition "long since proved false, which attempted to carry the origin of the sects roughly included under the above names back to (TSCTEff-Herzog TNGw Ency etc" vol. XII pp. 241 ff by A. Clot. (2) &f Schaff–Herzog, as above. (3) Schaff–Herzog, as above p. 241. (4) "Ency. Brit: vol. 28 pp. 255f. 154. an earlier date than the time of Peter Waldo, deriving the name from "Wallis", because they dwelt in the valleys, or from a supposed Provencal word "Vaudes", which means a Sorcerer. But in any case he seems to be in confusion in the matter. - - (1) Wordsworth also alludes to the names "Pat arenians." or "Paturins", which he derives from "pati" to suffer, as being applied to the Waldenses. He is, perhaps, referring A to the "Patarins" or Paterens", who flourished in the IIth century in Milan, a century before the time of Waldo, and whose name was derived, either from the quarter of the city in which they lived, or from "pater", because they admitted no other prayers than the "Pater". This name was applied also in the 12th century to the Albigenses, Cathari and others. Wordsworth may have confused the Albigenses with the Waldenses; this would, perhaps, account also for his assertion that there were Waldenses in England. . . jº, sonnets XXXVI-XXXIX, and XXV last line and Part II sons. II and Ix are devoted by Wordsworth to a criticism of the Papacy. a) Wordsworth says that the Papacy made use of the enthusiasm . aroused by the crusades to increase its "sway" (XXXV last line). That this was the result of the crusades there can be no *. but the implication of Wordsworth that this was (3) a deliberate plan of the papacy seems open to question. TTSETEEE-ITEFECG.T.s above. (2) "Ency. Brit. ". (11th ed.) Vol. VII p. 547. (3) Michaud "The Crusades", Preface, Wol I. 155. N b) The Interdict laid on England by Pope Innocent III is described as resulting in "closing the gate of every sacred place", "all sacred things are covered", the "bells are dumb", "funeral rites denied", and weddings must be in "+he cº-ch yard"; more over, all this is painted by Wordsworth as a great burden on the people • So far as the facts of the interdict and its results are concerned # closing the - 2. Sacred places etc., Wordsworth is, of sº. correct ; but the intense suffering of the people as a result is perhaps open to doubt. Innocent's letter * the 3 onditions of the Interdict make certain exceptions in the matter of the sacraments in extreme cases, greatly mitigating the severity and the Interdict does not £2, to have been very strictly enforced; "marriages were still celebrated though only in the porches of the churches, baptism Was administered, but only in private houses, burial was celebrated as usual, though not in consecrated ground; and for many people opportunities to attend divine services can not have been lacking. It is clear that the mass of the peºple ºre the interdict with impunity". Moreover, "there is no evidence of any indignation against . . the pope", but rather the feeling was against John. Finally, as regards marriages §he held in the porches of the churches, 5 that was the usual place for this ceremony, at least in part, (I) 6-f Tºgºrd "History of England" vol. III p. 21 and Wakeman "Hist. of Church of England" pp. 127 ff. (2) ºuoted in Gervase, Rolls series, II, p. XCII s (3) Patterson "History of the Church of England" p. 115. Š (4) Gardiner "Students History of England" vol. I, p. 178. (5) 6f Rock "The church of our Fathers" vol. IV. pp. 200.f. mThe S. Sacrament itself of wedlock was always to be gone through at § the church dogr, and after yards the , priest, led the marriage couple into the church, and mass followed, etc.. " of also º Talºs, * - º º º 24 156. and therefore this was no great deprivation. t) Wordsworth enumerates as further "papal abuses" and instances of papal tyranny and insolence, #2 case of the Emperor Frederick Barbarossa stooping while Pope Alexander III put his foot on his neck (son xxxviii); Henry II's public penance at Becket's shrine (Son. XXXVII); and King John's surrendering England and Ireland to the Pope, to hold them as his vassal. (Son. xxxvii). - (1) In regard to the case of Frederick Barbarossa, Bryce says, "this is a later legend to which poetry and painting have given an undeserved currency", although it is a fact that, Frederick submitted to the Pope at Venice; and as to the humiliation on the one hand and the insolence on the other hand, "in the *. of contemporaries the scene at Venice had none of that * character which later historians have attributed tº it". In regard to Henry II's penance etc., a different view seems possible as to the merits of the case. * says "It was the church that saved England from the uncontrolled will of un- just and wicked kings and the grinding administrative despotism º Of the government.... Becket set himself to oppose the royal . dictatorship. . . the people recognized him as their champion . . " mMo matter what were his shortcomings, . . he was the advocate of personal liberty". As to the papacy in particular, in this connection, Wakeman shows that this was the only ally of sufficient [TTHOTTRCTETELETFe" p. 171, but of also Wordsworth note, in Knight, ed., p. 3. (2) Ency. Brit. Article "Papacy" Vol XX p 694. (3) 6 hap. VI "The Struggle between Church and State" especially pp. 98, l01, 108, lló, 120 | 14 power to which the English Church could turn in her struggle for the people against the tyranny of kings. In the case of John, the people at the time do not seem to have cared so much about the papal action as Wordsworth expresses in his sonnet, "The spears whº line baronal halls, the appropºvº, insult feel *...*.*. in after times it was believed that England thrilled at the news with a sense of national shame . . . . . . . . but we see little trace of such a feeling in the contemporary accounts of the time". In the Magna Charta which soon after was wrung from John provision was that, "the sº was to be free and its privileges respected by the king, in other words the barons were roused not against the papacy or the church but against John etc. Wordsworth, seems open to question in his report of this whole struggle between the church and "ºtate. He evidently had not read at all widely upon the Subject . He seems to have felt this himself for he writes to Professor Henry Reed, Of *...* the second part of the series (Écol. somets) I have added two, in order to do more justice to the Papal church for the service which she did actually render to Christianity and humanity in the Middle Ages". 3) Wordsworth makes a number of Statements about the clergy, (4) such as "The hegular clergy wrong the pious and humble and (IJTSROFETſistory of England" tº: (2) Gardner "Students' History of England" vol. I, p. 182. (3) Quoted in a note by Knight to Son. IX Part II. (4) Part II Sons. XVIII ft - 158 and useful & eculars" and "rob the **** daily care"; the monks "live for self and struggle for themselves alone" and yet are honoredmore highly than the seculars who work for others; "the corruption of the higher clergy", "the abuse of monastic power", "monastic voluptuousness", "the revelry of the convents". These statements are correct; enough, in one sense, and yet incorrect in another, that is, they are true in some cases but not in all cases, and Wordsworth's method of throwing them out as general charges against the clergy of the medieval church as an indictment against the clergy of the whole period which is manifestly unfair and untrue. Wordsworth was evidently repeating vague charges without a fair consideration of the middle ages as a whole, or without specifying any particular period or place • Capes shows, e - 8. that while it was often the case that "the monks ºl. the worst enemies of the churches and the local clergy, since they pursued a steady policy of appropriating the rectorial tithes etc.", yet on the other hand, while some parish priests were undoubtedly "such as Chaueer describes who spent themselves in the unobtrusive round of common {}}". yet there were plenty of a different - sort, such as Gower mentions, who were moved by the loaves and fishes to become clergy, or by the "benefit of clergy", who were guilty of "absenteeism" and who lived loose lives. [ITOFTai ETCETXIII "The Clergy and Parish Trife ... pp. 254 iſ . [...I 3. LS . 296. " ... • #: º #. gºs op. cit - p. 261 (from "Vox Clamantis") T ſº 2. 4. 159. Wordsworth also assumes apparently, that eit monks are apt tº tº lazy and voluptuous while all hermits are pure minded, sincere and spiritual, being º ignorant of the darker side of the hermit, life. 6). In Part I, somet WI, Wordsworth repeats the tradition that there was a martyr, named St. Alban, in Britain in the time ºf the persecution under Diocletian. This is found in Béde, from whom Wordsworth probably got it. Accord- A ing to # tº story of such a martyr is probably correct, but not the placing of the martyrdom in the time of the persec- ution under Diocletian. He says, "The British church was un- touched by the Diocletian *. 7) Wordsworth defines the "point at issue" in the Reformation to be that the "soul shall root her holiness in the evidence of things not seen", that is, in faith rather than in forms, in other words, the idea of direct spiritual access to God rather than through a medium of sense. While it is difficult to define the point at issue in the Reformation adequately, yet it seems here that Wordsworth has not based his definition on the reading off history, but on his own particular feeling about religion. Note in contract with ſhº definition that of the Century Dictionary, "The chief points urged by the Reformers TTCEEEETCETETTT306; see Part II, Son. XIX; cf. also Part I, Sons. XXI, XXII, and XXIII. (2) Bede, op. cit. vol. II, pp. 45 fif- (3) "Hist. of the English Church." Vol. 1 p. 1. (4) Southey also follows this tradition, see "Book of the Church" p. 13. (5) Part II, Son. XXX. - 160 were the need of justification by faith, the use and authority of the Scriptures and the right of private judgment in their interpretation, the abandonment of the doctrine of transubstantiation, the adoration of the Virgin Mary and the saints, the supremacy of the Pope, and various other doctrines and rites regarded by the Reformers as unscriptural.". - 9) wordsworth speaks as though the translations of the Bible made in the Reformation period were the first translations of the Bible into English. He says, "The Sac * Bes in dusty sequestration (Latin) wrapped too long assumes the accents of our native tongue". This statement jºreº Wyclif's translation and the fact that censiºn, portions had been translated into Anglo-Saxon long before Wyclif, A. while "the Psalter had been put into early English half a century before". - (3) . . - Wordsworth also says that in the Reformation period "thousands wild with bigotry shall tread the offering (Bible) underneath their feet", "polluted and defiled" ºff. Knight in a note to this sonnet says "as was the case in . the French Revolution",this hardly fits the case. Words– (4) worth repeats the same charge in the "White Doe of Rylstone". º Part II Son XXIX: 2) Cope's op. cit. pp. 124 ft. {3} Part II Son. XXIX 4) Canto III line 120. l6l 19) in connection with the "Rising of the North", and º statement I find is actually made in a letter of Sussex to Queen Elizabeth given in the "Border Manuscripts", thus confirming Wordsworth. 