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- FRIEDRICH HEBBEL AND "YOUNG CERI[AITY"
SPECIAL REFERENCE TO KARL GUTZKOW.
of THEIR PERSONAL RELATION AND THEIR ARTISTIC
BY
ALVIN DANIEI, SCHUESSLER.
º
---
A THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FIFILuſº" OF THE
Doctor of PHILOSOPHY,
---
-
REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGRER OF
º
º
TN THE UNIVERSITY OR ITCHTCAN.
- º º - - -
(Department of Germanic Languages and Literatures.)
ANN ARBOR, MTCHICAN.
1914.






Acknowledgments -
I desire to express my appreciation and gratitude
to all of my teachers for their efforts and interest in my
behalf, and to my friends for their assistance in reading
the proof. I take pleasure in thanking Professor Adolf
von Noe of the University of Chicago for the suggestion
of this study. I àrn no St. deeply indebted to Professor Max
Winkler, my chief adviser, for his unfailing Sympathy and
for his valuable advice in the preparation of this thesis.



CONTENTS.
Part I. -
Hebbel's Personal Relation to Gut, Zlzow .
Preface . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
Chapter I.
Introduction . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
A sketch of Hebbel's early life 1813–37. . . . . . . . . . .
"Young Germany" . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
A sketch of Gut, Zlzow's early life 1811–1837. . . . . . . .
Chapter II.
Hebbel's personal relation to Gutzkow. . . . . . . . . . . . .
PART II.
The Philosophic Principles and Artistic
of Hebbel and Gutzkow.
Chapter ITI.
Hebbel's philosophy of life . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . - - - - - - - -
Chapter yi.
Gutzkow's philosophy of life . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
Chapter W. -
The poetic ideals of Hebbel and Gutzkow . . . . . . . . . . .
Chapter VI.
Treatment of social problems in their dramas . . . . . .
Chapter VII. -
conclusiºn. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
Notes . . . . . . . . -
* * * * * * * * * * * * * * * . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
-
Ideals
Bibliography. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
. . 92
. . LO'ſ



Preface.
The purpose of this study is to establish as
concisely as possible the relation of Hebbel's person-
ality and thought to the literary movement known as
"Young Germany" and especially t; O Gutzkow, the leading
member of the group; and to show the reasons why Hebbel,
though in close relation to Gutzkow, felt constrained to
reject his Whole view of life and art .
The first part of t; he study will be devoted to
a full description of Hebbel's personal relation to
Gutzkow, as it is presented to us in Hebbel's letters
and diaries. All of his references to the members of
"Young Germany" and to the group as a whole have been
carefully collected and compared, and will be used as
£ judgment for his attitude toward "Young
Cermany", and especially toward Gutzkow.
In the second part of this investigation t; he
artistic ideals of the two men will be Compared, and
the aim will be to show that the fundamental reason for
t; he unfriendly relations of the two men is to be sought
in the radical difference of their philosophy of life
a basis o
and art.


It is surprising how slowly Hebbel's significance
as a man and as a poet received due recognition. During
the last few decades of the nineteenth century his person-
&lity and his works were very neagerly and super-
ficially treated in the Various hist ories of German lit-
erature. Since 1900, however, and especially during the
last seven or eight years, numerous articles and treatises
have apneared dealing with specific phases of his art, and
life, revealing a character of such & St Onishing depth
and originality that at present every phase of his
life and literary development is being Studied with the
minutest care.
The biographers of Hebbel have thus far treated
his relation to "Young Germany" in the vaguest and most
general terms, stating little more than that he could not
agree With the members of that movement . Revertheless, I
hope to show that this phase of his life is worthy of
our closest study and throws great light upon his deepest
artistic purposes. To my knowledge nothing of vital
importance on this subject has thus far been Written.
Achim von Winterfeld in his book "Friedrich Hebbel, Sein
Leben und Seine Werke" has treated the subject in the
chapter entitled "Hebbel und das Junge Deutschland."



Although he seems to have appreciated to some extent the
high significance of this literary experience of Hebbel
and has stated some of the essential facts concerning
Hebbel's relation to the movement, his treatment is
not very differant from that of his predecessors. The
subject involves really much larger issues than those
implied by Winterfeld and other literary hist orians, and
hence should be subjected to a more thorough analysis.
I, Therefore, intend to determine and analyze as exactly
as possible the relation of Hebbel's life and thought to -
the ideals of "Young Germany" and thus explain why his
relation to that movement W3. S so paradoxical and unsat-
isfactory and had such meager influence on his work and
thought .
Hebbel and the writers of "Young Germany" were
deeply interested in the social and political problems Of
the day and treated these and related subjects in their
dramas. It is only by comparing Hebbel's solution of these
problems with that of the representatives of "Young Ger-
many" and by making a careful study of Hebbel's statements
in his letters and diaries OYi the Writers of that movement;
that his adverse and almost hostile attitude toward them
may be adequately appreciated and understood .
In this investigation Gutzkow will be taken as
the representative of the movement . Of all the Writers
-
of "Young Germany" he was the most active as dramatist,
oritic, journalist, and leader in the organization of the
progressive forces of t; he literature of his time. Hebbel
stood in some respects in closer personal relation to him
than to any other member of the group. certainly he regarded
Gutzkow's attitude to his work much more seriously than that
of the other writers of "Young Germany". -
Hebbel's letters and diaries are the main sources
used for demonstrating the point of view arrived at in
this thesis. The character and importance of Such document S
can naturally be fully appreciated only by posterity. But
certainly Hebbel's diaries hold a unique position in German
literature. They present the truest picture of his per-
sonality and his intellectual struggles, and record most
faithfully the experiences of his inner and Outer life .
they consist of abstracts of letters, of impressions
Of his manifold experiences, and of comments upon life
and people. In them we see, through a period of twenty
eight years, how Hebbel developed into a Strong person-
ality, and gained a deep insight into art, the drama, the
complex questions of life, and the political, social, and
religious problems of the day, and, what influences deter-
mined his views toward his friends and enemies. They re-
Veal to us the very depths of his poetic nature and cast





on Feb. 14, 1835, Hebbel left his home to go to
Hamburg and prepare himself there to enter some university-
FiVe Week S 1 at er he began his famous diary and continued
it uninterruptedly Unt, iTL shortly before his death, Oct. Ob er
23; 1863 . Hebbel himself characterized hiS "Tagebücher"
in the clearest manner when he said that they were: "Reflex-
i OYle Y ºr Welt, Leben und Bücher, hauptsächlich über mich
Selbst - " On the second page he eontinues: "Ich fange die –
SeS Heft nicht allein meinern künftigen Biographen zu Ge–
fallen SYl , obwohl ich bei meinen AUS Sichten aTLf die Un–
Sterblichkeit gewiss sein kann, dass ich einen erhalten
werde - Es soll ein Notenbuch meines Herzens sein, und die-
jenigen Töne, welche mein Herz angiebt, getreu, zu meiner
Erbauung in künftigen Zeiten, aufbewahren."

– 6- -
A Sketch of Hebbel's Early Life l813 to 1837.
Before proceeding to the discussion of the rela-
tions of Hebbel and cutzkow it seems advisable to give a
brief biographical sketch of the two men up to the time of
their acquaintance.
Christian Friedrich Hebbel was born March l8,
1813, in Wesselburen, a small village of North Ditmarsch in
the Duchy of Holstein, then belonging to Denmark. His father
was a mason by trade and a faithful worker, but he was often
out of employment and his income at times was so meager that
the mother had to G ontribute toward the mainternance of the
family. Friedrich and his brother grew up in a state of pow-
erty and privation. His mother Was kind-hearted but impetu-
ous ; the father was a very stern man whose gloom and sullen-
ness of disposition were intensified by the many misfortunes
that befell the family. The father determined that his son
should learn the trade of a mason, but the mother feeling
that he was destined for a higher career, saved him from º
a life that might have utterly Stifeled his genius, and helped
and encouraged him in his strong inclination for study and
in his efforts for selfdevelopment .
The usual joys and pleasures of childhood were
denied to Hebbel, and his father in his struggles with.
poverty saw nothing for his son but a fate similar to his
own. The boy was of such a hypersensitive nature that


the bitter criticisms of his father made him feel that he
was a Superfluous member of the family. Undoubtedly the
pessinistic undercurrent of Hebbel's philosophy Of life
has its source in these early experiences. Owing t O his
cheerless childhood it is not surprising that he began early
in life to ponder and brood over the question of the
inheritance of sin and guilt, and that he considered
nature as a power essentially hostile to man. These fun-
damental questions of the meðiling of life troubled and
bewildered him, and later, when he formulated his phil-
osophy of life and the drama, he tried to solve them.
He attended the elementary school in Wesselburen,
where he recéived thorough instruction from the Rect; or
Dethlefsen. In later years he acknowledged the great in-
fluence which this village school-master had upon his
career. Through the act of a villain his parents lost;
their little property, were driven from their home, and had
to move to narrow quarters and live in very restricted cir-
cumstances. The sensitive boy had to endure numerous mor-
tifications from the neighbors and their children. The only
joy he had, he derived from books which friends and neighbors
had lent him, and which powerfully stimulated his imagination.
He had a strong craving for stories, especially stich as
contained elements of the grotesque and the gruesome . Like-
wise some of the picturesque and heroic phases of the Old

Testament strongly appealed to his fancy. When he reached
the age of fourteen, his father died and left the family
without resources. The boy had now to discontinue his
studies and exert himself to the utmost to help to support
the family. He was sent to the church-warden Mohr, whom he
at first had to assist in the general house-work and for
whom later he acted as a clerk.
His poetic powers began to assert themselves at
the age of sixteen When he wrote various things in the
manner of the poets he most admired; and at the age of
eighteen he seems to have attained considerable independence
of thought in literary matters. All of his early poetic at-
tempts show undoubted literary talent. He was interested
in the theater and for a while thought of becoming an actor;
but the director discouraged him. Meanwhile he read and
studied with great interest the works of Lessing, Goethe,
Schiller, Uhland, Kleist and the writings of his contem-
poraries, as is attested by his letters and diaries. It is
a very striking fact that even in his early period he read
also the works of writers with whose point of view he did
not agree . In the case of Gutzkow he repeatedly took up
his works with the intention of duly understanding and
appreciating them. - - - N
The struggling young poet wrote to Uhland and
º -
º
Oehlenschläger requesting them to help him to obtain


a stipend from the King of Denmark that might enable him
to complete his education, but his effort, S Were, all in vain.
However, through the kindness and interest of Amalia
Schoppe, in whose "Modeblåtter" he had published a number
of poems, he was enabled to go to Hamburg (1835) and con-
tinue his preparation for the university. Amalia somorpe
was at this time fourty-four years of age, and could look
back upon a life rich in varied experiences and in extensive
literary productivity. She was, indeed, one of the most
productive writers of her time. In a period of fourteen
years she had written and published 114 volumes, had done
a vast amount of reading, and had carried on a very ex-
tensive correspondence." She was also a diligent contri-
but or to various journals and almanac S, and W3.5 entrusted
with the management of several of them. In 1851 she came
- º - - Q-
to America and died seven years later in Schnectady, N.Y.
- *- -
-
When Hebbel arrived in Hamburg, he at once felt in
the circle of Amalia Schoppe his lack of social culture,
and was very grateful to the "Doctorin" for her
kindly guidance in the necessary conventions of life.
Moreover, she endeavored to make everything as inexpensive
as possible for him and offered various suggestions for
his fifther development. Some of her ideas, however, he
soon found too superficial, and felt eventually constrained
to disregard or reject them.

-LO-
Against the advise of Amalia Schoppe, who was
very ambitious for the young poet, Hebbel went to the
home of Elise Lensing's parents, because they Offered him
free lodging. The acquaintance of Elise Lensing became
decisive for Hebbel's entire life. Then he met her, she was
considerably older than Hebbel and had experienced Various
struggles and privations which enabled her to appreciate
the many problems that Hebbel had to contend with . She
W&S 3. women of some culture and had natural insight into
moral, religious and esthetic questions so that she could
readily sympathize with the inner life of young Hebbel.
Moreover, with her larger experience she could also give
him some help and direction in social matters. In contrast
to Amalia Schoppe, she was a women of warmer temperament
and more ratural manner S So that Hebbel felt quite at
ease in her presence and gradually lost in her society his
former sense of isolation. Küchler says: "Nicht eigentlich
die Liebe, someºnes Bewusstsein (in ihr wenigstens
eine Menschenseele sein eigen nennen zu dirfen) war es,
das inn an Elise kett ete : in der Einsamkeit, seiner Welt
einen Menschen zu besitzen, den er die Pforten seines
Innenlebens ohne Besinnen 5ffmen konnte. Er wusste, dass
er hier Währ sein durfee bis zum Hussersten, dass er die
Cranit blåcke seiner Natur nicht sorgsam rund zu meisseln
brauchte, dass er sich hier so geben konnte, Wie er im


—ll-
ry - --
tiefsten Innern War." In Elise he found a person who
under St Ood him better than any one else whom he had met
up to this time and who treated Him With kindness and
consideration. The attitude of Amalia Schoppe toward him
had been that of a teacher, a critic and at times even of
a detractor. Elise, on the other hand, did not so much try
to direct as to understand the complex problems of his life
and therefore won and maintained for many years a nat:Tral
ascendency over him. - -
Elise lensing's mother and stepfather did not;
understand her higher aspirations. In Hebbel she found
a responsive friend in whom she could confide and upon
whom she could bestow her affections. She became "in
dieser Schweren Zeit die Säule, an der er sich aufrientete
während er ihr der Mann wurdle, dem die gānze File threr
Liebe galt." In her love for him she did everything -
putting even her savings at his disposal so that he
might complete his studies and have more time to
little property she had
devote to his literary work. The
acquired became the source of Hebbel's financial support
at the time of the greatest financial struggles of his
life. Thus there is no person in Hebbel's early career t;o
whom the poet owes so much as to Elise Lensing. Indeed
this relation continued to some extend even to the time of




– L 2–
h iS marriage to Christine Enghaus and was really not
severe untin the death of Elise. in 1854. With reference
to his relation to her in Hamburg, ge says: "Ich darf es
Wahr LiG h für das grösste Glück meines Lebens halten, dass
ich mit Dir zusammen gekommen bin; Du gewährtest mir in
Hamburg, wo mich Äiemand Verstand, Teilnahme , Anregung,
und Trost , Du standest mir ZUr Seite in meinen Schlimm Sten
Stunden. Und riefst meine Schönsten– da SS ich mich nirgends
als in Deinem Hause befand, weisst Du ! – – – – hervor, und
Du warst es ebenfalls, der bis jetzt, wie ein freundlicher
Genius , in der Ferne Alles für mich that, was für mich
gethan werden ann.“ -
- In view of Hebbel's rapid spiritual development
his relation to Elise Lensing eould not continue to be the
same in his later career as it had been in Hamburg. After
he Left Hamburg Elise was not quite so capable as before
of following his intellectual growth. Often she felt
crushed by the ruthless claims of hiS personality Whi Gh
regarded the rights of self-development above all other
G Orl SiderSt i OnS. The denanas which she made upon hin aften
reSUlted in reproaches, Jealousies, and exhortations,
which in the course of time proved a source Of
great vexation to Hebbel, Werner says: "Nur Leid und
Schuld auf beiden Seiten erhielten jahrelang ein jammer-
volles, unseliges Verhältnis aufrecht. - ielleicht gibt
es in der Literatur keine Beziehung eines Dichters und
einer Frau, so menschlich fassbar und begreiflich, dabei
in Seiner notwendigen Entwicklung so Schauerlich und so
graulsam, Wie dieses usemenwachsen zwischen dem jugend-
lichen Hebbel und der geal terten Elise Lensing . Der Mann
wird geliebt, ohne Gegenliebe zu schenken; die Goliebte
opfert sich für einen, der sie niemals im Zweifel lässt,
dass an eine dauernie Verb indung in einer normalen Ehe
night zu denken sei; nichts fordert sie dafir, als ein
freundliches Gesicht wn aster hin und wieder einen
tagebuchartigen Brief." - -
After he had been in Hamburg about a year he
visited his mother once more in Wesselburen and then Wernt;
to Heidelberg to study law. He arrived at Heidelberg about
Easter lò36, and, although not permitted to matriculate in
the university, he began t; he study of law under Thibaut,
who soon recognized that there were other powers laterit
in him than those of a jurist. In Heidelberg he wrote
stories and numerous poems, dedicated some of them to
Uhland, and made an unsuccessful attempt to publish them.
In september of that year he went to Munich hoping to find
the atmosphere of that city more congenial to his lit-
erary tastes and aspirations, and to Secure there more
readily a publisher for his writings. At the university
he became interested in art and philosophy and developed
there his many powers with surprising rapidity. His pro-
foundest ideas and plans date back to that period.


–l4-
"Young Germany".
We have now come to the period when young Hebbel
through his literary efforts came into relation with 8.
movement, known in German literature as "Young Germany". In
order to determine as concisely as possible Hebbel '3 re-
lation to the leaders of "Young Germany", and especially
to Gutzkow, it is necessary to understand the principal
ideas which that movement represented. The intere St S
which determined the movement Were largely social and
political, and were called forth by the July Revolution
of 1830. The Writers accepted in general the political
program of the liberal party of Paris Which Overthrew
the arist rocratic regime and tried to establish the
rights of the bourgeois class. The leaders of "Young
---
-
any", like their French contemporaries, were dis–
satisfied with the existing conditions and demanded a
complete revolution of the social, religious, and political
life of their country, which favored certain classes but
disregarded the rights of the large majority of the German
people. The conflict between the traditional rights of the
arist rocracy and the growing powers of the liberals, a
favorite theme of the time, is treated repeatedly in the
works of "Young Germany". The writers of this movement
were bitterly opposed to special privileges of any kind,


demanded social equality and proclaimed the doctrine of
the necessity of the subordination of the individual to the
Welfare of the whole."ºney stood for the dignity of manhood
and womanhood, demanded liberty and equality for all, and
especially emphasized the importance of émancipating Woman \
from the social and cultural restrictions to which she had
been hithert, O subjected. It was their fundamental doctrine
that a greater independence should be given to her and that
she should be elevated to a spiritual equality with ºn."
In literature these young writers , like the early romanti-
cists, insisted upon the sovereign rights of poetic freedom.
They became the most passionate agitators for freedom of
speech and the press, and the most bitter opponents of
everything conventional in life and Society, and the most
ardent defenders of the natural rights of ºn."
Wienbarg, in his "Aesthetische Feldzüge", tries
to formulate the program of this new movement as follows:
"So ist das Program der neuen Zeit ein protest gegen alle
Unnatur und Wilkür, gegen den Druck des freien Menschen-
º º
geistes, gegen totes und hohles Fornelveson. wider die Er-
tutung des jugendlichen Geistes auf unsera Schulen, gegen
das handwerkmässige Treiben der Wissenschaft en auf unseren
Universitäten, wider den Beamtenschlendrian in Leben,
wider die Duldung des Schlechten, Weil es herkömmlich und
historisch begründet, wider die Reste der Feudalität, Wi-
der die ganze feudal historische Schule, die uns bei

-16-
lebendigem Leibe ans Kreuz der Geschichte nageln will, und
vor allen Dingen wider den Geist der Lüge, der tausend
Zungen spright und Sich mit tausend Redensarten und Wen-
dungen einge Schlichen hat in unsere men Schlichen und bir-
gerlichen vernmentees.” -
In this period of unrest and transition these
literary agitators aimed to Work as strongly and thoroughly
as possible for the masses. Their Watchword was the emanci-
pation of the entire people. They believed that every
available Fºl983.]]. S should be used to reform their age and
introduce new and liberal institutions, and that poetry
and life should be brought into closest relations. The
drama, the novel, the Stage, the press, all should serve
to solve the social, religious, educational, and political
problems of the day. They believed that poetry could re-
ceive its inspiration only Fron actual life, that the
characters in the drama should be chosen from the poet's
own surroundings, and that the problems of the day should
be boldly presented and, if possible, solved. If the poet,
T
perchance, desired to choose an historiacl theme, they
insisted that he should animate it with the spirit of his
time. The writers of this movement lived for the present,
and tried to permeate all their poetry with the "Zeitgeist". -
The result was that their productions became "Tendenz-literatur."
For a while Heine and Börne were regarded as the
leading members of this movement and were read with intense


-17-
LO -
interest. Börne, the optimistic political moralist, was
-
one of the foremost writers of the group. He was a zealot
for the cause of freedom, and the July revolution of 1830
inspired him with the hope that the victory of liberty
º
would soon be realized. In his democratic spirit he hated
º
---
º
all class distinction, social, educational, or financial.
Heine shared these opinions, but his artistic nature and
whimsical temperament could not long endure a close
association of men whose avowed aim was to effect immediate
practical reforms. However, both Heine and Börne were zeal-
ous patriots, who expressed their convictions in such a
manner as to incite others to action. The whole tendency
of their writings indicates that they were animated by a
-- - - ---
-> º
passionate interest in what they regarded most vital for
the spiritual welfare of their country. Although they
lived in Paris, they were loyal to their native land.
Wienbarg called attention to the new revolutionary prose
of these two men and regarded it as the most vigorous
º
literary form of expression for the needs of the age.
Hegel's philosophy was the dominating force of
the time; there W&S hardly & Writer whom it did not in-
fluence . It would lead us too far from our subject to dis-
cuss here his philosophy; a few of his ideas, however, which
directly affected this literary movement, should be mentioned.
Hegel believed in "die Idee" as the governing force of the
universe. The underlying principle of his philosophy,



-18–
as interpreted by "Young Germany", was rational progress,
8, continuous development toward the realization of "die
Idee". "Young Germany" believed that reason was the ori-
terion of judgment by which the real should be determined.
Therefore, according to them, reason must endeavor to point
out and destroy everything irrational in state and society,
and reconstruct life according to its eternal laws. Hegel
taught that : "What is reasonable is real, and what is real
is reasonable." This philosophy was capable of a dual inter-
pretation- a conservative and a progressive one- and the
Writer S of "Young Germany" naturally leaned toward its
progressive aspect. The rational was to them the ultimate
criterior of the real and hence they felt that it Was their
duty to do away with the irrational. They regarded their
time as reactionary and the political and social conditions
of Germany as unreasonable, indeed, as a peril to the free-
dom and the development of the individual and the Whole . A
revolutionary and progressive spirit was, therefore, t; he
natural result of their interpretation of Hegel's philosophy.
Gutzkow was one of the first of the young literary men to
apply his view of the Hegelian philosophy to the social,
political, and religious conditions of the day.


-19-
A Sketch of Gutzkow's Early Life l8ll to 1837.
As we intend in this investigation to direct our
special attention to Gutzkow, a short sketch of his life
up to the time when he first became acquainted with Hebbel
is here introduced. Karl Gutzkow was born March 17, 1811,
in Berlin. His parents belonged to the lower classes and
were very poor. Accordingly, like young Hebbel, Gutzkow
spent his boyhood in very restricted circumstances. Never-
theless, he was able to attend the "Friedrich werdersche
Gymnasium" from 1821 to 1829. Later he studied theology
and philosophy in the University of Berlin, where he was
influenced especially by Schleiermacher and Hegel. Very
early he followed his literary and journalistic inclinations.
The news of the outbreak of the July revolution in France
and the intellectual movement it called forth in Germany
made a deep impression upon him and became determining
factors in his career. Like Heine and other members of the
movement he embraced the communistic doctrine of St. Simon,
Which taught a complete economic and moral reorganization
of society. A radical by nature, he turned his attention
early from the older writers to the new literature. He was
naturally gifted as a journalist , and even as a student
manifested his journalistic talents by founding the "Forum
der Journalliteratur, eine antikrit ische Quartal Schrift".
(1831) Through this paper he attracted the attention of cotta



–20–
who invited him to come to Stuttgart. After several
years of journalistic activity, he resumed his study
of philosophy in various universities and took his degree
of Doctor of Philosophy in Jena. During his visits in Leip-
Zig, Berlin, and Hamburg he became associated with Laube,
Wienbarg, and Mundt, the representatives of "Young Germany",
and naturally aroused the hostility of the conservative
literary party of which Worfang Menzel (1798-1873) was the
leading journalist .
Menzel in his extravagent Teutonic zeal consid—
ered “utzkow and his new friends immoral, sacriligious, and
unpatriotic, because they were devotees of French ideas. To
call attent ion to their French sympathies he continually
referred to them as "La jeune Allemagne". His friendship
for the "Swabian School" intensified his opposition to the
new literary movement. Menzel, himself a Swabian, esteemed
the Swabian poets very highly, whereas GUtzkow and his
associates regarded them as men who were hopelessly con-
Servative in their productions and general ideals. Gutzkow
not only opposed ljenzel in his literary opinions but also
attacked him because of his opposition to the ideals re-
presented by "Young Germany". -
Another reason for the hostility between the two
měřl W&S Gutzkow's ambition for leadership in the literature
of Germany. cutzkow had refused to become a contribut, or to
Menzel's "Literaturblatt", and in 1835 came forth with

the announcement of a new journal to be called the "I)eutsche
Revue " . This project excited lienzel's jealousy and fear. As
edit, or of the "Literaturblatt" he feared that the "Deutsche
Revue" would be corne a dangerous competitor, and his motives
of self interest incited him to attempt to suppress the possi-
bility of a new rival journal in its incipient stage. He began .
his hostile attacks on this proposed journal by publishing in
1835 a general manifesto against the young writers, aiming
especially to annihilate Gutzkow, their leader. He assumed
the attitude of a reformer and on moral grounds vilified Gutz-
kow for the publication of his novel "Wally, oder die Zweif-
lerin", which had just appeared. He declared that the author
of such a book would be dangerous to the public Welfare as
---
the editor of a journal. In "Wally" Gutzkow made a vigorous
attack on the conventional ideas of religion and marriage,
and treated the much vexed question of the time- the enanci-
pation of women. Menzel directed his first attack against
“Wally" because he considered it a representative work of
the new movement and used every possible means to induce
the government to silence the young writer and especially
to Suppress the proposed journal. Menzel not only condemned
Gutzkow's novel in unequivocal terms, but also demanded -
that the government should punish the author as a dan-
gerous foe of Christian Religion and Christian insti-
titions. To his Surprise he found that Gutzkow had

made Very careful plans for his journal and had received
the consent of the best-known professors in Germany to
become its contributors - In order to deprive this proposed
journal of the air of respectability and rob Gutzkow Of
the moral support of the public, enzel addressed the
fol1 Owing letter to the University pr Ofe SSOrs, and pub-
li Shed it in the "+iteraturblatt" Of November 11, 1835 :
"Sind die Universitäten keine Staatsanstalten? Gilt im
preussischen Staate noch das Christentum, die oral, die
Ehe? Hätte man darum so oft von dem in Preussen vorherr-
schenden sittlich-religiösen und konservativen Geist gehört,
dass jetzt die namhaftesten Professoren von Berlin, Königs-
berg, Halle, einem neuen, sehmutzigen arat ( Gutzkow) die L
wörtlich wie der alte, nur das Sakrament des entzückenden
Augenblicks" und eine Republik der sansculottes und sans-
» - * -
chemises predigt, nachlaufen und mit ihm gegen Christen-
tUm , Sitte, Ehe, Familie, Scham, gegen Gott und °nsterblich-
keit , gegen die deutsche Iationalität und gegen alle S Be-
Stehende Wüten. SOL1Ü en? Oder hofft Iñan, im SchmUtZ Und
JUdenpe Gh dieses literarischen Gesindels den 1ängst V On
frommen Gemüthern ersehnten Kitt. Und Teim zu finden du Tº Gh
den die gr OS Sen. politischen Gegensätze die Ser Zeit glück-
LiGh zusammengeklebt und versöhnt und der allgemeine Welt-
frieden herbeigeführt. Werden - Wird? Soll dies durch eine
vorläufige Accolade der Pariser Exilierten und der preuss-
ischen Universitätsprofessoren, worüber Gutzkow und Wienbarg
den Segen Sprechen, angedeutet werden?"

This letter had the désired effect, for many who
had given their consent to contribute to Gutzkow's journal
withdrew their names, and Menzel's persistent attacks proved
successful in inducing the government to enter a criminal
prosecution against Gutzkow. Idenzel continued his denuncia-
tion of Gutzkow and of his novel "Wally " while the trial was
pending, and the result was that in December l835 the govern-
ment (Bundestag) condemned Gutzkow to a ten weeks' imprison-
ment, passed a special decree prohibiting the future publi-
cation and sale of the writings of the members of "Young
Germany", and forbade the publication of the "Deutsche
Revue". The decree read as follows: "Sämtliche deutsche
Regierunger, tibernehmen die Werpflichtung, geeen die Wer-
fasser, Werleger, Drucker, und Verbreiter der Schrift, en
aus der unter der Beziehung "Das junge Deutschland", oder
"Die junge Literatur", bekannten literarischen Schule, zu
Welcher namentlich Heinrich Heine, Karl Gutzkow, Heinrich
Laube, Ludolf Wienberg, und Theodor Mundt gehören, die,
Straf- und Polizeigesetze ihres Landes, sowie die gegen den
Missbrauch der Presse bestehenden Worschriften, nach ihrer
vollen Strenge in Anwendung zu bringen, auch die Verbreitung
dieser Schriften, sei es durch Buchhandel, durch Leih- -
bibliotheken oder auf Sonstige Weise, mit allen ihnen ºre-
setzlich zu Gebote stehenden Iſitteln zu warninaera"...st.”
In 1836 Heine entered his protest against the decree, and
the fine ironical tone and brilliant style of his letter is so
characteristic of Heine that we quote it here at length. He writes :



– 24-
"An die hohe Bundesversammlung: Mit tiefer Betrübnis er-
füLT 5 mich der Beschluss, den Sie in Ihrer 31sten Sitzung
von 1835 gefasst haben. Ich gestehe Ihnen, meine Herren,
zu dieser Betrübnis gesellt sich auch die höchste Verwun-
derung. Sie haben mich angeklagt, gerichtet und Verurteilt,
Ohne dass Sie mich. Weder mündlich noch Schrift Lich Ver-
nommen, ohne dass Jemand mit meiner YErtheidigung beauf-
tragt worden, ohne dass irgend eine Padung an mich ergangen.
SO handelte nicht in ähnlichen Fällen dSS heilige römische
Reich, an dessen Stelle der deutsche Bund getreten ist;
Doctor Martin Luther, glorreichen Andenkens, durfte, wer
sehen mit freiem Geleite, vor dem Reichstage erscheinen,
und sich frei und öffentlich gegen alle Anklagen verthei-
digen - Fern ist von mir die Anmassung, mich mit den hochtheuern
Ilanne zu vergleichen, der uns die Denkfreiheit in religiösen -
Dingen erkämpft hat; aber der Schüler beruft sich gern auf
das Beispiel des Meisters. Wenn Sie, meine Herren, mir nicht
freies Geleit bewilligen wollen, mich vor Ihnen in Person
zu vertheidigen, so bewilligen sie mir wenigstens freies
WOrt in der die Ult Scherl DrUG KWelt. Und nehmen Sie das interdikt
zurück, welches sie gegen Alle S, was ich schreibe, verhängt
haben. Wenn ich mich gegen Etwas verwahre, SO iSt eS allen-
falls gegen die Meinung des Publikums, welches mein erzwung-
enes Stillschweigen für ein Eingeständnis strafwürdiger
Tendenzen oder gar für ein Werleugnen meiner Schriften
ansehen könnte. Sobald mir das freie Wort vergönnt ist,
hoffe ich bündigst zu erweisen, dass máine Schriften nicht
aUS irreligiöser und unmoralischer LäUne, S Ondern aus einer
W7Shrhaft religiösen Und mOrali Schen Synthe Se her. VOrgegangen
Sind, einer Synthe Se, welcher Yi Ght blOSS eine neue Lit-
erarische Schule, benamset das junge Deutschland, sondern
unsere gefeierte Sten Schrift Steller, sowohl Dichter alS
Philosophen, seit langer Zeit gehuldigt haben. Wie aber
auch, meine Herren, Ihre Entscheidung über meine Bitte SULS-
falle , SO Sein Sie dO Gh. überzeugt, dass ich immer den Ge–
setzen meines Vaterlandes gehorchen. Werde . Der Zufall, da SS
ich mich ausser dem Bereich Ihrer acht befinde, wird mich
nie Verleiten, die Sprache de S Hader S zu führen; iGh ehre
in Ihnen die höchsten Autoritäten einer geliebten Heimat .
Die persönliche Sicherheit, die mir der Aufenthalt im Aus-
lande gewährt, erlaubt mir glücklicherweise, ohne Besorgnis
VOr IiS Sdeutung ºhnen, meine "erren, in geziemender Unter-
thänigkeit die Versicherungen meiner tiefsten Ät
darzubringen. Heinrich Heine, beide Rechte Doktor."
The brutal suppression of his writings WZ, S S.
hard blow for young Gutzkow, who had to depend upon his
pen for his 1 iVelihood - However, he was the most energet iG
and G OUrage OUS Of the grOUP and COU1d n Ot be Silenced by
the tyrannical measures of the gO Vernment, but remained
faithful to his VieWS and continued his propaganda for


