RELATIONSyBETWEENENGLAND
AND - ZURICH‘ DURING -THE-
REFORMATION 1-- BY - TH ~VETTER.
lap-4
:3: _
§,
F3?
§M
a
Dedicated to the XXIII. Anglican Church
Cgnferenee of Northern and Central Europe.
June I“ and 2”“, 1904.
k‘ - M ~—~4
"I!" | = 1* - ‘w I luaumuuauumuaulluu w
' ( J. "L"
W
lLllflllllllfl‘lilllll'Ll!

nnmunmun l " .: " . lumuunuunnng
-" 1' - 4&1» ‘-





2-99 .
| _ > - ‘ V _ :_
j‘ LKBRARY (BF THE E -
MKSEYGFMH ‘ a % EFL _ l/AQQW%HQAN : 3 (\Q X“ /P"r“ ‘ w a E 3
—- ‘-‘ ' I \’ L “5 / \ \\ _ ‘i
; /// '8 \ t “i
1*‘ q) ._ g-
5 *- J


, $3 .
"7k - Q‘l >_ .
v "4‘ .
:l'h ‘ P‘


,
4'L.;,__'__J..JT“'



[Mi “1' 31. ‘
44w‘

x

"11‘ ' mm
1.1:‘

“1


q '=
"' L
r- = :w' "3
5 :1 ~
: l J
\ 1"‘ l
I”.
RELATIONS ' BETWEEN ' ENGLAND '
AND ' ZURICH ' DURING ' THE‘
REF ORMATION BY'TH 'VETTER'
Dedicated to the Xxiii. zingh'cczn Church
Conference of Northern and Central Europe.
Zurich, j‘une In‘ and 2nd, 1904
LONDON
ELLIOT STOCK, 62,- PATERNOSTER ROW, EC.
1904
DURING the Reformation and through-
out the sixteenth century Zurich was
one of those places where English scholars
and fugitives very frequently found a quiet
abode. Here new ideas and doctrines in
regard to ‘the Church took their origin,
from here they were brought to England.
English books, too, were printed at Zurich,
while works of Zurich reformers were
translated and published in London.
It is not difficult to give the date-
when this connection began: it was most
probably the year I 531. In 1529 the
learned Simon Grynaeus, then at Heidel-
berg, was invited by the authorities of
Basle to fill the chair which Erasmus had
left vacant. He gladly accepted the call,
but being prevented from beginning his
at
Q‘.
in;
Q
fin’
h!
2 (Befattons Between @ngfanb a'nb
lectures by a thorough reorganization of
the university, he thought to‘ make the best
use of his time by going to Englandwhere
he might profit by the intercourse with
celebrated men of learning. It was a period
of great excitement then in England. The
question of king Henry V'III.’s divorce,
having already been discussed for several
years, was now to be decided. The English
theologians who-had been consulted referred
the king to the pope, whose decision ‘was
already known beforehand. The trial of
the case in the hall of the Blackfriars, in
July 15-2 9, was a mere farce. After ‘Cardinal
Wolsey’s fall and death, the king hoped
once more to ‘find men of learning and
renown who might be inclined to declare
his marriage with Catharine of Aragon,
his brother’s wife, as unlawful. homas
Cranmer, at that time a simple Cambridge
scholar, suggested that the universities of
Europe should be called on for ‘their judg-
ment, and Simon Grynaeus, after having
been duly informed in regard to the nature
Zurich baring the (Reformation 3
and state of the question, was employed by
King Henry to collect the opinions of the
German and Swiss reformers.
On the roth Sep., I 531, Grynaeus was
able to send to the English king from Basle
a number of letters 1 relating to the question
of his divorce.
Not all the answers were according to
the king’s desire. Still, Zwingli was of
the opinion, that “if the marriage be against
the law of God, it ought to be dissolved;
but the queen should be put away honourably,
and still used as a queen.” 2 A few weeks later
the great reformer of Zurich died on the
battle-field of Kappel (11th Oct., 1531).
Whether Thomas Cranmer on one of
his journeys to Rome saw Grynaeus or
other Swiss reformers, we do not know;
but after he had been'named to the see of
Canterbury, the archbishop was still in
correspondence with Grynaeus 3 as well as
1 Original Letters, No. 257. 2 Burnet, Hi-
storie of the Reformation of the Church of England,
I, 90. 3 Allusions to his letters in Original Letters,
No. 244.
4 (Befafions Between Gngfanb anb
with Bullinger, Zwingli’s talented successor
in Zurich.1
Among those who brought letters and
books from England we find the celebrated
English printer Reyner or Reginald Wolf 2
(d. 1573), famous through his manuscript
collection for a “Universal History or Cos-
mography”, out of which RaphaelHolinshed
drew his “Chronicles”. Wolf was a regular
visitor to the fair at Frankfort on Main,
where he used to meet the Zurich printer,
Christopher Froschower. It may be that
by means of this intermediation young
‘English gentlemen were recommended to
Bullinger for theological instruction.
Konrad Pellikan, professor of Hebrew,
who received pupils in his family, informs
us in his “Chronikon”8 that the first two
Englishmen arrived on the 18th of August,
1536, namely- Yokn Butler and PVz'ZZz'am
1 Kessler’s Sabbata. St. Gallen 1902, page
463 sqq. 2 Original Letters, 'No. 244, note.
3 Edited by B. Riggenbach. Basel 1877, p. 146.
Eurid} baring tBe (Keformation 5
Udmp/z (Udroffus), 1 who were, after some
time, followed by a third one whose name
was also VVz'Z/z'am. Pellikan’s domestic life,
however, was not very happy then. His
wife was ill and died in October. The
three young gentlemen thereupon left his
house, to return again a few months later,
when Pellikan had taken another wife. In