9) Wordsworth's estimate of Chivalry at the court of Edward (Part. II, Son VII) reveals the fact that he had only the popular picturesque side of that institution 2. in his mind; "the flowers of chivalry", "Fair court of Edward, wonder of the World". He does not Stafe whether he refers to Edward I or Edward III, but as to Edward I, cº, gives some of the darker facts about chivalry in his time, such as "the false air of romance which turned the gravest political resolutions into outbursts of sentimental feeling", the influence of chivalry in "narrowing Edward's sympathy to the noble class" and excluded "the peasant, and the craftsman from all claim to pity"; and as to sº III history tells of the outbursts of luxury and license connect- ed with the chivalrous entertainments after Edward's Victories • In Part I, Son - XXI, describes the "war worn Chieftain" N returning to a monastery, at his side a bead-roll, in his hand a clasped book etc.". Wordsworth seems to º in error - - (4 in his reference to the bead-roll. This was a list of the (1) Quoted in Froude's "History of England" vol III p. 521. É "Short Hist. " pp. 182 f. (3) Gardiner "Students' History of England" vol. I p. 235, 246. (4) 6f Rock, Op. cit. vol II pp. 280 fſ, and 330 fif. Also Walcott" op cit p 64. * 162 names of the dead, and also of the living for whom a church or monastery or guild was under obligation to pray. It was read, in part, at regular religious ser- vices by a chosen monk. A church or monastry or guild owned such a book, but it was not, as Wordsworth seems to imply, a part of the means of spiritual exercise kept A. by a monk in his cell. 1 c) The "White Doe of Rylstone" furnishes a good example, also of Wordsworth's accuracy in historical matters and in state- ments of fact, in general. He starts with a definite tradition connected with Bolton Priory in Yorkshire, as *** * the ballad of "The Rising of the North" in the rºllection. He had also (2) (3) - visited Bolton Priory. He prefaces the peºm by giving the introductory account of the historic events contàined in the ballad, as given by Pejºy: In a note he speaks of certain statements as "extracted from a book entitled "Durham Cathedral, as it stood before the Dissolution of the Monastery". In another *. he quotes Whittaker "History of the Deanery of Craven" and º ) "See the Historians for the account of the battle of the Standard". This seems TTW's 20.2%Ti quotes the ballad several times e.g. plº, 136 (2) fiótes by wordsworth pp 106 176, 186, and Advertisement: (3) Wordsworth's note to ed . of 1815, quoted in Knight ed, p 186. É. igg (Knight) (5) pp. 190f, 116, 153, 171, 176, 180 (Knight) (6) £ 137 (Knight). - 163 |) and adequate preparation for his poem, on the face of it. ſ But the facts evidently lie vaguely in his mind, either (1) because noted accurately at the time, or else lost sight of as he proceeds in his work. Knight in his edition of the poem has pointed out a number of inaccuracies, such as (2) - "She sees a warrior carved in stone", which is "not it; that "Francis Norton's grave can- topographical" (= not be discovered in the abbey grounds", as Wordsworth States; and that "it was not at Rylstone but at Ripon that the Norton's raised their banner", and "the mention in detail of “prostrate altars, " "shrines defaced", "fretwork, imagery", plates of ornamental brass' ete in the closing Canto" is "part of the imaginative areº, of the poem". Knight also quotes Froude to show that "the statements as to the fate º sons is not borne out by the historians", but it is fair to Wordsworth to say that he is merely follow- ing in this point the ballad of * * of the North it. Wordsworth constantly treats Chaucer as a "precursor of the Reformation. tº ion", as 3. **. who employed his "Titic id Shafts of season to pierce the Papal darkness". Wordsworth here is probably following an idea common among the Reformers, who included Chaucer as an avowed enemy of TTSECTIOTETTotated to Miss Fenwick in 1843 (Knight) pp. 9:ff to the effect that the outward actions are entirely subordinate (2) Canto I, line 106, notes p 127 and 134 and 181, quoting also Archbishop of Craven on a slip by Wordsworth in, using thes "St. Ma S Shrine" - - - - *ś, źº e º . . | Seč next to Last line of the ballad: . -- (5) Eccl. sonnets Part II, Son. XXXI; Knight pºints out that wordsworth in this sonnet quotes as from the "Prioress' Tale" a line "sweet is the holiness of youth, ºhiºh is not in the original, but which W, had added himself in his own translation. - - 164 (l) U2 ) 2 the church , much as Wyclif was, Lounsbury has shown that this theory rests on poems such as "The Plowman's Tale; ºtºe. fºr stºckºº to Chaweejand will hardly bear the test of the facts as revealed in Chaucer's genuine writings. It is evident that there is a good deal of vagueness in Wordsworth's knowledge of the medieval church. We might, perhaps, apply to him what was said of Horace Walpole, name*, º **, that "he was content with a purely impressionsistic view of the *. Wordsworth saw the past through the dreamy haze of his own musings, so that often there is more of himself in his descriptions than of the time he is telling about. Note e.g. "The Pilgrim's Dream", which is supposed to be a legend of the middle ages, but aside from the mention of the "castle" and the "warder" and the "pilgrim", there is no suggestion of that time. The sentiment is Wordsworth's own. He says "I distinctly rºles. the evening When these verses were suggested in 1818. It was on the road between Rydal and Grasmere etc.", and this time and place is just where they belong. So too his "Song of the Boatman" on the Rhine does not suggest the middle ages. The "Borderers", again, is supposed to be laid in the Reign of º III, . but aside from an occasional mention of Saints, mass, crusades, pilgrims etc., there is nothing that is not simply Wordsworth's own favorite ideas. Also he greets the architecture of the -- T TGFs and Mºnuments" vo I.A., p. 839. §§º, #: §§§e ºf ºf: 9]) #6+ fr; tº {3}. . are in "Introduction" to the "Rowley Poems". (4) Note to the above 99°º (5) see opening of the tragedy. 165. - (1) medieval church". Hail, countless temples". The medieval church built cathedrals, churches, abbeys etc. but no temples; but apparently the whole range of medieval architecture meant to Wordsworth merely this vague term "temples". Again, he makes Norton, the ardent Catholic, who is musing over the defection of his son and daughter to the Protestant **** of the beginning of the Reformation as - "Reason's dawn" which is rather the point of view of Words- - (3) - worth himself. 1) "Eccl. Son, Part II, Son. IX- {} *White Doe of Rylstone" Canto III, Line 292; Dowden also criticises Wordsworth for destroying the full medieval ohurch effect; in his translation of the "Prioress* Tale", by substituting "alter" which might be the communion table of an Anglican church for "the chief auter" of the original, which suggests a great gathedral, where are many shrines etc. See "Chaucer Modernized" in "Wordsworthiana" 24 . #2; Jote also; "The vague figurative use of medieval church terms cited ** of this thesis. 166. ſ white the Romantic Movement in England did not result in b bringing its members into the Catholic church, as was the (1) case in Germany and to some extent in France, the actual feeling of the English Romantic writers being quite the reverse of this, yet jºir work did have a certain influence ( : on the Catholic reviv tººl in England, and on the Oxford Movement in ºft'. - We shall attempt in the following pages to show the actual recognition of such influence by the oxford Movement men themselves, and also to point out some evidences of a more specific influence than they have expressed. (l) ºf W. G. Ward and the "Catholic Revival" pp 125 f ; cf also Beers op. cit. pp 148, and 132 fif; cf. also "Sohm", "outlines Church history ºf 318, 2:1; º (2) Giſ Beers aris 'Eng. Rom in 17A.C. ºf , last chapter. łżjRorº, ºne editor of the "Memoirs of{Hope-Scottº, (vol II p. 148) thinks "the school of Sir Walter Sº ott had a strong leaning to Catholicity" but in any eyent none of them became Catholics; cf. also Brandl "Life of Coleridge" P 2O3." - . 167. 1. Scott. Among all the Oxford Movement leaders the one who has spoken most frankly and fully about the Romantic writers and their influence is Keble. This is especially true in regard to Scott, whose "Life" by Lockhart he reviewed in 3. loºrticle written for the "British critic, and pub- issue in 1838. In this article or essay Keble shows that he was familiar with the whole literary output of Scott, that he admired him intensely, calling him a "primary poet in every sense of the word", a "rare genius" etc., and shows a keen insight in his interpretation of him as a man and writer. At the close of the essay he attempts to explain how it was that a man with Scott's "youthful and chivalrous tone" and the "impulses" in regard to politics and religion "that betray themselves in the more dramatic parts of his writings", should yet exhibit, "the apparent liberalism of many of his discussions and reflections", including his remarks on such subjects as the liberty of the press, the rights of the people and religious systems. Keble is solution of this question is that scott had been taught in his youth modern views, but had "imbibed" in his own reading views quite opposed to these, which he held in secret, and which on account of his modesty, and his dislike of controversy and his distrust of his own reasoning powers he never expressed, except behind the veil of his literary work. yet more pertiment to our discussion is the further TITOccasional papers and Reviews, by John Keble, ºforº and London 1877 pp. 1–80 estimate by Keble of Scott's influence on the general conservative movºt in religion and polities, of the time, which he puts in the strongest terms. He says, "Whatever of good feeling and salutary prejudice exists in favor of ancient institutions--- is it not in good measure at- tributable to the chivalrous tone which his (Scott's) writings has diffused over the studies and tastes of those who are now in the prime of manhood? His rod, like that of a beneficent enchanter, has touched and girded hundreds, both men and women, who would else have been refºrming enthu- siasts . . . . . . . . ..We doubt whether a more remarkable instance ever occurred of the reasonableness of the acute saying, *Give me the making of the ballads of a country, and I will give you the making of its laws. Keble goes on to raise the . question, "What if these generous feelings had been allowed to ripen into that of which undoubtedly they are the germ and rudiment? What if this gifted writer had become the poet of the Church, in as eminent a sense as he was the poet of Border and Highland chivalry?" He feels that it was altogether the circumstances of the time, the misfortunes of his own early training etc. that prevented this, and he proceeds to cite evidence from Lockhart; 'S "Bife" to show how closeſ, Scott was in sympathy with genuine"Catholic principles", and how natural it would have been for him to embrace the "complete system of the old Catholic Church, could it have been fully and fairly presented toehis mind". l69. In particular, he speaks of "his love of the marvellous and Supernatural, not simply as employing his fancy, but as exercising the principle of faith within him"; his love of the old Latin Hymns etc. And he is sure that "the tenets of the presence of good and evil angels, of the power of sacramentals, of communion with the faithful departed, in short;, the whole of the high doctrine concern- 2- ing the Holy Catholic Church and the Communion of Saints, had it been fairly presented to him, unincumbered of Romanism, would have found ready entrance into a Willing mind" . The whole discussion shows how powerful had been the influence of Scott over Keble himself, and, in his opinion, over others. The Very sadness of his lament over the absence in Scott " of high Catholic views of religion" reveals the hold Scott's work had on his mind . This is further confirmed by the frequent references to #;" in -i. 4 * (l his l-ecturer on Poetry, as reported by his biographer, who says that "the Lecture on Poetry suggests the influence of some one great Writer especially..... ."Was it; Homer ? Or was it Scott, to whom he goes back so frequently in his Praelectiones, and of whom he speaks so lovingly in his review of Lockhart's Life"? Certainly either Homer with his idealization of the heroic age, or Scott with his ideal- l igation of the age of chivalry, would enkindle his own love of the recollections of childhood, or the glories of the early church" . TI) "Life of Keble" by Walter Lock pp: 53 f : cf. also pp. 40, 44f; - of also m pictionary of Nat. Biography Vol 35 pp 8.93ff by J. H. - 170. (1) - In Newman's early reading Scott's "Ivanhoe” receives prominent mention and is the subject of an enthusiastic **** to his mother in 1819. Although he writes that he "kept off" from the Walter Scott meeting and testimonial at Oxford in 1832 he did so "because it was taken up by the Liberals". He always retained a keen liking for Scott. He writes to Keble that "as Sir º Scott had beat bad 2- novels out of the **** wanted to "beat bad sermons out. At the time of Scott's death, he wrote to James Hope-Scott, "when he was dying, I was saying prayers (whatever they were worth) for him continually, thinking of Keble's words "Tºº,” the minstrel as ye kneel”. Ward reforts the * of Father Ryder that "he was devoted to Sir Walter Scott's novels, frequently refeºfing to them in his writings as an influence for good as well as an artistic delight", and we have the ſºjº testimony in his own words written in 1871, "I have ever had such a devotion, I may Well call it, to Walter Scott. As a boy in the early summer mornings, I read "Waverly" and "Guy Mannering" in bed when they first .