What he conceived to be the cause of progress. 1n the midst
of the controversy, with Menzel and the government against
him, he wrote an article: "PHilosophie der Geschichte", in
which he set forth his progressive interpretation of Hegel's
philosophic principles and which was published by Hoffman &
Campe in Hamburg in 1836. The article "Über Goethe im
Wendepunkte zweier Jahrhunderte" was also Written in the
spirit of liberalism and published in the same year in
Berlin in spite of the decree of the "Bundestag". After his
imprisonment Gutzkow continued to proclaim boldly his
revolutionary principles; for he was a man of independence
of thought and character, and by the fearless expression of
his ideas he soon became a power to be reckoned with in the
literary and political world.
The decree of the government checked for several
years the revolutionary efforts of "Young Germany" through
its Stern censorship of the literature of that time. Even
Heine, who with some just ice accasionally laid claim to
the leadership of the movement, became for a while more
cautious in his literary activity. Indeed, after Heine for
many reasons had lost interest in the militant character
of "Young Germany", Gutzkow unhesitatingly placed himself
at the head of the movement, and when circumstances became
more favorable, seized every opportunity to reassert in a
SOmewhat modified form the essential ideals of his



–27-
earlier per i Od. By means Of his jOUrna 1 S., dramaS, hiS Seneral
influence in Literature and hiS SkillfUl diplOma Cy he grad-
ually made the literary movement he represented an acknowl-
edged power in Germany. Fedor Wehl gives us a good idea of the
seriousness with which Gutzkow ' s utterances in his journals
Were regarded - He seys: "Stundenlang warteten die Geheimräte,
die liniSterialbeamten, die Kunstfreunde, die Journalisten,
die studenten, bis die Reihe sie traf und das gewünschte
Blatt ihnen zu Händen kam . . . . . . Wenn ein Mann wie Gutzkow
in Berlin erschien, konnte es demzufolge nicht ausbleiben ,
dass er die sieeine Aufmerksamkeit erregte und der Löwe
des Tages Wurde . " 4 Writing under Strict censorship he
fOUrld hiS W Ork beSet with dangers, With the reSUlt that Of
all jiS journals the "Telegraph" al One G Ould maintain it-
Self. In 1838 Hoffman & Campe in Hamburg took charge of
this journal With the intention of strengthening and en-
Larging its influence - The ablest men of Germany De Game G On-
tribut Or S t O the paper - "Eine Schaar der Besten unter Deutsch-
lands Dichtern und Denkern, namentlich junge Talente Schaar-
Üen Sich VertrauUngSVO 11 Um seine Fahne. Und auf diese Fahne
Schrieb er aufs neue das gefährliche Wort "Das junge Deutsch-
land", dem jetzt die Weihe erduldeten Märtyrthums eine Weite
Kreise der deutschen Jugend bezaubernde Macht veren.“
And yet, alth Ough he WaS an acG Omplished and eXpert jour-
naliSt , he Often found it more expedient tO eXpreSS his
ideaS in plays and nO Wels - In brief, we may say that in
– 28
spite of every effort of the governmant to suppress his
writings and undermine his influence he eventually succeed-
ed in becoming recognized by the best and most talented
In 611 of his country as the most courageous leader of the
progressive cause of Germany. The influence and reputation
which Cutzkow enjoyed about 1838 may be seen in a letter
from the friend of his boyhood, Adolf Glassbrenner: "Seit
Teinem let zt en Brié £e - - - Welch einen Griff in die Weltge- -
schichte hast Du gethan, Welche Nasenstüber hast Du dem
kopfhängenden Deutschland gegeben, wie hast Du unsere
soziale Kultur schemerröthen lassen?: Karl Gutzkow: East
Du denn nie daran gedacht , was blenz dazu sagen dirft, e”
Wie kann sich soleh ein blader stiller Junge aus dem klei-
Yleil Hause in der Mauerstrasse, der mit mir zusammen Mai-
käfer jebuddelt un Knipplcieler jespielt hat, unterstehen,
Deutschland und die umliegenden Gegenden zu ersohuttern,
allem Herkömmlichen eine furchtbare Iſaulsohelle, und der
Literatur eine neue Perspective zu eason:"
- Throughout his life Gutzkow never - could do
anything or participate in any cause in which his Work
or his ability were in danger of becoming over shadowed by
the efforts of his rivals. He aimed at authority in the
domain which he had chosen as his special sphere, and re-
garded With suspicion any one who seemed to make pretensions:
to become his literary rival. Thus it was difficult, if not
impossible, for a writer to work with him long in a spirit



–29–
of true comradship. With a jealous eye he scanned all
contemporary literature , ever ready with the mighty means
at his disposal to attack and overthrow ideas which were
not in accord with his own. The result was that his life
was full of controversy and strife and that he wrote
so much that a complete critical edition of his works has
not yet appeared. He was a man who worked dauntlessly and
incessantly, urged on by the spirit of truth and freedom.
There was a certain firmness and stability about him which
we admire, and on account of these characteristics we con-
Sider him as the real leader and representative of "Young
Germany". No member of the movement remained so firm, so
unflinching, and so true to his ideals during the entire
. -
period of persecution. His works represent better the
ideals of "Young Germany" and reflect more of the spirit
of the time than those of any of his contemporaries, and
from this point of view they are of the greatest importance
º
for this investigation.
£






Hebbel's Personal Relation to Gutzkow.
As we have seen, Gutzkow was the most gifted, and
influential writer of "Young Germany", and was most per-
sistent in maintaining the ideals of the movement. Per-
haps no other man of the 19th century wielded a greater
power over the writers of this time than he. Every literary
man from 1838 to 1865 had to reckon with him; and Hebbel
W3. Sº Y1O exception, as this was just the time of his literary
activity. His relation to Gutzkow is, therefore, of greater
importance for this investigation than his relation to
any other member of the group. That Hebbel was in constant
friendly or hostile relations with him is seen by the large
º
º
---
º
number of references (over 175) to him in Hebbel's "Briefe
- º º
º
und Tagebücher". (The most essential of these references
have been selected and will be given in this study in
chronological order.) This relation was especially active
during the periods of Hebbel's greatest iterary productivity,
1839-40, 1943-45, 1853-55. -
When Hebbel had won a clear conception of his
life work and had decided to enter upon a literary career.
Gutzkow was the spokesman of the time. Though only two
years older than Hebbel, Gutzkow had already fought for
and established his principles. He had been active in pol-
itical and literary life since the July-revolution of 1830.
He had received a good university training, and after taking








his doºr's degree had been active as a writer and jour-
7 - -
nalist . Hebbel on the other hand was in 1839, the year
when he first came in close relation to Gutzkow, an inex-
perienced young man almost wholly unknown to the literary
world and without friends and influence. Hebbel's activity
and his relation to the members of "Young Germany" did not
begin until after the whole "Workampf und Sturm" had sub-
Sided. When Hebbel entered upon his literary career the
leaders of "Young Germany" had reached their height of
power and influence. They were no longer the suppressed
young writers of 1835, but under the leadership of Gutzkow,
8
had gained control of the stage and the press."
The first remark which Hebbel made about Gut; zkow
º
is found in a letter to Elise Lensing dated sent. 3, 1836,
and gives a suggestion of a spirit Of irritation which grew
in intensity with the developemnt of their relation. ºwie
Alles Ubrige wird, weiss ich nicht; aber, um einen Bibel-
vers zu parodiren, der Gott, der die Lilien Kleidet (den
Lewald und seine unschuldigen Consorten: ) und der die
Sperlinge unter den Himmel errährt (den Gutzkºna den
Wienbarg) der wird auch mein nicht vergessen." "As early as
January 1837 he expressed an outright aversion to Gutzkow.
He thought he would commit suicide if he were compelled
to accept, even for a moment, Gutzkow's belief in the
2O
"Emancipation der Ehe". The following two and a half
years brought to Hebbel hard lone some struggles With



– 32-
alm Ost incredible privat iOns . In Spite Of adverse C Ondit iOns
he Supplemented his meager training by content rated Study
and extensive reading. In addition to this he contributed
to "Das Morgenblatt" as correspondent but soon realized
that he Was not adapted tº O SUch Work . "Einmal hatte er weder
Gelegenheit noch die Gabe, sich in die wechselnden Erschein-
ungen des Tages hineinzufinden, dann aber mangelte ihm jene
Leichtigkeit, Halb erfasste S flinker Feder darzustellen,
die ZUlr Journalistik gehört." During this period he did
not write anything except a few short stories; fOLº it WSS
a time of philosophical speculation and much introspection,
which gradually developed in him literary ideals which were
in direct opposition to those of "Young Germany".
- The spring before Hebbel made the acquaintance of
Gutzkow, he wrote to Elise: "Gott gebe nur, dass Campe keine
Mali G e auf mich habe. Und meine Gedichte nicht Gutzkow, der
ja nicht einmal in Uhland den grossen Dichter erkennen
kann, ZULr Beurteilung vorlege." (Feb. 25, 1838. ) But the
very thing that Hebbel most feared, happened. Campe SSked
Gutzkow to review the manuscript of Hebbel's HO ems, and
to Hebbel ' s Surprise Gutzkow gave a favorable but rather
superficial criticism of the poems . Hebbel wrote : "Campe
hat mir geantwortet und sich nobel benommen. Er hat
den Dr . Gutzkow meine Gedichte vorgelegt, dieser dat
Sich darüber geäussert und einen Rath hinzugefügt den
ich billigen muss." Gut zkow had Written to Gampe:

"Die Wärme seines Gemüts hat mich ZU Sei Mlem Freunde ge-
ma Ght, aber ich kenne Unser gespreiztes Zeitalter, Unsere
falschen Theorien, die indifferente Kritik. Und das gänzlich
SG h1 UmmeTrade Publicum, und mögte nicht, dass er mit seinem
Hölty verwandten Herzen unverstanden an der Tasse vorüber
ZZ - -
zsee Hebbel appreciated the friendly interest of Gutzkow, but
doubted his ability to judge a poem. "Tch zweifle Stark, Ob
Gutzkow selbst ein Gedicht ZU. würdigen versteht, wenigstens
sind seine und seines Consorten Laube Urtheile über Uhland
flach und grundlos; jedoch, in Bezug auf mich scheint er
%
ºr
guten Willen zu haben, Und wenn sich seine Stimme für mich
- - - - “)
Z4
erhebt, so hab' ich beim Publico viel gewonnen." Gut ZKOW
*
advised Hebbel to Write poems and publish them in the "Te Le–
graph" and Offered to gonnen him to the public - But the
young poet was eautious and requested Elise to read the
"Telegraph" very carefully and report to him which poems
Gutzkow had accepted and published: "Als Urthei Äb er Tºni Gn
ist's mir gleichgültig, aber nicht, in SO fern eS sºmen
FO“ܺ OrnmST in der Liter S5Ur Einfluss haben ºnnte.“taz G,
1858. ) Hebbel WWFS verz mU.Ch. eoncerned O maintain a favorable
reat OI 5 O the publishers of this j OUrna 1, for he fet
that SUGh a C Onne Gt iOn W&S ne GGS Sary to his SucceSS.
Tt really furnished him the only means to get his work be-
fore the public . But he also realized the great contras
betWeen hiS talent S and natTºre and thOSe Of GU 5 ZKOW - EV ern
then he felt that the spirit of the whole literary movement
-



of "Young Germany" Was utterly repellent to him. HS fS -
that he would rather sacrifice his opportunity of success
with the journal thän his individuality, and that in view
of his ideals of art it would be unfair for him to become
in Sny Way indebted 5 O CU ZKOW. He even neglected to con-
t in Ue his c Orre SpOnden Ge With hin eoneerning his poems
"Un später freie Hand zu haben, mich gegen ihn zu stellen,
wie ich will. Und mag . Dafür ist die Antwort an Campe der
Art, dass Sie zugleich, wie mit an Gutzkow gerichtet, be-
- - Zö
trachtet werden kann. " ( Iay 6, 1858. )
It is perhaps sufficient to mention here what
will be developed later: that Hebbel ' s ideals differed at
the very beginning of his career in all essentials from
/>
cutzzos. Hebbel did not wish O ) S for Ged. + O Wº iS Sr-
t i. G. eS SING boss Simply because the public and publishers
desired them and paid we11 for them. He could not enter-
ein the thought of sacrificine his ideels to material
advantage . He desired to support himself bz writing, ºb Ut
Wished to do it in accordance with his ideals and give
5 O the public only such proët et iOns as were the result of
his best efforts . "Was mich betrifft, so freut es mich
ausserordentlich, dass ich jetzt weiss, woran ich mit
Gutzkow bin. Es ist vielleicht sogar besser so. Unsere
Fege sind nun einmal verschieden und kein echtes Verhält–
nis ist möglich. Ich werde mich jetzt wahrscheinlich zu
einem Schritt entschliessen, den ich früher immer, als gar



zu bedenklich bei seite schob; G werde nämlich eirer
BSNd kritiken, vorzeich über die gerühmten Productionen
der m OÖSTMler Titeratur, ZUSSIMIYen Stellen und heraUS geben -
Es handelt sich um meine Existenz, so lange diese Gesellen
dominiren, ist für mich an kein Aufkommen zu denken, ich
glaube, ihnen an dichterischen Kräften überlegen und an
poersehen Talent gleich ZU. Sein, die eute SSG ne St für
mich, der Unwille über die jämmerlichen Halbheiten ist in
DeUlt SChland allgemeiner, als die JOUrnale, die Sie beherr–
Schen und grossentheils selbst schreiben, Shren SMS Ser) :
27
Warum Soll ich den Kampf nicht wagen?" (Aug. 14, 1838. )
In reading the books of the writers of "Young
Germany", especially those Of Gutzkow, he found that they
Were US inE literature as a means for their political, social,
and religious reforms and felt that work undertaken with
SUC1 S. im S G OUTLÖ haVe little art ist iG VaLUe. He had on the
whole a very distinet attitude toward this novement fºr Om
the beginning as we note from his 1etter to CSI - Otte
Rousseau: "Mittlerweile entwickelte sich in Deutschland Öje
sogenannte moderne Literatur ( Junge Deutschland) mit ihren
Unwahren. Und anmassenden Tendenzen. Sie war mir von Anfang
an Verhasst, Sie WUrde es mehr. Und mehr , Und ich entschloss
Ti Gh, gegen sie zu kämpfen und zu dem Zweck in Hamburg e in
neues Journal zu gründen. Ich wies daher mehrere freund-
schaftliche Annäherungen jener Parthei, der ich bekannt. War,


entschieden ab und liess noch im letzten Sommer einen sehr
freundlichen Brief, den mir Cutzkow schrieb, unbeantwortet -
- 28
Es galt ein reines Verhältnis." NÖ v. 25, 1838. ) Tt wa
S
Only his depandent financial position that made him waver
in his point of View from time to time . This he eXpressed
to Elise in a letter (Dec . 12. 1838. ), who had advised h im
to try to cooperate with Gutzkow for a While in Hamburg
Until he c Ould establish himself as an independent auth Or -
- -
iV
T
BULt
ed as he was between his artistic convictions
and hiS practical needs, he could not aggert her sävice with-
O Ult i... º it Sati OY ST d SO he wrote to her: "Wenn Du übrigens
glaubst, ich könne mich Gutzkow eine Zeit lang anschliessen,
um mich später auf meine eigenen Füsse zu stellen, so be-
Urtei St. DU. Öie Verhältnis Se der Titelrät Ur falSGh. SchlOn im
gewöhnlichen Leben ist es nicht ratsam, sich in die itte
von zwei Extremen zu stellen, man wird dort meistens zer-
rieben : in ÖET TiteTat Ur aber mUSS man, was man aUch sei,
ZU allen Zeiten ganz sein - ich Gützkow anschliessen, hiesse,
mich ihm Unterordnen; dies ist mir, aus dem gerechtesten
Stolz, unmöglich. Überhaupt könnte er mich keine SYegs brau-
ehen, wie ich bin, sondern nur, wie ich etwa für seine Zwecke
Und Ab Sichten zu recht ZU StUtzen wäre, Urlö (S. Würde denn
gewiss als sehnitzel wegfallen müssen, was ich für das Fun-
dament meiner Natur halte. Besuchen werde ich ihn, Um ihn
kennen zu lernen, und weil ich ihn doch ohnehin an einem


dritten Ort, wo sich nicht ausweichen lässt, leicht einmal
„º „Tº
treffen könnte; doch wird der Besuch sºwie von meiner
9
oder seiner Seite zur Annäherung führen . " About the same
time Amalia Schoppe, WhO never penetrated into his deeper
nat Ure, advised him tº O seGUT e a private tut Orship SO as t O
Obt S. i Il The San S t O finsih his StU dies, adding that Gutzkow
who was interested in him was of the same opinion.
Shortly before his departure for Hamburg Gutzkow
wrote to him a letter asking him for a contribution to the
"Telegraph". This letter aroused in Hebben 8. Ye W intere St
in Cutzkow. He re-read some of his works, modified his
former Severe jUdgment Of them, and Wrote to Elise : "Gutzkow 's
B1aSed OW habe ich gelesen - Tch gestehe, ein solches Werk
hätte ich ihm nicht zugetraut. In den ersten zwei Bänden ist
Vieles gut , Manches vorzüglich, doch erregen sie ganz andere
Erwartungen von dem dritten Theil, als dieser erfüllt
Wir wollen es so genau nicht nehmen, immer ist es erfreulich,
dass dieser Schriftsteller, der nun einmal grosse Gewalt in
ÖGT Tit, erst Tºr ausübt, Einiges VeTINSRE, ST wird nun so eher
geneigt sein, auch an anderen das Lobenswert he, was sie brin-
SGN1, anzuerkennen.“ an. L2, 1839. ) Soon after Hebbel 's
Srri VS iI Hamburg he heard that Cutzkow was writing "Sha-
ke Spearsche Tragödien", and Wished to become better acquainted
with his dramas. Accordingly he read with some sympathy
-
Gutzkow ' s "Nero", "Richard Savage", "Saul", and "Blasedow".




It is obvious that he was so delighted with Gutzkow's
invitation to him to contribute to the "Telegraph" that
hG SUppreS Sed for a time, at least, his a Versiºn to Gutz-
kow's literary activity and Fancied that S. Friendship might
nevertheless be established which ShOUTLd prove Of adVantage
to both of them. He wrote: "Denke Dir, V Or Wenigen Tagen
GT halte ich einen recht freundlichen Brief von Dr. Gutzkow,
der schon im Juli vor. J. geschrieben WWS • Er sendet mir
dabei die Anna zurück, weil er wenig "ºver, sº und
ersucht mich um eine Correspondenz von hier." Feb. 2,1sz9.)
Hebbel made Gutzkow ' s personal acquaintance iI
HambUrg - He giVe S a repOrt of their meeting in hiS diary:
"Dort sassen Gutzkow und Wihl. Jahnens führte meh zu ihnen
Gespräche über meine Studien, inchen und Hamburg, Laube
und Mundt, Kunst und Literatur. Gutzkow forderte mich auf,
Beiträge - ZU den Jahrbüchern zu liefern. Und ihn ZU be SUGhen.
Er sagte mir, da SS er mit meinen Än SiGht en über die Lyrik
übereinstimme, dass Freiligrath und Grün in seinen Augen
gespreizte Talente seien - Jahnens meinte, er hätte Gutzkow
nie so gesehen. Und ich habe grosse Ursache, mit der Art,
Wie sº daS VerhältniS ZU ihrn angeknüpft, zufrieden zu
sein.“aren 3, 1839. ) In a similar kindly spirit he
wrote to Charlotte Rousseau about Gutzkow: " Ich hatte gleich
bei meiner Ankunft Gutzkow's Bekanntschaft gemacht; Ohne
- - -
mein Zuthun. Ich ging mit einem meiner Freunde an einen


öffentlichen Ort, wo Gutzkow sich eben auch befand; Gutzkow
rief meinen Freund, den er persönlich kannte, zu sich her-
SRIl , fragte, WS Tº ich sei, und bat ihn, als er meinen Namen
hörte , Uns ZU Sammen ZU führen, worauf denn die gegenseitige
vorstellung erfolgte. Gutzkow ist ein Mann, der viel Seist
und Kenntnis besitzt, Und dem ein glänzendes Darstellungs-
talent zu Gebote steht. Was er als Dichter bedeutet, muss
ich UlIn entschieden lassen; seinen Romanen und Novellen fehlt
immer die echte Incarnation, und die beiden Trauerspiele,
die er neuerdings geschrieben hat, kann ich ebenfalls nicht
SO gewichtig finden, als das Theater-Publicum sie zu finden
scheint - Ich glaube, er ist von den meisten seiner ehemal-
igen Extravaganzen zurückgekommen; vielleicht geht er in
der Reue weiter, als in der Beichte, und verdient grösseres
- Vertrauen, als ich ihm bis jetzt geschenkt habe. Mir ist er
mit Herzlichkeit entgegen getreten, und wenn wir uns In Ght
näher kamen, so liegt die SG hU. d. Wohl an mir, wenigstens
hat er sich mehrfach gegen andere beklagt, dass ich so
wenig warm gegen ihn sei. Ich kann das nicht ändern; mit
seiner Gegenwart bin ich ganz zufrieden, denn (die kleine
Schwäche ausgenommen, das er gern nur das lobt, was ihn
Wieder lobt) er bekämpft das Mittelmässige und Schlechte
und sucht das Gute zu fädern; ich habe jedoch noch keine
Bürgschaft für seine Zukunft - Er giebt hier. Seinen
Telegraphen heraus, ein Journal, das Unbedingt zu den


–40–
ersten Organen Deutschlands gehört und die revisities;n
Mitarbeiter Zählt . Fur diesen schreibe ich Kritiken." º
The spirit of self-confidence in this letter is
characteristic of Hebbel in his elated moments; it would
suggest that he had already won a position of prominence
in the literary World, whereas, really he was still an
obscure writer. Gutzkow, however, had for ten years been
in the very midst of the controversial literature of the
time, had been humiliated and imprisoned for expressing
ideas intended to promote the cause of liberalism, had
passed through a period of depression, had by dint of his
energy regained his reputation and, at the time he asked
Hebbel to contribute to his journal, was definitely aiming
at literary leadership. He was then recognized as a man
of varied talents, large general knowledge, and great.
organizing ability. Young Hebbel, on his arrival in
Hamburg, would naturally try to establish relations with
& Iſlän. of Cult zkow's influence. for it was his ambition to
publish as soon as possible his poetical productions, an
ambition which, it seemed, he could most easily realize
through the "Telegraph" of which Gutzkow was then editor, -
- º º 34
and which was one of the most influential journals of the tiº.
And yet , although Gutzkow's kind reception en-
couraged Hebbel greatly, his consciousness of the differ-
ence between their natures and ideals of art continued,






–41–
and therefore he feared that their friendship would be of
but short duration. And, indeed, his original attitude to-
ward Gutzkow (see letters of Nov. 25, 1838 and Dec. 12, 1828).
reasserted itself as soon as he could observe his personal-
ity, his method of work, and the practical manner in which
he treated poetical productions. Gutzkow with his wide
experience and keen judgment of human nature also SO On
discovered that he had not the real sympathy of Hebbel and
therefore gradually became prejudiced against him. With
the help of Hebbel's diaries and letters we can fol-
low his ever changing and yet, on the whole, consistent
attitude toward Gutzkow. During 1829-1840 he Was a regular
contributor to the "Telegraph". Soon he realized that
Cutzkow intended to use that journal primarily to advance
his own literary plans and ambitions. This Hebbel resented;
he felt that Gutzkow's power and prominence in the literary
World Were undeserved, and, conscious of his own superiority,
he was unwilling to become a tool for the advancement of -
Gutzkow's influence. As early as April 15, 1839, a mis-
understanding arose between them. He Writes: "Ich stritt
plit, ihm, gnd Wihl (iber die Wahlwerwandschaft, en. Hart, an ein-
ander. "As time went on he realized that he had to be more
cautious in his conduct toward Gutzkow and the members of his
school, and had to weigh his words more carefully so as not to be

-
–4 Z–
Ölr SWI into a controversy with them. Hie discovered the
taetics by which they tried to atta in literary Prominenee
and saw how on one Occasion they were Opposing one SY-
other, end how again they came to each other's defense .
He, however, was no man for parti Sanship, Gould not SG-
Q
G OF am Odate hi
G-
3 Gonvictions to any literary Creed, but Was
determined to remain true t O the principles which he had
reached in his Own independent manner. The day after their
first controversy Hebbel wrote in his diary: "Gutzkow hat
mich allerdings freundlich aufgenommen, aber wer sagt mir,
ob es aus wirklicher Herzlichkeit ge SGhah . Er ist am Ende
so schmutzig, dass es sich waschen muss, nicht aus Trieb
- Yܺ -
zur Reinlichkeit, sondernA Weil er SOH St in keinem
Kreise geduldet würde - Tch komme ihm vielleicht als ein
reines Handtuch gelegen. In allen diesen Leuten liegt keine
Wahrheit, darum glauben Sie auch an keine - Sie ekeln mich
rº r
«-
an." (ApriT 16, 1839) .
Although Hebbel realized the real situation, he
still hoped that a friendly relation might be established
and on the 6th of May he went to bid farewell to Gutzkow,
Who was about to leave the City- He writes: "Er nahm Eni Gh
sehr freundlich auf und sagte mir gleich, dass er mich
Zwei Zeitungen, den Hallischen Jahrbüchern und dem er St.
ent riT en Hannöversehen Museum als Mitarbeiter empfohlen
habe. Ich dankte ihm dafür und bemerkte, wie sehr es mir







be of Service to Gutzkow and manifest his spirit of sin-
darauf ankomme, mit öffentlichen Organen Verhältnisse an-
zuknüpfen. - An der Treppe erinnerte ich ihn (absichtlich,
um nicht eine Geringschätzung an den Tag zu legen) an. Sein
Versprechen, mir vor seiner Abreise sein Drama zu geben;
er bat mi Gh um zurückgabe seines Wortes: T Gl brachte In OGh
einmal meine dramatischen Aufsätze in Anregung und er sagte
mir, er habe sie schon für ihl mit auf die Liste gesetzt;
SO Wie ich herunter ging, rief er mir noch nach: nehmen
Sie Sich des Telegraphen an ! – Ich hatte meine Gründe, diese
Unterredung gleich, nachdem sie vorgefallen, Yie ÖST ZU
ZZ - -
SGhT G i.ben . "
Gutzkow's cordiality touched Hebbel and for
a time he had the be St intentions Of remaining On ZOOÖ.
term S. With him, and seriously tried t O Öi SG OVe . the WOrthy
elements in Gutzkow's character and talent so as to do fu11
justice to him. And soon an opportunity presented itself to
Gerity toward him - GUtzkOW had been accused that his
rrºr
Richard Savage" was a mere translation from the French-
Hebbel wrote an article in defense of Gutzkow which was
published in the "Telegraph". He opposed the Snonymous
WI itec With fi Tºnne SS and conviction, and believed that he
had #ººsee in clearing Gutzkow of the charge of plagiar-
F§ -
Sm - Hebbel was Open-minded in his criticism and tried
O EraSP the deeper meaning and significence of Gutzkow 's


–44–
drama . He said: "Gut ZKOW ist der Erste Unter den neueren
Schriftstellern gewesen, der sich des Theaters wieder zu
bemächtigen gewusst hat, seine Stücke werden auf allen
Bühnen gegeben, schon aus diesem Grunde muss man seiner
4O
gedenken, wenn man über die Regeneration des Dramas spricht . "
Gutzkow appreciated Hebbel 's efforts and up on his return
from Frankfort Hebbel wrote in his diary: "Er kam mir mit
grosser Herzlichkeit entgegen, und sagte mir, dass er eben
daran gedacht habe, mir seinen Pesuch zu machen. Ich glaube
denn doch, dass Redlichkeit der Grundzug seiner Natur ist und
dass Lanches, was dem zu widersprechen scheint, aus der
schiefen Stellung, in die er von vorn herein gerieth, er-
klärt werden muss. Wer weiss, ob wir nicht noch Hand in
Hand gehen können. Ich und Wihl kamen uns heute über 1000
SG 1. . . jf näher; S Tº schloss mir SS TT THS LZ auf, GT Zºº je V OT
den grossen Drangsalen, die GT hat erdulden müssen, ÜUnd
sprach mir futh ein; wer selbst so viel litt, hat ein Recht
dazu. Was ich früher über Wihl und Gutzkow in dies Tagebuch
Schrieb, annulliere ich ausdrücklich: Glt Zk OW Verdient mein
Vertrauen und Wihl meine Freundschaft, " ich werde mit mei-
nem Gefühl nicht länger gegen sie kargen . " sen., BZO . )
After such a confession one would expect Hebbel
to maintain, for a time at least, a friendly and sympathetic
attitude toward Gutzkow, but the entry in his not e-book two
das later shows a return of that irritable Spirit which

–45–
Gutzkow had previously aroused in him. "Heute in " . VOT .
MiT ZU Liebe kamen auch CT Zºº OY TIA Ö "; hl. | 5 CU 5 ZKOW Sº
Gespräch über den Dramatiker Uhland, ÖS In eT ÖTUFG haUS Wer-
"arf. Behauptungen, aber keine Beweise . lan kann mit hº)
nicht disput iren; er sucht zu imponieren - ihl Sagte, wie
ich von ihm ging: "Gutzkow gönnt. Niemanden etwas, als sich
- 42 - -
selbst. Richtig, aber schlimm." (Sept. 17, 1839. )
Nevertheless Hebbel. Was determined to be just and Loya
to Cutzzow. He took up again Gutzkow ' s "WalTy", which he
SR Ö peruse VG LÄT superficially in unieh and tried to form
e, just criticism of the contested phases of that novel:
After reading the boo- He G OUTÖ See rNOY S in i“ h&I "Ö S
Entfesselung der Leidenschaften" For which it had been
ehief Iy condemned . +e discovered that the author's real
pirpose was to re establish natural relations in Every sphere
Of life, Snd to free man from Social prejudice . Hebbel
wrote: "Nur die STOSS e Dichterkraft KSIT ein verfängliches
Theme behandeln, nur sie kann eine scharf einschneidende
Täe G , die wir gern aus der Welt wegleugnen, so lange es
C
geht, gestalten und sie so als lebend und dem Leben “esetze
43
vorschreibend geltend machen. " ( Sept. 25, 1839)
And yet, the more thoroughly he studied Gutzkow 's
Forks, the more deeply his doubts were aroused as to Gutzkow 's
poetia ability, and finally he Game to the conclusion, "dass
Gutzkow das eigene Tch, nicht Kunst und Wissenschaft als
44
das Herz der Titeratur betrachte . " In Gourse of time the



relation became so strained that they found it embarrassing
to be in each others presence . " Letzter Pesuch bei Gutzkow. . . .
T Gºl blieb nur einen Augenblick, weil er sehr beschäftigt
war, und nahm die feste Überzeugung mit mir fort, dass er
WeiSS , Wie ich über Seine Dramen denke , Und dass er jetzt
45
gegen mich eingenommen ist." (Dee:7, 1839.) At the end
O ſº the year Hebbel S&YS : "Gutzzow näherte SiGh mir Anfangs
UT Ö. mag auf Subordination gerechnet haben; leider bin ich
In OG h immer nicht SO weit, mich gleich im ersten Oment Stel–
TG In ZU können, ich mache keine Zugeständnisse, aber ich
Tasse lanches paS Siren; auch ist das Gegentheil schwer, wo
nicht Unmöglich, da bei der ersten Berührung, wenn sie nicht
eine entschieden feindliche iSt , ja AUT das Allgemeinste,
nicht das Besondere, hervortritt . . . . . . . . ittlerweile hatte
ich seinen Saul und seinen Savage kennen gelernt und mich
überzeugt, dass es cutzes in der Dramen geht, wie im Ro-
Tan; die Tdeen sind allerdings geWichtig, aber das poetische
P - % -
Talent ist ihnen nicht gewachsen und so ist es, als ob Korn-
säcke auf der Kaffeemühle durchgemalen werden sollten. Als
Kritiker hatte ich, als ich Gutzkow persönlich nahe kam,
engefangen, ihn Für Einen zu halten, der, wenn die Wahrheit
auch nicht seine Natur ist, die Wahrheit doch seiner Natur
windie iren mögte; aber er widerlegte mich siegreichst, dass
ich mich schämte; einen Tump nach dem andern setzte er auf
den Thron und Verfuhr, als ob nicht Kunst und Wissenschaft,
4:6
sondern als ob sein eigenes Tch das Herz der Titeratur wäre."



-47-
And again: "Es giebt jetzt in der Literatur nur Köche, keine
echte iroduction; die ganze Zeit ist nichts, als mit piquan-
ten Gewürzen den Gaumen kitzelnde Sauce. Gutzkow ist der
rechte Ilann für die Leute. Der kann ihnen geben, was sie
brauchen. Las Genie ist in Seiner höchsten fºreiheit ge-
bundlen, das forcierte Talent kann, Was es soll. Heute ist
e's Satyrisch, morgen sentimental, tibermorgen beides zu-
gleich - Bricht es das Bein, so stellt es Sich, als ob das
&O Sein müsse und dichtet einen Hymnus, ironischen inhalt S,
auf die gelungene Intention: schliesst er statt der Illuse
einmal eine Holz puppe in die Arme und Wird Verlächt, so
sagt es: ich Spielte ja Blindekuh und Wollte keine Swags bei
den Göttinen anticºn."
Few Would deny today that Hebbel's charges against
Gutzkow were, on the whole, justified. He tréed to treat him
objectively, but , nevertheless, there is in many of his let-
ters of that year a distinct personal note, and a spirit Of
wounded pride which he cannot suppress. ºut zkow is the recognized
powerful leader of the prevailing literary movement of
that time, while Hebbel, 11OW conscious Of his mental and
poetic superiority, has to struggle in a dependent position
for the bare means of subsistence. There are moments when
Hebbel feels that he can no longer endure the triviality,
hollowſness, and impotence of the productions of a man who
aspired to be the representative poet of his time. The more
he reflects upon art, the less faith he has in the poetic

–43-
value of the works of GutzkoW and his followers - How un-
reliable popular judgment was he noticed when Gutzkows
"Werner" met with even greater success than "Savage".
Although the presentation of the play called forth the
greatest applause, 11ebbel regarded it as thoroughly devoid
of true dramatic life, and speaks of it in his diary as
follows: "Ich sah Gutzkow ' s Werner - Trivialeres, Unsittlich-
eres, giebt es nicht; es ist mir unbegreiflich, Wie man,
Sehb St dann, wenn man kE in Dichter iSt , SO etWaS Schaffen
kann. Eine Armseligkeit sonder Gleichen; Liotive, die ich
wahnsinnig nennen mögte, wenn der Wahnsinn nicht noch immer
einige E'oesie mit sich führte, die hier fehlt. Dennoch ward
mir hie und da. Wehmütig zu Luthe, denn Jahnen “S Bernerkung,
dass Gutzkow sich selbst im Werner gezeichnet habe, schien
sich nir zu bestätigen, und ein Entsetzen packte mich, als
ich mir dachte, eine solche Abirrung von allem ſienschlichen
könne die Wahrheit eine S Lndi Vidi Ums Sein . . . . . . . Wenn ich
jemals von jenem versteckten Egoismus, den der Beste ohne
Heuchelei nicht ganz aus sich Wegleugnen darf, entfernt war,
so war es an diesem Abend, denn den Egoismus hätte eine
Kümmerlichkeit, die sich kaum auf den Beinen halten konnte,
kitzeln müssen, aber ich war dem Weinen nah. Ich sah auch
GUtzkOW, er grüSSte mich, ich konnte nicht mit ihm sprechen;
ich hätte ihm die ärgsten Beleidigungen gesagt, und ich war
4:8
ihm 11itleid schuldig“ - Gutzkow ' s report of the same event

–49–
in his "Lebenserinnerungen" shows that he saw that riebbel
was displeased: "Bei der fünften oder sechsten Aufführung )
begegnete mir im gedrängt vollen rarterre ºr . esde.......“
Er warf mir vorübergehend ein langgezogenes "Guten Abend : "
entgegen - Es war nach dem dritten Akte, wo die Darstellerin
der Julie eben dreimal gerufen worden war, dieselbe Dame,
Christine Enghaus, die später Hebbel's Gattin werden sollte,
und bei hereinbrechender Beeinträchtigung ihrer Stellung am
Burgtheater sich jahrelang mit dieser einzigen so frisch von
ihr erfassten Rolle in ihrem Wert gelten zu machen wusste
und gewiss dann zur Freude des Lannes, dem 1839 die blinde
Vergötterung einiger Leute in Hamburg vorgeredet hatte, er
allein sei der "Hassias“ des deutschen Theaters, und der
denn auch damals für mich nichts hatte, als sein hämisches
"Guten Abend“ : das mir durch die Seele schnitt . . . . . . Diese
aus SO bösen Elementen gemischte Hamburger Uesellschaft fing
an, mir überall in den Weg zu treten und sofort die neue
Tragödie " Judith" zum Stein des Anstossens zu machen, über
den ich fallen sollte. Der Verfasser, ein Gerichts-Schreiber
aus Wesselburen, war die Lösung eines Komitees, das ihm die
Ilittel gewährt hatte, noch nachträglich zu studieren. Eben
von München gekommen, brachte er das Bewusstsein mit, dass
er die Erwartungen, die man auf einen Genius, eben auf den
Ilessias der Bühne, setzte, zu erfüllen vollkommen imstande
Wäre . Der Anblick der Judith VOn Horace Wernet in München

- 50-
hatte ihn sein bekanntes, knappepigrammatisch gehaltenes,
aller jerner oben bezeichnet;en runken des ersten Schlags auf
schweissendes Eisen ent behrendens Drama abgewonnen. Oder
die sprühenden Funken mºsetergenn in der Gross sprecherei
des Holofermes liegen Sollen. Karl Töpfer, taub und
gewohnt , so nachdrucklich zu Sprechen, als wenn alle Welt
taub wire, raunte mir Zuerst wie mit Frakturschrift ins
6hr : "Das gibt den neuen Skakespeare : " Da hatte ich den
Stoss, ertrug ihn aber ruhig ; denn ein Messia's der deutschen
Bühne hiess ja auch ich in auswärtigen Artºon.”
Hebbel had Written "Judith" as a contrast to
"Saul". When he read "Saul" he felt that GutzkoW had not
done justice to a theme which, in his judgment, had large
dramatic possibilities. To prove what could be done with
Such Biblical themes, he wrote this drama. In other words
his dissatisfaction with Gutzkow and the writers of "Young
Germany", stimulated him to write a drama which marked the
turning point in his life and the beginning of a new era
in the dramatic literature of Germany.
From the spirit of the whole correspondence Of 1839
it would seem that Hebbel felt that he had derived some prac-
tical advantage from his relation to Gutzkow and his contribu-
tions to the "Telegraph". Through the latter he became favor-
ably known to Campe, and when he was ready to give his first
drama to the public he found in Campe a ready publisher in

spite of Gutzkow ' s adverse attitude toward it . Gutzkow saw
that in general Hebbel ' s drama, was in direct opposition to
the literary idealS Of the movement which he represented,
but he did not Vigorously orrose it because he did not
thoroughly conTrehend its deeper meaning and did not, als
zet, consider Hebbel a dangerous rival. However, upon the
first presentation of "Judith" the young author was at once
acmoveaeed as a man Of prOnounced dramatic ability and
thé highest poetic promise-
The Success of "Judith" gave Hebbel new courage -
"Er ward in den Hamburger Salons gefeiert und fand auch
wohl bereits begeisterte jugendliche Verehrer, die in ihm
den deutschen Shakespeare ehen.“in a letter tO Charlotte
Rousseau, Hebbel quotes the roliovine ras Sage from a letter
of Amalia Schoppe to him: "Ich habe diese Nacht Ihre Judith
gele Sen, brauche ich ihnen zu Sägen, Wie Sie auf mich ge-
wirkt, wie mich erschüttert hat? Ich stelle Sie zum Shakes-
peare; da sie mich nicht als Schmeichlerin kennen, wird
Sie da.S erfreuen, SO fern mein Urteil Ihnen irgend etWaS gilt -
Wäre ich eine Elenore, so erhielten Sie heute den Lorbeer-
Kranz Von mir; SO bescheide ich mich - Ihre Judith hat mich
die ganze Nacht wach erhalten, selbst, als ich nicht mehr
las - " He continues in the same 1eter to give his own op-
iniOn . "Dergleichen höre ich jetzt von allen Seiten, und
Wenn ich auch, wie sich “s gebührt, das, was die erste

Begeisterung hinzu. t hat, abziehe, so bleibt doch noch genug
übrig: Jedenfalls so viel, dass ich mich für einen drama-
ti Schen Dichter halten. Und Leute, die sich einbilden, es
zu sein, weil sie eine Geschichte dialogisiren oder einen
Character neu anpinseln können, mit einem wort, Leute, Wie
Gutzkow, verachten arr.“rede, 184O )
Although in his first exaltation of success
Hebbel thought himself justified in despising Gutzkow's
literary ideals, he thought he could obtain some prac-
tical Suggestions from him end therefore requested him to
pass his judgment upon the drama. "Ich wollte Sie von mei-
nem Vertrauen in Bezug auf mein Werk gewiss nicht aus-
Schlie S Sen. . . . . . . . - - Wielleicht regt die Judith Sie an, da SS
Sie mir einige Worte darüber schreiben; wie lieb mir dies
sein würde, brauche ich Ihnen nicht zu sagen, da Sie Ängst
Wissen, Wie hoch ich Ihre kritischen Arbeiten stehe.“
Ihre Götter Helden pp. haben mir erst aeuerdings wieder
einen seltenen Genuss gewährt. Sie werden mich in der Haupt-
Sache nich missverstehen, was mir noch bei Ilanchem begeg-
YGYl Ene.“arn 1, 1840. ) And, accordingly, we find on
April 5th the following notice in his diary: " Gutzkow er-
SUchte mich in einem freundlich-Schmeichelhaften Brief um
die Judith; Baison, den ich persönlich nie sah, that es
nach ihm und meldete mir, dass Gutzkow meinem wer die
55
grösste Würdigung widerfahren lasse."

Gutzkow saw in Hebbel a young poet who was striving
for recognition, and still remembering his own early strug-
gles in the field of literature he wished to be generous
enough to give Some encouragement to him. But after
the performance of "Judith" he feared that Hebbel might
in time develop into a dangerous rival and therefore wrote
a very unfavorable, almost spiteful, review of the drama;
but in order not to seem too severe toward the young poet
he closed his oriticism with the remark that Hebbel must be
considered among the most promising writers of German litera-
ture.” sensitive Hebbel, however, deeply resented the at-
tack of a man whom he refused to regard as a poet. As a re-
Sult he decided to Sever all connections With Gutzkow: and So
again stood alone, exposed to the opposition of the Whole lit:-
erary movement of "Young Germany" and its powerful journals.
Hebbel felt justified in taking this step when
he considered that Gutzkow's plays, however popular, were
essentially shallow. Hebbel's statements about Gutzkow for
the rest of the year are, therefore, derogatory and even
contemptuous. He writes: "Menschen, wie Gutzkow für eroset,
erklären, heisst den Banquerott der Ilenschheit erklären."
In another note he declares: "Ein Hahn, wie Gutzkow, mag
uns wecken, aber er soll nicht am Tage Sich spreizen, als
b8
ob er allein da Wåre . "

-54-
It is interesting to compare his letter to Kühne Of
July 29, 184O, With his former statements in regard to Gutzkow -
"Ihre Freundlichkeit war um so grösser, wenn Sie vielleicht
mit Ilanchem den Lrrtum teilten, dass zwischen mir und einem
hiesigen Viel besprochenen schriftsteller jemals eine
andere, als die alleroberflächlichste Geschäftsverbindung,
durch einige von mir in das von ihm redigirte Journal ge-
gebene krit - Aufsätze begründet, und seit längerer Zeit
schon völlig aufgehoben, bestanden habe; ein 1rrtum, der zu
meiner verwunderung und Uberraschung bei mehreren Veran-
18.SSUngen, Und namentlich bei ºeurteilung meine S Dram8.S
ZUN) vorschein gekommen se“ als 29, 1840. ) Hebbel clo-
Sed the year 184O With the remark: "Die Beziehungen zu der
LOct - Schoppe und zu Gutzkow haben sich gelöst, letztere
hätten vielleicht, was bei mir stand, fest gehalten werden
Essen.“ is clear that the only reason he had for wish-
ing tO maintain his friendly relation to Gutzkow was the
latter ' s powerful influence which might be of practical
Service to him in his literary career -
Ln the year 1841 Hebbel had no closer relations
with Gutzkow - He met him only once, when Gutzkow, driving
in an elegant carriage, was returning from Berlin where
his works had won him great applause - Hebbel, who had to
walk in the burning heat of the as.“ veXed at the ex-
ternal display of the man who eon at best write only
popular and Superficial cornedies -

The year 1842 promised a brighter future and a
triumph over his rival. Un Uctober 20, he Wrote in his
diary that he had fair prospects of getting the editorship
of the "Telegraph", because Campe expected to discontinue
his relation With Gutzkow and in that case would offer him
the editorial management of the journal. He was ready to
accept the offer, although he felt that by so doing he
WOuld irritate more than ever the journalistic world re-
presented by out-rºw.”ut his expectations Of becomine
editor of the "Telegraph" were never realized, and he
closed the year in the most discouraged mood, feeling
most keenly the growing power of the opposition of ºut zkow.
ne Wr Ot; e : "Gutzkow hat, wie mir Jahnens gestern schrieb,
das Drama ( Genoveva) hart ange griffen. I ch were aveenacht.
Knüpften sich nicht die Schicksale Zweier Ilenschen an das
meinige, so wºre mir Alles gleich. Ilein Leben ist im Zu-
schnitt verdorben; das Glück verschmäht mich vielleicht
nur deshalb, Weil es einsieht, das mit mir doch Nichts mehr
auf zu Stellen is...”
The year 1843 is of Special importance in that
Hebbel then made another attempt to come to an understanding
With Gutzkow and again for practical reasons. In that year,
which, like the year 1839, Was a period of great productivity,
he associated with Gutzkow very frequently. In 1839 he
was still struggling for literary recognition, whereas in

1843 he was a man of some fame and could be regarded
as a real rival of Gutzkow. Although he was now more
independent, he nevertheless felt that an alliance with
Gutzkow might be of practical value to him. For at this
time Hebbel was still in poor financial circumstances and
Wished to improve his condition by writing a drama that
would most Strongly appeal to the theatrical public. Gutz-
kow's success in the treatment of current social questions
such as we find in his dramas "Savage", "Werner", "Patkul",
and others certainly suggested to him a new field for
poetic activity which seemed to him promising and fruitful.
Hebbel, therefore, also turned to the study of social ques-
tions with the hope of finding a theme of popular interest
that could at the same time be treated according to his own
literary standards. The result of his study of the social
problems of contemporary life and literature was the drama
"Maria Magdalena" which at once attained the desired success
On the stºre."…sº considerable praise from his liter-
ary contemporaries, and was in full accord with his deepest
artistic ideals. Thus in this drama he entered upon the very
field in which Gutzkow had won his greatest triumphs, and
through his deep insight into the fundamental conflicts of
the time soon acknowledged to be vastly superior to any of
Cutzkow's social dramas.
– 57-
ſievertheless, as said above, he deemed it expedi-
ent t O eontinue, if possible, his relation with Gutzkow. Af–
ter "Genoveva" had apneered, he was very anxious to receive
Gutzkow's criticism upon it in order to know what attitude
he should take toward an.“ And So he wrote : "Gutzkow ' s Re-
cension ( of Genoveva) hätte ich freilich gern gehabt, ob
ich sie aber, wenn Campe sie mir nicht von selbst schickt,
fodern kann, ist die Frage . . . . . . . . Wenn Gutzkow mein Werk
WiIºk Li Ch. mit steter Anerkennung meines Talents tadelt und
mir verdeckt noch einmal die Hand bietet, so soll er dies
nicht umsonst gethan haben - Eine Auszeichnung, ja eine
Ehrenhaftigkeit finde ich schon darin, dass er selbst her-
vorgetreten ist, und die Sache nicht, wie bei den Gedich-
ten, Herrn Schürges oder einem Anderen übergeben hat. Dies
hätte er thun können. Und tun därfen. Man muss die Saiten
nicht zu hoch. Spannen und VOn einem lann, den man SO Stark
reizte, nicht das Übermenschliche verlangen. Nicht den
Tadel der Kritiker habe ich zu fürchten, sondern ihr Still;
schweigen; Gutzkow gegenüber habe ich, wie ich nicht erst
Seit gestern einsehe, eine durchaus falsche Stellung, und
Wenn er mir Gelegenheit geibt, sie zu verändern, so will
66
ich die Gelegenheit ergreifen."


He was determined not to be offended, no matter
What the critici Sm C Ontained : "Die Kritik der Genoveva mag
enthalten, was Sie Wil1, S ie Wird mich nicht mit Bitterkeit
erfüllen, sie wird mich, wenn sie weit geht, eher erleich-
ern.“son Hebbel heard that Gutzkow had been one of the
first to review the "Genoveva" and had attacked it sharply,
but later he learned that the reports of the severity of
Gutzkow's criticism had been exaegertea. In the meantime
he had evidently forgotten what he had written in the let-
ter just quoted, for the rumors of Gºtzkow's adverse judg-
ment had irritated him to such an extent that in his essay
"ein Wort über das Drama" he could not refrain from wr-
ting in disparaging terms of Gutzkow's posts astvtv.
He wrote to Elise in regard to this article: "Seine Eitel-
keit wird nicht damit zufrieden sein, denn die verlangt mehr,
aber sein gewissen wird ihm sagen, dass gerechten Ansprchen
genügt ist. Ich habe gesprochen, wie die Nachwelt über
ihn sprechen. Wird; Sie Wird ihn den Chor der grOS Sen Dra-
natiker nicht ein Verleiben, Sie wird ihn aber auch nicht
ganz Verwerfen, Gändern Sie Wird sagen, dass er mit vielem
Geist die dramatische Form henutzt habe, um die gesellschaft-
ichen Zustände unserer Zeit zur Anschauung zu bringen, Und
die S unterscheidet ihn zu seinem Vorteil nicht blOG VOn dem
grossen Haufen, sondern auch von einigen wirklich poetischen
Talenten . . . . Nun habe ich bloS meinem Herzen eenet, daS mir
- 69
gegen Gutzkow seit lange. Etwas vorwarf."

– 59-
Although cutzor's G rit iG iSIn WaS severe, Hebbel
tried to be just to him and even, to some degree defend him.
He wrote: "Gutzkow ist der Erste Unter den neueren Schrift-
Stellern gewesen, der sich des Theaters wieder zu bemächtigen
geVTU3 St hat, seine Stücke werden auf allen Bühnen gegeben,
schOn aus diesem Grunde muss man seiner gedenken, Wenn man
über die Regeneration des Dramas spricht. Ich sagte über ihn:
Gut zkOW hat das Sociale Thema aufgenommen. Vier seiner Stücke
liegen vor, und sie machen in ihrer Gesammtheit einen be-
friedigenderen Eindruck, als einzeln, sie sind offenbare
COrrel&te, die den gesellschaftlichen Zustand in Seinen
Höhen und zeeraneen mit Scharfen Schneidenden Lichtern be-
leuchten." In reply to Professor Heiberg' s interpretation
Of Hebbel" G former criticism of Gutzkow, he wrote: "Worher
ersuche ich Professor Heiberg, die Gutzkow'sche Recension
meiner Genoveva im Telegraphen nachzulesen, damit er sich
überzeugt, dass hier nicht, wie er vielleicht glaubt, ein
Freund über den Freund spricht. Die Recension ist nicht eben
günstig für mein Werk, und ich bin nicht der Einzige, der
sie für ungerecht hält, aber um so eher darf ich Sie citiren,
um so nachdrückleicher wird sie beweisen, was sie gerade be-
71
Weisen SOll. . "
Hebbel's views on Gutzkow as eXpressed in his
letters to Eli Se at that time Sre more specific 8nd SeVere
than the utterances in the journal and represents more truly

– 6O-
his real attitude toward his rival's literary activity - SO in
regard to Gutzkow's "Genoveva" criticism he writes: " Der mit
beigepackte Scorpion, Gutzkow ' s Recension, hat mich
ebenfalls nur angenehm gekitzlet; sie hat mich auch keinen
Augenblick peinlich berührt, was freilich zum Theil mit
daher rühren mögte, dass ich den Inhalt durch Jahnen ' s und
Campe ' s Berichte im Allgemeinen kannte. Sie ist ungerecht,
aber subjectiv-wahr; es ist die Wahrheit des Hasses, die
Ungerechtigkeit der Leidenschaft, Und die Sind immer Ver-
zeihlicher, als heimtückische, berechnete Kälte. Er hat sich
beeilt, der Erste zu sein, damit ihm ja kein Anderer mit
dem Urtheil zuvorkomme, der der Sache eine bessere Wendung
geben möge, dass er wohl zehnmal falsch citirt und sich die
ärgsten Blössen gegeben hat, die ihm, wenn ich zu einer An-
tilkritik schritte, übel bekommen könnten. Doch davor ist
er sicher . . . . . . . . . Ich konnte und durfte von gutzkow nichts
Anderes erwarten, er War ZU SchWer gereist. (are 24, 1843. )
About this same time Hebbel made the following note
in his diary of his letter to Campe: "Gutzkow ' s Recension
habe ich gestern auch erhalten, obgleich nicht durch Sie:
Ich will in Golo die Liebenswürdigkeit des Bösen darstellen?
Wéire d'ERS begründet, SO Würde ich nicht. Vor ein aesth - Forum,
sondern vor das Criminal- Gericht gehören: das ist eine härtere
Beschuldigung, als tenzel gegen den Verfasser der Wally
ausgesprochen hat. Darauf müsste man ja fast moralisch ant-
worten, um nicht von der Polizei zur Antwort gezwungen zu

Werden - DÖGh ich werde Schweigen, wenigstens eleube ich's
Obgleich ich überzeugt bin, dass sich im ganzen Deutschland
meiner niemand annehmen wird; nur Weil Gutzkow dies wusste,
da er meine völlige Isolirtheit kennt, beeilte er sich so,
der erste ZU sein, der ein ºrtheil abgab. Ich habe Euch über
ihn und seine Dramen gesprochen; ich nahm absichtlich Gelegen-
heit im orgenblatt. Ich war mir eines kleinen Unrechts
gegen ihn bewusst und dies wollte ich meines eigenen Gewis-
sens wegen gut machen - dies Unrecht bestand darin, dass ich
über die Leblosigkeit seiner Automaten und Papp-Liguren die
Ideen, in deren Interesse sie geschoben werden, vergass. Ich
Schrieb, nachdem mir der Inhalt seiner Recension bekannt WaT ,
Wie dSS Datum meine S Aufsatzes EUSWeist . Es freut mich, dass
es geschehen ist und nicht erst zu geschehen braucht; es war
Wie eine Höflichkeit bei "m Duell . Kommt er meinem 3ten Stück,
wie dem zweiten, so wollen wir nicht blos unsere Sänger-
Kehlen, sondern auch Unsere Klingen messen und dann ein can
With this entry in his diary Hebbel closed his ſhmportant re-
lations with Gutzkow for the year 1843. In another letter he
expressed his joy over a "Genoveva" criticism by an anonymous
critic ( E. Duller), especially because it was written in
Darmstadt under the very eyes Of caeser.“
During the years 1844-5-6 he severed his c on-
nections with Gutzkow entirely - His hostility, however,
continued, for in his letters and diaries during that period

he notes with apparent satisfaction #1 the unfavorable
utterances or criticisms on Gutzkow. "these years Were the
saddest in Hebbel's whole life. He had had ten years Of
constant Struggle, he had been trying by persistent self-
culture to overtake the meagerness of his early education,
he had Written the best poetry and dramas of the time,
he had even tried to make peace with Gutzkow in order to
obtain practical ends, and nevertheless in his proud self-
consciousness he felt that he had not yet obtained the
recognition which his genius deserved. Certainly Gutzkow
might in many ways have helped him, but fearing Hebbel's
rivalry, he was determined not to encourage him but,
if possible, to eliminate or crush him. Hebbel sought
relief in travel, but in his depressed mood, Paris and
Italy did not inspire him to undertake any larger poetic
task. He closed the year 1846 with 8 statement on Gützkow
Similar to that made in 1839 and 1843. "Gegen keinen lenschen,
der Sich in der laufenden Literatur neben mir bewegt., habe ich
eine so grosse Abneigung, Wie gegen Karl Gutzkov, und gegen
keinen mägt ' ich eben darum lieber gerecht, sein • Sein lite-
rarischer Charakter erlaubt gar keine Doppel-Leutung; denn
die ent schiedenste Charlatanerie liegt offen au Tage, aber
seine Begabung kann aus mehr, als einem Gesicht spunkt be-
trechtet werden. Deshalb nehm ich Seine Bücher, obgleich sie,
wenn sie etwas Anderes, als Journal-Artikel bringen, mir

r?
“U) .
immer peinlich sind, doch von Zeit zu Zeit wieder vor; ich
will sie in den mannigfaltigsten, entgegengesetztesten Stim-
mungen auf nie einwirken 1aS Sen, um mich der Richtigkeit
meiner ersten Eindrücke zu versichern, oder sie ZU mOdi-
ficiren - erkwürdig ist es mir aber, dass die Eindrücke
immer die Selben bleiben. Als Journalist ist er mir stets
Willkommen . . . . . . . . . . . Als darsteller dagegen, alS (UaSi-
Dichter, ist er mir so unerträglich, wie gar kein anderer
AUlt Or, SO Viele es Euch giebt, die den Elementen nach unter
76
ihm Stehen."
In the year 1846 a radical change took place in
Hebbel ' s life , due to his marriage to Christine Enghaus,
a pr OIminent actress On the Hofburgtheater. She WaS a re-
fined, attractive woman Of high artistic ideals Who under-
stood Hebbel's nature and fully appreciated his poetic
talent - She brought repose into his life, became his true
c Ompanion, and gaVe him new sympathy and encouragement to
per Severe in his Literary ideals - About the same time the
journals began to take up the discussions of Hebbel ' s Works,
and he received more favorable reviews. so Arnold Ruge pub-
lished an article in the "Leipziger Revue" entitled "Hebbel's
Ilaria lagdalena eine Tragödie, Gutzkow ' s Uriel Acosta keine
Tragödie", and soon after appeared Fr. Th. Wischer ' s "Char-
akteristik Hebbels", which gave unqualified Traise to
77
Hebbel" s drama.
– 64-
Tn 1847 we note Hebbel casually making some un-
friendly remarks about Gutzkow. The most important of these
we find in his letters to Ludwig Gurlitt and to Bamberg - Thus
he Wrote to Gurlitt: "Ich teile die Schwäche Schillers, der
Jahre bedurfte um Stoff und Form mit einander zu versöhnen,
nicht die Stärke Gutzkows, der heute eine Blase verschluckt
und morgen ein Mondkalb gebiert. Da steht der Name, der,
ich will es mit gewohnter Offenheit bekennen, an meinem
Stillschweigen eben SO Viel Antheil gehabt hat, wie die
schon angeführten Gründe . . . . . . . . . . . . . Wer zweifelt, an der
Interessantheit eines Menschen, der sich so auszubreiten
Weiss, wie dieser ! Ich focht in meinen “esprächen mit Dir
niem&1 S die Interessantheit an, SOndern das Princip, das
ihn regirt und das darin besteht, kein Iittel zu. Scheuen,
dF.S unzulänglichen Kräften über hº here einen mOmertane
Triumpf (!) verearren an. "In hiS diary he WrOte On
the 24th of February, 1847: "Wenn Gutzkow einen Dichter
recensirt , SO zeigt die ReGension wie ein Stück Gold aus-
- (
sieht, wenn es in den Koth fällt Und Wieder heraus an.“
- From 1847 to 1853 the two men had nothing to do
With each other . In 1853, however, Hebbel seriously tried
to resume his relations with Gutzkow but again without last-
ing result S . During the previous Six years Hebbel followed
closely Gutzkow ' s career, read his works, and gradually,
probably owing to his domestic hanniness and literary

SUCG e SS, eÄe to view Gutzkow ' s activity in a more friend-
ly spiriere to forget Gutzkow ' s former treatment,
desired to become reconciled to his literary ideals by care-
ray an sympathetically re-reading his works, and wished
to do justice to his personality. His letters and diaries
Of thEat time dO nOt indiG at e a. real change Of atfit Ude t O-
ward Gutzkow ' s ideals but a temperamental change . So he wrote
to a friend with some degree of pleasure: "Gutzkow ist hier ge-
wesen und ungefähr zu derselben Zeit abgereist, WO ich ange-
kommen bin, wie ich von Freund undt höre. Es hat mir leid
gethan, dass ich ihn nicht mehr getroffen habe, denn gern
Wäre ich ihm im Leben einmal wieder begegnet. Wir hatten das
Unglück, zu früh zusammen zu treffen; seine Natur ist mir seit-
dem durchsichtiger geworden und ich habe schon VOI" Jahren meine
Anschauuneeder ihn in einer Kritik seines Urbildes nie-
(.. -
dergelegt . " Shortly afterwards he wrote to Dingelstedt: "Ich
gehe an den fünften Band der Ritter vom Geist, die mir grosses
Interesse einflössen. Zu dem Buch gratuliere ich Gutzkow:
da S iSt Sein Bººz hier ist ihm gelungen, Was er
in Blasedow begann. " To Gutzkow he wrote about the work:
"Ein ganz vortreffliches Buch, durch dessen Fortsetzung
Sie ohne Zweifel ganz Deutschland eine Grosse Freude
beibeiten würden - ein Exemplar wandert hier in Wien von
Hand zu Hand and noch habe ich niemand gefunden, der nicht
mit mir übereinstimmt . . . . . Ich bewundere zunächst den lut, den


Sie, deutscher Misere gegenüber bewiesen, als Sie ihre
- - -
rieben. Es gehört etwas dazu, seine eige-
Bekenntnisse sch
nen Wurzeln bloss zulegen, überall und besonders bei uns :
Und wie reizend ist das Detail. Die Unverträglichkeit der
bei den Mütter z. B. und die am Sarge des Kindes in der Kir-
che gefeierte Versöhnung gehört zum Rºhrensenes ich
kenne. Und erschüttert mich jedesmal von neuem : " «D GOme
Spects of Gutzkow "S "Ritter vom Geist" appe Sled : StrOngly
to him and he Wished t O eXpress to Gutzkow his appreciation
Of the excellence Of the Whole work. In his frank Open man-
ner he wrote to him: "Wundern Sie Sich nicht zu sehr, wenn
ich den Faden unserer persönlichen Bekanntschaft wieder
aufnehme und Ihnen hiebei ein Buch (Feuchterslebens sämxtliche
D rKS 7 Bde. herausgegeben von mir) übersende . Es geschieht
mehr, Um Ihnen ZU beWei Sen, da SS aUC h ich Ihre Ritter
VON Geist mit der aufrichtigsten Theilnahme gelesen und
nach meiner Weise begrüsst habe, als um Ihnen das Buch
Zu empfehlen. Sie werden in meiner Charakteristik des Autors
ein Urtheil über Ihren Roman finden, das Ihnen darthun wird,
Wie hoch ich ihn stelle und Sie mögen überzeugt sein, dass
eS mir ZU. wahren Befriedigung gereicht, es in Erwiederung
Threr früheren Freundlichkeit gegen mich öffentlich auszu-
-
sprechen. Ein Bekannter von mir, Dr. Fritsch, der Sie im
mir
vorigen Herbst sprach, erzählte ianches VOn Ihnen, und
es freute mich durch ihn zu erfahren, dass das Interesse,




– 67-
was ich Ihnen durch meine Judith abgewann, 8UC h in Ihnen
nicht ganz erloschen ist . Es wäre mir recht erwünscht,
Ihnen im Leben einmal. Wieder zu begegnen, und Vielleicht
treffe ich Sie Anfang Juli auf meiner Durchreise noch in
34.
Dresden . "
It seems from the above Letters that Under Ordi-
nary Circumstances they might hen Gef Orth hE.Ve WOrked tº O-
gether without Sny further friction or hostility. Again,
Hebbel t OOk the first Step t OW&rd a nersonal reconciliati On.
On his journey through North Germany he stopped at Dresden
to visit Gutzkow in order to pay his respects to him.
His meeting with him seems to have been satisfactory, for
after the visit he Wrote to his Wife : "Tn Gutzkow habe
ich mich nicht getäuscht, er ist ein ganz anderer ensch
geWOrden und Wir haben uns vortrefflich miteinander Ver-
Ständigt. Wir waren beide Tage viel beisammen, gestern ass
ich bei ihm und fuhr dann augenblicklich auf den Eisen-
bahn-Hof, denn ich hatte schon vorher gepackt.... Es
that mir leid, dass Du nicht mit da warst, er und sie trugen
mir die herzlichsten Grüsse für Dich auf, sie wünschen, das
Wir auf der Rückreise zusammen bei ihnen einsprechen mögen,
Und ich denke es zu thun . . . . . . Gutzkow's letztes Wort zu mir
War : " in unseres Vaters Hause sind viele Wohnungen" ! und da
in uns beiden die Erkenntnis gereift ist, dass wir auf Ver-
schiedenen Wegen dasselbe suchen, so wüsste ich nicht, Warum


35
wir nicht von jetzt an sollten zusammen gehen können."
Afterward Gutzkow wrote a letter to Hebbel and August 20-
Hebbel answered with the apology: "Ich hätte Ihnen längst
Schreiben. Und danken. Sollen. Und Sie Schreiben mir : " He
praised the recasting of his "Perez", but could not agree
with his judgment in regard to "Agnes Bernauer" - "Hehr sag
ich nicht, wir haben hier, glaub' ich, einen Grundunter-
Schied Unserer gegenseitigen Naturen VOT UMS, in dem Wir
uns finden müssen, wie in den der Augen und Haare, denn
"A und B stehen alle beide in A.B.c." Sie können mich hier
nicht mis verstehen, mir däucht, das Verhältnis zwischen
Schiller und Goethe, in dem ich von jeher etwas symbolisches
erblickte, wurde nur dadurch möglich, dass Jeder sich in
den Kreis des Andern zu versetzen suchte und von ihm nur
forderte, was innerhalb desselben zu leisten. War . Ich meine,
kurz gesagt, man muss sieh überall die Linien zugeben, denn
diese gehen ohne Wahl mit innerer Notwendigkeit aus der all-
gemeinen Anschauungsweise der Dinge hervor, während man über
die Farben und die Verteilung von Li Ght. Und Schatten. Sehr
gut die Controverse eröffnen kann. SOllte ich mich irren,
wenn ich das für die beste Basis halte? . . . Ich rufe Ihnen
entgegen, wie Sie mir: Lassen Sie uns zu einander halten !
Wir können gegenseitig geben und nehmen auch ich bin nicht
SO eXG lu. SiV , Wie ich Ihnen. Vor Jahren erschienen. Sein mag - . .
-
Was Sie in Ihrem ersten Brief schreiben, ist so wahr, dass