º came out, before it was time to get up; and long before that- I think when I was eight years old-I listened eagerly to "The Lay of the Last Minstrel", which my mother and aunt were IEEEEFETYSTI, p. 52. Ibid vol. II. p. 401 - Ibid vol. II. p. 202. Ward's "Life" vol. I, p. 300. Ibid vol. II p 355. Letters vol. I, p. 18. i 17] . - (1) reading aloud." Writing in 1842 to Keble about Lockhart's "Life", he is in a different mood, yet bears witness at the same time not merely to his admiration for scott put to his Sense of his possible influence on relgious progress. He says, "I have just been reading Lockhart's "Life of Scott’. Curious, too, I feel so different about it from you. It has brought more tears to my eyes than any book I ever read, but withal has left an impression like a bad dream, I can not get the bitter taste out of my mouth. I mean it is so like “Wanity of Wanities”, except that I really do trust he has done a work, and may be an instrument in the hands º Providence for the revival of Catholicity". In his "Apologia" referring to an article which he had published in the British critic in April 1838, in which he endeavored to account for the oxford Movement, he speaks of Scott as follows, "First, I mentioned the literary influence of Walter Scott, who turned men's minds to the direction of the middle ages, " The general need", Isaid, " of something deeper and more attractive than what had offered itself elsewhere, may be considered t;o have led to his popularity; and by means of his popularity he reacted on his readers, stimulating their mental thirst, . feeding their hopes, setting before them visions. which, when - once seen, are not easily forgotten, and silently indoctrin- ating then with nobler ideas, which might afterwards be (TTETTVol. IIp. 403. (2) {}. 104. - (1) appealed to as first principles." Thus it will be seen, that although Newman gives few con- crete instances or points of doctrine or form in which Scott influenced himself or others, nevertheless, in addition to the familiarity with Scott and admiration for him which he shows, he credits him with a strong stimulus to the movement in the way of visions, pictures, and spirit. with which his works filled their minds. There are enough references in Froude's "Remains" to show that he was fämiliar with Scott. In his "Essay on the Age rººm. to Works of Fiction", for example, he quotes from "Old Mortality", and refers to scenes in "The Talisman" and "The Lady of the Lake". It is usually with appreciation, - too, that he refers to Scott, as, for example, "Where shall we look in the whole compass of ancient fiction for a parallel to the discovery scene in the 'Lady of the *:::". or "If a man must fall in love it should be in the reverent- ial way of Sir Kenneth in the "Talisman". We find him, towards the close of his short life, when seeking health in the West Indies, re-reading Scott, and recording some ghanges of opinion; and he adds this remark, "If I did not think (blank here). . . . . . . . I would write some letters for the British Magazine on the # 60s of these novels, good and bad, The liberalism is certainly intolerable, and yet one can see TITUTTEETTSTVGTS op. cit. p. 270, "He (Neyman) delighted not only in the Waverley novels, but like Ruskin, in Scott is - chivalrous poetry." &f , also Purcell"Life of Cardinal Manning Vol. I. p 289; and "Memoirs of Hope-Scott" Wollip 153 letter Newman in answer to invitation to visit *:::::::#"> “I havé - ºn º ºn ºn 4: knºt r Walt, Boot tº . It would delight; ager.hage tº exfºggagłęsympathy fºr **** ****** **** ***. it is affected, and to point this out must be amusing enough". (1) - Keble's words, already quoted, on Scott's real sentiments and his expressed sentiments form a sufficient commentary on this reference to Scott's liberalism. Pus-Éy was, to a certain extent, acquainted with Scott. He reports himself as coming to Scott "through º eyes", which spoiled Scott for him to some degree. He also says he "read º because his brother told him he had a great deal of Wilfred in his character", and he goes on to say, "I read the book and found it so; it became from that time my greatest favorite . . . my destiny was identified with Wilfred's etc". He also "spent two days with Sir Walter Scott at Abbotsford." on his wedding journey in 1828, and "a day or two at Rokeby Castle, the home of Miss Morrit, to whom Pusey had been intro- duced at Brighton as "Walter Scott's Minna". Tidden also º that, Scott's "indirect relation to the Oxford Movement; was often dwelt upon by Pusey in conversation. That relation consisted not; only in the high moral tone which characterized Scott's writings. . . . . but also and especially in the interest which he aroused on behalf of ages and persons who had been buried out of sight." etc. "Remains" vol I, pp. 144 fif. - Ibid. Vol. I, p. 437 "Sayings in Conversation". Ibid Vol. I p. 379 (written in 1834). 2 §EETETTISTERESTs tº lö7f. "Life" by Lidden vol. I p. 43. Ibid. p. 144. Ibid. p. 254 . i: º 174. In Charles Marriott we have an indirect association with Scott, inasmuch as Marriott's father, John Marriott, the poet, was a friend of Scott's, and sº addressed to him the Second Canto erºſ With allusions to his store of classic and Gothic lore, to their poetic talk and to Marriott's harp, " which "to many a border theme has rung." Marriott, the father, also contributed to the third edition of Scott's "Minstrelsy of the Scottish Border", "On a visit to the Ruins of Melrose Abbey etc.". The younger Mariott must have soºn acquainted with Scott's works. Isaac Williams, in describing Froude, draws evidently on his own recollections of Scott, saying "His intellect was been edged as the sword of Saladin, well matched with * of Coeur de Teon". Thomas Mozley, in his "Reminiscences" makes frequent reference to scott in a way that shows both his familiarity with his work and his admiration for it. For example, he says of Newman, that , "Like º: Scott; he could only see the best and highest parts of human character", and again, in speaking of Newman's "Parochial Sermons" he says, "The publishers said that the volume put all other sermons out of the market, just as "Waverley" and "Guy Mannering" put all other novels out". Mozley also says of another (4) Oxford man who became a Tractarian, James Dornford, that TTUICETOTſat. Biog. " vol. XXVI, p. 199, f. ) Poem entitled "Origin of the Tracts for the Times", quoted in L. Guiney "H. Froude" p. 329. 3) Vol. I, p. 313, and 316. 4) Wºol II, p. 56. - | | 175. "he could. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . recite Scott's poetry by pages; of ºr course they called him Marmion". Mark Pattison, speaking of his * in the years loºC to 1832 says, "I read enormously" and mentions among other things "Murray's Family Iibrary". As Scott's "Letters on Demonology and Witchcraft" appeared in this Library in 1830 (2) forming "one of the earliest books in this collection ", it may fairly be presumed that Pattison read them. J.B. Mozley, brother of Thomas Mozley characteriges (3) Scott's picture of Puritanism as done "with authority"; he is interested in visiting "Scott's º: and heaetends keble's ideas about Scott against one who has "found fault with Keble's article" (probably Keble's review of Lockhart's "Life", see this thesis pp. 167f.), saying, "Keble's theory seems to fit Scott so perfectly, everyone remarks on it as a º case of extraordinary adaptation". Although his references are general he shows both familiarity with Scott and admir- at ion for him.; cardinal Manning, in his journal, giving an account of his reading tºº, tº "Walter scott, Ivanhoe above all"; and at another time he says, "I wish he (Scott) had never written a line of poetry", as he did not care for this part of Scott's work. - - 3. A. de Vere (who was a follower of Newman, though not one of (6) the Oxford Movement men), as a boy, read Scott's novels; he quotes TMemoirs" p. 37. Introduction to "Letters on Demonology, etc." by H. Morley p. 5. "Essays Historical and Theological" Vol. I, p. 248. miletters of J.B.M." pp. 85, 312 - - mTife of cardinal Manning" by Purcell, Vol. I, pp. 25, 65. ſ ( ſ ( l ( mRecollections" pp. 16, 20, 125, 184, 188- º - 176. "Marmion" and "The Lady of the Lake"; calls Scott "The Shakespeare of prose", and refers to Scott is repeating lſº old Latin hymns of the Catholic church as he lay on his death bed etc. 2, Wordsworth. It, is very evident that Keble was strongly influenced by Wordsworth, and that he admired him greatly. He read Wordsworth much while he was a stuiºt at Oxford and had %he keenest sympathy with that new school of poetry which with wordsworth as its representative, was searching out the deeper relations between nature and the human soui, A little later he "was much interested in making the acquaintance of ºn.” he calls "divinae veritat is antisties" and º, he quotes his º, a great deal, both in the "lectures and elsewhere. He is called a "true **** it is - agreed by critics that he was influenced by Wordsworth in "both the form and thought" of his poems, especially the "Christian Year", Wordsworth also admired the "Christian (5) Year" greatly, so much so that he said." It is very good - so good that if it were mine, I should write it all over again." It is possible also to detect traces of Wordsworth's (6) influence, or at least a striking similarity of sentiment, as, for example, Keble's glorifying of the innocence of (I) "Tife" etc by Ilock pp. 9, 5, 15, cf Church ºf Oxford Movement: gt 35. (3) Diet: of Naț, Biggs, Ygl: 35 p. 293 by J. H. Overton (5) 6. g. "The Happy Warrior" (ſlioted in Loëk p. 13% ; ºf 31so "Occasional Papers" etc. pp. 5, 62, 90; (4) A. C. Benson "Poetry of Keble" in "Essays eter p 198 of #º 1.99%. Pfl. cit. p. 53. (5) s. c - - ... " - C - Benson op - Git - p l86. (6) ºp.133f, "of aiso "The Holy Innocents" in "The Christian Yearm z77. childhood in his "Lyra Innocentium", in which the child reciting his creed has visiº, ºr spiritual truth denied his elders, e4e., of his finding the common round of life and humble classes of people food for poet Cº in- spiration; or his mystic ºnse of the unseen in nature, etc . But I have not discovered any direct reference in Keble to the "Ecclesiastical Sonnets" nor any evidence # &ny influence upon Keble of Wordsworth's references to distinctively med— ieval religions life or faith. Newman shows little if any influence from Wordsworth, either in the particular matter of the Oxford Movement, or in any other way. Ward reports the sºlº of Father Ryder, " I do not think he took cordially to wordsworth, but he adds that Newman was "greatly afteted by the "Ode on Intimations of Immortality". In the º Newman includes wordsworth mº of the literary influences, however, that affected the o:Ford Movement, coupling him with Southey, as "two living poets one of whom in the department of fantastic fiction, the other in that of philosophical meditation, have addressed themselves to the same high feelings and principles, * and carried forward their readers in the same direction TETETTTTTCFdsworth's "Qie on Intimations of Immorta- (ity", especially the phrase "like infants spºrting on the shoré eter, of also in same vol. p 338" "Baptism". TTUHFTSETTYear" pp. 2, 4, etc. ... " # Ibid ph, 202 f; cf. also p. 341, "Catechism". (3) nºiſe; "etic voi. II, p. 354 of also p. 336. {3} % 105 178. A ( (as Scott and Coleridge have done). According to this testimony, Newman regards Wordsworth's "philosophical meditation" as the contributing influence, which is of necessity vague, and would have little relation to his attitude towards the medieval or Roman Catholic Church in *** - - There is no evidence that Froude was in any way influenced by Wordsworth, His "Remains" contain no reference to him at all, and his temperament was also of that concrete, definite kind, that would find nothing to admire in Words- worth - I find no mention by Pusey anywhere of Wordsworth. Isaac Williams acknowledges a direct indebtedness to Wordsworth in his ºpoem" The Cathedral". This poem is "a description of ~- the Catholic and Apostolic church in England, connecting the whole G-o-thic structure with the various points of religious doctrine", and t; he author says in his "Advertisement;" to the poem that the idea on which it rests was suggested by Wordsworth in the Preface to "The Excursion, " £iz., that his OWIl poems "might be considered as capable of being arranges º as the parts of a Gothic church etc". The parts of the Cathedral” which come under the head of "Cloisters" Williams TTTTTEVERETThis "Recollections" (p. 289) says that Newman" "did not rank Wordsworth as highly as I did". He remarks also (p.268), in comparing the two men that "The egolesiastical imagination and the mountain worshipping imagination are two very different things" etc. - ºr - (jº. or list. Biography" Vol IXI p. 410. 