– Ö9–
es in Gold gefasst zu werden verdiente: Die Literatur ist
im einer Anarchie begriffen, dass sie sich auflösen muss,
Wenn Sich nicht Lent r31- EUnkte rinden, welche der Fieber-
bewegung der At Ome einen Lamm Setzen - nun, dahin wollen
wir gemeinschaftlich streben, und die rivialität aUlf der
einen Seite, die originell zu sein glaubt, wärend sie
nachahmt und stiehlt, so wie die hohe Abstraktion auf
der andern, die alles Lebendige erstickt, kräftig bekäm-
pfen. Das 11ittel: dass wir uns überall die Arene zu öffnen
suchen, wo man sie uns verschliesst, ohn dem Spruch der
L
dOrt richten den LºnSt an Z VOI ZU eroren.“
- - Hebbel Was Sincere and an XiOUS that the Se friendly
relations should continue, not for selfish purposes but for
the sake of the progress of art and literature in Ger-
many. 1n the following letter he expressed himself on
this subject as follows: “ Lhr Brief erfreute mich zunächst
Schon dadurch, dass er mir eine sorge VOIT LE * ZEIl nahm; G S
Wäre mir wirklich sehr fatal gewesen, wenn der meinige in
fremde Hände gefallen wäre. Es war mir Ernst mit diesem
Brief und mit Allem, was er enthielt, denn wohin soll es
kommen mit unserer Literatur, wenn die wenigen Eroducenten,
die VOrhanden sind, sich der nihilistischen, Hohn sprechen-
den TFritik gegenüber, nicht zusammen schliessen, um den
gemeinschaftlichen Boden zu verteidigen, sondern setzes-
Sen die Sommersprossen und Warzen an einander zählen."
Hebbel continued his correspondence with Gutzkow in the

- 70-
same spirit in 1854, wrote some articles for Gutzkow's
journal, invited him to come to vienna, and sent greetings
Whenever he knew that Some friend would See Gutzkow. The
year closed with the most friendly relations between the
t;WO men.
Gutzkow's literary activity, from 1852 to l857,
was confined to journalism. He wrote novels for the sournals,
- 88:
treating especially of the social problems in great cities.
Hebbel wrote for Gutzkow's journals articles which Were in-
tended to further as far as possible the cause in which
Urutzkow was then interested . During the year 1855 their
correspondence was very active . On November 25, Hebbel wrote
to him a friendly letter, sent to him his drama “Gyges und
his 39
sein Ring", and requested him to pass/judgment upon it.
By doing this Hebbel unconsciously reopened the old con-
troversy. Before Gutzkow was able to reply, Hebbel fearing
an unfavorable criticism wrote the following letter: "Ihren
Brief, den ich gestern erhielt, will ich beantworten, bevor
Lhr Aufsatz hier eintrifft. Inicht , als ob ich be sorgºte, dass
er mich wirklich verletzen wirde, sondern Weil ich auch -
die entfernteste Möglichkeit abschneiden will, Ihnen als
verletzt durch ihn zu er scheinen. Lhr Aufsatz kann mich da-
her nie "aufreizen", wie Sie fürchten, er kann mich hächstens
zu der Uberzeugung bringen, dass zwischen uns trotz der
gegenseitigen Achtung kein pers&nlicher Werkehr mâglich
iSt . Denn dieser berUht, wie ich Ihnen schon früher Fe-
schrieben zu haben glaube, nach meiner Ansicht auf den
Respect vor dem mit der Individualität ein für allemal
Gesetzten und auf der lässigung, die Forderung nicht über
das vorhandene Vermögen hinaus zu spannen. Seien Sie denn
versichert, dass ich die in Ihrem Aufsatz niedergelegten
berzeugungen in jedem Fall mit Dank aufnehmen werde.“
In the meantime Cut zkOW Wrote a letter Warning Hebbel not
to a 11 OW Kuh and other S t O arOulSe any mi Sunderstandings
between them, advice which Hebbel resented -
Gutzkow ' s judgment of "Gyges", instinctively fe Sred
by Hebbel, WaS as Follows: "WTOn Gyges bin ich nicht befrie-
digt. Das Sujet ist unangenehm, die Durchführung nicht fes-
selnd - Was Ihnen da die Betty Paoli geschrieben hat und
sonst aus den Quellen der Befreundung fliesst, kann man nur
wertschätzen als die nicht genug preisende Liebe und Treue
guter lenschen, die es wohlmeinen. Aber vertrauen Sie
unbefangener einung: Gyges ist Reizlos." This adverse
eri eism reacted very unfavorably upon Hebbel. Here we find
essentially a recºrrer Ge Of the previous experience of he wo
Ter. Hebbel tried to be C One reeoneile to Gutzkow - nº remained
on friendly terms with him until Gutzkow's curt and harsh
criticism repelled him - For Some time they had nothing to do
with each other; then Hebbel reG Onsidered the matter, and think -



ing that he had perhaps been too rash in his conduct,
decided that it would be more profitable for both or them
and for literature in general if heir friendly rela-
tions could be resumed. Accordingly, on November 15,
1857, he decided to write t O Gut ZKOW With the purpose of
removing the misunderstanding between them. Gutzkow had
requested Hebbel wo years before to send his
"Novellen", a request which Hebbel had entirely ignored.
Now, to prove to him his changed attitude and his desire
to re establish their former relation, he sent to him the
complete edition of his poems and wrote: "Dagegen schicke
ich Ihnen hiebei die Gesamt-Ausgabe meiner Gedichte, die
mir, falls Sie überhaupt auf mich zurückkommen wollen, eher
dazu geeignet scheinen. Ich sage: Falls Sie überhaupt auf
mich zurück kommen wollen: denn ich bin. Weit entfernt davon,
Ihnen aus einer flüchtig hingeworfenen Äusserung eine Ver-
pflichtung zu machen, wenn ich auch allerdings glaube, dass
Ihr "Wahrheits-Zeugnis" sehr subjectiv ausgefallen ist. Darin
haben Sie es mir jedoch nur heimgegeben, denn auch ich hatte,
Lºeil ich in Viel Früherer Zeit, meinen eigenen Weg zu sehr im
Auge, um gegen die Blumen, die auf dem Thrigen wachsen und
gegen das Ziel, zu dem er führt, gerecht zu sein . . . . Vielleicht
regt. Sie mein reifstes und reichstes Buch auch wohltätig an.“
Gutzkow answered this 1etter in a cordial and encouraging spi-
92
rit and promised to review Hebbel ' s peoms.

Gutzkow ' s review was unfavorable and again
showed the former lack of appreciation of Hebbel's
- rº-
«-
peculiar geniUS, a fact which naturally disappointed Hebbel,
although he tried not t O allow the criticism to SeVer their
relations. He showed his friendly intentions by writing to
Gutzkow in Dresden (see let er of Oetober 10, 1859) . Hebbel !s
Vi St. t O Gutzkow in Dresden had most unfortunate results. Gutz-
kow abused Hebbel's friend Kuh and called him repeatedly "einen
höheren Commis." Hebbel would not endure this and a quarrel en-
SUed Which led tº O the final break with Gutzkow. So in 859 he
Wr Ote to his friend Dingelstedt: "Ich brauche Dir nicht zu sa-
LGN1, dass ich, wenn sich irgend ein Weg zeigte, für Gut ZkOW et–
Was N8chhaltiges zu. thun, aus allen Kräften und mit Freuden
dafür wirken. Würde; aber meine längst gehegte berzeugung,
dass sich absolut mit ihm nicht leben lässt, steht jetzt
fe St er, wie je . so weit Imuss das Elend. Einen nicht bringen.“
And to Gutzkow's friend Karl Debrois he wrote: "Sie wählen
für Ihren Rückzug den oment, wo ich mich Ihres Freundes
wegen, in Zeugen Gegenwart, auf TOd und fiebern mit dem mächt –
igsten Schriftsteller des Tages entzweit, ja den Krieg mit
ihm begonnen habe.“in 1860 he wrote "Ein Selbstportrait
von Karl dass “in Whlich he gave eXpres SiOn tO hiS hOS-
tility to Gutzkow when the latter begrudged him the Schiller
prize -
– 74-
Gutzkow ' s removal from Dresden to Weimar in 1961,
gave rise to reports that he had deliberately taken this
step to prevent Hebbel from being called to Weimar . Hebbel
then wrote to Klaus Groth in Kiel: "Sie werden, da persön-
liche Angelegenheiten in UlSerelº porösen Zeit ja immer
Gegenstand des Literaten-Geträtsches Sind, SchOn WiSSen,
dass ich nicht nach Weimar gegangen bin, obgleich ich dort
lebhaft gewünscht und fast mit Sicherheit erwartet wurde -
Was mich bewog, noch im letzten Augenblick zurück zu tre-
ten - - - - - - - - war die Übersiedlung Jung-Deutschlands von der
Elbe an die Ilm, die ohne Wissen und Zuthun des Grossher-
zOgS Und. Ohne das S er den geheimen Sinn des Schachzugs ahnte,
rasch VOn Weimar aus improvisirt wurde, um mich abzuschrecken,
denn ich wäre manchen Leuten etwas unbequem gewesen Und
es WS.rd namentlich absurder weise von einigen Seiten ge-
fährliche Beeinträchtigung des Hof-Einflusses besorgt."
Hebbel ' s last Statement about Gutzkow, made a few months
before his death, shows the relentlessness of his feelings
t OWard his rival. "Einmal wieder über Gutzkow nachgedacht.
ReSUltat : Fr" lenschen eher den H-, als den fund
entdeckt haben."
A brief Survey of Hebbel ' s personal relations to
Gutzkow shows that they became acquainted in Hamburg, when
Gutzkow enjoyed the reputatiºn of a distinguished writer,
while Hebbel was unknown and a beginner in the field of



literature. Through Hebbel's contributions to the "Tel-
egraph" they came in closer touch with each other. But
Hebbel soon realized that their method of work and their
ideals were so radically different that a permanent friend-
ly relation would be impossible. He felt that if he wished
to remain true to his own ideals he could not accept the
literary standards and aims of Gutzkow and "Young Germany".
Thus, when he entered upon his literary career, he was at
Once attacked by "Young Germany", and especially Gutzkow.
Gutzkow and his other contemporaries were very cri-
tical of Hebbel's faults and weaknesses, always dwelling
only upon the external aspects of his works, but showing
no appreciation for his thoughts and ideals of art. Through
"Judith." Hebbel became more than ever estranged from "Young
Germany" and felt his isolation most keenly, because he was
Struggling with poverty and needed the assistance of literary
friends. However, he would make no compromise with "Young Ger-
mnay", for he believed in himself and in his genius and in the
final triumph of his ideal. He felt that he must be absolutely
true to himself and strive to develop a definite philosophy
of life and art;. Later in life he could say." Deutschland
hat ohne Zweifel bedeutendere Dichter gehabt, als ich bin;
aber in einem Punkt: bin ich den grössten meiner Worgânger
gleich: in dem heiligen Ernst und der sittlichen Strenge,
womit ich meine Kunst ansehe, weiche ich keinem."
Hebbel made repeated efforts to live in peace
and even in friendly relations with Gutzkow, for he realized
that Gutzkow was the leader of the literature of his time
and knew that if Gutzkow would take up the cause of a
rising poet, rapid success would be assured. During an
activity of about twenty-five years there were three short
periods of friendly relations l839–, 1843-, and 1853-.
Their greatest strife was in 1842 and 1859-62. The most
congenial relations existed in the early fifties. Hebbel
always took the first step to come to an understanding with
his rival; so in 1853, he desired to do his old antagonist
a favor and reviewed his "Ritter vom Geist? very favorably.
This change of attitude was not due to personal motives of
friendship for Gutzkow, but to Hebbel's sincere desire to
be just to his opponent . In turn Gutzkow made this time an
apparent effort to be fair to Hebbel, although he had al-
Ways been more or less conscious of Hebbel's poetic strength.
In spite of Hebbel's repeated friendly approaches
he always mistrusted Gutzkow, and whenever he requested him
to review one on his works he instinctively feared an unfa-
vorable criticism, and usually a break followed. Hebbel
realized that their whole manner of life and thought was
antagonistic, but at first he felt his isolation and need
of Gutzkow's influence to gain recognition in the literary
field. Later he felt the same opposition but was Willing
to sacrifice personal feelings for the sake of the welfare
of the literary life of Germany.

– 77-
Hebbel's Philosophy of Life.
We have seen in the first part of this study that
Hebbel's letters and diaries record the personal struggles
of the poet and his relation to his contemporaries. These
letters and diaries reveal the fact that his opposition to
Gutzkow was primarily due to his conception of art and
literature which Gutzkow and "Young Germany" could neither
accept nor appreciate. We have further seen how closely
Hebbel's life and art were interwoven so that the critic
who attacked his art attacked the innermost part of his
being. If, therefore, we would understand the deepest cause
of the recurring misunderstandings and conflicts between
Hebbel and Gutzkow, we must turn to Hebbel's personality
and particularly to his philosophy of life and art.
For a detailed analysis of Hebbel's philosophy
of life and art we would refer the Student to the works
of Scheunert, Walzel, and Krumm, as among the most recent
and most reliable. It will here suffice to single out
those principles of Hebbel's philosophy which inevitably ***
Galled forth the difference between him and Gützkow.
Hebbel assigns to art the highest place in life.
"Die Kunst ist die hºchste Form des Leºne.”in the seemingly
chaotic experiences of life which leave men in constant un-
certainty, art reveals to the poet the eternal progress of

–78-
- OO
the world in its truth and glory. The consciºusness of
his own weakness has led ISN1 to see refuge in art, for in
art he finds the solution of the problems which harass his
rnind. "Die Kunst ist das Gewissen der ansehen.“ In
art man reveals hiS highest cººtive power and through it
G Ome S intO relatiOn With es.“ Asserane to Hebbel the
highest art should reVe&1 the 2reanie relation between the
individual & Fld the unseren.“re greater the poet the
more earnestly he regards his work and the more clearly
he expresses himself in his productions. He says: "Ich
will nur den weitverbreiteten Wahn, als ob der Dichter et-
was Anderes geben könne, als sich Selbst, als seinen eige-
nen Lebensprozess, bestreiten; er kann es nicht und hat es
auch nicht nöthig, denn Wenn er Wahrhaft lebt, Wenn er sich
nicht klein und eigensinnig in sein dürftiges Ich verkriecht,
sondern durchströmt wird von den unsichtbaren Elementen, die
Zu allen Zeiten im Flusse sind und neue Formen und Gestalten
vorbereiten, so darf er dem Zug seines Geistes getrost folgen
und kann gewiss sein, dass er in seinem Bedürfnissen die
Bedürfnisse der Welt, in seinen Phantasien die Bilder der Zu-
kunft ausspricht, womit es sich freilich sehr wohl verträgt,
dass er sich in die Kämpfe die eben auf der Strasse vorfallen,
1O4.
nicht persönlich mischt . "


- 79-
The question as to the real function of art had
presented it, Self early to the poet and he answered it quite
fully in his "Worwort zu Maria Magdalena" and "Mein Wort
tiber das Drama". In these essays he gave to the world the
results of his reditation, just as Schiller had given his
answer to the question concerning the nature of poetry and
the function of art in his essay: "Naive and Sentimental Poetry."
The uncertainty of life and its constant fluctua-
t; i Ons were unbearable to Hebbel. He believed that principally
through art man could avoid the mistakes of former generations -
and continue to develop in the direction Of the ideal. "Die
Kunst hat den Zweck, alles, was im Menschen und sei-
ner irdischen Situation liegt, zum Bewusstsein zu brin-
gen, so dass nach Jahrtausendon alle mögliche Erfahrung
aus ihr genommen werden kann und das Geschlecht jedes Lehr-
geld sºrt.” thus helps us to understand and appre-
ciate the development of the world-process, and its function
is to show how the disc ords of life may be overcome and har-
mony be gradually established. The realization of the "Idee"
is the one goal for which all generations must strive, and
art has the function to show how, futile it is for man to
set himself in opposition to this "Idee". In order to
fulfill its mission art must portray the process of life
in its entire extent and make the fundamental principles
l()6
that govern it clear to our vision. In its final analysis
-30-
life is for Hebbel a continuous conflict between the indi-
vidual and the universal or "die Idee". This conflict is
inevitable, calls forth "die Bethâtigung der Kräfte", which
are so necessary to the life of the individual. and ever
results in the victory of the "Idee". This conception of
life as an eternal conflict between the rights and aspir-
at ions of the individual and the law of the universal,
Hebbel expresses from every point of view in his diaries.
Through philosophical speculation and practical experience
he arrived at the conclusion that here he had found the
great world-process. "Der Dualismus geht durch alle unsre
Anschauungen und Gedanken, durch jedes einzelne Moment
unseres Seins hindurah und er Selbst ist unsre höchste,
letzte Idee. Wir haben ganz und gar ausser inm keine Grund-
Idee. Leben und Tod, Krankheit und Gesundheit, Zeit und
Ewigkeit, Wie Eins sich gegen das Andere abschattet, können
Wir uns denken und worstellen, aber nicht das, was als. Ge-
me insames, Lösendes und Versöhnendes hinter diesen gespal-
tenen Zweiheiten lice.”
This dualism of the world-process inevitably leads
to an effort at a gradual adjustment of the individual to the
universal.” relation of the individual to the universal
derives its vital meaning from our recognition of the final
organic union of the two. Hebbel in the later phases of his


–81–
philosophy sees in the dualistić forces of life a means by
which an ever deeper reconciliation, and an ever higher so-
Gial organism may be evolved. This theory has a striking
analogy to Hegel's principle of develoºnent from thesis and
antithesis, to a third and higher principle transcending and
reconciling the opposing forces. Hebbel's whole philosohpy
of life and the drama developed from the idea of the necessity
of this dualistic process. His harassed feeling of constraint
takes refuge in this idea, and in it; he seeks the solution
of the problem of life. A letter to ma.”. diary notes
indicate that he no longer sought the cause of his distrac-
tion in himself but in certain laws of life, which in their
operations were c OSmic and inversonal.”
He gradually became convinced that through this
dualistic theory he could explain the necessity of the over
varying conditions of actual life, and thought it his duty
to deliver in one form or another this great message to the
World. The following passage states clearly his conception
of the relation between man and the world. "Der Mensch ist
die Continuation des Schöpfungsactes, eine ewig Werdende, nie
fertige Schöpfung, die den Abschluss der Welt, inre Er-
starrung und Werstockung, vernºr."ºreston, he
asks himself the question: Does the individual submit to
112
or resist the Whole 2 What is the result of the conflict 2

He says: "Was Wir Leben mennen, das ist die Vermessenheit
cine & Theils dem Ganzen gegent ber. Wie stellen sich die
allgemeinen Kräfte dem Be Sonderen in den Weg und suchen
es noch Vor der Entwicklung, im Werden selbst , zu zerstören :
7.
Hie Stürzen sie über das Gewordene herº”. his inward
and outward struggles he saw instances of the general strug-
gle that permeated the universe. In the outer-world he dis-
covered on a large scale that intense yet necessary tragic
conflict which he experienced within his own soul.”vory.
where he found the same struggle between the will of the indi-
vidual and the will of the universal and the presumption
on the part of the individual to resist the whole. He felt
that the guilt of the individual consisted in the fact that
in his desire to assert his own will, he overlooked the
inexorable and necessary laws of the universe. Alan must
suffer for this transgression and must eventually resign
hiº self to the universal law or be crushed by it . Life is
to him "der Versuch des trotzig-Widerspenstigen Theils,
sich vom Canzen los zu reissen und für sich zu exist iren,
e in Versuch, der so lange glückt, als die dem Ganzen duº
die individuelle Absonderung geraubte Kraft ausreicht." 15
"Alles Leben ist Kampf des Individuallen mit dem univers:
The destiny of man's existence is an endless strife, which
can be overcome only by an insight into the universal law
117
and the determination to live in accordance with that law.
-
Hebbel's philosophy of the drama is derived from
this conception of the one sisidedness and imperfection of
the individual engaged in a passionate conflict with the
whole “ In this conflict the universal asserts itself every-
where and enforces its unlimited right and power. "Es giebt
nur eine Not Wendigkeit, die, dass die Welt best ent, Wie es
aber den Individuen darin ergeht, ist cloisientie.”
Hebbel looks at the world not from the standpoint of the
individual but from the standpoint of the universal mind.
Here he again approaches the philosophy of Hegel. Only by
self-renunciation may the individual succeed in putting him-
self in harmony with the universal law which must in the end
prevail. It is the part of wisdom for the individual to ever
deepen his consciousness of his necessary relation to the whole.
In the mature period of his poetic activity Heb-
bel believes in the progress of humanity and regards
it as man's highest duty to use all his powers in the
service of society. By service and subordination the
most humble life may take part in the fulfillment of the
loftiest ideal and may be hallowed by placing itself in
harmony with the law of the universal spirit. Wise resigna-
tion to the whole is the prime duty of a life that would be
truly arrestive.”. feeling ever impelled to realize his
own individual wishes, disregards the universal law and thus


–84-
become inevitably involved in a tragic conflict. Filled
with the conviction that this is and ever must be the
central experience of life, Hebbel becomes primarily the
tragic poet . In his tragidies the individual in his per-
£onal aspirations is either crushed by the universal law
or finally yields to it for the sake of the rights of the
social organism. The aim of his new drama is to assign to
the individual his proper place in the scheme of life that
works for the benefit of the whole. He designates the want
of moderation of the individual and his separation from the
whole as the cause of his tragic sourist.” Lebens-
prozess, den der Einzelne durchzukämpfen hat, ist ein Symbol
für den Lebensprozess der “enschheit (iberhaupt; darum ge-
winnt seine Darstellung im Drama allgemeine Bedeutung. Denn
das Schicksal eines einzolnon lienschen hat, in Drama doch
nur dann für uns ein tieferes Interesse, wenn der Dichter
e S versteht die lenschennatur, in welcher Gestalt ader
Verzerrung sie uns auch enteegentrete, auf gewiss ewige
und unverånderliche ºrundzüge wie auf ein unerschütterliches
Fundament are armºn.” -
After Hebbel had evolevd his conception of the
relation of the individual to the universal and had discov-
ered that this relation with its inevitable conflict was the
source of the tragedy of human life, he naturally regarded
thorough psychological analysis as the indispensable back-

–85-
ground of a true drama. With his natural bent "das Werdende
zu belauschen" he depicted most clearly the motives of every
deed of his characters, and the inevitable consequences
resulting thererº..”. at titude which the individual
takes toward the universal Hebbel conceives as the eter-
nal problem of life. The passionate strivings of the individ-
usl is always the starting point of Hebbel's dramas, and he
represents these strivings as leading to a transition "from
the particular symbol through intuition to the universal
idea - ". For years he himself had to fight his way through
the most complicated conditions of life and had become invol-
ved in many struggles in his attempt to realize his will in
opposition to the world-process. Thus his own life became to
him a symbol of serious striving humanity. Like Goethe's
Faust; Hebbel's characters never cease to struggle against
"Die Notwendigkeit des Welt organismus." They feel that their
existence is governed by the same law of self-preservation,
which animates the entire universe. The universal law, which
is latent in each individual, impels him to struggle against
all temporal limitations and to strive for such an adjust-
ment of his life as is demanded by the larger ideal. "Es
ist keine sºnde, es ist Bedingung des Lebens, dass der Mensch
Seine Kräfte eggaught; Kraft gegen Kraft, in Gott ist die
Austicianºne.” attempt of the individual to live as if
he were an isolated entity leads to limitations and errors,
-86-
which, if not corrected, must involve him in tragic guilt
and Suffering.
The distinctive characteristic of Hebbel's drama
is his theory of guilt. He shows convincingly that guilt is
not necessarily the result of moral transgression, but that
the individual incurs it in consequence of his natural desire
to maintain his individuality. Constituted as he is, man will
endeavor to realize his individual will, but by doing so he
will call forth opposing forces, which, dominated by higher
laws, must crush his longings and aspirations. Hebbel feels
on the one hand that man is justified in being true to his
innermost personality with its infinite desires and strivings;
on the other hand he is convinced that it is man's duty to
limit his personality and put it in the service of the higher
law. In the first case he becomes engaged in a futile struggle
with its consequent sufferings; in the other he must renounce
the most vital part of his being. Life, viewed in this way,
is in its very nature tragic and Hebbel so represents it in
the dramas of his mature manhood. In his later career, how-
ever, there is a period of calm resignation, not without
a touch of sadness. He says: "Wenn der Mensch sein Individu-
elles Verhältnis zum Universum in seiner Notwendigkeit be-
greift, so hat er seine Bildung vollendet und eigentlich
124
auch schon aufgehört , ein Individuum zu sein."



-87 -
If the individual must subordinate himself to the
universal, is he responsible for his actions? Hebbel is -
a determinist; and believes that the will of man is not es-
sentially free. The idea of the freedom of the will is only
an alluring dream. "Die sog. Freiheit des Menschen làuft
darauf hinaus, dass er seine Abhängigkeit von den allge-
meinen Geset zern nicht zeant.” He explains the seeming
freedom of the Will of the individual as the possibility
for man to comply with the absolute." Der Mensch hat, freien
Willen- d. h. – er kann einwilligen in 's Howanate.”her,
again Hebbel is in harmony with Hegel's theory of freedom.
Hegel understood by freedom not individual freedom but
rather subordination and responsibility to the universal.
According to him the highest duty of human endeavor was
not the highest culture of "Persºnlichkeit" but rather
the strongest development of a collective consciousness.
One can not base Hebbel's philosophy of life on
isolated passages of his diary but must consider the gen-
eral spirit that pervades his reflections. Subjected to
varying moods by a life of privation, he often expressed
thoughts which seemed to contradict his central principles
of life. His diaries are not a philosophic system but a
record of the inner experiences of an independent poet.
Passages like the following seem like an apnarent contra-
diction to what has just been said. "I as Leben ist ein
- 127
–88–
ewiges Werden. Sich für geworden halten, heisst sich töten."
If we examine more closely his conception of the World we
shall find that he regards it as a sublime organism in which
the individual struggling for existence is undergoing the
changes and transformations by Which he is approaching the
purpose of the universal. The individual thus becomes a "pre-
requisite stage of the universal." He really exists and de-
velops only in so far as his actions are determined by the
universal."ºn thought that through man's struggle
for the universal the Divine Spirit was gradually realiz-
ing his law. Here again his theory is in harmony with Hegel's,
that life is a continuous, endless self-revelation of the
Infinite. "The Becoming passes into the Being."
This theory of the constant development of the
individual to perfection leads Hebbel to the next step:
"Was notwendig ist ist sittlich." This thought never van-
ishes from the poet's vision because "der Dichter kann sich
niemals mit der Sittlichkeit im Widerspruch befinden, mit
der Moralität nur selten, mit der Convenienz senr oft. Die
Sittlichkeit ist das Weltgesetz selbst , wie es sich im Grün-
Zern Betzen, Zwischen dem Canzen und der Einzel-Erscheinung
assert.”in the introduction to "Maira Magdalena." Hebbel
clearly expresses this theory and identifies "I)as Geworderle
mit dem Sittlichen." He declares this theory as "Das Alles
bedingende sittliche Centrum, das wir im Welt-Organismus,


- 89-
SO
Schon seiner Seb1sterhaltung. Wegen annehmen müssen." TO
Hebbel "Sitte" is sorthing relat iVe . "Sitte" needS t O be
deepene and spiritualized by the universal to be made
"Sittlichkeit". "Der lensch dieses Jahrhunderts will nicht,
wie man ihm schuld giebt, neue Und unerhörte Institutionen,
Wer will nur ein besseres Fundament für die schon vorhandenen,
er will, dass sie sich auf Nichts als auf Sittlichkeit Und
Notwendigkeit, die identisch sind, setzen. Fre theory ex-
pressed in this "Vorwort" was applied in "Maria Magdalena",
He Wishes to eStablish "Sittlichkeit" and free it from the
constraint of conventionalism and hypocrisy. He Want S tyO
Show how in the struggle between "Sitte una Sittlichkeit"
"die neue Form der Iſenschheit, in welcher alles Wieder an
seine Stelle treten, in welcher das Weib dem lanne wieder
gegenüber stehen wird, wie dieser der Gesellschaft, Und
wie die Gesellschaft der Idee, erzeugt „ra.“
Hebbel's confidence in the triumph of "Sittlich-
keit" is in aprarent contradiction to his theory of the
W&ant Of Freedom or the wi11. But there is no inc Ong ruity -
Absolute Submission of the individual is again demanded
and deemed inevitable . The individual whô insists upon
carrying out his own designs must necessarily C Ome in
G Onflict with "die Notwendigkeit." Any undue insistence
Up On particular Wishes of the individual nevitably in-
volves him in guilt, for it blinds him to the larger

demands Of the universal- "In der lasslosigkeit liegt die
SchU1d, zugleich aber auch, da das Vereinzelte nur darum
masslos ist, Weil es, als Unvollkommen, keinen Anspruch auf
Dauer hat und deshalb auf seine eigene Zerstörung hin-arbei-
ten muss, die Versöhnung, so weit im Kreise der Kunst dar-
nach gefragt werden kann. Diese Schuld ist eine uranfäng-
1iche, von dem Begriff des enschen nicht zu trennende und
kaum in sein Bewusstsein fallende, sie ist mit dem Leben
selbst gesetzt. Sie zieht sich als dunkelster Faden durch
die Überlieferungen aller Völker hindurch, und die Erbsünde
Selbst ist nicht S weiter, als eine aus iht abgeleitete,
christlich modifizierte Gonsequenz: Sie hängt von der Rich-
ÜUng des menschlichen Willens nicht ab, sie begleitet alle S
menschliche Handeln, wir mögen uns dem Guten oder er Bºgº,
zuwenden, das lass können wir dort überschreiten, Wie hej
This individual guilt can only be met and overcome by an
Unc Onditional resignation to the Universal . This possibil-
ity Of self-c Orrection adds a certain degree Of Galmness and
optimism to Hebbel ' s philosophy. The really fundamental as-
pect of his theory of dualism is not the tendency of the
particular to negate itself but to complete itself by pass-
ing over from its own existence into harmony with the ini.–
Versal . According to Hebbel this is not an external but an
inherent law of humanity. The individual must either accept
a gradual transformation until the universal is reached or he

-91–
will be inevitably destroyed by his wilful transgression.
From this idea he develops the $hºory of resignation
and derives the principle of stone-on...”. is man's duty to
Subdue or crush his individual self in order to live in accor-
dance with the universal will. Hebbel's practical philºsophy
may be summed up in the maxim: Die in order to live.”ue.
resignation plays such an important role in his philosophy
of life, he courageously and vigorously takes up all the
struggles it involves. He does not wish to be classed with the
pessimists. His strong Self-consciousness revolts against any
syggestion of the weakness of the will. He finally comes to
the conclusion that man shall use all of his latent powers
for the benifit of the whole. This conclusion, although it has
been usually interpreted as pessimistic, is in its final
analysis morally heroic and uplifting. He does not deny
the existence of a Providence but firmly believes in a di-
vine government of the world. Rovertheless, this world seems
to him enshrouded in mystery. He presents it as he sees it,
but it appears inscrutable to him. Hebbel claims that the
gloomy spirit permeating his works is not the result of his
personal experiences but rather "die Anschauung" of a tragic
poet. This is to some extent true, but his melencholy is also
partly colored by his peculiar personality. We find that same
paradox in him, which we find in so many of his characters:
the zest to live and enjoy and the feeling of the necessity
of resignation and submission.
Gutzkow's Philosophy of Life.
We have seen that Hebbel had a definite philosophy
of life and art . In studying Gutzkow's works we look in vain
for Such a consistent, well-developed philosophy as we find
in Hebbel. His views on life are not determined by deep
study and independent thought but rather by the outer for-
ces at work during his life. The tendencies of the age were
chiefly revolutionary, and radical attempts were being made
to readjust society to modern political, social, and relig-
ious needs. These efforts of the time for social readjust-
ment called forth the greatest differences of opinion in
regard to the function of art in its relation to society.
The progressive l'ºth century marks a period so
complex and diversified that it is a difficult task to char-
acterize the men who were the true representatives of their
age. It was an age which emphasized individuality, insisted
upon personal freedom, and glorified individual achievements.
Customs, traditions, and institutions were subjected to the
test of practical efficiency with the result that urgent
demands were made for the immediate reconstruction of so-
ciety. The members of "Young Germany" tried to cope with
the new social problems and suggested various reforms, but
neither Gutzkow nor any of his associates was able to evolve
a view of life and art that could unite all the factions of
that literary movement.