179. * calls "Ecclesiastical Sonnets", showing his indebtedness to Wordsworth's poems by that name. Roundel Palmer, the first Earl of Selborne, was under the influence of Wordsworth. Though he took no active part in the Oxford movement he was keenly interested in it from the first, and was a friend at Oxford of Ward, Faber etc. The poem ("Staffa") ** he took the Newdigate prize is said to * 1-to have exhibited the influence of Wordsworth"; and "from Charles wordsworth he learned to study and appreciate the poetry of William Wordsworth". He contributed to the º of the Wordsworth Society" and was at one time President of the Society. Frederick W. Faber, when he was twenty three years of age º lasting friendship with Wordsworth". In 1842 he -ar dedicated his "Sights and Thoughts in Foreign Churches" to Wordsworth " in affectionate remembrance of much personal kindness, and many thoughtful conversations on the rites, prerogatives and doctrines of ** church". He was " a great favorite of the venerable poet" and "was proud to style himself a Wordsworthian"; and " in most of his compositions º it is apparent that his master is wordsworth". He refers to Wordsworth 's Sonnet on Dante • His poems are full of reminiscenees of wordsworth, as for example, is "Sir Lancelot" 1) "Diet. of Nat. Bigg. " vol. XLIII pt. 150 ft. 2) "Transactions of the Wordsworth º No. VIII. 3) “Diet. of Nat. Biog. Vol XVIII p- - tºv : ãº, ºp.": it. p. 214 of ‘Life and Letters of F. W. Faber 4, J.E.Bowden, pp 85f. (5) milife ànà Letters etc." p. 295. (2) * Kriºſ.” 180. his hero at last becomes heliºd "through nature and the Holy City," (in which the addition of the Holy city may be also a criticism of the "Excursion"), and he states in his "Preface" to this same poem that *". is "to show how an enthusiastic and most minute appreciation of the beauties of nature might unite itself irith Christian doctrine"; he attacks Science much in Wordsworth's véin, (3) as "unabashed before the eye of the supreme'. and calling 3. it "pagan" etc.; and one recalls Wordsworth in such phrases as "the * {{! flower", "the natural hºurses" calm and storm" etc. According to Aubrey de Vere, H. E. Manning (Cardinal M) had "respect but not enthusiasm" for Wordsworth's poetry, and Manning's own testimony is, " I have never been able t;o £a Wordsworth as his admirers do". (?) J.B. Mozley speaks of conversing at ofºrº as a student m of some of Wordsworth's views of a previous ***". He made a pilgrimage to the Lake country and *** back reminiscense of the poet. He breakfasted with him at Oxford; and altogether shows both familiarity with him as a poet and admiration for him. - > (? Aubrey de Were became an a!", ºr of Wordsworth as a boy, |() tº Tº CGT p, WI. TET'Biz. II. (3) "Sir Lancelot" Bk III. {} #º: of also his poems ºn "Rydal-Wale" p. 113: in "The Styrian Lake"; and also "Sir Langelot Bk II, "We live too fast... we get and gain too mugh" with Wordsworth's º mThe world is too much with us etc". (5) *Recollections" p. 302 of . 235. (6) Purcell's "Life, of Maºing. Vºl. H. P. 39. - (7) Essays Historical and Theological" Introduction vol. I, p. xxvii.I; cf "Letters ºf J. B. Mozley" p. 28 "pleasant talk of Wordsworth etc" - (8) "Letters" etc £2. #3; 62, 93, 236. Sº (3) "ºiličctions" pp. 19, 59, 122f, 132, 115, 197: 181. When one of his tutors called his attention to the poet - At eighteen he wrote an "Ode to Wordsworth" full of admir- ation for the "mastering spirit" of his poetry, and the effect of Wordsworth upon him was to make him feel that he had "got upon a new and larger planet". Wordsworth is to him"a mystic prophet", the prophet and priest of the English mountains", and his "Ode on Intimations of Immortality" is "the high altar of his cathedral of song". DeVere says of "The White Doe of Rylstone", which he read in the region where the scene of that poem is laid, "The poem has a religious and patriotic value as well as a poetical one. It is a reverent tribute to the memory of those true represenº- fatives of England's ancient chivalry who know how to die in the cause of their faith etc". Although he says, in a letter --~~ to Sara Coleridge, that he finds the later poems of Wordsworth tricher than many of his earlier ones", and refers among others to "The Armenian Ladº's Love", I do not find any mention of "The Ecclesiastical Sonnets". De Were wanted Wordsworth to translate more of Chaucer, saying, "Although Mr. Wordsworth is a Protestant, yet his mind poetic is "Catholic". }, Southey. - º (l) - - - Southey was among those whose poetry Keble read at Oxford. In 1819 he made the poet's acquaintance • Lock thinks that in "the earlier poems (of Kehle) Southey's influence of form and thought is perceptible. Southey is also spoken of as one of Keble's favorite poets, together with Wordsworth, Scott, TTTTEEETTITE Tete- pp. 9, 15, 53, 54. 182. Spenger ete, though, according to Lock "in a lessening degree" as he grew older; but I find no direct allusion to Southey's works, nor any reference to his ideas of the medieval or Roman Catholic Church, nor to Southey's poems that reflect the medieval church, such as "Joan of Arc" etc. Southey is one of the four poets to whom Newman gives credit for exerting an influence on the mood out of which º the Oxford Movement came, calling his work "fantastic fiction", which ** 3. qualified approval of it. He seems to have had a great admiration however, for Southey's "Thalaba", not because of any direct bearing upon the medieval church, for the poem does not deal with this, (£) but, according to Father Ryder, because of its "ascetism” . . . . It was his picture of what he trusted the Movement and his share in the Movement would have been". The reason he likes it is given somewhat differently in the "Apologia", "New too Southey's beautiful poem (Thalaba) for which I had an immense liking, came forcibly to my mind", in connection with the thought that "deliverance is Wrought, not by the many, buty by the few". He did not think highly of Southey's "Life of Wesley" (which includes a general history of the rise of Methodism, and also a brief review of the history of Christianity in England), speaking of it as "very superficial TTTTTECTOEIATTT35- (2) Wiifred Ward "Life" etc vol II pp. 354 f. (3) 6, 5 S. 183. - (1) - indeed", and insisting that he "does not treat it histore- cally in its connection with the age " ( that is, I suppose, satisfactorily from this point of view, for this is just what Southey tried to do), "and he cannot treat it theolog- ically if he would". It is evident that Newman does not take Southey very seriously as e literary *:::: Freude nowhere mentions Southey, nor does sº. J. B. Mozely *** 1850 "Southey's poetry I have not read for years, but I remember the impression it always made upon me was that of a brilliant, lighted-up stage t scene. He speaks in the same letter of the "change from his early Utopianism to his common sense content in after life", and alludes to his work as "not the highest poetry. .e4e". Evidently however, he had read him a good deal in º his earlier **. - (4) Aubrey de Were speaks highly of Southey, as "that true poet, whose poetry never preached, though before its face all the vices and all the furies fled ete". He says that "Rehame, *Thalaba, and Rod oriek are "Southey's greatest poems: 9 tº . 4. Colegridges . - 2. The biographer of Keble mentions the fact that among his friends was J. T. Coleridge "full of enthusiasm for the TTTTIEEEEFETWST. II, p. 224, written in 1837. (2) Except a visit in the home of Southey on his wedding journey, see "Life by Lidden Vol. I, 254 . (3) "Letters of J.B - M." p. 203. (4) “Recollections" p. 200. (5) 184. poetry of *"...sier. which also Keble must have read, but I have found no reference of a direct kind in rºle to Coleridge. So far as the philosophy of Coleridge is concern- (2) - - - ed, according to Dean church "the orieſ. men disliked him, as a "misty thinker", yet he mentions his "transcendentalism" as among the topics of discussion that in the early days of the Movement inevitably led up to that subject, and instances -Q_* º--->----- --~~~~ º: Charles Marriott as a student of Coleridge; ika-a-6 that Coleridge "provided the philosophical basis for the y Oxford Movement;". Newman's reference to Coleridge in the ºn.”. of the same tenor. He says, "While history in prose and verse (Scott) was thus made an instrument of church feelings and opinions, a philosophidal basis for the same was laid in England by a very original thinker, who, while he indulged in a liberty of speculation, which no christian can tolerate, and advocated conclusions which were often heathen rather than Christian, yet after all instilled a higher philosophy into inquiring minds, than they had hitherto been accustomed to accept. In this way he made trial of his age and succeeded in interesting its genius in the cause of Catholic truth." It was evidently in Newman's opinion, not as a Romantic writer at all, but as a philosophic teacher, in 3. º, -º/* (I) Toºk op. cit - p. 5. (F- p. 134-f: 182. - (3) Ward, "W. G. Ward and the Oxford. Mºvement" Appendix, p. 428; but Ward' also says that Jowett insisted that the Tragtarians were suspicious of Coleridge and Wordsworth as, "in the tendency of their teaching likely to be adverse rather than favorable etc. (p. 432). () ty ºf 185 his prose works, that coloridge exerted an influence upon the Oxford Movement, and for himself, he seems to have felt more antagonism thºn attraction in Coleridge's philosophy. He declares **** at the church sacraments and doctrines ete rather as symbols of a philosophy than as truths e-t-g", although he also * * when in the spring of 1835 he read parts of Coleridge's works". . . " for the first time", he was "surprised to find how much that I thought mine is to be found there". But in any case it is the philosophy of Coleridge and not his poetry that Newman considers as an influence upon the jºrers Movement. Newman says that Froude was not * with Coleridge, and in Froude's own published "Remains" there is no evidence to the contrary • Pusey seems to have been acquainted **, * Coleridge home, as he and Mrs. Pusey visited there on *. Wedding journey, but his biographer mentions only Mrs. Coleridge, and although Laºspeaks of the influence of Coleridge in "prepar- ing the * * to listen to the oxford teachers" lby "making men dissatisfied with VHF, the superficiality so TTTTTTETWOTTTE. 49 of also p. 57 where Ward contrasts Coldridge with Newman. (2) Wari's "Life" vol. I, p. 58 Ward says that Newman's assertion in later life "I never read a line of Coleridge" is "note the only instance in which his memory was in later P years seriously at fault" - Čf also his references to Coleridges works in his "Letters" vol. # *. 39, 54, 93, 156; cf. also º It Llections pp 4lf . fºgº by I. Guiney P. 1.1% note. {4} i feº ete by Lidden vol I, p. 144- {5} Ibid vol. I, p. 254- 186. common a hundred years ago in religion as in other matters", he does not indicate that Pusey was influenced especially in this way, and I find no mention by Pusey himself of Coleridge - (l) Mark Pattison, who was for a number of years a follower of Newman, says in his "Memoirs", "Early in 1837 I had fallen under the influence of Coleridge" mentioning specially his s "Aids to Reflection", and adding,"The vague mysticism in which he loves to veil himself had a peculiar charm for me". As it was in the next year that he became a Tractarian, it may be presumed that Coleridge's influence helped on this course. - - J.B . Mozley as a young man was an interested student of . Coleridge's philosophy. He refers especially to thee "Aids to Rºrº, and to Coleridge's "apparent want of perception of a simple and intuitive faith"; and he thinks wooleridge set the example" for the ºliº which is "advancing in some clerical quarters" etc. - Aubrey de Were was familiar with and admired Coleridge's ***) and his prose alike. He speaks of "the noble sweet- ness of Coleridge's poems, of their "music and their spirit- (l) ...B. 164. (2) "Essays Historical and Theological" vol. I, Introduction p. XXVIII. (3) "Letters of J.B.M." p. 238. (4) “Recollections" pp. 197, 199, 207, 315, 134 etc. 187. uality", and quotes with approval a remark made to him by Leigh Hunt about the "subtle sweetness" of Coleridge's verses. He calls Coleridge's "Church and State " a "noble book" and admires "Aids to Reflection". He likes Coleridge's idea of things being "subjectively true", and his interpreting the word wheimony" in Milton in "a sacra- mental and mystical sense." He says that Coleridge, Thomas Aquinas and, Bacon, were "the three writers of the philosophical school" who most influenged him to become a Catholic, and he says of Coleridge, "... connection, that although he "had said some hard things of Rome, yet his cºervatiºns in her favor were more remarkable", & S > for example, his remark that "nearly all her doctrines affirmed great ideas, but had condensed those ideas into idels. That seemed to me his rhetorical way of saying that Catholisism was a religion and not a mere philosophy". For Coleridge personally he felt a "veneration". º - - - - 188 5. From the foregoing references to our Romantic authors, We may draw the following conclusions: 1) The Oxford Movement men were more or less familiar With their work. 2) A general, if in most cases vague influence was exercis- ed by the Romantic writers upon the Oxford Movement. 