In theory and in practice Gutzkow fell short of
the ideal he set up for himself. He felt the need of a
consistent program and in his desire to retain his leader-
ship he compromised too much to win the full confidence
and respect of the movement he represented. In the intro-
duction to "Uriel Acosta" he took pains to defend himself
against the accusation of inconsistency, but he had to
admit "eine Scheinbäre Irritation der Konsequenz". We need
only to read his introduction to the editions of his works
to be convinced that he had not attained 8. consistent View
Of 11:...”. works which he wrote in prison"ev. ample
proof of the uncertainty of many of his ideas on the fun-
damental questions that stirred his age. We shall try in
this chapter to single out several of these ideas which,
Whether consistent or not, he repeatedly tried to impress
upon his countrymen.
The fantastic unrealities of the Romantic poets
called forth a spirit of revolt in Gutzkow. The immediate
practical interests of life were to him of vastly greater
importance than the sentimentalism and introspection cul-
tivated by the romanticists. He wished to subordinate art
to life and regarded art as a means for the promotion of
morality and happiness. In this view he was in essential
agreement with the rationalists of the l8th century. Júst
8.8 Hebbel was governed by his artistic principles, so
Gutzkow's activity was determined by utilitarian aims. He
-94-
says: "Ich habe nur eine Lebensmaxime; das ist die, mir
Aufgaben zu stellen. Ich werfe einen Ball hinaus in die
blaue Luft, ich Weiss nicht, wohin er fiel, und steige dann
über Hecken und Dornen, bis ich ihn Wiedergefunden. Das
nenn' ich leben, das Verworrene zu lösen, ein Theme zu ent-
wirren, eine Unbesonnenheit wieder in die Gleise des Her-
kommens zurückzulenken. Nichts könnte gefährlicher sein,
als eine Maxime dieser art, wenn sie nicht von Grundsatzer
und einer unverwüstlichen Integrität des Herzens begleitet
ist. Jedem, der sich auf sich verlassen kann, rath' ich sie
SN1, Weil Sie voller Genuss und Abhärtung „”. refused
to be governed by any settled System of philosophy, but
WiShed to be free to take up whatever cause the interest
Of the hoUr eranea“aase, he admitted that current
ide&S had the greatest influence upon life. "Welches sind
die schlagendsten Ideen? Diejenigen wahrlich nicht, welche
aus dem System erverdrºssn.ost.“
The mission of the poet, according to his Opinion,
was to understand and to realize the relation between "Na-
tion und Literatur". He sought to establish new principles
for life and art, and hoped by his activity to reform the
political, social, and esthetic life of the people . He
Cherished the ambition to Vitalize literature but failed
because he was lacking in the deeper creative faculties.
He demanded that the new literature should not, like the


–95–
romantic productions, concern itself merely with the sub-
jectivity of the poet, but should primarily represent the
varied aspects of modern life. The romantic doctrine of art
for art 's sake he regarded as unsound. He wrote with the de-
liberate purpose of effecting definite reforms. He says:
"Der Entschluss, mich ganz auf meine Feder zu stellen, war
gefas St. Mein Schreiben war an sich nur Tatendrang, nur
verhalt ene Rede zum Wolk. Ganz Europa war in Bewegung, nur
Deutschland Schnarchte. Da die Clocke des Aufruhrs, der
Sturm die Schläfer nicht wecken konnte, was blieb übrig,
als die Sprache der Literatur zu wahlen? Den Formen, die
dem Leben gegeben werden sollten, musste der bildende Geist
voraneohen.”
Hebbel believed that the various existing con-
ditions were essentially due to the constitution of the
individual and hence had a relative justification. Gutzkow,
on the other hand, blamed the outer conditions for all the
misery and injustice of society. In reading his works one
receives the impression that Germany would be the ideal.
place to live in, if the religious, political and social
freedom which he advocated, could be realized. But in spite
of his superficial analysis of the affairs of his country,
it must be acknowledged that he strove most zealously for
the improvement of conditions of Germany and hoped by his
efforts to bring his fellowmen in harmony with the needs
-9 G-
of the modern world . He believed that through literature
the Se die Sired results could be most readily attained . He
wrote: "Auf dem Gebiet des Geistes haben Ideen, die in nächt-
licher Stille beim Glanz der Gestirne und im schweigenden
Walten der Natur in einer Dachkammer geboren wurden, grös-
Sere Revolutionen hervorgerufen, als das erschütterte Gleich-
gewicht der politischen weit.“ attacked in an incom-
promising manner classes and institutions in which Hebbel
found some elements of strength for the welfare of the
people . He was convinced that by giving liberty to the
people all difficulties would be removed, but he did not
see what practical problems were involved in attempting to
prepare a great nation for his theoretical principles of
freed Om.
In his judgment, modern literature With its new
purposes could not imitate the old masters, however great
and revered, but must, on the contrary, endeavor to create
new forms that would adequately express the ideals of the
present - listakes might thus be made, bºt only in this man-
ner could great literature be Troase.“eine junge
Doctrinre in Deutschland. WOllen. Unserer Literatur den Vor-
wurf machen, dass sie auf die bezeichnete Tendenz hinaus
eine. Tch glaube, dass die Thatsache richtig ist, nur ist
es Unrecht, Sie eine Nachahmung zu nennen. Ich glaube, dass
Unsere deutsche Literatur einen ganz neuen Charakter an-










– 97-
nehmen wird, der aber zunächst in nichts anderen bestehen
durfte, als in der Emancipation von der Schule und vom
SYStem - Ian sollte die Geburt SWehen dieser Literatur er-
leichtern helfen, da es sich um die Garantie unserer liter-
arischen Zukunft anet.“
Gutzkow hoped to produce new and better conditions
and had little sympathy with the old. He would tear down,
bUlt We lO Ok in Vain for a erm Foundation Of a positive and
practical system upon which the new structure might be erec-
ted . Practically all of his works bear the stamp of a nihi-
listic and polemical tendency. This is true when he opnosed
some erroneous opinion or attacked some abuses which had
tragic results, or ridiculed some social prejudice - War must
be Waged against existing eonditions, and literature should
be used to represent the social evils and show the means for
effecting definite reforms. "Das Fiasko der Wirklichkeit, der
Politik hat die Dichtung auf den Kampfplatz gerufen? Thre -
weltanschauung, die Welt der zukunft wird sie äer Gegenwart
gegenüber jen, damit die Zeitgenossen lernen, nicht zu-
versagen.“. Zeit an sich ist unerträglich; aber der Trost
liegt in einer fingirten neuen Welt, deren stilles Athmen
dem Lebenspiel noch einige Wärme esse.“aat ihr und
flickt an den alten Welten, wir wollen neue bauen, wenigs-
14 7
t erls in der Idee." Gutzkow believed that the moral refor-
matory efforts of literature must be clear and pronounced.



– 93-
We find, therefore, that his dramas and novels are stuccoed
With rn Oral phrases, and that usually in the introduction he
stat es in clear terms the purpose of the play or the noVel.
The follwoing is an example : "15chte dies Drama, wenn nicht
in der Ausführung, doch in seinem Stoff, dazu beitragen,
dem deutschen Volk jene Kraft zu vergegenwärtigen, die es
entwickeln kann, wenn es sich nicht auf seine staatsmänner
und Fürsten, Sondern auf Sich selbst verlasse.“
GutzkoW had a deep insight into the tenden-
Gies Of the age, was a very versatile man of Letters, and thus
could express all the problems which touched the life of his
time - HiS sensibility to all influences enabled him espe-
Gially t O beG Ome & Spoke Sman of the Varied tendencies
of his age . Perhaps no man of his time had a better feeling
for the social, religious, and political aspirations that
the masses entertained after the July Revolution of 1830
than he . The words of Arthur in "Seraphine" are very charac-
teristic of Gutzkow's aims: "Nach den höchsten Gipfeln
wissenschaftlicher und Welteinsicht ringend, war ich auch
auf einem stetigen, dornigen und blutigen Hinaufklimmen be-
griffen. Alle Ideen, die die Zeit erfüllen, fanden in meiner
Brust ihren Widerhall. In Liebe und Hass war ich leidenschaft-
lich, in der Politik tollkühn, in der Religion Phantast, in
der Philosophie ein Schattenspieler, in der Moral ein Narr,
gärte und siedete ich und mordete meine nächste Vergangenheit

- 99-
mit der nächstfolgenden Zukunft - ein Symbol war: Natur
Und Ehrlichkeit in der Politik, Natur und Leidenschaft
in der oran.“
We have seen that Hebbel's philosophy emphasized
the importance of the subordination of the individual to
the universal. Gutzkow on the other hand in his various
schemes of reform takes up the teachings Of Hegel and uses
then for the emancipation of the individual . All Of hiS
WOrks have the same tendency Viz: the emancipation of modern
In&n "VOIl den Kulturresten vergangener Jahrhunderte", which
no longer suffice the noeas of the 19th century. "Die freie
Entwicklung unserer höheren Individualität" is Äe highest
PUrpOSe Of all Organizations and institutions.“. Objected
to "die Ungerechtigkeit der Vielheit gegen die Einzelheit",
Sand demanded eqU81 justice and opportty for the highest
Self-development of every navauen.“
He had an Optimistic conception of human nature-
lan naturally strives to develop his individuality in order
to become like unto his creator. "Ein göttliches Ideal wohnt
in unserer Brust, ein harmonisches Gesetz der Tugend und der
Schönheit, bei dem Einen als Gewissen, beim Anderen als myS-
tische Intuition. Dies Ideal ist Gott selbst, ist der Urtypus
®
all unserer sublimen Begriffe und die Ahnung jener göttlichen
Bilder und Grundlagen der Ideen, welche von Anbeginn der Dinge

-100-
im Schosse der Weltschöpfung ruhen. Und um diesen Typus,
diesen Gott, der in uns wohnt, zu erzeugen, leben wi....”
In his novel "Maha Guru" ho expresses the same thought, and
in the introduction to that work he states that his purpose
in writing the novel was : "I)as Göttliche im Menschen zu
schildern und das Menschliche, das schöne Menschliche in
unseren Begriffen won der Gottheit." He would have man lay
claim to many of the deeds and virtues which have been as-
cribed to the higher powers, for Cod ha; given to man the
"virtue and bravery" to realize then.”. highest aim and
purpose of life is "gott zu produzieren." The duty of the
individual man is to produce God, who lives as an ideal in
his heart. It is necessary, therefore, to free man of all
conditions that hinder him in his fullest development.
Gutzkow's speculative writings abound in thoughts
similar to those just stated. He never tires in expressing
the thought that the highest value should. be placed upon
the rights of the individual and that everything else should
be made subservient to that end. Religious, social and pol-
itical laws exist only for the welfare of the individual,
and as soon as they no longer serve *f, *. they
become obstacles which must be removed. He considered
many of the laws and customs of his time as antiquated and,
therefore, worked for their elimination. "Die Werschieden—
artigkeit der Sitten und Zeiten dient nur dazu, die hôchste
-101-
- 155 ... •
Wollkommenheit der Tugend möglich zu macher." Gutzkow was
not afraid to proclaim these convictions, but Was mi Sunder-
stood and had to suffer many hardships and even persecution
and imprisonment for the ideas which he represented. His
principles were easily misinterpreted and taken advantage
of by men who with selfish and impure motives sought to
remove all religious, spoial, and political restrictions.
--- In his effort S for the liberation of the individual
Gutzkow laid special emphasis upon the importance of the edu-
cation of woman. He deserves perhaps greater credit for
what he has done for the advancement and emancipation of
woman than for any other reform which he advocated. The
reasons for and against the emancipation of woman received
his most careful consideration throughout his life. This
problem is in the foreground of both his dramas and novels.
He demanded that free development of woman's individuality
which is now recognized by every civilized nation. He real-
ized that it was imperative for the welfare of the nation
to enlarge the rights of woman in her social and married
life, and raised questions which have since been most wide-
ly discussed. In an article entitled "Mann und Weib"
he raised the question in regard to history : "schwebt
ūber der Geschichte *in Plan, warum sind die Frauen nicht,
in ihn aureeno-one” ion habe zu viel Ehrfurcht ºvor.
den Frauen, als dass ich sie in den Zweckbest immungen

-102-
157
der Geschichte zu ubergehen wagte." He claimed that the
19th century with all its progress had neglected to give
to woman the opportunity to develop the gifts that God had
given her. He says: "In "Wally" wollte ich die Zeitgerlossen
in ihr Inneres blicken lassen." Under existing conditions
woman could not be the equal and companion of man, but it
Was the duty Of society to help her in her efforts to attain
this end. He did not mean, however, that she must "es den
Männern gleichthun", but thought that she must be given
the opportunity to be and do something in order to reach
158
her highest individual development.
Gutzkow's main emphasis was on the individual, but
he was also quite aware of the larger rights of society.
To be sure, resignation does not play the same important
role in his works that it does in the productions of Hebbel;
nevertheless he has drawn a few characters, such as Ella
Rose, who combine resignation with a sound joy of living.
In "Urial Acosta", Gutzkow's most famous drama, Silva sta-
tes quite strongly the interests of society and calls atten-
tion to the fact that it is the duty of every individual to
make sacrifices for the general good, but he does not seem to
realize the organic relation between the individual and the
universal. ºutzkow wished to arouse in his contemporaries a
deeper interest in the people, learn their needs, and show
in his dramas and novels the value of the individual ef-
-
r
fort for the common good so that every man in his little

-103-
sphere may feel his responsibility "und das Sichere Selbst-
gefühl", and that thus in time the whole people may attain
its largest self development through the efforts of the
individual. But it is obvious that in all of Gutzkow's
schemes for the reorganization of society he bases his hope
chiefly upon the recognition of the rights of the individual.
Gutzkow was devoted to democratic ideals, demand-
ing freedom and equal rights for rich and poor and high and
low. No one should enjoy special privileges to the disadvan-
tage of others, but each individual should be free. "Erst
die neue Welt strebt nach dem Ziele der reinen Humanität .
Henschen, welche kein Gesetz haben, als ihre Mässigung,
keinen Glauben, als inre Uberzeugung, Menschen ohns Vorur-
teile sind die Ideale der modernen Philosophis.” aim
of every civilization should be to develop individuals who
possess the power of self-control. Therefore, that govern-
ment is the best in which the individual has the largest
measure of freedom. Gutzkow did not see a necessary conflict
between the individual and the universal. He considered the
individual as complete in himself, and by trying to give him
the largest amount of freedom he hoped to encourage and
accelerate his natural strivings after perfection. Whatever
adjustment there was between the individual and the universal
Gutzkow regarded as of advantage to the individual.



-104-
The whole tendency of Hebbel's philosophy of
life was opposed to Gutzkow's extreme liberalism. We would
recall that for Hebbel all life is essentially tragic. In
his mature dramas we find that the individual, in spite of
the intensity of his personal strivings and passions, must
yield to society. "Human fate becomes a pitiless but necess-
ary struggle between individuality and the cosmic idea."
Just as Hebbel's dramatic art is determined by his idea
of the individual, so Gutzkow's idea of the individual ac-
counts for his theory of freedom, guilt, and reconciliation
and becomes the determining factor in all of his works. His
individualism enhances the interest in his novels but weakens
his dramas.
- Although Gutzkow seems to be a determinist when he
Says: "Der Mensch ist immer das, Wozu ihn seine Lage º
he practically believes in the freedom of will. His charac-
ters in general act according to this principle . There seems
to be no question in Gutzkow's mind as to the inner freedom
of man, but he is especially concerned about the conditions
in the midst of which man lives. His watch-word was the eman-
cipation of modern man from the burden of antiquated laws and
Gustoms. As long as outer restrictions are imposed upon man it
is impossible for him to give full expression to his inner life.
Rousseau's utterance: "Back to nature : "appealed most strongly to
-105–
Gutzkow. His works re-echo Rousseau's desire to free man
from the fetters of scoial prejudice, and to lead him back
to nature. Dominated by the revolutionary spirit of the time
Gutzkow sought to discover new principles of conduct that
would be in accord with the new conditions of civilization.
Gutzkow's theroy of tragic guilt is bound up with
the Question of the freedom of the will. To represent man as
de VOid. Of freedom he considered as untrue to life and as
subversive to good morals. He praised "das selbstkräftige
Handeln" of the hero and censured those actions where the
hero was forced to act according to the will or direction
of other powers. If the drama is to teach righteousness,
it must teach individual responsibility and must show that
guilt and punsihment are the inevitable consequences of the
actions of the individual.”herefore, if man has the power
to determine his actions, he may at one for his guilt,
although his punishment need not necessarily mean
destruction. As a matter of fact he attempted recon-
ciliation in nearly all of his dramas. They represent a
tearful sentimentality and clamorous insistence of morality
Similar to those of Iffland, Kotzebue etc., only in a
modernized form. Julian Schmid is quite right in his
criticism of Gutzkow's theory of reconciliation, when he
says: "Wenn die sittlichen Motive und die Leidenschaften




-106–
nicht zwingender Natur Sind, wenn man in jedem beliebigen
Augenblick das sittliche jiot; iv. veerssonnison, die Leiden-
schaft durch Werstand beschwichtigen kann, dann ist eine
innere Notwendigkeit des causalnexus nicht worhanden, € $
gibt keine Schuld und kein Schicksal mehr, es ist vollkommen
gleichgūlt ig, was geschieht , und es Wird jener Weiche Rüh-
rungsbrei der Tragikomadie daraus, der nur alte Weiber fes-
seln kann, jene alten Weiber, die über die Anschauung de S
Uriel AC Q Sta. in Thränen zernoºn end.”
Gutzkow was comparatively indifferent to the es-
tablished laws of the dramatic art, and whatever conflict he
presented in his plays he usually solved by giving to it
an unexpected conciliatory turn. Repeatedly like Hebbel
he presented the conflict between the individual and the
World, but his sympathies were with the individual, where-
as Hebbel interpreted everything from the point of view
of the universal. Gutzkow always had before him the outer
experiences of man. He did not possess Hebbel's artistic
ability to see the close relation between the inner and
the outer life and give expression to it in poetry. He
dealt with the common experiences, which largely determine
our outer affairs of life, but did not see their symbolic
meaning. As a result his characters lack that mysterious
power and that passionate intensity which are so charac-
teristic of Hebbel's creations.


-107-
The Poetic Ideals of Hebbel and Gutzkow.
I.
In the presentation of the philosophic views of the
two Writers it must have become evident to the reader that
it was most natural for the two men to remain in hostile
relation tº Oward each other. Both Wished to teach and not to
learn; both believed that they were representatives of a new
literary movement; both had commanding natures and believed
that their mission in life Was to convince Others of their -
message; both aimed at the reform of the drama; but the dif-
ference in their philosophy of life and art made it impossible
for them to work together for the common goal. -
Perhaps no other poet felt greater reverence for his
calling than Hebbel. His purpose was to create works of en-
during value and he was Willing to undergo privations of
every kind to attain this end. He scorned the easy method
of Gutzkow by which he might have gained temporary popular-
ity, and not till the latter part of his life did his high
effort, S receive. Some measure of true recognition. But since
his death his fame has been steadily growing, and in recent
years the various phases of his life and art have been .
studied with the greatest interest and care. We may well
ask the question: Why is Hebbel's work now regarded as so
vital and why have Gutzkow's once popular productions ceased
-108-
to interest the public? The answer is to be found in their
radically different conceptions of art and in the manner in
which each tried to realize his poetic ideals. Hobbel took
up at the beginning of his career the most serious and air-
ficult, problems of life and art, and labored unswervingly
to find adequate solutions for then. Even in his student
days he showed his utmost seriousness of purpose in that
he did not wish to become a mere literary dilett ante but
was determined to develop as far as possible into a true
poet . This resolve of his to adhere most tenaciously to his
ideal is the most admirable trait in his character. Gutzkow
interpreted the poet 's calling in a practical manner; he was
bent upon achieving immediate results and had an eye to the
financial returns of his many literary enterprises. He worked
according to the principle: "Ein I)ramatiker mus's sich frih
gewöhnen auf keine &ndere Anerkennung zu rechnen, als des
Erfolgs."
Our paramount interest in the great leaders of thought
is their attitude toward the complex questions of life, and
we turn to them to see whether their solutions of the problems
of life have meaning for humanity in general or simply for their
day and generation. Hebbel approached this question from the
standpoint of the universal and the artist; Gutzkow from
that of the relative needs of the practical man. Gutzkow
Studied the outer social conditions, demanded recognition
º


-109–
for his labors, and expected and attained worldly success.
But Hebbel, at the very beginning of his career, when he
was personally in the greatest need, scorned the immediate-
ly practical and sought the answer to the ever-recurring
---
---
questions of life not in Outer conditions but in the Ylä-
ture of man himself. Hebbel studied carefully the relation
of man to the eternal world-order and came to the conclusion
that happiness or misery of man depends less upon external
things than upon his inner life. Accordingly, his greatest
efforts were directed towards determining the manifold spirit-
ual forces of man in their relation to the larger life. So
at the very Out set of their careers We have the fundamental
difference of the two non, the contrast between the prac-
tical agitat or and the literary artist. This is the under-
lying cause of the life-long controversy of the tWO men .
Gutzkow in his journals, dramas, and novels attacks existing
conditions, regards them as the real cause of the prevailing
evils, and demands practical reforms. Hebbel conceives these
conditions as the result of the inner spiritual life of the
individual and holds that true reform must begin with the
regeneration of the soul and not with the material improvement
of outer conditions.
The charge has been made that Hebbel's aloofness
and his severely critical attitude toward his contemporaries
- 164
made him indifferent to popular demands, but in our judgment




—llO-
the fundamental cause of this seeming aloofness was his
poetic temperament. An analysis of Hebbel's ideals of art
Will enable us to justify his independent position, explain
his faith in his own poetic productions, and understand why
he rejected the activity of Gutzkow and his school. Hebbel
regards as the first requisite of true art loyalty to the
highest ideals . Gutzkow, however, in his eagerness to pro-
duce immediate results, can never analyze Tand sound to the
depths man's spiritual experience. Without any consistent
philosophy of life and art he tries to serve in a practical
way the direct interest S of his day and generation.
In comparing these two writers it is interesting
to observe the controlling ideas in their lives and show
how they applied them in their dramatic productions. The
difference in their natures is revealed very characteris-
tically in their method of work. When Gutzkow Wished to dra-
matize a thene, he was governed by his practical sense of
reform, whereas Hebbel was determined by his ideal of art
and theory of the drama. Gutzkow had the journalistic method
of work. His imagination reacted with rare precision upon
his theme. His alert mind quickly constructed the main out-
line of the dramatic action and then, with a remarkable in-
stinct for theatrical affects, introduced the necessary
details. After he had written a play he made very few changes;
-111-
When he had seen it performed upon the Stage, he was
ever ready to introduce such alterations as would make the
drama more impressive and Successful. His extensive lit-
erary undertakings forced him to work hastily and superfi-
cially so that he wrote nothing which may be called a fin-
ished production. As he had no law of art to guide him, his
method of work was largely determined by the material he had
before him, and therefore he maintained that this material
must stimulate the writer with the necessary interest and
enthusiasm. The drama demands, however, great concentration
of thought and most careful organization, qualities which
were utterly lacking in Gützkow. His undue emphasis upon
the immediately practical accounts for the mechanical con-
struction of his works &nd the many verbose digressions
we find in them. He could never develop and carry out a
dramatic action to its inevitable conclusion. Although
Julian Schmidt's criticism of Gutzkow is unduly severe,
he is right when he says:" Der Grundfehler seines Schaffens -
war der krankhafte, gegenstandlose brane, ein beruhnter -
Mann zu Werden, gleichviel durch Welche latten.”
Gutzkow was conscious of the innerfection of his
work, but believed that the generous purpose of his super-
ficial productions would be of service to his fellow country-
men. He preferred the dramatic form because he thought that
it would afford the best opportunity for making a direct,




-112-
and effective moral appeal to the public. His strong in-
stinctive passion for liberty revolted against any restric-
tion of freedom, and the drama seemed to him the best means
of arousing the poeple to work for their personal rights
against the autocratic government of that time. He wrote
twenty-seven drams, but most of them, though very successful
during his life time, have since been relegated to oblivion,
because they are technically and poetically very shallow -
and commonplace, and especially because they have neither
ideas nor ideals.
During the year 1839 Hebbel had a good on nortunity
to get acquainted with Gutzkow's dramas. The more he studied
them the more he felt the great contrast between his ideals
and methods of work and those of Gutzkow, and eventually he
became convinced that, Gut, ZlºtoW was lacking in all those qual-
it ies which he regarded as essential in a dramatic poet. He
felt that the drama was the highest expression of art and
could not be produced within a set time or at the request of
a friend. When a thought took possession of him it assumed
for the time being a supreme place in his inner life. After
finishing a drama he would make very few changes and, if any
were desired by the stage directors, he considered their re-
quest an infringement upon his rights as an artist. In every
Work of his We find that the "Idee" determines it. that this
"Tälee" was always in his consciousness and gave meaning and -
form to the material he was elaborating.


—ll3–
A careful study of Hebbel's works will reveal the
fact that there are many motives in his dramas similar t O
those of Gutzkow and that Hebbel like Gutzkow was deeply inter-
ested in the problems of his time and treated them in his dramas.
There is hardly a serious problem of the day that Hebbel did
not treat , always rejecting, however, the manner of Gutzkow and
treating each thene in his own original way and according to
his ideals of art. It has been stated that Hebbel read the
works of Gutzkow and even defended them. The question naturally
arises: In how far was he influenced by them? Hebbel found
them to be a good means for becoming familair with the prob-
lems of the day and of contemporary literature, but from
the point of view of ideas and arit stic structure he was not
influenced by them. He took the political, social, and reli-
gious questions of the day as a background, but did not make
them the principal issue of his dramas as Gutzkow and the
writers of "Young Germany" had done. His dramas, letters,
and diaries are a continuous analysis of these nroblems.
The air was full of such watchwords as liberty, progress, equal-
ity, enancipation, humanity, public ºpinion, spirit of the
time, etc. It was the most natural thing to turn to these
Subjects, but in treating them Hebbel avoided being "zeit-
gemäss", which was the chief aim of Gutzkow. He felt the
need of treating the basic problems of life and society,

-114-
but thought it possible to do so in a manner consistent both
with the needs of the day and with what he conceived to be
true art. He has convincingly explained his position and
its justification in "Mein wort über das Drama" ( 1843 ),
"Worwort zu Maria Magdalene" (1844), and "Über den Stil
des Dramas" (1847).
For a period of about five years (1840-), Hebbel
was deeply interested in contemporary questions, and "Maria
Magdalena" is the direct result of his efforts in this fiéld.
In 1840 he intended to write a political drama, entitled
"Die Dithmarschen". In the fragment "Moloch" the civilizing
power of religion was evidently to be the central issue. In
1849 he wrote "Julia", in which the spirit of the time was to
be reflected, "eir Bild der Zeit zu zeichnen, um den Henschen
aufzurütteln", and as a result wresented all the characters
in that drama as committing errors which are characteristic
of that period. In 1847 Hebbel presented the social son-
ditions; in "Ein Trauerspiel in Sicilien". Here he again.
dealt with deplorable defects in society. This play is based
upon a real event of which he heard in Naples. He use S
this St Ory to show the disproportion in the possession of
Wealth; the great danger of accumulating Wealth on one side and
of tolerating extreme poverty on the other, and criticises the
weak police system and its inefficiency to control the existing

–115–
G Ondit iOn 5 . The poet feels the need Of a Wise adjustment or
these Problems and of an immediate solution of them. But
whenever he in any way yielded t O Gutzkow 's dramatie ISMlº G /
and purpose, he felt that he was untrue to the spirit of art .
And indeed, at such times the results Vere fragmentary, "weil -
die innern Duellen stockten" und "weil sie nicht in einer -
grossartigen Persönlichkeit einen ittelpunkt haben."
It may be Said that n SONG respects Hebbels SimS
were similar to those of Gutzkow, that he favored "das Zeit-
gemässe", glorified the modern, and demanded of poetry that it
present c Onditions and problems Of the Ä He especially main-
tained that art had to deal With life, he says: "Die Kunst hat
es mit dem Leben, dem innern und äussern zu thun, and man kann
Wohl sagen, dass sie Beides ZUgleich darstellt, seine reinste
FOrm Urld Seinen höchsten Gehalt. ... Das Leben erscheint aber
in zwiefacher Gestalt, als Sein und werden, und die Kunst
löst ihre Aufgabe am vollkommensten, wenn sie SiGh zwischen
Beiden gemessen in der Schwebe hält. Nur so versichert sie
sich der Gegenwart, wie der Zukunft, die ihr gleich wichtig
sein müssen, nur SO Wird Sie , WaS sie werden soll, Leben in
l68 - - L 69
Leben." After he had deepened his conception of the drama,
he presented current thought in 18rge outlines with a cosmic
background. The full meaning of the difference between his art
and that of his contemporaries was but slowly recognized. Ho
ever , a close Snal Fsis of Hebbel ' s typical dramas will show
that he saw in the problems of the day problems ofumanity



-llé-
and tried to solve them in a way that would give us the
deepest insight into the meaning t d man. Gutzkow also
saw the problems of the day but tried to Solve them in a
manner that would be of immediate advantage for his time.
Gutzkow stated in the general introduction to his works
that they were the product of the tile.”. usually made
the same statement in the introduction to his pariticular
drama S and novels.”Hors he also ment ioned his didactic
purpose and repeatedly expressed the hope that he would
live t O See the realization of his efforts. Gutzkow's only
aim in literature was to promote immediate reforms. His de-
mand was that poetry should be in closest relation with the
needs of the national life. He states the program of his
life repeatedly in his workä. His plays had the desired
result. They appealed exactly to the taste of the vast
majority of the public and produced their reforming in-
fluence. However, when an analysis is attempted from the
standard of pure literature, we will find that they are
Superficial/ that although effective on the stage, they
are deficient in the attributes of true dramatic poetry,
in those qualities to be found in the dramas of a master
poet like Heb bel. Hebbel characterized Gutzkow's plays very
172
truly when he called them the "journalism of the stage."
They do not possess the masterful structure, the sincerity
of treatment and the psychological subtlety of Hebbel's plays.


-II?-
Gutzkow W3. S simultaneously a product and a leader
of his time, and all the ideas which filled the age found
response in his heart. He considered himself e forerunner
of a new period in the field of literature and experienced
the usual vexations and attacks of a radical leader in spite
of the fact that he solicited and gained the favor of the
public. "Zu ungeduldig, die Zeit zu studioren und in ihrer
Berechtigung zu greifen, war er doch nicht kühn genug, ihr
offen ins Gesicht zu schlagen; er buhºe um ihren Beifall,
auch wo er Sie Zu versöhnen conten.” all he sought
popularity. He says: "Popularitat ist ein slaser Besitz; wer
sie einmal gewonnen hat, bleibt in der second, wo das Publi-
oum und er ſhr erstes schºnes Erkennen reſerten.”
Hebbel clearly saw that Gutzkow had touched upon
vital conflicts of the time but he also soon discovered
his superficiality. Gutzkow's schemes of reform were lack-
ing in careful philosophical analysis and implied that rad-
ical measures could be easily effected. In nearly all of his
dramas and novels he had one character who was his spokesman
through whom he expressed his approval or disapproval of ex-
isting conditions, through whom he made propaganda for his
reforms. Hebbel did not believe that reforms could be forced up-
Orl 8, people, for a people must reform itself. The change must
come from within and not from without . Gutzkow saw the crying
º
evils of the day and called for immediate reforms. Hebbel could




—ll 8-
not see any solution in simply demanding outward reforms. In
such reforms he could see only "The manifestation of an unjust-
tifiable desire to emancipate the individual from his proper
limitations." He sought the cause of the existing evils in
the essestial nature of man, and said with Schiller: "Fürchte
dich nicht vor der Werwirrung ausser dir, aber vor der Wer-
wirrung in dir." The manifestation of the evils of the time
were merely "the surface indication of an organic disease
and could be healed only by purging he social organism of
the germs which breed the aisease.", believed in social
reforms which were to be effected not by a revolution or an
overthrow of the old order of things but by a spiritual re-
generation in accordance with the eternal laws of humanity.
He saw a great conflict in modern civilization in which the
old conditions were disintegrating and new ones were prepar-
ing to assert themselves. To him this meriod of transition
required a readjustment of values. In such periods he felt
that the tragic conflict was brought about by the inability
of the individual to adjust himself to the everflowing cur-
rent of development. Any reform forced upon a man before he
was ready for it meant destruction instead of development.
Therefore Hebbel made a thorough study of the causes of
existing conditions, analysed, interpreted and solved


-llo-
them in terms of universal values. He was thoroughly con-
vinced that any other manner of approaching the social prob-
lems was fantastic, confusing and futile.
II.
-
* -
Gutzkow and Hebbel stood in entirely different
relations to the public. For Gutzkow the public was inde-
spensable and necessary, the momentary visable success was
t; O him the decisive proof for the effectiveness of his Ser-
as "associ was satisfied with the approval of the cho-
sen minority and was confident that the recognition which
the present refused him would be granted to him in the future.
Gutzkow was able to choose themes that interested his con-
temporaries, because he himself was in sympathy with the
ideas and sentiments of his time and had a knowledge of the
people to whom he belonged and for whom he wrote. His
dramas abounded with information about the modes of thought
and states of feeling of the people. He knew more
about the things that were going on in the world than
is usually the case with literary men and possessed the gift
of utilizing the impressions he had received and of
presenting them effectively in his works. He was endowed
with the practical sense of a successful theater director.