3) The influence of Scott was much greateſºna more direct º than that of the others; being explicitly acknowledged by some of them, and indirectly by others. Scott's influence is character- ized by these men as "an instrument for the revival of Catholic- ity" (Newman); "turning men's minds to the direction of the middle ages" (Newman); and as having "aroused interest on behalf of ages and persons long buried out of sight" (Pusey), and finally as a force working in general against liberalism, though with qualific- ations (Newman, Pusey, Froude, Keble). That is, broadly speaking, Scott's influence is recognized as in favor of antiquity and gatholicity, and as against liberalism. These are three main elements in the Oxford Movement. - --- a) Note, for example, Newman's words about antiquity, our Special sº point Antiquity", "the rule of Antiquity"; and 2. - - {3) - - -- *- Froude's remark "one who has madé up his mind to really take ntiquity as his guide", and the characterization of Charles (4) . . - - Marriott as "a great reader of Ecclesiastical Antiquity", and TT. Cºſ. Fºrcell op. cit. vol. rººm pp. 658+, × cº- (2). "Apologia" pp. 112, etc. ---- - Tº tº - - p.289 Tſewman caught the sacred flame from Scott and passed on the fiery cross", etc.; cf. also Oakeley op. Git. in Dublin Review, vol. 53, p. 177. - (3). "Tife" by Guiney p. 384. (Aj. Dict of"n. B." Voi. xxvi, p. 196. T. 139 Fºlloch's description of the Oxford Movement as "a pure appetite '-- - l for tradition; whatever had the note of Antiquity was to be brought to light and the lineaments of the ancient church were to be sought among the debris of medieval and patristic times, site". In the case of Newman, and to some extent also of Keble and Puaºagy, and some others of the Tractarians, the return to antiquity meant the primitive church, though they turned also s to the medieval church to some extent, as is seen in the "Lives (º) ass-4. (3) of the English Saints" in many of the "Tracts for the Times", etc. : but in the case of Froude, Ward and many others, it was a return to the middle ages first and foremost. Newman testifies in regard to Froude' ºne WI3 S ºniº to the medieval church, not the primitive"; and Froude's "Remains" amply sustain this... T. Mozley says of R. W. Church that he was §. it to invest” with a new light to English eyes the career of Anselm, the period and work of Dante, and the Christianizing of the Empire". The fact that scott's pictures of medieval life are only relatively accurate, as already shown, does not seem to have been noted, by these men, or at least does not seem to have interfered with his influence upon them, a fact that might have been expected, in the ease of men who read their Scott in early days, and not as historical investigators. b). In regard to Catholicity, Newman speaks often of "the (TREIHEICTs. Thought in the Nineteenth Gentury" p. 113; cf. also R. Palmer who sought to prove "the unbroken continuity of the reformed church of England With the church founded by St. Augustine" (Dict. N. B. Vol. XIIII, p. 154); *... ſ.a. Froude op. cit. vol. IV, p. 161. - - (2). Gif. Tracts, 65, 89, also the topigs discussed in, he theolog-- ical society founded by Pusey at Oxford. "Life vol. I, pp. 340 fif. - ā- 190. 2- (l) note of Catholicity"; he says he felt keenly the taunt of the Catholics "There is but one church, the catholie, and you are º out of it". R. W. Church remarks on "the large and sweerº ºn- ception of a vast, growing, imperial church, which appealed so strongly to his (Newman's) imagination, and his biographer says "To live *magination in the church of ºthere had been for him for years a paradise of delight". W. Wañº says of Froude, º " )+ts Rºtº- of the Medieval Church was of an absolute, independ- ent spiritual authority, direct, uncompromising, explicit in its degrees, "etc. Pusey was moved by this same desire, and not finding himself able to join the Roman Church, he writes "we might taºreruse under the shadow of the Greek church", a feeling that was shared by others, such as William Palmer, who "tried to Secure an anºritative recognition of the Anglican claims to inter communion." This desire for a universal, visible church, vest, ed with unquestioned authority was an important element in - c.47) * > * -----> -- - the aims of the Oxford men, and Scott in exercising an influence in this respect played a part which they could not but recognise. TºTTTTCCT." p. 47; cf. "Troude's "Remains" vol. I, pp. 243,264, 332, etc.; cf. also Church "The Oxford Movement" p. 52. (4). "Reminiscences" vol. II, p. 8. - (TATSIC ºia" p. 112, etc.; of also 3. A. Froude op. cit. pp. iſ 6, 218, 16?- -- -º- - * ind 276 ... etc. (2). Toºrora Móvement" pp. 225 f; ºn "a nºt my " by (3) Ward "Life" vol. I, p. 91. {4}. §uoted in *º. º ºrs can nº tº vol. II, pp. 148:f,152, etc. - ) º: º: ##". ###"ºlº. 3.29tt's "gº Rºbert ºf Paris" which deals, with the Eastern Church to some extent, though it is not very favorºly pictured. (7). ". . Ward &nd the Oxford Movement PP. 14, 112. fºr o 191. It is not strange, however, that Newman should be a little doubtful about this in later years, in view of the criticisms - of Scott up on the medieval and Roman Catholic churches, but his fears were probably groundless, inasmuch as the general pictures of the "vast, growing, imperial church" which appear in Scott's pages would remain with most readers, while the criticisms would be quickly forgotten; and the darker side of ſks medieval Catholic church, its abuses of authority, etc., would be put down to the general tendency to imperfection that belongs to all things that have to exist in this world, even though they ºppºsed to be of divine origin. Newman's "Apologia" in rº. shows that he himself reasoned somewhat after this fashion, in passing from hostility to the Roman church to allegiance to it, and this state of mind is more or less paralleled in the other leaders of the movement. In any case We have here an influence of some moment on the part of Scott. 9) In regard to anti-liberalº, Wilfrid Ward says that Newman's aim in "The Tracts for the Time" and in the Oxford Movement as a whole was to "check the advancing tide of Liberal- (3) ism". In the "Apologia" Newman tells how he "moved out of the (l). "Apologia" pp. 112, 1187, 184, etc.; cf. Appendix, "Popular Religion, p. 283ff; cf. Tracts No. 11, 20, 47 on "The Visible Church" cf. also "The Via Media," vol. I, pp. 83 if, 106:ff. (2). "Life of Newman" vol. I, p. 57. (3). "Apologia" pp. 39, 48, 52, 54, 119, etc.; cf. also his "Letters" vol. I, pp. 222, 233, 237, etc.; ºf. also Newman's "Verses" showing his attitude towards all liberalism in religious thought. 192. shadow of liberalism", and came to consider that "the vital question was how are we to keep the church from being liberaliz— ed"; and he adds, "I had fierce thoughts against the Liberals". Mozley says that "actual, indeed inevitable liberalism was the leaven of English society", and º all "the party of pro- gress, all the philosophical writers, most of the Liberal states- men, etc. etc.", and that it was against this spirit that the > Oxford Movement reacted. This liberalism seems to have meant - (2) in the minds of the Oxford men, "mistiness", that" men were afraid of principles", and "suspiciow/ of enthusiasm", a toler- ance of heresy, a general condition of "Worldliness", a "low estimate of the clerical life", the presence of "new ideas", "the scientific movement", as well as "the violent and threaten- ing temper of the Reform Bill'. ete." Against all this the Oxford” men reacted in a movement for conservatism, for religious earnest- ness, for the exaltation of the church, its authority, its clergy, its sacraments, e - Men were drawn into the movement, urged on by one or another element of this general spirit. To Mark - (3) - Pattison, for example, Tractarianism meant a revival of personal º (4) religion, a movement of "piety"; and J. D. Dalgairus felt the - - * need of "a renaissance of faith". Isaac Williams was "at War with (5) (6) - - worldliness"; Keble and Pusey wanted a revival of "habitual con- - - (7) - - fession, absolution and sacramental penance", . Here again, the recognition of Scott's influence in presenting the solid and (1). "Reminiscences" vol. II, pp. 265ff, 382, etc. (2). R. W. Church "Oxford Movement" pp., 355, 15ff, 49, 178, etc.; of. J. A. Froude, op. cit. vol. IV, pp. 154, 176. "Memoirs" p. 173. (4) Church "Oxford Movement" p. 236. Ibid p. 69. (6) Cornish "Eng. Church in Nineteenth gentury" ) 6ſ. Froude's "Remains" vol. I, pp. 117, 244, 43%. (p. 84 | -- 195. vital faith of the middle ages, the so-called "ages of faith"; the church in its exalted position at that time, as well as the condition of things prior to these "new ideas” that the Oxford men disliked, political, religious and scientific, is certainly a factor of some importance in the Oxford movement. We have al- ready seen that Newmanſiºs in some doubt about Scott on this point, and that Keble felt called on to explain the ** shortcomings of Scott's anti-liberalism, and that º Wà.S. scornful, of the "superficial liberalism" of Scott, which he noted. When re-reading Scott in later years, but which he appar- ently had not observed so much when he first read him, and was influenced by him. But, nevertheless, the fact seems to stand that Scott was recognized as a force against liberalism. . 4) Wordsworth's influence was extremely vague and indefin- ite, an influence towards the deepening of the spiritual life of the Oxford men, or as Newman puts it his influence was "in the department of philosophical meditation". We have, however, enough suggestions of a more direct influence in the cases of Faber and Williams, in the former's report of "conversations on the rites, prerogatives and doctrines of the holy church", and º in the latter's indebtedness in his "Gothic scheme" for his *Cathedral" to Wordsworth, to justify us in assuming a more direct influence in the way of medievalism and conservatism than we have been able to find explicitly recorded. It is, nevertheless, a strange thing, that men who acknowledge so much admiration for Wordsworth, and so much indebtedness, should be almost entirely ------------ (i) 3 his thesis p.15 Jun (?) Ibid., p. 1" ºr 194. A- --~~ silent in regard to the writings of this poet which deal specific- ally with the medieval and Catholic church. We do, indeed find - some reference to this phase of Wordsworth's work in Aubrey de (1) Vere, who did not, however, belong to the original Tracterians, but was a follower of Newman, and became a Catholic. 5) Coleridge's influence, while considerable, was largely through his philosophical teaching, rather than by his work as a Romantic writer distinctively, that is, it was a philosophical rather than a literary influence. As such his influence was through the "vague mysticism with which he loved to veil him- self" (Pattison); his habit of giving a more or less fanciful interpretation to some doctrine which made it palatable to men who had hitherto not found it so. 9) Southey's influence was not very great, and what there - was of it was of a general sort, exercised through his "fantastic fiction" (Newman) or through his poems that do not deal specific- ally with the medieval church, as "Thalaba" etc. His prose Writ- ings seem to be ignored, and as they were largely written as pelemics against the Catholic church, they would not, naturally, receive praise as sources of good influence from these men. 7. So man for the statement of the case so far as the explicit testimony of the Tractarians is concerned. But if we aan assume a general familiarity with the Romantic Writers, as their testºry justifies us in doing, and if the findings al- ready recorded in this paper are correct, as to the attitude of these men to the Medieval and Catholic Church, then, this in- fluence must have been much greater than our conclusions thus 7 (l) Ibid. p. I 81 195 far have gone. Southey's poems, for example, such as "Joan of Arc" and "Madoc" and "Roderic", together With his translations of "The Cid" etc., all of which present the medieval church in a generally attractive light, cannot fail to have influenced men who read them in the years not long preceeding the Tractarian movement. Accordingly, I have noted the following points at which the spirit of the Romantic Movement as represented by our four * authors, and the spirit of the Oxford Movement were so much alike as to suggest a very probable influence. J) - Most of the Oxford sº men were men who would be in- fluenced by a literary movement. They were readers of poetry, fiction, etc., and many of them were poets or at least literary men. In the words of Dean Church, "The Oxford Movement had its imaginative and poetic side". Keble, for example, Was reading at Oxford, in his under- graduate days, Ariosto, Chateaubriand, Spenser , º, Southey, Byron, etc. His review of Lockhart's "Ilife of Seottº (3 - is characterized as "the once famous review", etc. His lectures sº ºn. he W&S professor of poetry at oxford show a Wide acquaintance with poets and a keen insight and profound appreciation of poetry, and are characterized by Dean church as "the most original and * * * * from the we - § Chair of Poetry at Oxford. He was a poet himself. (1). R. W. Church, op. cit. p. 74; cf. also p. 25 on the discus-- 5ions on poetry at Oxford. (2). cf. mirº by Lock p. 9. (3). "Diet. Nat. Biog. " vol. 35, pp. 293 ff, by J. H. Overton. (4). Lock. op. cit. pp. 30ff, of. p. 60; cf. also Church op. cit. p. 314. - - ſº ſ vº 196 *— _* a -- - 2- (...) Although Newman's "Apologia" and his "Letters” etc. show him to have been a reader preeminently of church history, theol- ogy, etc. , especially of the early church Fathers, nevertheless, there is abundant evidence of his acquaintance with general liter- ature and of the fact that he was open to influence from such reading. A case in point is his testimony to the profound in- fluence exerted over him by the reading of *. "I Promessi º Sposi" and its picture of "Romanism in action", and especially of "the Capuchin" who, he says, "has struck in my heart like a dart; I have never got over him". Note also his fondness for William Morris' "The Earthly Paradise", and for Byron whom "he would have admired heartily, if his moral ...º.º. had ºzºº him', . - + ºx”. w - i e— Note also his references; Newman Wäs himself, also, of course, a poet and writer of historical fiction as well as of polemical and historical works , Froude was a man also, of literary taste and wide general reading. His "Remains" include, for example, "An Essay on the 3. - Age Favorable to Works of Fiction", and a paper on "The Causes of the superior Excellence of the Poetry of Rude Ages". He was 3. contributor to the "Igra Apost Olica". - º - Although Pusey was rather a student and investigator than a literary man or one who was liable to be influenced by (A) literature, yet there are evidences of his reading poetry and fiction. - - - - 11 TCT. THTST"Christian Year" and his contributions to Lyra postolica" - (1). "Tetters" vol. I, pp. 109, llā, vol. II p. 63; cf. Ward's "Tife" vol. II p. 353f and p. 238; cf. also vol. I, p. 68; cf. also "Letters" vol. L. p. 52, and "Apologia" p. 30; cf. also Cornish op. cit. part I, p. 296, who speaks of Newman's "romantic medieval Spirit"; cf. also J. B. Mozley's article on "I Promes si Sposi" in the Christian Remembrances." 197. Isaac Williams is described as "among the soundest, most (l) - - loving, and most thoughtful of the devotional writers of the }ſ church of England and "endowed with a true poetic gift". As a student at Oxford he won the prize for Latin verse; he was a (2) contributor to the "Lyra Apostolica"; he was a candidate for the Öxford professorship of Poetry; he published a number of hymns, and also several long poems, including "The Cathedral", "The * Baptistery", etc.; and he wrote a very popular "Autobiography". Other Oxford men of strong literary interests, to whom the poetry and fiction of the Romantic school would naturally appeal for that reason, Were sººn Palmer (the first Earl of Selborne); Charles Marriott, Who "had *. Was Open to poetical grandeur and charm" and "had poetry in his veins, being the son of the well-known author of “The Devonshire Iane”; J. W. - Bowden, who in collaboration. With Newman Wrote "a º poem in two cantos on "St. Bartholomew's Eve” and who was the author of Six of the poems ** "Tyra Apostolica"; John Brand Morris, author of a "poem in seven books, mystical and obscure” entitled *Nature, a Parable"; Frederick Oakley, who wrote outhful Martyrs of Rome", "a verse drama in five acts"; F. W. Faber, author of many poems and hymns, including "Sir Lancelot a Legend of the "Remains" vol. I, pp. 144ff. (2). (3). Čf. Ibid Zºº: pp. 306ff; Vol. I, pp. 18,164; Gurney op. cit. pp. 404,329. (#). cf. Liáion of eit. vol. I p. 37 and vol. II p. 84, giving account of his study of Dante M5S, etc. - - TT.T.Ticº. Tof Nat. B. " vol IXI, p. 410; cf. "Autobiography"pp. 6,66 (2). Cf. J. A. Froude op. cit. Vol. IV, pp. 169ff. 94. (3). "Dict. Mat. B." Vol. XLIII, pp. 150ff. (4). R. W. Church, op. Git. p. 89. (5). "Diet. of Nai. B. " vol. VI, p. 41; cf. J. Mºyle, ºp. ºit. vol. II, p. 4. 198. (l) Middle Ages", of whom Wordsworth is said to have remarked "If it were not for Frederic Faber's devoting himself so much to his sacred º he would be the poet of his a ge"; even W. G. Ward who disliked poetry, yet is said to have "read every novel good and bad which ves pºliº": Robert I. Wilberforce, who contributed to the "Lyra Apostolica"; Thomas Mozley, who sºoned Newman as editor of the British Critic, whose "Reminisc- ences" is regarded by Mark Pattison as second only to the "Apologia" as a source for the Tractarian Movement; John T. Sºlistie Who, was "born to be a poet and a novelist"; Mark Pattison, who º's student at Oxford "began to wake up to the attractions of poetry" and whose work in literature is well known. º . The literary taste and talent of these men, the fact that the Oxford movement was to a certain degree also a literary *. producing its poetry and fiction, as well as its history, biography, polemical Writings, etc., "just as "the Romantic Move- ment had its religious side", forms certainly a link between this movement and the Romantic Movement, and makes it inevitable that the earlier movement should have influenced the latter even more forcibly and widely than the actually recorded confessions of the Oxford leaders would make us suppose. This poetic or more broadly speaking, literary link, between the two movements, may (8) a&# º be expressed in this remark ºf Kebles'. iographer "He had chosen (T.TCiTTow op. cit. vol. II, p. 214, cf. "Dictionary of Nat. w Biog. voi. XVIII, p. 109; cf. "Life and Iletters of F. W. Faber . 2, #: ºf 47. - rº- (2). "Alfrid Ward's "II. G. Ward and the Oxford Movement"; p. 36, cf. p. 79 (3). "Dict. of Nat. Biog. " vol. I.M.I, p. 203. (4). "Diet. of Nat. Biog. " vol. XXIX, p. 252. (5). (7). gozley "Reminiscences" vol. II, p. 3. (6) "Memoirs" p. 115. (ºf. Tulloch op. cit. p. 37; cf. Church, op. Git. p. 25 and 74 cf. Cornish op. cit. Part I, p. 337. (8) Lock. op.cit. p. 5. T || - - 199. for his favorite poets those whose overmastering emotion was for the glories of the past". 2) A marked characteristic of the Oxford Movement was the leaning towards the monastic life, and especially towards the severe and even ascetic practices associated with it. Newman says that very early "a º imagination took possession of me that I should lead a single life". In his early poems he praises a "the glorious celibate" and his mind runs on fastings, vigils, penance, ete--, and on "the urgent rule, the severing vow, etc. , the "cloister blest"; eters at Littlemore the life was practical- ly monastic ; and he was pleased, in 1833, with his visit to monasteries in Italy. Pusey º Keble,"I have it (hair cloth shirt) on again, by God's mercy" and he goes on to speak of his smiting his breast, fasting, praying with his arms in - the form of a cross, and his adopting a "rule of life". He also, was much interested in establishing sisterhoods in Ting- land, which adopted a rule based on that of St. Frances de Sales. This is even more marked º, who considered the project of reestablishing monasticism in England; who deliberately adopted the celibate ideal; who wrote "Sackcloth is a girdle good, C bind it round thee still" etc.; Who records in his private journal (1826) "I will begin a sort of monastic, austere life, and do my best to chastise myself before the Lord". Keble (4) is less touched by this spirit; he exalts married life; he writes, TT. TATOTogia Tp. 34; cf. "Letters". Vol. I, pp. 220,444, and vol. II, pp. 194, 48, 46c.; cf. also "Verses", especially "A Hermit- age", "The Married and the Single", "Monks"; cf. also his defence of monachism, "Letters" vol. II, pp. 68, 112. (2). Liddon op. cit. vol. III, pp. 85 fif, cf. also pº - 10, 100, l04, 281; cf. also his "Tract on Fasting (No. 18) 200. "We need not bid, for cloisters d cell, our neighbor and our work farewell", and "I hold it to be a selfish and a dangerous thing for people always to be turning their eyes inward". Nevertheless, he is attracted by the life of the hermit. Ward even discounted the work of the Greek dramatists, on the ground that they "contained nothing º, he admired greatly the saintly ideal as realized especially in the monastic life; he wishes all this daughters to become nuns. (2) Wordsworth's fondness for nuns and the highly senti- º mental way in which he always speaks of them, at once occurs to us in relation to this tendency of the Oxford movement. Especially suggestive is the attitude of Faber tºº. inasmuch as he was greatly under Wordsworth's influence. In fact his way of speaking of monasticism in general, of hermits, etc., is very much in the manner and t one of Wordsworth, as, for example, "where the young novice her lone vigil keeps", "the Wierd stillness of - the cloistered hour", and the monk "With his woodland abbey". . . . Keble's attitude to the hermit life is the same as that of Words– worth. He is drawn to the ideal by temperament, and yet feels it necessary to correct his own inclination by recalling the fact that there are social demands which ought to be recognized. He says, much --- (3) - 4 uſiney op. cit. pp. 66, 311, 164, 314, 318, 379, etc . ; cf. also defense of celibacy by Newman and Keble in statement pre- fixed to Froude's "Remains", Part II, c.f. also vol I, pp. 215, 408, 239, 430, etc.; cf. also R. W. Church op. cit - p. 127; cf. also J. B. Mozley op. cit - p. 279 on Froude as "a monk by nature". (4) Lock. op. cit ... p. 132; cf. "Christian Year". (5) de Vere op. cit. pp. 281 ff. TTTSEE-TTWard and the "Catholic Revival" pp. 142, 216, 145, 289; ef. "Tracts" Nos. 18, 66, etc . ; cf. also T. Mozley • op: G if : Vol - I, p. 307, and vol. II, p. 9, on various Tractarians in this . . . . réspect; also cf. Faber's "Sir Lancelot"; also cf. Church 2p* g it - pr. 32, 370, etc.; and Cornish op. cit. Part II phs ºff. and "Life and Letters of F. W. Faber, pp. 93, 169. 2Ol †ordsworth, ºy servant, let the world alone"; and "such airs 2. as soothe a hermit's sleep"; and "ye hermits blest, ye holy maids, the nearest heaven on earth". But, like Wordsworth again, he feels called upon to say, "We need not bid, for cloistered cell, our neighbor and our work farewell", and "by If ſ/ 2 purest pleasures unbeguiled, to idolize or wife or child, such wedded souls our God shall own for faultless virgins round his throne”. There are numerous commendatory assoºr- erences to hermits and nuns also in the three º!. authors with whom we are concerned, so that in spite of the adverse treatment of them in all of them at times, and the general intention to condemn asceticism as such, monasticism is exalted enough to º & make it appear on the whole attractive to the Tract aiians. - , - 3 - Some of Scott's most attractive characters, as We hav! liready ~~ noted, are monks, while the monastic life as such is drawn, on the whole in such a way as to win sympathy with it. Purcell TºT.T.T.H.E. FKeº, ºff. - - - (3). See "Poems of 1840" pp. 17, 24, ; "Sir Lancelot" Bic. I, pp. 4,9 (4). "The Christian Year" pp. 3, lić, 140, 177, 246, etc. etc. TTTTTThis tº pp. 18/ (2). Note also, in spite of his asceticism, Froude's Wordsworth- iam devotion to Nature, as e.g. "Remains", vol. I, pp. 20, 23, 182, 228, 375, etc.; this is in sharp contrast to New— " man to whom "a loved landscape was a pagan temptation to false gods", see "Guſtºney" op. cit. p. 65. --- - -------. ſ 5 . This thesis pK. 46% - ; G - G - "Vºl - d. , , , ºr . 2O2 (1) 2- mentions "the reverential way in which Scott sometimes speaks of nuns and monks" as a help towards the Catholic revival in England. 