–12O–
not theory but experience had taught him his dramatic
art. He hoped to reform the theater and make it a place Of
aducation and Wholes Ome amusement . He tried tº O please the
people for whom he cornposed his playS, "denn nur diejenige
Literat Ur ist von Werth, welche der Llasse imponiert. "Ileinen
Eifer, um auf dem Theater für die Leitung der Dar Stellungen,
für eine ideale Belebung der deutschen Schauspielkunst Fuss
zu fassen, war ich leider nicht imstande zu verbergen. Ich
muss mehr Begeisterung für die Bühne gehabt haben, als der-
jenige, der die Seinige später in drei Bänden versichert ne
Gutzkow Eas always ready to adapt himself to the demands Of
the stage and the public, and wrote his plays primarily with
a VieW t O their the Stric S.1 effect. The attainment of applauSe
was one of the chief motives that actuated him in Writing
his plays, for he felt the need of encouragement and mater-
i81 reward in all his literary erreres.“ Die er findende
Phantasie eines Dramatikers ringt immerfort im Übel mit.
einem DämOn . Die Ser heiS St. die SOrge um den Berse.“
He Was very ingeniOUS in creating situations Which WOuld
create theatrical effects "von solchen Reitzmitteln, die Wed-
er aus der Natur der Handlung oder der charaktere, nOGh aUS
der leitenden pe Otischen Stimmung entspringen, die man aber
ausgibt, wie geprägte Münzen, weil sie der Menge eeure
- 8O
Sind . "

–12l-
Gutzkow always viewed the drama from the stand-
point of "der realen Bühne." He says: "Der einzige Boden in
der Kunstgenossenschaft", den ein richtiger Dramaturg al-
1 ein erstreben kann, ist das Podium der Bühne, das Direk-
tionsbureau, sein einziges ziner.“. 8mbit iOn WaS tO
bring about a close and better relation between the play-
wright and the sta, He believed that the re81 cause Of the
degeneration of the drama, was due to the separation of the
dramat ist from the stage. "Es fehlt das ächtige, Gewaltige,
Grosse, Herrliche, Freie. Diese Dichter sind kalt und opfern
sich nicht . . . . Wie leicht die Bühne Sich jeden nur einiger-
NYS, SSG Ml erträglichen Talente hingiebt, sieht man an den Erfol-
gen Halms und der sächischen Prinzessin. Jüngere Talente 18S-
sen eine wiedergeburt hoffen: . . . . . . . nur müS Sten Sie unter
Schauspielern leben und sich durch das Missgeschick, daS
ihre ersten Versuche treffen könnte, nicht abschrecken las-
1 ZZ
Serl . " Gutzkow even went so far as to say that the writer
must have the stage of a particular place in mind, "denn
Dramen, die in Norddeutschland spielen, können für Süddeutsch-
land nicht existiren Und ecor“ie expressed , however,
the hope that political and Social conditions might change
So that effective dramas might be rºroduced in all German
lands. He frequently defended his idea in regard to the re-
lation of the dramat ist to the stage. "Der Vorwurf, meine



Dramen kämen zu sehr den Anforderungen der Bühne, wie sie
ist, entgegen, hat sich abgemildert, seit dem sich ja alle S
ränet, jung und alt, Veteran und Neuling, am Lampenlicht
Kränze zu gewinnen. lancher strenge poetische Rigorist hat
sich seitdem schon hervorgelassen, schºn zu tun mit den
SchWächen der Behaupieler und den unverbesserlichen Lau-
neIn de S radians.“
In these ideas of the relation of the playwright
to the stage Gutzkow is much more realistic than Hebbel.
In Writing his dramas he always had an eye upon the stage
and the act Or , whereas Hebbel considered primarily the
inner psychical forces that determined the dramatie S. Gt iOn .
Therefore his eriticism of the theater of his time was very
Se Vere . He belie Ved that love of amusement and not love of
art was the cause of its nopularity. "Die Trennung zwischen
Drama und Theater ist unnatürlich, sie sollte nicht sein.
Aber sie ist, und wird schwerlich wieder beseitigt, denn
die Ideale – Bühne ist nur einmal, bei den Griechen, wo das
Drama aus der Religion hervorging und in Stoff und Form
- 1 3G
heilig und geweiht war, verkörpert gewesen" etc . EV en as
early as 1837, before any of his dramas had been written,
- 187
he declared his aversion to the stage of his time . Tn a.
letter to Elise he wrote: "Das Publicum, besonders das
theatralische, ist heut zu Tage so beschaffen, dass eine



-123-
º
Arbeit , die mit Beifall aufeenomen wird, Richts werth sein
kann. Die dramatischen Werke, die ich zu schreiben cedenke,
Werde ich absightlich und von worn herein so einrichten,
dass sie grar nicht auf die Bºhnen rebracht werden können,
demn withrlich, ich magnit Töpfer und Albini keine Lorbeer-
en the illen. Diese Leute, onne Dichterweihe, ja ohne Geist
und. Witz, schreiben für die Unterhaltung eines entartet en
- - 188
Zeit alters, das keines reinen Genusses mahr fåhig ist." -
He complained of the corruption of the theater managers,
because with utter disregard of the poetic ability of tº:
playwrights they preferred those who filled their sorrº.
His anºpathy to the stage was intensified by the adverse
attitude of the theater directors toward his plays. This
was especially the case in places where the influence of
"Young Germany" was dominant. Even at the end of his life,
after his dramas had received recognition on the stage, he
continued to blame the representatives Of "Young Germany"
for his early strucci: As Berger says, one may call the
stage the right arm of the dramatic poet, but in Vienna this
right arm of Hebbel "War so ziemi ich amputiert", on account
- 191
of Laube's personal attitude toward Hebbel. He tried to
avoid representing Hebbel's dramas; but when he was forced
to do so, he asked Hebbel to make so many changes that the
latter regarded it as a sin against the "Holy Spirit" of
&rt t O Submit to Such di St. Ort iOnS.






–124-
Hebbel had en ab SO1Ute contennt for "die reale
Bühne . " “e distinguished bewteen "die reale Bühne" and
what- the stage should be . He wrote: "Es erwies sich, dass
meine Theorie, die zwischen den berechtigsten Forderungen
der Bühne überhaupt und den unberechtigten, oft kindisch-
abgeschmackten der sogenannten realen Bühne streng unter-
scheidet und jene eben so unbedingt anerkennt, als sie diese -
abWei St, aus der Natur der Kunst geschöpft ist; die Praxis
besiegelte sie.“e had too little consideration fOr the
tastes and prejudices of the modern stage to become populär -
His first C Onsiderat iOn WSS tO Write hiS dramaS in acC Ordance
Vith his philosohpy of life and his ideal of art . The Stage
effect and the co-operation with the actors and the audience
Were Of very secondary importance # him- He clearly express-
ed his disdain for popular eraus“ana said: "Wer sich mit
Um Sern Deutschen Bühnen ins Ein VerständniS setzen Und über-
all die Opfer, die ihn möglich machen", bringen will, der
wird, da sie alle im Widerspruch mit einander stehen und dem-
gemäss auch das Widersprechenste verlangen, nicht eine ein-
zige Scene unverfetzt übrig behalten“, maintained that,
if dramatic art must accommodate itself to the stage it would
become as corrupt as the stage itself, and "durch den Selbst-
mord, den sie zu diesem Zweck begehen müsste, würde sie sicher
nicht. Wie der zum Leben esianeen“- 1ate as 1857 he
Wrote to Laube: "Wenn ich auch gar wohl zu wissen glaube, Was
dramatisch ist, so muss ich doch den seit einer Reihe von
- -


—125-
Jahren gemachten Erfahrungen in Zweifel sein, ob ich mich
zu der modernen Bühne in einem leidlichen Verhältnis be-
rine."out-row had said to Hebbel that there was no
difference between the theatrical and the dramatic, that
the drama emanated "worn Schauen", and that anything which
could not be seen or presented had no place in the drama.
But Hebbel could not agree with him and drew the sharpest
distinction between the dramatic and the theatrical, regård-
ing the former as dominated by its own inner laws and the
latter as something external and mechanical which
could be acquired by skill and experience. A good epitome
of his distinction of the dramatic and the theatrical art
is sketched in the following letter, in which he subordi-
nates the theatrical to the dramatic, and in which he
States that the value of a drama is not determined by nor
dependent upon its stage success. "Die dramat . und theatr.
Kunst Sind in meinen Augen zwei Not Wendigkeiten, die, ob-
gleich sie aus einem und demselben Bedtirfnis ent springen,
doch nur in einem Annäherungsverhältnis Zu einander stehen
und nicht ganz zu Sămmen fallen können. Gar manches cohºrt
durchaus in die dramat . Dichtung himein, was bei ihrer thea-
tralischen Werkörperung eben so nothwendig Wegfallen muss,
denn die Dichtung ist mehr Natur, die Darstellung mehr Bild,
jene empfängt nur ihre letzten und höchsten, diese empfängt





~l 26-
alle inre Česetze von der Schönheit. Hieraus folet Ill liſl
nicht , dass der Dichter sich eigensinnig zurücknelton und
sich dadurch um die herrliche Wirkung bringen soll; es folgt
daraus, dass es ein geschaffenes Werk zum Object einer aus-
gleichenden Procedur machen und #ºvisiºn Sinne eine don-
9 . .
pelte Schöpfung versuchen soll." "The reason why Cutzkow's
plays have lost their popularity is because the theatrical
effect is, as Hebbel claimed, temporary and local, while
the dramatic is permanent. Gutzkow certainly entered into
closer relation With the life of the theat, er of his time
than his rival, but unfortunately did not rise above the
demands of the average theater public. Hebbel, however, up-
lifted by his genius and the sincerity of his purpose, look-
ed above and beyond the spectators and developed int, O &n
independent artist and poet. Thus Hebbel is one of the dra-
matic geniuses "who have given motor force to the drama, one
of the least successful in his life-time and yet perhaps .
the most original of modern Europe."
Hebbel knew that the stage as a modern democratic
institution would not tolerate writers who did not adapt
themselves to the public, and moreover, his own literary
struggles made him recognize the importance of successful
199
Stage dramas. He was, therefore, not so unwise as to





- 1.27-
ignore the public of his time and write his dramas solely
for an ideal public. He knew that it would mean failure to
§
insist absolutely upon the highest standards of art and pay
no he ed to the taste § Of the people, although it was very -
difficult for him to yield even to their smallest demands.
This accounts, as we have seen in the first part of this
study, for the numerous attempts Hebbel made to come to
an understanding With Gutzkow and the other members of
"Young Germany". He even consented to make some slight chan-
geš in his dramas in order to comply with the requirements
2OO
of the theater-public. And so in connection with "Genoveva."
he Writes: " ES ist Alles geschehen, denn ich Wünschte den
Beweis zu geben, dass mir an der Ausgleichune mit der realern
Bühne liegt und ich solite dºnken, da SS der realern Bühne
auch an mir liegen nºse.”at notwithstanding the small
compromises he was occasionally Willing to make, he refused
to yield to the demands of the public in all questions that
concerned the essential ideals of art. We have seen how
after many inward struggles he repeatedly arrived at the
GOrl Vict iOn that he had to sever his connections with Gutzkow
and his other contemporai'ies if he was to remain true to his
artistic ideals. He was one of those rare men, who, in spite
of the many obstacles he had to encounter, worked independ-
ently and unswervingly toward the goal which he, as a poet,
conceived to be his life mission.





Very few of Hebbel's contemporaries understood
the significance of his dramatic art because the age was not
prepared for the poetic ideals to which he aspired. He was
convinced of the true artistic value of his dramas and there-
fore would not sacrifice his ideal. Because, he says: "Das
gemeine Theaterstück, wie es bei uns die Bühne iberschwemmt ,
hat es mit den allergewöhnlichsten Zuständen und lenschen
Zll thun . . . . . . Das peotische Drama kann gar nicht exist iren,
Ohne mit dieser Welt; zu brechen und eine andore dafir auf-
zubauern, ganz gleichgūltig, ob es Sich in einer Burgerstube
oder in einem Königs-Saal averint.**ine the latter
part of his life his general attitude toward the world lost
much of its severity and rigor, and so he became a little
more tolerant of the theater and the public. And yet, although
he admitted that the true drama should have an organic re-
lation to the stage, he firmly maintained that it must ad-
dress it self both to the reader and to the erectatºr the
drama which did not offer anything to the reader could not ,
according to him, be poetical, and if it did not satisfy the
spectator it was not dramatic. His former sharp criticism
Of the theater directors continued. In an apparent contra-
diction to his earlier statements he now Writes in 1863: -
"Ich habe das Theater stets im Auge eehabt und keine Scene
geschrieben, die nicht gespielt Werden könnte, aber freilich
nicht den Polizei-Codex, oder gar die Grillen Oder das Hof-


– 29-
GeWiS Sen eine S Intendanten. Wie Wäre das auch möglich. In
jedem Lände, a in jeder Stadt sind sie verschieden, und
wechseln nicht blos mit den Personen auch mit ihren Stim–
Eneon.“in S. letter to Klaus Groth, of June 29, 1861,
he make S the significent as well as surprising Statement:
"Ich gehöre nicht zu der Schaar von Dramen-Dichtern, die im
Kampf mit dem Publicum liegen, das Publicum War mit kaum
einer Ausnahme immer für mich und Judith, Ilari S. agdalenSº.,
°enoveva, Agnes Bernauer, Michel Angelo, jetzt die Nibel-
Ungen, haben jedes Mal, und überall gezündet, wie nur je
Deutsche Stücke in Gegenwart und Vergangenheit . Ichiege
bloss im Kampf mit den Intendanten und den von diesen ab-
hängigen Journalisten, namentlich in Wien, wo das "junge
Deutschland" decretirt und mit einem polnischen Ochsen-
kopf siegelt, und ich Werde nicht aus staatlichen, kirchli-
chen (dder gar aest etischen Gründen ausgesperrt, sondern aus
Parthe i-Rancünen der allerniedrigsten Art . " Then he assures
US once more "Dramatische Dichter, die das Publicum ni Ght
packen, existiren für mich ganz und gar nicht . "
In view of the radically different attitudes of
Gutzkow and Hebbel toward the public and the stage it is
eVident that Gutzkow had to place the importance of the
SCt Or much higher than Hebbel . Gutzkow saw the opportunity
and found it practical and profitable to adapt his plays



– 1 ZO-
t O the Special accomplishments Of the act Or S. Tn fact he
adrnit S that he oft en Wrote Scenes with reference tº O the
ZO5
talents of particular actors . He took into consideration
the technical questions of the drama and the stage machinery
in order to give the actor the best possible opportunity.
He says: "Für mich galt das Sprechen des Schauspielers als
Reproduction des esharrenden Dieters.“abe With hiS
definite philosophy of the drama. art demanded a SubOrdi-
M18xt iOn Of the act Or t O ehe root.“e felt that it WaS the
prime duty of the framatic poet to be true to the principles
Of hiS art and that it was the funct i On Of the act or tO iden-
tify himself with the thought of the poet and represent it
as Objectively as voesie“Bereor in his chapter: "Hebbel
als Erzieher" (215) maintains that Hebbel is one of the
greatest teachers of the actor and that the actor who will
take the pains "ins Zentrum der geistigen Welt Hebbels einzu-
dringen" will receive as a reward "eine Vergeistigung und
Vertiefung seiner Kunst." MIOst appropriately Berger SEWS :
"Wer die ungeheure Theaterwelt, die in fast allen Hebbel-
Dramen schläft, zur Explosion bringen will, muss einen Fun-
ken eigener dichterischer Intuition hinein werfen. Hebbel
zwingt den Regisseur mehr zu werden als bloss Regisseur -
“ierin liegt seine erzieherische Kraft. Ich darf es sagen,
denn er hat mich erzogen. Stolz und demütig bekenne ich G S
Das Beste, was ich kann, verdanke ich zur euten Hälfte nUr
2O 9
ihm . "







-I31-
III.
- From the preceſding analysis it is obvious that
the ideals of the drama of Hebbel and Gutzkow are as differ-
ent as is their philosophy of life. The real difference is
found in the inner spirit, which bears the stamp of the in-
dividuality of each poet, and which is felt far more easily
then defined . The first impression in reading Gutzkow's plays
is that they are "Tendenz" dramas, that they deal with prob-
lems exclusively pertaining to his time; Hebbel's plays in-
press us as artistic creations and We feel that he deals
With problems which will interest generation after generation,
because they have the essential "something" which makes the
drama of such high significance to humanity.
When Hebbel rejected Gutzkow as an artist and re-
garded his dramas as works of mere journalistic value, he -
showed deep insight, and it is striking that he never essen-
tially altered his judgment . The same consistency which we
find in Hebbel's attitude toward art, we find in his criti-
cism of Gutzkow's works. His criticism may at times be
colored but is never determined by his personal attitude
toward him, for his standard of literary judgment was bound
up with his philosophy of life and art which he applied





– 132-
to all poet S, great ana Small alike, as well as to himself.
The criticisms which he expressed on all of Gutzkow's *śīo
important works are in point of view surprisingly similar.
That Hebbel was correct in his judgment is shown by the
fact that of the numerous dramas 2: Gutzkow only two or
three have Survived their author.” - -
The reason why Hebbel was misunderstood and not
appreciated by his contemporaries was that he stood on a much
higher plane and was far in advance of his time. Gutzkow's
dramas Were underst, Ood and appreciated because they dealt
with familiar problems and proclaimed the messages of the
day. They served their purpose and were greeted with enthu-
º
º
Siasm because they had the stamp of modernity upon then,
but after the novelty of the problems presented was gone,
these dramas were forgotten. Gutzkow especially preferred
immediate and transit ory problems as themes for his dramas,
and this made him intolerant toward all who worked in a
different Spirit and particularly toward men of the type of
Hebbel. His journalistic nature was too strong to permit
him to work out his dramas carefully, for their inner
Structure interested him much less than their didactic
purpose. Thus all of his plays are directed against some
political, religious or social condition or intolerance of
the time. He does not take time to engage in a thprough





-133-
study of the subject and its characters. Instead of Work-
ing out the finer inner relations on a psychological basis,
as Hebbel does, he makes allusions to various existing con-
ditions which are often very pertinent for his time but
which artistically tended to weaken his dramas. While work-
ing on his dramas he was always more interested in intro-
ducing into them something new and startling, some politi-
cal or social catch-word, some current event , something
that might stir the people, than in the artistic develop-
ment of the theme chosen. " .
When we compare the two men in this respect we
are not surprised that Hebbel could not recognize him as a
dramatic poet. "The real literary merit of the play does not
reside so much in its mere wording as in its solid struc-
ture, in the logic of the plot, in the sincerety of its
character arwine.” This was the test Hebbel applied to
Gutzkow's dramas and found them wanting. He found that
Gutzkow's plays had the same structure "des Neben-
einander" ( a theory which Gutzkow expounded in the intro-
duction to "Die Ritter vom Geist") as his novels and
comedies and could not see any justification for concate-
213
nation of situations in a drama . However, he recognized







-134-
that Gutzkow had his place in literature as a novelist and
comic poet and expressed himself very favorably upon some
of Gutzkow's novels and comedies, which were among the best
214
of the age. His comedies are more successful, because
they did not demand so much character development and permit-
ted a compilation of comic situations. In them he could better
satirize existing conditions by contrasting the real state
of things with his ideal and by making reality a necessary
object of ridicule and aversion, and thus produce the de-
Sired effect . - -
In comparing the opinions of the two men in regard
to the nature and purpose of art it is strikingly noticeable
how Gutzkow takes into account the desires of the people.
He is interested in the utilitarian purpose of art and had
no patience with Hebbel's "Selbst zweck der Kunst". And so
in his drama "Das Urbild des Tartúffe" Gutzkow speaks through
the character Iloliere, as follows: "In der Poesie suchte ich
eine Waffe zu finden für den Kampf der Aufklärung gegen die
Lüge; ich habe den Egoismus, die Eitelkeit, den gesellschaft-
lichen Betrug auf der Bühne schon in den meisten Spielarten
darzustellen gewagt, und man hat mir das Zeugnis gegeben,



-135-
215
geWonnen hat." Hebbel believed that the general effect of
the drama should be to deepen our insight into the spiritual
life of man, but utterly rejected Gutzkow's method which
tried to attain this end by direct moralizing or by episodes,
Which were not an organic part of the drama. Hebbel, the
artist, maintained that there was nothing higher in art than
the concrete expression of the ideal, and since the ideal is
the ultimate truth in life it will naturally have its moral
effect. He attacked Gutzkow because he found his dramas
lacking in the largeness of the ideal, and because he so
fashioned the action and constructed the characters of his
dramas às to illustrate the pariticular cause he had in view,
and thus violated the highest law of art by distorting the
totality of the ideal. -
Hebbel believed that his age was one of transition
and hence presented a ºrable opportunity for the devel-
opment of a new drama. *H, gives his own interpretation of
his conception of this new drama in the following words:
"Das neue Drama, wenn ein solches zu Stande kommt, wird sich
vom Shakespearschen, iſber das durchaus hinausgegangen wer-
den muss, dadurch unterscheiden, dass die dramatische Dia-
lektik nicht blos in die charaktere, sondern unmittelbar in
die Idee selbst hine ingelegt, dass also nicht blos das Ver-
hältnis des Menschen zu der Idee, sondern die Berechtigung
217
der Idee selbst debatirt werden wird." He wished to prepare





-136-
himself most thoroughly for this new drama, which he re-
garded as the mission of his life. He felt that in the
general ferment of the time the people were not, as Gutzkow
believed, so much in need of radical changes as *#1;
deeper knowledge of the nature Of man and society. The
function of the drama, according t; O Hebbel, must , therefore,
be to present most effectively the great spiritual processes
of humanity. He says: "Der Haupt Zweck der Literatur ist, der
lienschheit, durch treue Fixirung jedes symbolischen Lebens-
und Entwicklungsporaesses zu einem immer Kiaroron solbat-
bewusst sein zu vernoran.”
Gutzkow's dramas generally proceed from the as-
sumption that the persons represented are free agents who
determine their own actions; but upon analysis we find that
their actions are not the result of their own volitions,
but are determined by the purposes of the writer. This is
seen in the unexpected and often inconsistent and unmotiva-
ted changes in the actions of the characters. The result is
that the plots of the dramas are usually very poorly or-
ganized and fail to bring int, O prominenge the central action
which the opening scenes have promises.”. considered it
important for the attainment of his purpose to insert many
Small realistic details into his dramas, which, according
to Hebbel, were unnecessary and disturbing digressions. So



-137–
Hebbel writes: "So Wenig die ganze Erde auf die Leinwand
gebracht werden kann, eben so wenig geht die Totalität
aller Erscheinungen, mit einem Wort: das Detail der welt
ins Drama; Wohl aber beht das Weltgesetz ninet.*Hoºl
maintains that a writer who merely reproduced the actual,
Without expressing or suggesting an ideal, is no artist
The true artist should elevate and idealize the actual. He
saw in Gutzkow's presentation Of existing conditions only
pathological phases of life, devoid of deeper significance
and hence contributing nothing to our insight into humanity.
Some dramas attract us because certain characters
in them appeal to us and leave a vital and lasting impres-
Sion upon us. In this respect Hebbel's dramas are truly
great ; his characters are distinct and strong personalities,
Gutzkow's are vague and usually artificial conceptions.
It is significant that Hebbel named all of his great dra-
mas after the leading characters, except "Die Nibelungen"
where the subject was derived from the famous epic. It is
the power of creating real human beings, beings whose
passions and inner conflicts are strikingly typical, that
entitles Hebbel to be considered as a great dramatic poet.
The prevaling themes of tiebbel's and Gutzkow's
dramas are social, treating largely of conflicts





-138–
between conservative and progressive ideals. In the dramas
of both writers we find characters intended to express this
typical conflict of the age, but Hebbel takes an impartial
attitude toward t; he characters represented and allows them
to express themselves freely and fully. Gutzkow is a partisan,
transferring his personal sympathy and antipathy to his
characters and making an appeal to the audience for the side
which he believes to be in the right. He thus interferes
with the free development of his characters and, in view of
the action and the situation, makes them express more than
We should expect of them. Hebbel, however, as the true dra-
matist , allows his characters to determine their own des-
tiny, and leaves it to the audience to draw its own conclu-
Sions. The reason why the gharacters of his great dramas
have nermanent interest and value for us is that he avoids
such local types as Gutzkow delights in. Hebbel's charac-
ters are universal, typically human; Gutzkow's think, feel,
and act as he himself would have done at a particular time
and under similar circumstances. They all struggle against
external conditions, whereas Hebbel's characters present
inner soul conflicts of universal significance. It is evi-
dent that his dramas could not meet with such a ready popular
reception as Gutzkow's, for they made too great a demand
upon the intellectual and aesthetic faculties of the public.


-139-
He regarded the careful elaboration of the characters as
a matter of the highest importance and thought that in no
case should they appear as "fertig", but should develop
gradually under the influence of their particular environ-
ment and act according to their inner life. The tragic
outcome is brought about through a conflict of the individ-
ual will with the universal law, a conflict in which the
individual is crushed in his intense effort to assert the
fundamental impulse of his being. In psychological depth,
in consistency of development, and in the necessity With
which their actions grow out of their nature 5 his chârâcters
are gigantic creations in comparison with the theatrical
puppets of Cutzkow.
Hebbel felt that Gutzkow could not accomplish with
his method what he set out to do; that he lacked the crea-
tive power and earnestness of purpose necessary for his
task. His philosophy of life convinced him that Gutzkow's
Success as an artist and practical reformer could be but
temporary. He felt that if man expected progress to come
Solely from an amelioration of external conditions – poli-
tical, social or religious- he was doomed to frievous
disappointment. The liberation of the individual depended
upon the development of his own character and the adjust-
ment of the conflict within his own heart. Hebbel did not
believe in quick radical reforms but in a gradual process

-140–
of development . The reform of outer conditions could not
bring about the realization of the ideal, if man was not
ready for the reror.”his was not a superficial obser-
vation, but with his profound insight into the structure of
Society he recognized the great underlying principles of
the old institutions and their relative right of existence,
and hence defended them against all sudden and violent
chances. Gutzkow, on the other hand, would acknowledge only
the validity of the new principles of liberalism and con-
demned the old order of things as radically unjust and
harmful. The most tragic situations in Hebbel's dramas are
the result of the conflict between the new order of things
and the old. He delights in presenting situations where
there is a relative justification for the action of each
party, as for instance in "Agnes Bernauer". He believes
that the individual will and must struggle, whether he be-
longs to the Old Or the rew and that back of all this
Struggle there is a unity, a fundamental law, a law of self-
- 223 -
C Orre Gt iOn . Hebbel's idea of the drama is that the poet
must interpret this struggle according to this universal
law. A thene in which the opposing parties are both
justified from their point of view will develop the
most vital treeto conflict and will require the deepest
psycholºgical analysis -


–141-
The source of traEie Euilt sº be found in the
relation of the individual "zu der aso.“raes guilt is
given with life and the drama "darf nicht müde Werden die
ewige Wahrheit zu veaeroen.“ne fundamental princirles
of Hebbel ' s philosophy interpret 1ife as essentially a tragic
conflict - For Hebbel it was a matter of course that the trag-
ic Suffering could not be accidental but must result from
the individual's own deeds. He felt the necessity Of pen-
etrating into the sources of the tragic constitution of
man &nd ShOWed With SeVere consistency the manner by which
IY SYl nevitably becomes entangled in euint and the trage re-
Sults arising therefrom. It is natural for the individual to
be governed by passions and impulses, and if he is determined
to realize his will by imposing it üpon others, the in eV it Sble
result is tragic guilt. The inner reason of euilt remained
unrevealed to Hebbel. He writes: "Das Drama, wie ich es con-
Struire , schliesst keineswegs mit der Dissonanz, denn es löst
die dualistische FOrm des Seins, sobald sie zu schneidend her-
Vortritt durch sich selbst wieder auf . . . . . . . . . . Aber es lässt
allerding eine Dissonanz Unerledigt, und zwar die ursprüng-
liche Dissonanz, die es von Anfang an überging, indem es die
Vereinzelung, ohne nach der causa prima zu forschen, als mit
Oder ohne Creation unmittelbar gegebenes Factum hinnahm, es
lässt daher nicht die Schuld unaufgehoben, wohl aber den in-
nern Grund der Schuld unenthüllt. Doch dies ist die Seite,


–14 2–
WO das Drama Sich mit dem wotnysterium in eine und dieselbe
Nacht verliert. Das Höchste, was er erreicht, ist die Satis-
faction, die es der Ldee durch den Untergang des ihr durch
sein Handeln. Oder durch. Sein Dasein Selbt Wider Strebenden
Individuums verschafft, eine satisfaction, die bald un Voll-
ständig ist, in dem das individuum trotzig und in sich ver-
bissen untergeht und dadurch im Voraus verkündigt, dass es
an einem anderen Punct im Weltall abermals kämpfend hervor-
treten wird, bald vollständig, indem das Individuum im Unter-
eane selbst eine geläuterte Anschauung seines Verhältnisses
zum Ganzen gewinnt und in Frieden stet.“ In Hessens
strongest trage dies the actions of the characters are quite
M1StUral and thoroughly justifiable from their own point of
view, and yet through the inscrutable law of the higher
World power these very actions involve them in tragic guilt,
Which G OnSiSt S in the fact that the indi Vidulal unconsciously
ign Ores the universal. Hebbel ' s tragic guilt must not be con-
fused with the Ordinary c Onception of Sin. "In der lasslos-
igkeit liegt die Schuld, zugleich aber auch, da das Verein-
Zelte nur darum InaaslOS iSt , Weil e S , B1. S UnV Ollkommen,
keiner Anspruch auf Dauer hat und deshalb auf seine eigene
Zerstörung hinarbaiten muss, die Versöhnung, so weit im
Kreise der Kunst darnach gefragt werden kann. Diese SG hUld
ist eine Uranfängliche, von dem Begriff des enschen nicht
zu trennende und kaum in sein Bewusstsein fallende, sie ist





– L43–
Imit dem Leben. Selbst gesetzt. Sie zieht sich als dunkelst er
Faden durch die Überlieferungen aller Völker hindurch, und
die Erbsünde selbst ist nicht S weiter, als eine aus ihr ab –
geleitete, christliche modificirte Consequenz. Sie hnet
von der Richtung des menschlichen Willens nicht ab, sie be-
gleitet alles menschliche Handeln, wir mögen uns dem Cuten
Oder dem Bösen zuwenden, dSS aaS 5 können. Wir dOT“ über –
Schreiten, wie hier . . . . . . . . . . . (Speaking Of Professor Heiberg's
attack he continues) "Begriffs- Verwirrung ( Schuldbegriff und
Sündenbegriff) hätte er mir nun freilich in den Augenblick,
wo ich die Begriffe auf ' s Strengste schied und er sie wieder
in einander ne Stelte, nicht Vorwerfen sollen, doch er hatte
Vergessen, dass an dem Ort , WO iGh die Erbsünde auS SchlOSS
Oder richtiger einschloss, indem ich sie dem Gattungsbegriff,
dem sie angehört, unterordnete, vom Drama überhaupt, ne. „
VOm christlichen Drama , die Rede war, und das kann begegnen.“
Guilt arises Fron the nature of life itself - The essential
question is not whether the actions from which the tragic
Suffering errine are in the more restricted sense gO Od or
bad, but whether these actions will arouse an irresi sistible
conflict between the hero and the higher power and thus call
forth the tragedy. In this tragedy the laws of the world
power must always prevail and the individual trying to assert
and realize his will against it must succumb. Hebbel there-



-144-
fore looks to the power of the universal as the restorer
of harmony. The tragedy in Hebbel's dramas is that of every
real tragedy in which the hero succumbs and yet enlists our
Sympathy through his very suffering and destruction. We &re
profoundly moved to compassion and feel that the tragic
guilt of the hero was not only possible but also unavoidable.
According to Hebbel this tragic gºtiilt can only be overcome
and atoned for either through a complete surrender of the in-
dividual or thorugh some adjustment of our personal striv-
ings and the law of the universal.
Hebbel's doctrine of the "mysterious symbolism of
art," Stands in sharpest contrast to Cut zkow's mechanical pro-
ductions. Hebbel writes: "Jedes echte Kunstwerk ist ein
geheimnisvolles, wieldeutiges, in geWissem Sinn unergründ-
liches Symbol. Je mehr nun eine Dichtung aus dem blossen
Cedarnken hervor ging, jeweniger ist sie dies, um so eher
Wird sie also verstanden und auf gefässt , um So Sicherer aber
auch bald auspeechwºrt und als unbräuchbare Iſu Schel, die
ihre Perle her gab, bei Seite geworfen. Der sog. Lehrdichter
liefert gar statt des Räthsels, das uns allein interes sirt,
die nackte, kahle Auflösung. Dichten heisst night Leben-
Bntziffern, Sondern leven-enarron."out-ºw's Works have
nothing of that symbolism to which Hebbel attaches such great
value. He solved the problems of the time in a very simple




-145-
manner; the average reader or audience found no difficulty
in understanding his Works, as their purpose seemed but
too obvious. He had no definite theory of art and did not
trouble himself about the solution of the problem of guilt.
The drama to him was primarily a means for teaching practi.
cal reforms. He made the stage à court of justice, passed
Sentence on existing conditions, fixed responsibility on
guilty parties, and considered it his duty to formulate
judgments of moral condemnation.
The views of the two men on the conception of recon-
ciliation differs as widely as their views on the drama it –
self. Hebbel denounced more severely Gutzkow's superficial
cenception of reconciliation in tragedy than any other Of
his dramatic limitations. He regards reconciliation in the
drama, expressed or implied, as essential, but demands"die
Versöhnung der Idee", i.e. reconciliation in the interest
of the whole and not, as is often the *...* Gutzkow's
works, in the interest of the individual." Hebbel's tragic
heroes thrill us by their deeds and noble struggle against
destiny, and enlist our sympathy because they are waging a
battle in which they must inevitably be conquered. In the
representation of his characters he proceeded with strict ob-
jectivity. He repeatedly observed that Gutzkow's constant
and arbitrary projection of himself into his characters was
his greatest weakness as a dramatic poet. Gutzkow does not




– L46-
believe that the clashing Of Wills necessarily leads to
tragedy and thinks that the incongruities may be overcome
without a tragic end. Therefore, he allows his characters
to reason calmly and thus avoids the intensity of passion
so essential to tragedy. Hebbel expressed himself on this
form of reconciliation in the following manner: "Diejenigen,
die VOm Tragödien-Dichter verlangen, das S er nicht blOSS die
Sittliche Idee retten, sondern zugleich auch den Helden vor
dem Untergang bewahren soll, fordern eigentlich etwas eben
so Unvernünftiges, als wenn sie vom Arzt verlangen, dass er
den Organismus nicht bloss von einer Krankheit befreien, son-
dern die Krankheit selbst auch, als eine individuelle Liodi-
fication des allgemeinen Lebensprozesses, respectron und
alsO am Leben erhalten some.“ien weiss nicht, ob ich
mich irre, aber mir däucht es eine Sünde wider den heiligen
Geist der Wahrheit, wenn der Dichter seinem Kunstwerk eine
Versöhnung mit der menschlichen Situation und den Welt zu-
ständen überhaupt, einzuhauchen sucht, von der es selbst
fern iSt . # scheint, dass das Kunstwerk dann jeden Werth
verer.“e must admit that in spite of all misunder-
Standing to which Hebbel has been subjected he was just
in his criticism of Gutzkow ' s Superficial ideas Of dramatic
TeC OnCiliat iOn, and that Gutzkow was not a real artist but
a Versatile man of letters, ever able and ready to use his
Pen in behalf of the cause of liberalism in Germany.