92 Aside from the monastic life, the churchmen of the middle ages in general, regarded as saints, theologians, states– men, etc. , constituted an object of great interest and study and devotion to the Tractarians. Note for example the "Lives of the (2) English Saints", indicating "admiration for characters in medieval __ times"; Froude's studies in the career and character of St. Thomas * Beeſ et, and his often expressed admiration for the medieval - (%) churchmen, as, for example, his criticism of the church of Eng— land saints as "deficient in the austere beauty of the Catholic zºn (5) - # 6 os "; John Morris, who was instrumental in having Pope Leo - (6) XIII canonize several English saints; J. W. Bowden's "Ilife of Gregory the Seventh "; Faber's "Life of St. Wilfrid”; Pusey's - (*!) - (3) - fondness for "the works of St. Gregory the Great"; Manning's (?) admiration for Thomas Aquinas; Mark Pattison's remark,"I wrote ºt two "Ilives of the Saints! . . upon which Iput an amount of research,” . . In this connection we recall Coleridge's admiration for some of the medieval churchmen, as H tºo de St. Victoire, Duns scoſº, - º ſ - Scotus, , Erigena, etc. We remember also Wordsworth's praise of early English ecclesiastics, such as Bede, St. Cuthbert, etc., and also men like St. Francis, although there is also a strong tone of condemnation in Wordsworth at times. The only influence” we may assume in this respect, is merely, perhaps, a general - Tºni ºn op. cit. vol. I, pp. 65.2ff. º: 5...". Git. p. #31: "...º. J. A. Froude Op. Git. Vol. IVAp:16 (3). Guiney op. cit. pp. 79, 115,165,192 and note; cf. also "Remains" vol. I, p. 352, and vol. II, Pºrt II, pp. lff. (4). "Diet. of N.B. " vol. XX, p. 291. (5). Ibid vol. IV, p. 41. (6) Ibid vol. VI, p. 41. (7). Iiddon op. cit. vol. I, pp. 90ff. (8) De Vere op.cit. pp. 289, * r * - - tº mim -- ~ -: - -- ** - stimulus towards the study of the medieval churchmen. 4) A deep interest in the forms and ceremonies of the medieval church and of religion in general was a character- is tie of the Oxford men. Newman, travelling with Froude, in Italy, was delighted with "the º and liturgy of the churches." His poems and letters show his early inclination - (2) - ow that direction. Pusey, though a student of doctrine rather than form, wanted to "restore the earlier pre-reformation vest– ments"; he was interested in "rich altar cloths", and proposed to print the Sarum Breviary, etc. ºne. made investig- ations in early liturgies. James Dornford not only "adorned his parsonage with old oak carving of all º, but also writ—- ted up a passage room as an oratory, with a magnific ent and costly reredos containing the Passion, with five compartments, and a multitude of figures, <--e-. " Oakeley says the Oxford men felt the appeal of the ºraceful and loving ceremonies of the Catholic Church", and Mozley records º fact that Newman, º - Pusey and wiperforce weame to Biancé ºters room in the even- ing (1827) to learn the order of the Roman Catholic service, etc.”; and Mozley himself felt that the music and all the forms • of the Catholic churches that he sayſ and heard in normandy WGI’e (6) … " - . . . "truly worship... much more expressive than our pretty chants º \| - -- - and singing melodies, eºs- ". Froude is affected by hearing (I). "Tife" by Ward, vol. I. p. cf. "Verses” on "External Religion", "Sacrilege" etc.; cf. "Apologia" p. 30. Liddon op. cit. Vol. II, pp. 141, 145ff, 396, 477. Church op. cit. p. 98; cf. T. Mozley op. cit. vol. I, pp. 295-ſf. T. Mozley, op. cit. Vol. II, p. 77; Oakeley op. cit. in Dublin Rºviº, ºl. 53, p. isi. (5). Iłid voi." I, .333. (6). Ibid p. 319. -* * 204. the * far out at sea" singing the Roman Catholic service so "beautifully", and quotes Paseal with approval on the symbolism of the sacraments. This is a prevailing trait of all the Oxford men, though the particular elements of the ceremonial, etc., that touched them differed in different caszs. . A comparison with the attitude of our Romantic authors to the forms and ceremonies of the medieval church, as already ſº tº indicated, Will make evident how much stimulus in this direction may have come from their work. The evident sympathy of all our authors with this element of medieval religious life make it needless to sº instances. As before suggested in regard to antiquity in general, it is difficult to see how inaccuracies in the description of these things, or the vague- - - ness of Wordsworth, or the occasional criticisms of all of our authors, would do away with the very clear impression of artist- ie and emotional pleasure which all of them give the reader, and in the case of Wordsworth, at least, the very evident relig- ious sympathy with them. We may also recall Keble's allusion to - - (5) Scott's love of the Latin hymns. º (1). "Remains" vol. I, pp. 85,287, 337, 366;... - (2). Cf. Cornish op. cit. Part II, pp. liff; cf. "Ency. Brit" (9th Edition) vol. 12, pp. 580ff for R. Palmer's study of medieval hymns and liturgies, etc.; cf. also "W. G. Ward and the Oxford Movement" pp. 18, 93,153; cf. Edward Caswell "Lyra Catholica", e.gc. - (3). Thesis ph (4). Thesis p.??/ (5). Thesis p. ** 17 205 º Newman in the "Apologia" speaks of the early leaning of Froude towards reverence for "the Blessed Virgin" and "the saints", and of the fact that he himself got from Keble's "Christian sea", "ºne article of the communion of saints in its fullness". He also says that Froude "fixed deep in me the idea of devotion to the Blessed Virgin". Newman was early pondering on the Virgin and saints, as his º showſ, as, for example, this question asked of Keble, "Is there any one of our standards which would keep put such (a prayer) as "May St. Mary and all the **** for us to the Lord"? Compare also Keble's "Christian Year", as, for example, "St. Michael and all the Angels", "All saints' Day" (especially the line "the saints' prevailing prayer"), and "O Mother Undefiled" etc.; and also his "Tyra Innocentium", Gompare also Faber's poems, such as - (H) "St. Mary's at Iſight", and the many references to **** the Virgin Mary in "Sir Launcelot", ete. Compare also 7: Mozley, who reacted from the Oxford Movement somewhat in later years, but nevertheless still could argue in favor of the worship of the Virgin Mary, and could write "When the church of England had done TTTTTTOTCETE" pp. 42, 47, etc.; cf. "Essay on Development" etc. - pp. 176, 179, etc. - * --tº- - (2). "Tetters" vol. II, pp. 267 and also cf. p. 333 Gif. also his ºverses", such as "Solitude Written in 1818, and "Desol- ation" (i933) and "Intercession of the Saints (1855) etc. (3). Cf. also his "Mother out of Sight" which "he intended to prefix to the volume (Lyra Innocentium), but his friends dissuaded him". (Lock. op. cit. p. 136f) Gif. "Sir Launcelot" Blºs. VII, IX, X? etc. *Reminiscences, vol. II, pp. 262, 552, 372, 574, #ete. 206. C , its best to destroy the traces and the very memory of thousands of Saints, by a singular retribution it became barren. . When we recall Wordsworth's devotion to the wº Mary and his hymns in her honor; Scott's reverent treatment of her in his poems and novels; Coleridge's presentation of her in his poems and even in some of his prose works; and finally tile way she is portrayed in Southey's more serious poems, such as "Roderick" - "John of Are", etc. , it is evident that readers of these authors would fine here an influence in the direction they actually took in this particular. On the other side, we have an occasional re- mark in Coleridge's prose works, Southey's satirical poems, and his prose, and many of his notes even to such poems as "Roderick"; and one or two adverse comments by Scott , which º thinks do not represent the real feelings of Scott. In all cases it would ` be the poetry, or the pictures presented in fiction that would exercise an influence on the young men of the Oxford Movement, rather than the chance observations or the polemical Writings. * . The saints do not find such uniformly attractive presentation by our Romantic authors as does the Virgin Mary, although Wordsworth is loyal to them, and Scott suggests a possible "employment of the saintly dead, etc". southey enters into the devotion of Joan of Arc for her favor- ite saints, and Coleridge's poetry shows no departure from the medieval feeling about them. If the Oxford men were familiar With all of the works of our authors, they would have to mak large use of the distinction which Aubrey *ere makes between the "prose mind" and the "poetical mind" of these men, or of the TTTTesis ER,”f (2) Thesis p. 1.7 (3). Thesis p. 81 2O7 (l) explanation of Keble in regard to Scott's "liberalism". 9. Certain individuals among the Tractarians were much interested in medieval religious architecture and *. Froude, for example, made º of the abbeys connected with the "career of St. Thomas of Canterbury"; he speaks of "those Very Wild and dreamy feelings which Gothic buildings so *- ly extite"; he published in the "British Magazine" a paper on - "Church Architecture, in Which he shows how the Gothic arch developed, etc.; also "When German agents filled Oxford with very beautiful and interesting tinted lithographs of medieval paint- ings, etc.; Froude "went Wild over them"; and painting and arch- itecture absorbed him while in Rome. Others who shared this interest Were J. W. º Who Wrotº on "The Gothic -- Arch"; R. W. º, and T. Mozley, who wrote a number of articles in the "British Critic" on medieval architecture, and who designed a church building for Iſewman at Littlemere. Mozley also tells of Maria Ghiberne, an artist who became a follower of Newman, and became a Roman Catholic about the time Newman did, and who "spent twenty years in copying and *** the pictures in the Palazzo Borghese for use in English chººls" We might Ax. add, also, Pugin, a friend of the Tracterians, though not an Oxford Movement man himself, who says he was "first drawn to Roman Catholicism by his artistic sympathies", and that "he I) TET. Tº ter. Y. g. ſard and the Oxford Movement, p.155. 3). º I, p. 179,306, vol. II, pp. 311,335ff, "T. Frouder by Guine: ºp. 394ff, 96f : 98: 1179, etc. jºyºſºtrºy . D. of N. B. vol. VI, p. 41. (5) Mozley op. cit. vol. I, p. 32, • I bid, vol. II, pp. 281ſ, 42 fif, vol. I, pp. 22, 298, 302, 345. ( ( &f. also Tulloch op. cit. p. 123. "D. of N. B." Vol. XLVII, P} 6ff. ºf;4. - 2O8. __ believed the Roman Catholic religion and Gothic art to be intimately associated", and who made a great collection of books bearing on medieval art and worship. º. - A Gomparison With pages 40// of this thesis shows that While none of our Romantic authors had a technical knowledge of Gothic architecture, nor of medieval painting, yet Coleridge had thought deeply in these matters and understood at least the ºs theory of Gothic architecture, and that all of them, especially, Scott and Wordsworth, loved the medieval religious buildings of - all kinds, and pictured them or referred to them in a way to excite interest in them and make them appeal to the imagination. It was with Scott, as it was with *. who though not a stu- clent of architecture, yet says of his travels in Italy in 1832–5, "I found pleasure in historical sites and beautiful scenes". To Scott, these abbeys, churches, etc. , meant history, patriotism, and beauty, and he succeeded in making his readers enter into these *: Wordsworth's vague poetical way also of Speak- ing of biolºrs, abbeys, etc., would tend in the same direction. It appears, therefore, that in this we have a point in which OUI” *** might well exercise a strong influence. As Gornish º expresses it, "The Romantic Movement had its religious side, and when Scott's magic glass had shown a reflection of the middle ages, such Roman Catholic sº as A. W. Pugin the architect . . . . counted for more than was known at the time". pºli, also, in his milife of gaſºlinal Manning" mentions Scott's "touching and (1) "Apologia" p. 53. - (2) Thesis Phºto, sºft (3). Gp. cit. Part I, p. 337. H) th-8. I. Aſ e s = {} 209. often pathetic descriptions of ruined abbeys" as among the in- fluences that tended "to break down the anti-Catholic prejudice in England". Compare with this last remark Froude's words "It will be a pretty monastic-looking erection, and if we could but make it old, and buy a ghost or two, it would be somewhat sentimental". We may add, as throwing light on Troude's suscept- ibility to religious and even definitely Catholic impressions through medieval art, his account of his interest in a German painter, Friedrich Overbeck, who had himself become a Catholic through his interest in medieval art, and whom Froude met in Italy. Froude says of him, "his whole mind is taken up with the Catholic * 6 o's so that he has given up his Protestantism and is a rigid conformer to all the Ordinances of the Church. . . . I was struck with it". --> (2) 