-147-
Treatment of social Problems.
After studying carefully the life and plays
of Hebbel and Gutzkow, it seemed to me that I could obtain
far more valuable results in regard to the real difference
of the two poets by a connected study of their representa-
tive works than by a microscopic analysis of one or two
dramas. Such a study I have Outlined in the present chapter
and have selected the social dramas because the social theme
predominated in the dramas of these two poets. My principal
reason for not making a detailed comparison or t;WO typical
dramas was that such a comparison would, at best , yield but
meager results. I have tried instead to look for essential
differences in Hebbel's and Gutzkow's dramatic treatment of
similar problems in the manner in which they develop their
characters and in the general view of life they express.
"Das Thema der Gutzkow 'schen Stücke ist der
iſensch im Kampf mit der Gesellschaft. Sie wollen zeigen, dass
dieselben Formen, die dem Geschlecht Halt und Best and geben,
das einzelne Individuum in extremen Fällen vernichten können,
und dass dieser unabwendbare Fluch jener Formen sich • * * * *
eben so gut geltend machen kann, wenn Sie sich zu sehr um
den Menschen erweitern, als Wenn Sie sich zu Sehr urn ihn
- 232
verengen. " With these words Hebbel has characterized the
social program of his contemporary. He gives Gutzkow the




-148-
credit for introducing social themes into the drama and
recognizes the large possibilities of such themes."3ºzkow
was by education and experience well prepared to take up
the work of a social and political reformer. He stood in
the front rank among the leaders of the liberal movements
and suffered bitter humiliation for making propaganda for
radical reforms. And therefore we are not surprised to find
in his works a comprehensive treatment of the problems of his
time so that by many he is regarded as the strongest advocate
of the social drama. In speaking of the significance of his
plays for the stage, I'renzel says: "Höhere Wallungen, tiefe-
re Gedanken, edelere Anregungen gingen von diesen Stücken
aus, als sie das Publicum seit Jahren vom Theater her em-
pfangen nates.”Howen says of Gutzkow's dramas: "Sie
Schufen dem deutschen Drama Wieder eine neue, breite so-
Ciale Grundlage, sie brachten den Kampf gegen das morsche
Hergebrachte, gegen der Urwater Hausrat, eeeen prude Wor-
urteile und simplem Aberglauben, gegen misverstandene
Konvenienz und verknöcherte Sitte und all diese geheimen
Schäden der bürgerlichen Gesellschaft auf die Bretter, Well-
che die Welt be deuten, urid proklenierten die Henschenrechte
für jede Existenz, das Recht der Individualităţ. wie wir
heute sagen. Gutzkow war es, der den Weg bereiten musato.
235
auf dem die anderen bequen Voranschritten."






-149-
As we have seen, Hebbel felt the significance
of the new social themes and often found some of his own
problems treated in Gutzkow's works in an utterly unsat-
isfactory manner. In "Judith", his first drama, which
was acknowledged as one of the most vigorous Works of the
time, he boldly placed himslef in opposition to the ideals
of "Young Germany". He exposed in it, the Shallowness of
the "Frauen-Emancipation", as interpreted by that movement,
and, moreover, rejected Gutzkow's whole manner of treating
biblical themes. So Gutzkow's portrayal in "König Saul"
of the conflict between religious dogmatism and spiritual
independence was utterly repugnant to Hebbel. It was ob-
vious that this 6ld restament story had been used by Gutzkow
to Satirize ecclesiastical fanaticism and narrowness and
like his other works was intended to express his liberalism,
and paritcularly, his religious toleration.
Hebbel felt that his ideals of the drama could
be applied also to biblical themes and to prove his position
he dramatized the story of Judith. He succeeded in treating
it with profound psychological insight and in evolving a soul
conflict which has typical values. When he wrote that drama,
he did not ask himslef what kind of drama the public desired,
and how he might serve the public, but wished primarily to



-150-
give a concrete expression to the central ideas of his
philosophy of the drama. Thus both Holofernes and Judith
illustrate Hebbel's philosophy of life. Both insist upon
individual independence and self-assertion, and look at
life wholly from their limited personal point of view un-
til they get into a false relation to their surroundings.
Although judith thinks that she is obeying the command of
coa, she realizes too late that she has taken revenge upon
Holefernes solely for personal reasons. She suffers tragic
fate because she has overstepped the bounds of true woman-
hood. Holofernes, who has absolute faith in his own power
almost to a degree of self-deification, despises and defies
everybody and has no appreciation for the personality of
"udith, the only woman who may be compared with him in
demonic greatness. Again the tragic end is due to the ex-
cessive gratification of his personal desires. In both
characters Hebbel tries to express his theory of life that
the typical individual becomes a victim of his innate
"Masslosigkeit" and that in consequence a tragic outcome
must result in which the individual is crushed by the uni-
versal, since the "sittliche Idee" must prevail.
In a few representative works of the two men we
Y1OW - *
shall Asee how differently they treated similar social

-
problems. Gutzkow won the stage for the modern drama with
his "Richard Savage" and introduced modern moral and social
questions. In this drama Gutzkow treated the relation of
a child to his mother. Lady Savage has an illegitimate son,
Richard, whom she rejects nothwithstanding his intense hat-
ural affection for her. After he has achieved great success
as a poet in London, he discovers that the woman to Whom he
has so long felt instinctively drawn, is his mother. When
he finds in her no response to his intense filial affection
he suffers the deepest disappointment and grief and dies.
The drama met with great success and everyone saw the moral
lesson involved. The popularity which Gutzkow earned through
this work is expressed by Proelss as follows: "Durch den
Erfolg des Richard Savage Wurde Gutzkow jetzt von der all-
gemeinen Wolksgunst aufs Schild gehoben, das Schicksal des
Jungen Deutschland schien in seiner Person verkörpert, der
Märtyrer der Freiheit Wurde im Dichter corolor.”
"Richard Savage" is to some extent typical of all
of Gutzkow's other social dramas. Some passages, which will
be quoted, present the whole program of his life. He desired
to gain a new foothold for the bourgeois classes and to es-
tablish personal equality for them. In his treatment of
Social problems he became a very severe critic of contem-
porary morals. Savage says: "Die echte Seelenlehre
hat noch keiner von euch iſ oralisten geschrieben;




–152- -
Scheut sie sich, offen zu bekennen, dass sie durch einen
Fehltritt ihrer Jugend die Mutter des armen Richard Savage
wurde.“aatss felt it his duty to express his opinion
on this moral question and on the unnatural influence of -
c On Ventions Up On Society. As a leader in literature and publick
life he felt the responsibility of moulding the ideals Of
his people . In the words of Lord Tyrçonnel he let the public
know that the people expected it of him : "Und Sie können dSS
dulden, Sie, Steele, der die Literatur des Tages erfunden
hat, Sie, Steele, der jene olimpischen Blitze der öffent-
lichen Meinung schmiedete, die zerschmetternd aus ihrer Hanº.
in den Lug und Trug unserer verdorbenen Sitten und leinungen
neerrerone“- depicted the corruption of the ruling
classes and offered methods of reform - steele (Lord Tyrconnel
verächtlich nachsehend) : "Diese liberalen Edelleute ! Nur Weil
sie eitel und zuweilen furchtsam sind, geben sie sich das An-
Sehen, als liebten Sie Humanität und Freiheier“ sº Einen;
(Zu der Lady) Wagen Sie es, wagen Sie es, gut und lieb zu
sein! Ich weiss es ja, nur das Leben der höheren Gesellschaft,
die Lüge conventioneller Formen, die ledisance der grossen
Welt hat. Sie erkältet, hat Ihnen den Mut genommen, wahr und
24O
gefühlvoll zu sein. "etc .
°utzkow graphically described the oppression of
the lower classes and had faith in the possibilities Of reform-
ing them. One of the greatest means of facilitating reform was,






in hiS jUdgment the public press . Steele says to Savage:
"Danke uns, wenn diese Staatsverfassung, diese Gesetzgebung,
die einen Bürgerlichen zum Tode verurteilen kann, der Sich
gegen den meuchlerischen Überfall eines Adeligen mit dem
Degen in der Faust wehrt, hoffentlich bald zu Grabe geht:
Denn die lacht des Journalismus wächst. Von allen Dingen die
vorgehen, haben wir die Fäden in der Hand. Wir spinnen daS
*ewebe dessen, was man heute noch zu behaupten, zu glauben,
ZU Unternehmen wae.“in the above words he also expressed
his journalistic power and the influence of the press in
general. The young writers would naturally be inspired by
SUGh passages and grasp their Significance . Gutzkow attacked
also the civil institutions, pleaded for equality, fOT "HUm-
anität und Freiheit", and believed in expressing all the Se
liberal demands Of the day upOn the stage - Gutzkow WZ. S S. º G-
former and in the following Words of Steele We find a good
Outline of the reforms he proposed to effect: "Lustspiele, Sa-
Vage , Lustspiele : Die enschen sind eurer Trauerspiele satt,
GUY"G (" naturwidrigen “eistesbeschwörungen! Satt, satt – LUSt-
Spiele , Savage Feine gesellschaftliche Bezüge, satirische Ge–
mälde des Lebens der höheren Stände, Ironien auf die Advocaten,
- Z4 2
auf die Ärzte, auf die Priester- das ist ein Feld, Savage."
The closing words are of the greatest significance - Steele:


-154–
"Zeiten und Sitten, sent eure Opfer: 0 spränge doch die Fes-
sel jedes Vorurteils, , dass mit den vollernatemzuge der Brust
die Herzen mutiger zu schlagen wagten und night im Getúmmel
der Welt mit ihrer kalten Bildung und ihren Sklavischen Ce—
setzen auch die Stimhae der Natur dem mahnenden 9efühl die Ant-
wort versagte: Blaubt dem cott, der älls eurem Innern spricht :
Denn in der Liebe ist selbst der Irrtum besser als im Hass
- - 243 - -
die Tahrheit, " - -
From the passages quoted it is clear that Gutzkow's
tendency in the drama is entirely subordinated to the prob-
lens of the day. "Richard Savage" is a drama which does not
appeal tº later generations but had 3. greater influence On
contemporary literature than those of the real poet and ar-
tist Hebbel. When we read the drama today, we realize that
the action is Weak and tinnatural, but we can appreciate why
the presentation of the problem was of vital interest to the
people of the time. This drama is a good example Of how skill-
ful Gutzkow was in creating situations that would produce
Sensational effects. There is no inner logic in the action,
nor any psycholigical development in the character S. Even the
most superficial comparison of this work with Hebbel's social
dramas will at once disclose Gutzkow's serious dramatic lim-
itations. Hebbel's social themes are all of a typical nature,
whereas Gutzkow has failed in this and other dramas to treat
his problem in a truly typical manner. He is always inclined


to emphasize the individual guilt of his characters and over-
look its larger social implications. There is no deeper con-
flict in "Richard Savage". The conflict, such as we find it,
is wholly external. The action of the drama consists, on the
one hand, in the determination of Savage to prove his iden-
tity and his ligitimate right to call Lady Savage his mother,
&nd, on the other, in the effort of Lady Savage to use every
conventional means to reject his claims upon her. Hebbel ex-
presses his opinion of "Savage" in the following passages:
"Richard Savage zeigt, was eine calanterie be deutet, Wenn sie
Zugleich mit der Natur und der Rücksicht auf's Decorum schliesst;
je grausamer, um so begser; es war nicht recht, dass der Wer-
fasser den ursprünglichen Schluss veränderte, demn gerade da-
rin lag das Tragische, dass so wenig die Lady, als Risher,
- - 34:4:
iber ihr näheres Verhältnis Zü einander klar werden konntanº
"T)ie Ausführºne ist rein novellenartig. Ein Factum, keine
annure."outº can not resist the temptation to take
sides with his characters and to reflect upon their virtues
and vices. He is willing to sacrifice form and consistent
development of character for the sake of moralizing. The
moralist Steele, who is a friend of the unfortunate Savage,
is introduced for that purpose. He is the disguised Gutzkow,
who tells the people of the needs for reform, of his re-
sponsibility as a journalist to awaken the popular conscience,
and of the blessings and the influence of a good journal.

In several of his other dramas Gutzkow treats Of
the conflict between the nobility and the bourgeois classes.
So he touches upon this social conflict in "Werner", but it
is not made the central issue of the problem, for "Werner"
treats primarily of domestic relations, a theme which was
then very popular. The author wants to show in this drama,
how Heinrich, by following the impulses of his heart, comes
in conflict. With the Social world and with its morals. The
hero is conscience-stricken by the injustice he had done to
his first love, Maria, whom for worldly considerations he
hād abandoned. He feels the necessity for atoning for this
£uilt , wnishes to find some means for doing so even at the
risk of losing his position, and sacrificine the harmony of
the life of his family. The thought of his former relation
to Maria ever stands in the way of the enjoyment of his
fortune. This brings about a conflict in Werner's soul, but
Gutzkow does not know how to develop the large tragic possi-
bilities of his theme. The weakness of the play is especially
noticeable in the concluding scenes of the drama. Hebbel felt
that a character like Heinrich could not end Ötherwise than
tragically, whereas Gutzkow finds a weak and superficial re-
conciliation for the leading characters. Gutzkow tried to
solve his dramatic problem by recognizing the rights of the
family and by yielding to the desire of the public to pro-
vide a happy ending for Ilaria. Thus "Werner" is another



r.
example of how Gutzkow uses the drama as a means for arous-
ing the sympathy of the middle classes and how he sacrifices
art for the sake of didactic ends. The drama ends with
the Words: "Kein Iſlann von Ehre Wechselt on ne die innere Not-
wendigkeit der überzeugung seine Religion; kein Mann von
Gefunl wedhselt den Namen seiner Eltern . . . . . . . In tausend
Seelen unserer Zeit schlummert der Wider spruch des Herzens
mit der Welt. Still und Schmerzlich verborº Wohl dem, der
ihn so lösen kann, wie ich- durch dich!" “ºne Social prob-
lems are treated in a similar manner as in "3avage", and the
drama shows the same limitations. A vital social theme and
interesting and complex situations keep the attention of the
audience, but there is no strong character and no character
development- the very essentials of a good drama are lacking.
* ºx
Gutzkow, as the leader of "Young Germany", stood
for the dignity of manhood and womanhood, and for greater
individual freedom. In his plea for liberty woman was nat-
urally included, especially in his strivings for social
freedom. His efforts for the amelioration of the conditions
of woman were misinterpreted by his adverse critics as
dangerous to morality, and were maliciously called by the
opponents of "Young Garmany" the doctrine of the emancipation
of the flesh. Hebbel, although he saw through the shallow-
ness of this malicious criticism, did not approve of this





-158-
phase of the movement and expressed his opposition to
Gutzkow's doctrines of this great question in "Judith"
and "conowow."Later on, however, he helped this Call S62
in his own peculiar way, viz. by analyzing the character
of Woman in a deeper and more sympathetic way than Gutzkow
or any member of the school was capable of . In connection
with this question it is interesting to note the titles of
his plays: "Judith", "Genoveva", "Maria Magdalena", "Herodes
und Mariamne", "Julia", "Agnes Bernauer" . In all of these
dramas women are the leading characters and their relation
to public questions is considered. Hebbel, however, is not
influenced by the opinions of Gutzkow, although, if his re-
lations to Gutzkow had been more cordial, he might have
derived some valuable suggestions from him. In comparing
Gutzkow's and Hebbel's dramas I have often felt that Gutzkow
stimulated Hebbel more than is generally accepted or than
Hebbel would admit, and the fact that he wrote a series of
Social dramas must to some extent be ascribed to Gutzkow's
Success in that field of literature. But in view of the
experiences of the two men it is obvious that Hebbel's
ideas of the nature of womanhood were largely determined
by his experiences with Elise Bensing and later with Ghris-
tine Enghaus. -
During Hebbel's period of greatest literary pro-
ductivity "his poetic vision was fixed upon immediate civic







-159-
248
and social problems." But before he took up questions
of the day hgºrote "Genoveva", die ihren Gegenpol bilāet
Zur Judit, h". “loºsel's treatment of this old medieval
legend is interesting for this investigation because in
this play situations appear that are similar in some phases
of Gutzkow's ºverner". Hebbel w s attracted to this theme
not because it presented an opportunity for suggesting im-
mediate social reforms, but because he was interested in
the psychological problems of the principal characters. He
was not concerned With conventional ideas of good and evil
but endeavored to build up a new moral world in harmony with
his theory of the relation of the individual to the whole.
He was interested in analyzing volo's mind and in showing
how a man of his passionate temperament could commit such a
deed, and how a passive saintly character like Genoveva
could become an object of tragedy. U ol.0 feels that if he
could possess Genoveva his whole Spiritual life might be
changed, but the hopelessness of this passion throws him into
despair and gradually calls forth all the criminal instincts
that lie dormant in his being . And after his elemental pas-
Sions have been aroused he feels that he must destroy her
to remove her image from his mind. Thus a man of originally
noble instincts is by the boundlessness of his wild passions
relentlessly driven to dishonor and tragic guilt. In order



-160-
to motivate Golo's crime Hebbel develops at length the
naive charm and natural beauty of Genoveva, which arouse
the noblest and lowest instincts of the hero and bring
him to ruin. -
Contrary to Gutzkow's method Hebbel eliminates from
his drama all references to any specific problems of the day
and from his characters all elements of personal responsibil-
ity, and presents thern as hopelessly enslaved by their pas–
Sion. As a result the drama lacks those qualities which es-
pecially appealed to Gutzkow. The drama is clearly under the
influence of the dramatic theories of Hebbel, and although
it is strongly conceived and correctly developed in parts,
a certain atmosphere of abstraction is still noticeable in
it . In "Judith" he had portrayed a woman of action, of hero-
ic mould , a woman who would free her people from oppression.
this is the type of heroic Woman that "Young Germany" admired
but Hebbel disliked. Genoveva, the beautiful, saintly, sub-
missive woman stands in every respect in contrast to Judith
and is Hebbel's ideal of womanhood at this time. He writes to
Gräfin J. Redern: "Heine “udith hielt ich mich nicht berech-
tigt, Ihnen zu iberreichen, denn obgleich sie im hochsten
Sittlichen Ernst geschrieben Wurde, musste ich doch Elemente
in diese Lichtung aufnehmen, die ein weibliches Gemüth ver–
letzen konnten. In der venoveva habe ich die weibliche Natur,


– 161–
die ich hoch tiber die méinnliche stelle, zu feiern ge sucht:
die •enoveva glaube ich deswegon Zhii: Dolmet Scher in der dank-
- . º 250
bºrem Cefühle, die mein Herz für Sie hegt, erwähler zu dirfen."
In "Judith" and "Cenoveva." Hebbel takes a conserva-
tive view of life, but in his next two dramas his progressive
ideas are manifest. In "Maria Magdalena" and in "Herodes und
Ilariamne" he represente the progressive social type of Woman.
In the Se dramas he chooses problems which are naturally call-
ed forth in a period of transition, problems such as he him-
self had experienced, and it is characteristic of his phil-
osophy that he both defends the old and sympathizes with the
new- as in "Agnes Bernauer" and in "Gyges und Sein Ring". In
these dramas he develops in a masterly way the relative jus-
t; ification of the conflict; between the old and the new, 8.
conflict, which we find in his Own nature.
Hebbel hoped to reform completely the social
drama and establich a new "bürgerliches Drama"; Gutzkow ,
on the other hand, hoped to establish "birgerliche" reform
by means of the drama. In such a drama Hebbel saw simply
direct utilitärian ends, and says: "Lass die Zuschauer an
nächsten Tag mit grösserer Bereitwilligkeit, Wie songt.,
ihre Armonsteller bezahlen Oder inre Töchter nachsichtiger
behandeln, dafür haben Sich aber die resp. Armen-Vorsteher
- 25].
und Töchter zu bedanken, nicht die dramatische Kunst."



In One of his essays he says: "Das bürgerliche Trauerspiel
ist in Deutschland in Miscredit gerathen, und hauptsächlich
durch zwei belstände. Wornämlich dadurch, dass man es nicht
aus Seinen innern, ihm allein eigenera, Elementen, aus der
schroffen weschlossenheit, womit die aller Dialectik un-
fähigen Individuen sich in dem beschränktesten “reis gegen-
iber Stehen, und aus der hier8.us ent springenden schrecklichen
Cebundernheit des Lebens in der Einseitigkeit aufgebaut, son-
dern es Sus allerlei Ausserlichkeiten, Z. B. aus dem Man-
gel an Celd bei Áberfluss an Hunger, vor Allem aber aus
dem Zusammenst Ossen des dritten Standes mit dem *:::ºn und
ersten in Liebes-Affairen, Zusammen geflickt hat.” This
Severe criticism applies especially to Gutzkow's dramas.
They meant to Hebbel nothing but a compilation of striking
Situations, describing the sorrowful and distressing elements
in the individual human life. He found these dramas completely
devoid of what he regarded as tragic, but felt that many of the
themes treated by Gutzkow might be elevated into tragedies.
He beleived that it was a matter of indifference whether the
characters chosen were from the lower or higher classes, but
that the success of a theme depended upon the dramatic treat-
Y pº Fº.
fº $2 tº
ment. In contrast to the current social dramas, and to show’
What might be done with such themes he wrote "Iſaria Magdalena"
and also an introduction entitled: "Worwort zur Maria


-163-
Magdalena", betreffend das Verhºlºnie der dramatischen Kunst
Zur Zeit und worsenate runkte:"In ºnton he expressed his
theory of the tragic social drama and the possibilities ºf
raising it to a higher piano. "...aria Magdalena" is thus a
practical illustration of what he intends the social drama
to be. This is also the most modern of his dramas and I” G - .
flects the problems of the day better then any of his plays.
Many of the incidents are reproduced with as much faithful-
ness to actual life as we would find in Gutzkow. The play
i
S based upon nersonal observations in I funich, upon events
that took place in a cabinet maker's home with whom Hebbel
was living. Also many of the Striking characteristics Of
Meister Anton 3.I. 62 derived from impressions received in his
255 - -
youth in his own home. He had seen in life what havoc might
º
º
result from the temperament of a tyrannical father who would
not adjust himself to the needs of the family and the community.
Hebbel's "Maria Magdalena" is a bourgeois tragedy.
Unlike so many "Storm and Stress" dramaš, its Gentral action
is not dependent upon class distinctions of rank and Gaste .
The poet assumes that the middle classes are the real re-
presentatives of the people. He rigidly rejects all super-
ficial and conventional considerations which play such an
important role in Gutzkow's dramas and centers the dramatic
C Onflict, in an inward struggle Of the heroine between
natural inst inct and arbitrary principles of morality. As


-164-
in "Judith" and in "Gernovava." Hebbel reveals to us the ele-
mental forces of woman's nature, and succeeds in making his
principal character subserve the action and meaning of the
whole. He shows that the conflict is brought about by the
inability of the individual to adjust himself to the de-
mands of a higher law that controls the actions Of his
fellow men, and hence must lead to tragic results.
The social standards of the community to which
lieister Anton belongs are based upon traditional ideas of
honor and right. To uphold traditional respectability at
all hazards is the highest law of the class to which he be-
longs. Hebbel shows how narrow environment and limited
moral vision of this middle class destroy for the sake of
º:
º
The Iº e appearance So much that is of essential value to hu-
{{1811 life.”he stern Ileister Ant. On Will sacrifice every-
thing, even his own life, to preserve a stainless reputa-
tion. After he has lost his wife and when his son
has been accused of theft, he affirms to Clara with an
oath: "Wenn auch du mir Schande maclist, Schneid' ich mir
mit dem Rasiermesser den Hals ab . " Poor Clara becomes the
Vict, im of unfortunate Social conditions under which She is
obliged to live. So she sacrifices herself voluntarily to
a vague, artificial ideal Of duty. In order to protect
herself against the temptation to return to an old love,
she yields to the new suit or, and when he abandons her, the
disgrace recalls the threat of her father, and her only
-165-
solution is suicide. She dies to save her father from
death. At the end of the drama the father declares his
bewildered frame of mind toward existing standards by say-
ing: "Ich verstehe die Welt nicht mehr."
The contrast between Hebbel's "Maria Ilagdalena"
and Gutzkow's "Werner" is obvious. As we have seen, Hebbel
does not present the conflict between social classes or the
complications arising from the aspirations of an individual
to attain a higher social position. He deepens the
problem- also a domestic one— so that it is no longer con-
Gerrned With a recognition or abolition of class distinction
and rights, but is presented to us from the point of view of
the eternal laws of human Society. The relation of Ileister
Ant on to his domestic affairs is not an individual case as
that of Werner but is characteristic of any age of transition.
One could point to some relation of ideas in Maria
Iíagdalena" and "Uriel Acosta", but this would lead to meager
and forced results. The words of Judith in Gutzkow's "Uriel
Acosta", however, involuntarily remind one of Hebbel's Clara
in "Maria Magdalena". Judith says: "Mein Water ist gerettet-
doch nur so . . . . .
Leb' wonl, mein Water, -
Wergih dºs Opfer einer höheren Liebe | (Sie lehnt sich und
starst."oth Hebbel's Clara and Gutzkow's Judith become
Victims of antiquated institutions. The closing words of



–166-
Sil. Va in "Uriel AG OSta" express a Sentiment Similar to
that of the Secretär in "Maria Magdalena" . Silva says:
" ) stört die Schauer dieser Stunde nicht ! -
Zwei Zeugen eines Glaubens, der die Welt
Wer achtet ! Richtet nicht, denn wie wir hier
Erstarrt vor Schrecken stehen, die wahren lörder
Des stummen Paares sind wir : 0 geht hinaus
Und predigt: Schonung, Duldung, Liebe
Und was der Wahre Glaube? Ach ! Der Glanz
Der alten Heiligtümer, seh' ich, schwindet .
Glaubt was ihr glaubt ! Nur überzeugungsrein:
Nicht Was Wir meinen Siegt, de Santos ! Nein!
Wie wir es meinen, dBS nur abersaat.“
Secretär: (ZU Meister Anton) Zweifelt Er? Er mögte wohl, aber
Er kann nicht ! Denk' nur an das, was Er ihr ge S&gt hat
Er hat sie auf den Weg des Todes hinausgewiesen, oh, ich hin
Schuld, dass sie nicht wieder ungekehrt iSt .
Sie hat gethen. Was sie konnte- Er war ' s nicht wert, dass ihre
ThS.t esianer“
Gutzkow ' s contemporaries were carried away with
enthusiasm over "Uriel Acosta". This is his best work and
has retained its vitality on the stage till the present day
because of its dramatic organization and the noble ideals-
S Specially those of "Gewissensfreiheit" - , which it espähused .
-16'7-
The conflict between the hero, Uriel Acosta, and the synagogue,
between liberal thought and positive dogma, between a sense
of independence and reverence for tradition, is worked out
very effectively. Uriel and Judith are representatives of
freedom and progress, and stand for the right of individual-
ity, in contrast to Ilanassa and Silva, the representatives
Of conservatism, who stand for subordination of the indi-
vidual. There are in this work two tendencies character-
istic of the time: The struggle for the new, for freedom
and truth, and the effort to suppress all liberal agitation.
The hero perishes not without guilt in a conflict which not
only awakens human sympathy but which touches the deepest
Social and spiritual problems. The serious weakness of the
play is again in the portrayal of its characters. Uriel is
not strong enough to resist the pleadings of others, yields
and becomes faithless to what he has recognized as truth.
Judith is the strongest and most convincing character in
the play; the other characters, however, are inadequately
delineated because of the pronounced didactic purposes of
the drama. Gutzkow does not permit the characters to de-
velop naturally but has a specific end in mind which
makes them carry out his purpose even though it is un-
natural to them. And so we are not surprised at Hebbel's
unfavorable judgment of the drama. He says : "Aber Uriel
Acosta und Alles, was Gutzkow im Tragischen geleistet hat,


–168-
reicht SO wenig an eine untergeordnete, als an die höchste
Aufgabe der echten rassas.“rter years of consideration
he is still of the same opinion: "Auch ich müsste es wieder
thun, Wenn ich heute seinen Uriel Acosta zu beurtheilen hät-
te. Ilan missverstehe mich nicht. Wenn ich dasjenige Trauer-
Spiel Gutzkow ' s , was seine Freunde einstimmig sein vorzüg-
lichstes nennen, nicht in ihrem Sinne anerkennen kann, so
schliesst dies eine Anerkennung in meinem Sinne keineswegs
aUS . Ich weise sehr wohl, dass es eben so weit über die hinaus
ragt, als es hinter einer lebendigen Schöpfung zurück die Ä
"Urie. AG OS ta" iS unquestionably Gutzkow 's greatest
literary production both in its form and in its dramatic action.
The drama is well constructed, free drom digressions and un-
necessary epis Ode S . He has put into it his deepest feelings
and sincerest convictions. Friedmann says: "Acosta fliesst
aus Gutzkow ' s Herzen. Das Beste, das Poetischste, was im
Dichter selbst war, hat er in seinen Helden hineingethan-
auch seine Schwäche. Und gar oft, zu oft, hören wir durch
Ac Ostas und den Dichter selbst reden.“
Another good example of Gutzkow ' s mature art is
"Urbild des Tartüffe", a drama which deals with the follies
Of the time, especially with hypocrisy "diesen Erzfeind der

–169-
Und
Aufklärung des gesunden lienschenverstandes. " The follow-
ing speech of one of his characters expresses the leading
thought of the comedy: "Die Bühne soll das Leben mit der
Kunst, die Kunst mit dem Leben vermitteln. Stellt doch
enschen hin, die nicht vergangenen "ahrhunderten, sondern
der Gègenwart, nicht den assyrergºnº Babyloniern, nein
euern Umgebungen entnommen sind." In this comády Gutzkow,
the reformer and dictator, says in the words of Lefevre:
"Das ganze muss ein Spiegel unserer Zeit Sein, man muss
glauben, die enschen mit Händen greifen sanen.“aut
owing to the outspoken didactic aims of Gutzkow this drama
is also a very mediocre production as compared With loliere "S
master-piece On a similar theme.
It seems at first surprising to find that Hebbel's
opinion of the "Urbild" is favorable, but this is due to the
fact that in VieW Of hiS philosophie ideas on tragedy he
Singled out Gutzkow ' s trage dies and not his comedies and
novels als Objects of his attack. And so he says of "Das Ur-
bild" : "Ich have durch die Kritik, die ich über das Urbild
Tartüffe in der "Presse" veröffentlichte, wohl bewiesen, dass
265
ich Gutzkows positive Seiten kenne und Sie zu schätzen. WeiSS . "
de
S
And in a review of "Das Urbild des Tartüffe" Hebbel expresses
his delight that Gutzkow has succeeded in writing a comedy,
and refers again to the fact that Gutzkow, although versatile,
should not attempt to write a tragedy, because that is not his