7) With Newman a main interest was dogma. Speaking of the early Fathers he says, "Some portions of their doctrine, magnifi--- cent in themselves, sounded like music to my inward ears"; again "from the age of fifteen dogma has been the fundamental principle of my religion; I know no other religion"; and he says he held always that there was a visible church with Sacraments and rites, (3) / which are the channels of invisible grace". Froude, though not, - according to Newman, a dogmatic theologian, yet spoke often of "the miracle of the eucharist", and was more and more indignant Zſ). rºtº-ºtºr. Pºt 17 f *…* of, ºf h{ . *eſſ. (1). "Apologia" p. 49, 67f, etc. of "Verses" as e.g. "For the Dead", "Absolution, etc". Gif. also "Letters" vol. I, p. - 278; cf. also "The Grammar of Assent" ſp 99f, 138ſ. (%). Guiney, op. cit. pp. 163, 148; "Remains" Vol. II, Part II, ko. 10, 61. - º -- 210. at "the Protestant doctrine on the subject of the Eucharist"; -- and he had "a leaning to accept transubstantiation. º º taught the doctrine of "the real objective presence in the Eucharist", which was to him also "a commemorative sacrifice"; he believed in "the reality of the absolving power lodged in the church", and so made use of penitence and confession, but he was opposed to the Roman doctrine of purgatory; in his plans for publishing the Sarum Breviary he proposed to publish the parts of it which "admit prayers for departed saints, and * the name of the blessed Virgin in commemoration, but excluding mention of the intercession of the saints". º pelieved strongly in the doctrine of Apostolic succession, put; disagreed with Froude on the Eucharist. * of the "hateful and fearful doctrine of justification by faith" and liked " the practical Roman doctrines". Thus we note in the Oxford men a strong doctrinal leaning, though differing among themselves, in this respect, and also in regard to specific doctrines. Turning to the Romantic writers, we recall that *. Pusey, Keble, Pattison, etc., all acknowledge the influence of Coleridge in the matter of doctrine, putting this influence on the ground rather of his point of view and method of treating dogmas, than upon his attitude to particular dºls, and Old I.” º findings in regard to Coleridge's opinion of specific dogmas of the Catholic church TTY. WLife" by THIGH TVoI. II, pp. 307ff, vol. III, pp. 431, 95, 375:f, 303ff, etc. (2). "Tife" by Lock, pp. 20, 56, 126, 161. (3). Church op. cit - 553 ff, 352, cf. W. Ward 9 p. cit - , Prefage, p. III. "The later Oxford School, Ward, etc. . . were more, inter- º in philosophy, ethics and dogma, Éhāh 'in histºry". . This paper pp. 183ff. - - ... -- !: Cf. cºs favorite distinction between faith and belief, ni is insistence on the value of the feelings in religion, : 211. show that the Oxford men would eertainly find little encourage- ment in his opinions on any particular doctrine. we note, also, as regards Wordsworth, that while he is severe in his criticisms of Catholic doctrines, yet he often treats them, not from the standpoint of a dogmatie theologian which he was not, but from a broader human standpoint, or in the light of poetic fancy, and when in this mood he is often very sympathfit º ºtic, as, for example, with the doctrine of Kurgatory and also with the doctrines of confession and absolution, etc. In his later work also, we have observed how strongly he inclines towards a doctrine of tradition and ecclesiastical authority, which would be influential on the minds of the Oxford men. So far as Southey is concerned, his prose is solidly antagon- istic to medieval dogma, but is so evidently prejudiced and polemical in is aim, that it would probably be ignored; but in his poetry we have found, in "Roderick" for example, a pre- sentation of the medieval church's attitude to human sta, 3. S expressed in its doctrines and rites, which is deeply impress– ive. In the case of Scott, we recall how near he seemed to Keble to an acceptance of the whole Catholic doctrinal scheme, though our own results from examining Scott's attitude in this respect seem to point to the suspicion that in this "the wish was father to the thought" with Keble, for Scott Gondemns quite as TTTTTTationalism, with Newman's motto selected when he became Cardinal, "Cor ad cºor loquitur" (Ward "Life of New- manº vol. II, p. 357); cf. also Isaac Willianº saying about. Froude, that "He was inclined to set àeos above inteliecł"; cf. "...g. Ward, and the Catholic Revival "pp. 46, 51, 125; cf. also Tulloch op. Git. p. 14, cf. L. Stephens "English Jhought in the 18th Čentury vol. I, p. 464. flatly and sweepingly medieval Catholic doctrines in his historic- al works; and in his fiction, in many cases, it is heresy, which is favored rather than orthodoxy. But in the case of all these men, but especially Scott, it is to be remembered, as already suggested, that people presented as living out these dogmas in every day life, such as Kenneth, or Hereward, or the Abbots Eustace and Ambrose, are: much more apt to have an influence, especially on enthusiastic minds, than dogmatic criticisms of these same doctrines. 9) one distinctive feature of the Oxford movement was the attitude towards the supernatural. Newman speaks in his * of being attracted by "the feelings of awe, mystery" etc. which, he thought "found free scope" only in the Catholic church, medieval and modern. This same feeling appears in his - versés, his letters, and all his writings. The sacraments are *is of the supernatural; the angels are instrumental in carrying on "the economy of the universe" and the world is full of "unseen intelligences"; he is ever on the lookout for signs and omens; he thinks that "it would be a gain to the country if it were vastly more superstitious", i.e. not afraid to recognise the supernatural element in life. This is sº more frankly and positively expressed by Froude, and almost as much so by Keble (1). "Apologia" p. 162; cf. "Parochial sermons" vol. IV, pp. 227 ff. ... "The Invisible World". - (2). Ghoſº f. 65; cf. "Ietters" vol. I, pp. 134, 244f, 282; Gi "Verses", as "Guardian Angels", "Two Worlds" etc. (3). Guiney op. cit. pp. 120ff, 384, and "Remains" vol. I, pp. 27, 56, 433; cf. also T. Mozley op. cit. vol. II, p. 229; of L also Lock op. cit. pp. 20, 168. - and Pusey. W. G. Ward's feeling expresses aptly the attitude of the movement as a whole, "He delighted in the imaginative --- picturing of the supernatural world with the simple directness of the ages of faith". - The Romantic writers might will have exercised * in this direction. Compare, for example, Newman's Q. statement ** country might well be "more superstitious", C with Wordsworth's saying to the same effect ; or compare colleridge's idea of unseen intelligence as expressed in "the * Ancient Mariner" and in the motto and notes to the same poem; (4) or compare Froude's idea that he had seen a supernatural fire with Scott's treatment of a similar faith *...* lord of the - - 5) Isles”; or compare Newman's statement: "We cannot doubt that evil spirits in some way are always about us, etc.", and "I should have protection equal to it" (that is, the need arising from this fact), with the similar representations in Scott's work, and in Southey's, etc. Although Coleridge, Southey, Wordsworth and Scott all have their criticism of medieval superstitions, (6) and of the medieval attitude to the supernatural, yet the rich profuseness of these ideas and practices in their works would naturally attract men predisposed to such faith then- selves, and their scientific explanations, or Satire, or criticism, would pass * We have, as already noted, proof of this in the ...." Keble who makes iſſuch of Scott; 's it love of the marvellous and supernatural, etc.", and is disposed (l) TTF and the Catholic Revival" pp. 62f and also "W. G. Ward and the Oxford Movement", p. 191. (2) Thesis p. 212 (3) Ibid. p. 68. (4) Guiney op. cit - pp. 120f ; of this thesis p. 60 "Iletters" vol. I, 9.335, and notes } º: pp. 60ff. ##y Thesis p. 169. ; 214. "a lores King Charles and Laud". Pusey is inclined to be less to explain his failure to go the whole length of medieval faith in the Supernatural. 99 In regard to the Reformation; this is usually regarded as "the rock on was "ºne Tractarians split", dividing into a less moderate and more mºderate school, but neither school was enthusiastie about the Refºrmers. Rºse Was especially fierce in his criticism of the Reformers. He "dislikes Wyclif"; he 2^ "hates Milton"; he dislikes "the meagerness of Protestantism"; the Reformation he speaks of as "a broken limb badly set, which must be broken again, etc."; he "hates the Reformation and the Reformers more and more"; he does not like to have the Reform- ers called "the founders of our church"; on the other hand he (3) extreme and defends the Reformers. But Newman shared Froude's feeling; he says "He (Froude) made me look with admiration to— wards the church of Rome, and in the same degree to dislike the Reformation"; and again "I saw that Reformation principles were powerless to rescue her" (the church of England). What he aimed at he describes as "a second Reformation – a better Reformation, / for it would be a return not to the sixteenth century but to ($) the seventeenth". Keble has the same feeling, both towards the Reformation and towards Laud and King Charles, as his "Christian (6) Year" shows. T. Mozley says that Lord Blachford (T. Rogers) once observed to him, "Cranmer burnt Well; and that is all the good I TT.T.T. G. Tºrºſ and the Oxford Movement" by W. Ward, pp. 170, 180. (2). "Remains" vol. I, p. 177, 188,250,253 ff,507,540,579, etc.; cf. Guiney op. Git. pp. 24,164,132,485, etc. - ). "Life" by Liddon, vol. II, pp. 218,224. - ) "Apologia" pp. 47,49,56,64, 46c. 5) tº Christian Year" (5). op. cit. vol. II, p. 230. 2. (2 { 215. (1) know of him". Isaac Williams called the "Sepulchral Recesses" - in his "Cathedral" the * Friend" and they are further 2) (3) named "Laud", "King Charles list” etc. Ward declared that "4 he principles of the Reformation are to be disowned". There is a very striking likeness to this attitude towards Laud and Charles, etc., in * but towards Wyclif and the º reformers Wordsworth's feeling is quite the opposite. sº would afford little encouragement to the position of Frouds and the other Oxford men in this respect, for although he criticises the Puritans for their extreme position on some points, we noted how much higher he rates the Reformers of the sixteenth century than those of the seventeenth. sº. however, though praising the Reformation, defends Laud, and finds many points in which to criticise the Reformation. s!!!, is an enthusiastic champion of the Reformation, and his only criticism concerns the destruction of the monuments of medieval religion and art . The conclusion seems evident that there is ample reason to believe that the Romantic writers whom we have been consider- ing exerted an influence of some weight on the Oxford Movement men, much greater, indeed, and much more definite than we have been able to find actually acknowledged by the Oxford men them- (1) The Cathedral". (2) 6f. also J.A. Froude op.cit. p. 161 (3) "W. G. Ward and the Oxford Movement," p. 81. (4) Thesis p. 32 (5). This paper pp. 82 f. (6) Ibid. pp. 81 f. (7). Ibid. pp. 30f. 216. selves. It affected the men of imaginative and romantic temperament, such as Newman and Froude and Keble; and doubt- less they themselves had no definite idea of the degree of this influence. It seems clear, however, that this influence was at best only a general one, one among many, and by no (1) means the most important one among these. --~~ ſ - - - - y t - - (T. G.T.T.T.T.C.Togia" p. 105 f ºf . Oakeley op. cil. in Dublin Review vol. 53, p. 177. Oakeley thinks this influence is merely due to the evićient desire of our Romantic writers to "rise above the thoroughly worldly ght ragter 9. The poetry, philºsophy, etc. , - of the last century” "and that "it is not one of the "more proxim- ate causes" of the Tractarian Movement. But Newman and Keble are inelined to give this influence a wºº definite place and great- er weight. RULES COVERING USE OF MANUSCRIPT THESES IN THE UNIVERSITY OF MICHIGAN LIBRARY AND THE GRADUATE SCHOOL OFFICE Unpublished theses submitted for the doctor's degrees and deposited in the University of Michigan Library and in the Office of the Graduate School are open for inspection, but are to be used only with due regard to the rights of the authors. For this reason it is necessary to require that a manuscript thesis be read within the Library or the Office of the Graduate School. If the thesis is borrowed by another Library, the same rules should be observed by it. 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