– 1.7G-
266
province . He says: "Ich muss der hohen Rundung und Geschlos-
senheit desselben in Erfindung und Ausführung meine Hoch-
achtung bezeugen. Gerade diese Eigenschaften waren es, die
ich gewöhnlich in Gutzkows Productionen vermisste, und deren
langel sie einem nur halb ausgeschmiedeten Ring immer so
ähnlich machte . it um so grösserer Freude habe ich sie hier
endlich angetroffen. Der Grund liegt wohl darin, dass er
diesmal mit glücklichem Tact nur diejenigen Elemente in Sei-
nen Kreis zog, die er wirklich beherrscht, und das er des-
halb keine Forderungen erregt, als solche, die er befriè–
digen konnte. Diesen Tact sollte er immer beweisen, und z. B.
in seinen dramatischen Gemälden das Tragische, dem er nun
einmal nicht gewachsen ist, stets so schattenhaft im fernen
Hintergrund - auf dämmern lassen, wie hier das düstere Familien-
ereignis, aus dem sich die Handlung hervor spinnt.“ AAd
again: "Heute Abend lese ich sein Urbild des Tartüffe, habe
Soeben den zweiten Act geschlossen und finde die beiden Acte
VOrt reff Li Gh . geht es so fort, so hat er ein sehr gutes Stück
gemacht und es soll ihm viel dafür vergeben sein . . . . . . . . ich
habe geendigt, das Stück ist wirklich sehr gut. „“
With "Herodes und Mariamne" (1847–8) Hebbel takes
a new attitude toward life due to his happy marriage, to re-
mOval Of financial embarras Sments, and to the partien recog-
nition he had received as a poet . Although he still adheres to
-171- -
his former "Weltanschauung" he takes, whenever possible,
a more optimistic view of life, and the rights of the
individual in relation to the universal social laws gain
in value and importance. And this attitude is characteris-
tic also of his later works. The spirit that now animates
his dramas is the firm calm faith in the wisdom of the high-
er powers which guide the world. Reconciliation is the
prevailing note in all of them- "Versöhnung in der Idee",
although the sad memories of his past experiences and strug-
gles seem to cast occasionally their shadows upon the chair-
acters of these plays.
In "Herodes und Mariamne" he chooses an historical
theme through which he presents, like Gutzkow, problems of
modern life and criticises prevailing social conditions.
Yet in the elaboration of his subject he differs radically
from Gutzkow. He is never a partisan but develops his char-
acters and the action of the drama in a spirit of severe
objectivity. The outer historical events of this story, which
proved very attractive to many dramatists before Hebbel, are
taken by him simply as a means for the psychological devel-
opment of his characters. In portraying this old story he sug-
gests the present and its struggles, but he does it from such a
lofty standpoint that it applies to humanity at all times. Therein



-172-
he shows his greatness as a poet compared with Gutzkow.
"Ar first the mere history itself seemed to him a perfect
tragedy with little or nothing left for the dramatist to
do . Then to his surprise he found a tremendous task in
motivating the Story, in finding the psychological Solution
which should turn the historical anecdote into a tragedy
of absolute necessity. To do this he sought to comprehend
the Whole life and character not only of Herodes, but also
of the age, and he soon saw that the personal conflict was
really a problem of universal significance. . . . . He determined
to use this personal conflict to depict the vast import of
the period, the greatest turning-point in the evolution
of man. The problem of this period seemed to him of supreme
Significance-- the birth of the human soul. He saw that
º
nothing could have saved humanity from the brutal material-
ism of oriental egoism but the gentle spirit of Christian, º
altruism, and so the soul of humanity, Christ, was born."
In Herodes und Mariamne we find two natures at such
variance with one another that a tragic outcome is inevitable.
“erod represents the conservative antiquated standards of life
and considers his Wife simply as a precious possession. Ilariamne,
on the other hand, represents modern ideals and loves her husband
in a manner new and incornprehensible to him. She is willing to
do everything for her husband even to the point of self-
Sacrifice, but she feels that her conduct must be an act of
free self – determination. Herodi is governed by the O]16
– 173–
ºz
consuming passion, that of possessing Ilariamne absolutely.
The love for her becomes jealousy, and he constantly keeps
watch over her. The consciousness of his own unworthiness
and the fact that he has foully murdered Arist obolus, the
brother of lariannel lead him to ask of her to follow him
voluntarily to death. She refuses to take the oath, and the
tragic conflict begins. If it were not imposed upon her,
She would easily be willing to make the sacrifice, but she
refuses because he mistrusts her and would exact a binding
promise of her. Herod, however, fails to understand her
refusal. The thought that she might become the wife of àrì-
other is the motive for the order he gives to Joseph at
his departure to put her to death in case he should not
return. When he leaves a second time the same order is re-
peated. When the terrible secret is revealed to Mariamne,
she feels that her personality has been degraded and that
She has been treated as a mere chattel. She says: "Du
sprichst unsonst; Du hast in mir die Menschheit geschändet,
meinen Schmerz muss jeder teilen, der Mensch ist, wie ich
Selbst , er braught mir night verwandt, er braucht nicht
27].
Weib zu sein, wie ich." -
The circumstances of Hebbel's own life and times
gave him the suggestion of the fundamental idea of this drama. .
The tragic presentation in "Herodes und Hariamne" of
Sinning against "Die Persönlichkeit" was made possible


- -174–
by the experience of the poet. "Er hat das vernichtende Wehs
des Schöpferischen Geistes gekannt, wenn ihn des Lebens Not
d& Zu. herabgewürdigt še in innerstes Selbst als were preisauce-
ben, um das Dasein zu fristen. . . . . . So kam es, dass or die
moderne Tragºdie, für Welche eine Vergündigung an der eige-
ner, Oder fremden Persºniienkº Typische Schuld ist ,
lange vor Ibsen gefunder hat." "ºne great cry of the age
W&S 3. plea for the rights of the individual, and Gutzkow,
quick to interpret this need, tried to bring about the
desired results by making it the fundamental theme of his
literary productions. He failed, however, in the attempt
because he had neither dramatic ability nor high poetic
ideals. Hebbel, the modern pyschologist and dramatic poet,
had realized by this time the importance of this new aspect
of life and was convinced that the task of the modern drama
was to reveal the full content and meaning of human nature.
And this drama represents perhaps better than any other,
Hebbel's plea for the rights of personality. He succeeded
in making this theme- the right of perosnality- of the
greatest import&nce for the modern drama and was convinced
that by his dramatic method and technique the problems of
the day would be much better understood and solved than by
simply analyzing the outer social manifestations after the
manner of Gutzkow.




"Herodes und Ilariamne" is, in a sense, a transfig-
urationºf the love he felt for his wife Christine. Ileyer just-
ly says: "Christine had saved him physically and spiritually.
Such & soul as hers seemed to him now the most potent force
in life, personal and universal. He saw clearly that sin
Such -
against Na personal soul would be sin against the universal
soul, the devine idea and its moral laws. To demon-
strate this he wrote the symbolical tragedy of Herodes and
ilariamne and drew the former character from himself as
a terrible warning to himself, and the latter from his
- £73.
Wife in homage to her noble nature." Maitiamne is portrayed
as a modern woman. Fully conscious of her personal dignity
she naturally resists the tyrannical demands of her husband,
and the conflict becomes inevitable. In writing "Genoveva."
he had Elise Lensing in mind, who, though she loved and
admired him intensely, could not fully understand him. He
portrayed Genoveva as a saintly woman, who offered no re-
sistance, but remained passive and patiently submissive.
In Ilariamne he made a great advance in the characterization
of woman. She is a woman who demands self-respect and equal
rights and thus in a measure embodies the type of Womanhood
admired by "Young Germany". Up to the time Hebbel met Chris-
tine Enghaus, his G onception of woman was directly opposed
to that of Gutzkow and was more or less influenced by his
–176–
relation to Elise Lensing, a woman Who lived in restricted
environment and was unable to enter his sphere of life. The
artistic talents, the independence of thought, and the
social position of Christine Enghaus elevated the poet's
ideal of womanhood. Henceforth woman in her struggle for
recognition of her rights and her personality has his
sympathy. After 1846 "Young Germany's" theory of "emangi-
pation of woman" does not seem so preposterous to him as
it did before. Women are to him no longer mere "things", -
but, personalities to be respected and he expects "deutsche
Persºnlichke it;" for woman as well as for man.
- In lariamne We have the noble St modern Christian
conception of the value of human life. She feels that she
must insist upon her individual rights even against the
highest power of the land and must not allow herself to be
used as a mere plaything. Even a general comparison Of
Mariamne with Gutzkow's modern women will convince us of
the superficiality and shallowness of his attempt at social
reforms in that field. Gutzkow's women do not convince us
because they are overwrought, dist Orted and at best derived
from random experience; Hebbel's Iſariamne is a lofty type
showing that mutual confidence and recognition of personality
º-
must be the principal condition not only of married life but
Of society as a whole.

Looking at the drama from the point of view of
Hebbel's dramatic theory Meyer justly says: "It is easy to
See how exactlythe story of Herodes and Mariamne fitted into
Hebbel's theory of tragedy, -that exceptional individuals
must eventually clash with one another and succumb to the
universal idea, and, that each crucial age in the development
of humanity has its dramatic problem to be solved.
Both Herodes and Ilariamne, however different in character,
are very exceptional beings, and, as such, doomed to tragic
end; the age is the most important of all ages with its
greatest of all problems, the birth of humanity's soºn.”
Let us now turn to another of Gutzkow's plays and
compare it with Hebbel's dramas of his mature period. In
the play "Ella Rose" Gutzkow presents the intimate relation-
ship of two people bound to each other by the closest ties.
Like Hebbel's "Herodes und Mariamne" it is a drama of the
disc ord, misunderstanding, and distrust of married life. The
chief character might be called a combination of Ilariamne
and Agnes with the stamp of Gutzkow's superficial solution
Of reconciliation. The husband of Ella Rose does not commit;
the unpardonable crime which Herod had committed against
Ilariamne when he wished to degrade her to a mere object
of his arbitrary will but Willingly acknowledges her
innate rights of personality. The heroine considers it

– L 78–
as a moral degradation not to be allowed by her husband to
share with him in the struggle to earn a livelihood - She
sighs for relief and for liberty through work. Because her
husband finally recognizes the individuality of his gifted wife,
he gains her full confidence, Love, and devotion. Now she g1.ad-
ly assumes the duties toward her husband. The problem of the
play may be stated in the words of Kemble to the husband:
"Sie (die Frauen) sind nicht mahr die eingeschlossenen, Wohl-
behüteten, aber auch wie Kinder gebliebenen Gefangenen eines
Harems, sie sind freie Lenschen geworden. Nun legt uns frei-
lich die christliche Lnstitution der Ehe grosse gegenseitige
-
* -
Verpflichtungen auf. Eine Frau, die durch eine glückliche
Wahl jetzt die Priesterin eines Hauses wurde, die Erzieherin
ihrer Kinder, wird vielleicht nie in die Lage kommen, Kriesen
eines Entwickelungsprozesses, eines Bildungsganges zu be-
Stehen. Aber die Lhrige geriet auf so hohe Flut des Lebens.
AC hten Sie an einem starken, vielgeprüften ºharakter einige
Rechte der Freiheit Und sobstsenatese.“
Ella Rose belongs to a class of women like Christine
Enghaus . Through her high training and ability she has achieved
success and gained an independent View of life, and therefore,
makes great demands up on her husband and is entitled to make
them. She is very ambitious, but also has a very keen sense of
responsibility as a wife . A dramatic conflict might arise if





-179-
her husband like Herod had been unable or unwilling to acknowl-
edge her natural rights. But Gutzkow avoids this conflict; and
"Sol We S" the problem in a manner which was most pleasing t; O
the average audience of his time . The themes in the dramas of
Hebbel and Gutzkow are related, but Gutzkow was utterly unable
to rise above paltry theatrical effects in the treatment of
his drama . -
one of the most vital questions of the day was
the relation of the individual to the state, a subject
which had a social as well as a political phase. As we have -
seen, Hebbel was deeply interested in this question, and 8. S
early as 1835 he felt that the state should be considered
before the individual. In 1851 he writes: "Nie habe ich das
Verhältnis, worin das Individuum zum Staat steht, so deut-
lich rekannt, wie set."ºveral times he mentions the
central thought of his new play "Agnes ºrmer"."ºntº
Play is a good example of how little the poet was influenced
by the political ideas of his day and how he subordinated
all questions to his poetic principles. He had watched the
political unrest of 1848 and had seen to what extreme dan-
gers man was exposed through the weakening of the authority
of the state. The convictions he derived from this experience
he applied to the solution of the problem of this play.
Hebbel's faith in the underlying truth of the old tried in-
stitutions would not sanction any sudden revolutionary changes.
- - 278
Although he vigorously denounced arbitrary power, he re-
garded the masses as unable to adjust themselves to new
political conditions without the proper training. And so
he was not in sympathy with the revolution of 1848 and
did not appreciate the value of the idea of representative
government - "Agnes Bernauer" is an expression of his deep-
est political convictions. He wanted to show the value Of
the old order of things and the danger of individual license,
which again was a blow at the liberalism preached by "Young
Germany" and by Gutzkow. In presenting this modern problem
Hebbel again chose a period of transition in history , in
which at the same time new ideas were manifesting then-
selves and struggling for supremacy. The conniet arises
between the father, Duke Ernst of Bavaria, and his son,
Prince Albrecht, because the latter loves and wishes to
wed Agnes, a beautiful girl of the bourgeois class. Not-
withstanding her moral force and strong personality,
the pºke iS absolutely opposed to such a union because
thereby the welfare of the state would be endangered. The
poet sternly solves the conflict by sacrificing the beau-
tiful and charming Agnes to the good of the state. He
presents both sides of the conflict with the greatest
consistency and finally makes the necessity of her death
appear inevitable. At first his personal sympathies seem


-181–
to be decidedly with the lovers, but as the action continues,
the rights of the state as embodied in the Duke grow to
such colossal proportions as to overshadow every other con-
Siderat iOn . In accordance with his philosophy the rights of
the universal must prevail.
- With such a philosophy of life it is easily seen
why Hebbel could not be in sympathy with the leaders of
"Young Germany", who demanded mere personal freedom and
immediate reforms. It is also easily seen why the Writers
of "Young Germany" saw violence done in this play to their
Sense of justice and to the rights of the individual. In
his early dramas we find Hebbel's heroes unconsciously
striving to realize their individual will with an utter
disregard of the rights of the whole. As the poet grew
more mature, he became convinced of the necessity of a
Strongly organized State, and in "Agnes Bernauer" gave
expression to what he regarded to be true political wis-
dom by showing that the state could grow and prosper only
through the suppression or destruction of the desires Or
passions of the individual.
- The leading thoughts of the representative dramas
of the two men have been outlined in the preceX ling pages.
As a result: We have round that Hebbel's social dramas are
works of art, presenting a thoroughly consistent and very

—182-
conservative view of life and society. Gutzkow's dramas,
Orl the other hand, were mere concessions to the prevalent
tastes of the age. They were sentimental, didactic, and
theatrically effective, but had no inner vitality. They
were dramas created for the immediate needs of the time.
Hebbel, however, though unpopular in his day, through
persistent strivings to realize his high ideals of art
developed into perhaps the greatest dramatist of the 19th
century.


-183-
Conclusion.
In this investigation we have endeavored to ar-
rive at an understanding of Hebbel's personal relation to
Üut zkow and of the artistic ideals of the two men .
We have tried to show how Hebbel treated practically all
of the problems of the day , political, social, and reli-
gious. Whenever he could agree with the thoughts and
achievements of Gutzkow, he was kindly disposed toward
him and was generous in his expressions of approval. But
not one of the group of "Young Germany" was strong enough
to have a decisive influence upon him. After all that has
been said about the possible influence of "Young Germany"
or other writers upon Hebbel, it is certain that he did
not regard himself as a disciple of any poet or any school
but tried to develop independently in accordance with the
inttiitions of his genius. He repeatedly emphasized his or-
iginality of thosent"and claimed that the fundamental ideas
of his philosophy had, to some extent, been developed in his
early period in Wesselburen.
in the course of this investigation Hebbel's
relation to Gutzkow has been described. We have seen that
neither practical considerations nor financial difficul-
ties could ever induce him to submit to Gutzkow's


-184-
literary authority or yield to his influence. In our
comparison of Hebbel's and Gutzkow's dramas we have
endeavored to show that Hebbel made use of thoughts
which Were engaging the attention of the public, but
we have also tried to point out that he organized and
interpreted these thoughts in accordance with a strong
and original philosophy of life and art the signifi-
cance of which was entirely misunderstood and hence
opposed by Gutzkow and his school. Hebbel's interest
in modern problems stimulated him to read the works
of Gutzkow and "Young Germany" in order to gain a
better understanding of and be better able to cope
in his own way with contemporary problems. The young
Hebbel caught a vision of the whole movement repre-
sented by "Young Germany", rejected the vapid liber-
alism of the movement and interpreted the problems
presented by Gutzkow from the standpoint of a philoso-
phy which is an expression of his deepest personality.
Instead of bringing about individual reforms of present
conditions, he wished to bring about reforms of the race.
The result was a world drama in which he attempted à,
º-
solution of the problems of humanity. His sincerity,



-185-
devotion, and high standards of art stood in the shar-
pest contrast to those of the leading literary men of the
time. His high conception of the duty of a poet impelled
hin to subordinate personal interests to his ideal of art.
In order to maintain his own ground he had to take a
definite stand from the beginning of his career. He did
not join any literary circles but , conscious of his goal,
worked independently and wrote works which surpass those
Of all of his contemporaries and are now regarded &S 8,
mong the strongest productions of the 19th century. He
could not, like Gutzkow, look at the work of a poet as
a profession, nor could he force himslef to produce plays
at the request of a friend or to please the public, but
worked only as the mood impelled him. The realine Of
other poets aroused in him a "stimmune" which he needed
for creative work. This "Stimmung" was at times called
forth by Works which strongly appealed to him, and at
other times by productions which repelled him. Poetry
like Gutzkow's with its mechanical solutions of the most
serious and difficult questions of life and society a-
roused his indignation and stimulated his imagination
to produce works on similar themes and based upon what


—186–
he regarded to be the true and sound philosophy of life -
- The attainment of his high artistic ideals was
made especially difficult by the influence which "Young
Germany" then exerted upon the press and the theater,
and by the fact that public opinion was directed
by hostile critics. Hebbel ‘s straitened financial
condition forced him again and again to enter into
personal relations with Gutzkow. He made repeated efforts
to live in peace with him, for he realized that Gutzkow
was the literary leader of his time and knew that the
hostility of such a man might injure him in his career.
In view of these facts Hebbel would have preferred not
to irritate Gutzkow in any way, but nevertheless he re-
peatedly found that his artistic conscience impelled
him to become an opponent of Gutzkow. He could never
harmonize his conception of a true poet with the ver-
satility and readiness of a journalist of Gutzkow's
type . He could say of Gutzkow and "Young Germany": "0,
ihr Armseligen, die ihr mit eurem "I'leiss" tiglich sechs
Bogen voll schmiert, weil das 6 Louisdor einbringt und
die ihr für euren Kot doch noch in meiner Seele einen
goldenen Rahmen verlangt & Wir stehen einander so fern,
-187-
dass wir uns gegenseitig nicht einmal erkennen können."
A careful analysis of the various relations be-
tween Gutzkow and Hebbel leads to the conclusion that
a conflict between them was an inevitable one because
their "Weltanschauungen" were radically different . Gutz-
kow in his view of life laid his main emphasis upon ex-
ternal conditions which he wished to reform as soon as
possible - Hebbel maintained that external conditions
were not the prime forces of life but that a man's ac-
tion and fate were determined by higher laws. The Te-
sult was that ºut zkow became a radical reformer, while
Hebbel developed into a philosophical conservative. And
so they naturally took diametrically opposite attitudes
toward the various problems of their time. Gutzkow de-
sired to cut off his age and country entirely from the
past, and seeing nothing worthy of preservation in the
old, wished to cast his lot with the future and the new .
Hebbel saw that true progress did not depend upon the
elimination of either the old or the new, but upon the
realization of universal laws to which we ali must sub-
mit . Lie was convinced that there was always something
in the old which had enduring value, and that the many
projected reforms of "Young Germany" were futile because
they were at variance with the eternal laws of humanity.



– l 88-
In Short, t O Hebbel all art Which did not suggest the
universal was worthless. "Alle Kunst verlangt irgend
ein ewiges Element, darum lässt sich auf blosse Sinn-
lichkeit, (von der sich keine unendliche Steigerung
denzen lässt) keine Kunst basieren.“
We have seen in this investigation hat Hebbel
appreciated everything which he considered as "echt"
in the Works Of GUtzkOW and rejected whatever he re-
garded as "unecht". He tried to OVG / GOING personal
bias, and applied to all the Works of his contemporaries
hiS - SeVere philosophical Standard S . His judgment
of himself was very modest . His boeraphor Kuh SSYS :
"Er hielt sich nicht für einen epochemachenden DiGh-
ter allerersten Ranges, er beansprucht für sich nur
eine Nische neben Kleist und Grillparzer, aber keinen
Thron neben den grossen Griechen, Shakespeare, Und
282 -
Goethe . " During his life time it was not possible
for him to overcome the opposition of "Young Germany"
and to gain many adherents for hiS ideals. He did not
possess Gutzkow's power of leadership and could not
gather about him disciples to proclaim his message and
make propaganda for it. But with the decline of "Young
Germany" the interest in Hebbel began to grow. After a

life of almost incredible difficulties he could see
signs of victory. The slow but steady realization of
his ideals afforded him the highest satisfaction and
gave him in time a degree of calmness and composure
which enabled him to view the malevolence and Sländer
of his opponents with comparative indifference. He
saw that the tide was turning and that Gutzkow, who
had opposed him in word and deed, was losing ground -
As a orowning joy of his persistent efforts came the
message that his "nibelungon" had received the "Schil-
ler prize". Sadly he cried out : "I)as ist Hensohomos,
blad fehlt uns der Wein, bald fehlt uns der Becher . "





- 191-
Notes.
Tb - I, l.
Werner 39
Küchler 65
Br. I, 242
Werner 49
Proelss 23.
Proelss l8
Proehss 47
Wienbarg, I'eldzüge I, 34
Proeiss 171
H. Heine's Leben und werke- Adolf Strodtmann II, lê9.
stroutmann 173
Strodtmann II, 187
Froeles 768. -
Proeles 719
Proel SS 721
Werner 86
Werner 86
Br. I, 91. Oct. 3, 1836 -
Tb. I, 593
Werner 74. ſ
Br. I, 269. 25 Feb. 1838.
Br. I, 282. 27 April 1838.
Br. I, 283
Br. I, 238. 6 ſlay 1838.


-192-
49.
50.
Br.
Br.
Br.
Br.
Br.
Br.
Tb.
Br.
Sept. 1838.
*
2
9
3.
-
l
4.
5 Nov. 1838.
*
3.
4.
9
&
2
5
Dec. 1838.
, 379. 12 Jan. 1839. Th. I, 1865. p. 424.
, 402. 12 Jan. 1839. Br. I, 405.
IIIIIII
y-
rº.
6
8
*
1.
2
p
1529. 3 April 1839.
II, 13. 9 Nov. 1839.
Proels's 750
Bartels 47
Tb.
Tb.
Tb.
Tb.
I, lê56
I, 1560. 16 April 1839
I, 1579. 6 Hey 1839.
I, l865. Houben l'74.
W. 2.I., 2O =
Tb.
Tb.
Tb.
Tb .
Tb.
Br.
TB.
Tb.
I, 1652. l6 Sept. 1839.
I, 1656. 17 Sept. 1839.
1, 1872. 25, sept. 1839.
I, 1768. Th. I, 1816.
Tb. 1, 1808. 7Dec. 1839 .
1, 1865. 21 Dec. 1829.
II, 24. 29 Jan. 1840.
II, 1925. 4 liarch 1840.
II, 1925.
G. W. XI, 38.
-l93–
5l. Bartels 49.
52. Br. II, 29. 2 Feb. 1840.
53. Compare Br. II, 24. Th. I, 1865, p. 423 ff.
54. Br. II, 32. l April 1840. º -
55. Th. II, 1961.
56. Kuh I, 427.
57. Th. II, 1925. 4 March 1840 -
58. Th. II, 2049. 27 July 1840.
59. Br. II. 93. 29 July 1840 -
60. Th. II, 2203. 31 Dec. 1840.
6l. Th. II, 236l. -
62. Th. II, 2397.
63. Th. II, 2707.
64. Th. II, 2627.
65 - Br. IW. 32, 34, 53.
66. Br. II, 171. L Jan. 1843.
67. Br. II, 182 - 14 Jan. 1843.
Gºa. Br. II, 206 - Feb. 5, 1843.
68. W. XI,8.
69. Br. II, 222, 27 Feb. 1843.
70. W. XI, 20.
71. W.XI, 23.
72. Br. II, 242. 24 March 1843.
73. Th. II, 2669. 28 March 1843.
74. Br. II, 27. 14 April 1843.
75. Br. II, 287. Br. III, 72.115 - 128. 314 •

–194–
76. Th. III, 3852.
'77. Bart; el S 82 f.
78. Br. IV, 26 f. 6l. ------------------
79. Th. III, 3992. -
80. Th. III, 4362. 8 Feb. 1848.
al. v. xi, Intro. 90, 387-400. XI, 270-276. 345-49. Br. IV,281.
82. Br. W., 63. 6 Oct. 1852-
83. Br. W, 281. -
84. Br. W 105. 9 June 1853.
85. Br. W, llá. 3 July 1853.
86. Br. W, 121. 30 Aug. 1853.
87 - Br. W, 12l. 30 Aug. 1854 •
88. Gutzkow W. I, 100.
89. Br. W, 280 -
90. Br. W, 286 - 24 Dec. 1855.
91. Br. VI, 30. 15 Nov. 1857.
92. BR. WI, 109. 11 Feb. 1858 -
93. Br. VI, 118. In March 1858.
94. Br. WI, 285. 5 Oct. 1859.
95. Br. WI, 323.
96. W. XII, 273 -
97. BR. VII, 148. 2 March 1862.
98. Th. IV, 6167. 21 June 1863.
99. Th. III, 3391 .
100. Th. III, 44.21.




— 195—
lOl • Tb. II, 2486.
l02. Tb. II, 23l9.
l03. Br. III, 98; VI, l84 .
lO4 • W. XI, 9 •
l05. Tb. II, 2242.
106. Tb. I, ll; 126; 887; l47l •
lO'7. Tb. II, £l97.
108. Tb. I, llOj 334; II, 2409; 25δό; 2648; 2664.
ioo. Br. I, 102.
llO. Tb. III, 3732. Tb. II, 2253 .
lll. Tb. I, 1364.
il2. Tb. II, 2212 •
113. Tb. II, 2440 •
ll4 . Tb. I, 560.
ll5. Tb. II, 2262.
116. Tb. II, 2119.
ll7. Tb. III, 3736; 4019.
118. Tb. II, 288l.
119. Tb. II, 2040; £028; 3466.
l20. W. XI, 29; 3l.
12l. Küchler 26.
122. Tb. I, l'756.
123. Br. I, 23i.
l24. Tb. III, 4274 •
125. Tb. III, 4969 .
-l96–
126.
127.
128.
129.
130.
lºl.
132.
133.
135.
l36.
l37.
138.
l39.
l40.
14l.
lA2.
lá.3.
lá4.
lá5.
lá6.
14? .
148.
l49.
lä0.
Tb. II, 2504.
Tb. II, 2005.
Tb. III, 374.
Tb. III, 134 .
v. xi, 40 -
W. XI, 43.
W. XI, 44.
WXI, 29.
Tb. III, 4274. Tb. IV, 53.34.
Tb. I, 886; 965; 1018; 1761; Br. I, 14l.
Ritter vom Geißt XVI. Maha Guru, Norwort zur 273 Ausg.
Goethe im Wendepunkte Zweier Jahrh. Die Phil. der
That ul. d. Ereignisses.
W. IV. 8.
G.W. IV, 32.
Ges.W. IV. 32.
G.W. XI, 128-
G.W. XI, 59 .
See Beiträge zur Gesch. d. neusten Lit. Bd. II, 166-174.
Ges. W. IV, 4; 32.
Worrede- Die Ritter vom Beist.
Ges. W. IV, 121.
Ritter vom Geist. Intro. VIII.
G.W. III, 147.
•es. W. III, 97.
Ges. ºf . IV, lA 6 -



- 1.97-
1.
5
l
Ges. W. IW, 45.
Ges.W. IV, 151.
I.
5
2
-
l63. Ges. W. IV, 10.
154. Ges. W. IV, 7.
155. ges.V. Iv, 75.
156. Ges.". IV, 72.
157. “es.W. IW, 74.
l68. Ella Rose Act. I, Sg. 3; Act. W, Sc. 3, also in
Seraphine and Wally,
159. 9es. W. IV, 68.
160 - Ges. W. IV, 46.
l6l. Ges.W. IV, 33.
l62. G. I. II, 78.
l63. Schmidt 112 -
l64 . G. W. I, 6l.
165. Schmidt 76.
l66.
l68. W. XI, 3.
l69. Br. IV, 124.
l'70. G. W. I, 60.
17l. G. W. III, 3; 77; 146; IV, l; Zauberer v. Rom VII, XI, XII.
172. Th. III, 3852.
L73. Gohrnidt 75.
174. Ritter v. Geist, XV.
175. Coar 261 -

-198–
176. G.W. I, 65/ 69, 80.
177. G. W. K.I., 335.
173. G.W. I, 202.
l'79. G. W. XI, 261 -
18O. Schmidt, 110°
181. G. W. XI, 361 -
182. G. W. XI, 267'
183. G.W. Xii, 108.
184 . G.'" . III, 144-
185. C. . . . I, 61 -
186. W. XI, 15.
187. Bº. 1. 170.
º
-
188. BR. I, 286. April 27, 1829.
189. Br. VII, 312.
190. B.R. WI, 302.
191. Berger 208.
194. Br. II, 286. Th. II, lº 30-
195. Br. WII, 255 -
196. Th. III, 3.945.
197. Br. VI, 219.
198. Th. II, 1931.
199. Br. IV, 265.
200. Br. V, 136.

20l. Br. IV, 325.
202. Br. VII, 3ll.
203. Br. VII, 148.
£04. Br. VII, 404.
205. G. Y. XI, 280-
206. G. VI. XI, 347.
207. W. XII, 236.
208. Tb. III, 4l65; 4492; 4814; Tb. III, 4582.
209. Berger 218.
2io. Br. I, 336; 370; II, 225; IV, 31; 7,25; 122; VI, 3i; III,i2s.
Tb. I, 1575; l'768; 1808; l529; II, 1925; 2006; III, 3852; 4362:
2ll. Uriel Agosta, Zopf u. Schwert , and perhaps Urbild.
2l2. Ilathews £0.
213. Tb. III, 3852. - -
214. Br. I, 336; 279; II, 32; III, 325; v, 63; 95; VI, 3i; Tb. I, i865. Br. II,
l3; Br. II, 222; Tb. III, 3646; 3852; 4362. W. XII, 62; £l4; £43.
2l5. G. Τ. III, 2l5 .
2l6. Tb. I,l034 •
2l7. Tb. II, 2864.
2l8. VI. XI, 43 .
2l9. W. XI, l32.
220. To. III, 2852. Br. II, 22.
221. Tb. III, 4978.
222. Br. VIII, 38.
223. Br. VIII, 38.
224. Tb. III, 27l'? •
225. §. XI, 4 •



— 200—
W. XI, 3l •
W. XI, 29, 50 .
• Tb. II, 2265 •
Br. II, 1773} Tb. II, 2634; 2664; £635.
Tb. III, 2392.
. Tb. III, 4l50.
**
\ . XI, 23 •
WXI. 8.
Proelss '758.
c.7. Intro. I, 33.
Proe] s3 '766.
}. '. I, 8l.
c.i. I, 92.
G.Y. I, 93 •
G .Y. I, lo6 •
G. W. I, lÖ9.
G.Y. I, llO.
G. W. I, l32*
Y. XI, 3.
Tb. I, 1808.
G.T. II, 196-97.
Br. II, 103; Tb. II, 107; Terner 152.
Coar 253.
Br. VIII, 35.
Br. II, l27.


– 201–
255. Th. I, 574; 582. Br. VII, 302.
256. Br. II, 342. Th. II,324. Vernor 11. 32 ff.
257. C.W. III, 126. ---. - -
258. G. W. III, 127.
259. W. II, 70.
260 . W. XI,
2
7
6
2
7
3
26l - W - XI,
262. Friedmann 56 .
£63. G. W. III lo-
£63. G. W. ITT, 10).
264. G. " . III, Ll
2
6
5
. . . XI, 348 -
.." . I * 79.
2
C
76
º
2
6
º y - XI * 274. -
268. T. KII, 262.
º
269. Th. III, 4362
270. Meyer Øl.
27] . .ine 1685.
272. Berger 211 -
273. i-eyer 36.
275. C. W. IV, 169.



276. Th. III, 413.
277. Br. IV, 366; Tb. I, 31; Br. W., 106.
278. Br. IV, 108.
279. Gee Bibliography.
280. Zincke 20.
b
-
276.
281. T
Kuh 669.
282.









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