the following winter they went to Geneva,
then probably to Basle, whence Butler came
once more to Zurich in autumn I5 39,
because the plague was then raging at
Basle. 2
But the head of the Church of Zurich
himself, Henry Bullinger, had also opened
his house to the English students. Nz'c/zo/as
Partridge lived with him from August, I 5 36,
to January, 1537, whereupon he went to
England for a short visit, taking with him
Rudolf Gwalter, Bullinger’s foster-son, in
his later years an excellent preacher. Re-
1 A letter of Guilhelnus Udroffus is inserted
in Kessler’s Sabbata. St. Gallen 1902, _p. 480.
2 Chronikon p. 149.
6 (Befafions fie’tween' Gngfi'anb anlb
turning in June‘, I 537', they brought with
them Nz'c/zolas Eliot and Bartholomew
Tmkeron.
We are not informed of the doings
of these students during their stay at Zurich;
there can however be no doubt that they
devoted all: their time to theological studies.
On their way home Butler, Partridge,
Eliot, and Traheron send a letter of thanks
to their “Master Bullinger”:
“We had a very pleasant journey to
Berne, except only that the absence of
one so dear to us as yourself sometimes
distressed our minds. The friends to whom
you so kindly gave us letters of recom-
mendation entertained us with more than
common courtesy. A great part of this
their kindness we place to your account,
who did not think it enough to treat us
courteously yourself7 without causing the
same conduct to be manifested by others.”
—— The end of the letter betrays who were
their teachers: “We hope you will not
think it a trouble to salute diligently in
Zurid} baring the (Reformation 7'
our name master Leo Judae, master Pellikan,
and that chief ornament of Switzerland,
yea, rather- of the whole world, Theodore
Bibliander; the kindness of all of whom as
well as their rare learning, we regard with
such veneration as that we never can
forget them.“
These lines, without place or date, may
have been written in Switzerland; from
another letter2 we hear that the friends
were at Geneva, visiting Calvin, and later on
we find them at Strasburg. None of these
early English visitors was destined to play
an important part in the Reformation of their
country, but we hear of most of them in
later years, and their feelings towards
Zurich were always of the kindest.
Yohn But/er, a rich man, more than
once visited Zurich in later years; he had
once been offered “an honourable post
about the king; but smitten with the love
of the muses, he seemed to have an ab-
1 Original Letters, No. 286. 2 No. 285.
8 (Befations Between @ngfanb anb
horrence of a courtier’s life. He con-
tinued his studies at Strasburg, was for
I several years (between 1 5 39—42) at Basle,
and seems to have settled down at Zurich
about 1550, where an edition of Peter
Martyr’s book ‘ ‘de Sacramento Eucharistiae”
was dedicated to him in 1552. He always
took the greatest interest in the English
Reformation, and his letters are a valuable
source for our knowledge of the state of
things in the English church at that period.
Presently we shall meet with the name of
Butler’s son Henry, who paid a visit to
his native country, together with Zwingli’s
son Rodolphe and Rodolphe Gwalter the
younger, in I 571.
William Udroph or Udroff is probably
identical with that Woodrooffe who sends
his greetings from Frankfort to his Zurich
teachers in I 538. Of his later life we hear
nothing. ’
That “other” William in Pellikan’s house
is W z'llz'am Petersen, who continues his
1 No. 287.
Eurid} baring tlie (Reformation 9
studies at Frankfort and Strasburg,1 al—
though he seems to be more interested in
matters of business. He had ordered bows
at Glaris2 and was not satisfied when he
received them. “For, whereas each bow-
stave ought to be three fingers thick, and
squared, and seven feet long, and to be
got up well polished without any knots,
scarcely one of them answered to this
pattern and description.” Even in such
troubles Bullinger had to help his English
friends, who went so far as to ask him,
that they might, by his aid, obtain a
licence from the authorities of Zurich to
select trees in a certain wood belong-
ing to the magistrates of the town, in
order to make bows and to export them
to England.4
The most amiable among the English
guests was —— no doubt — Nickolas Par-
tridge. He had been sick on arriving
in Zurich, was nursed in the house of
Bullinger, and took — as we have heard
1 No. 277. 2 No. 288. 3 No. 289. 4 No. 292.
IO QQel’atio-ns Between @ngfanb anb
-- his host’s foster-son for a visit to
England. After a second stay at Zurich
he was the bearer of a book which con-
tained two treatises by Bullinger (De Scrip-
turae Sanctae Auth‘oritate, &c. and De
Episcoporum Institutione et F unctione &c.
Tigui'i, Froschower 1 538), and which were
dedicated to King Henry VIII.’ He de-
scribes in a letter of Sep. 17th, I 53,81 the
way in which he delivered his message:
“We addressed first of all the Archbishop
of Canterbury, who most courteously re
ceived the copy sent to himself: we offered
him likewise, for civility’s sake, and that
it might be received more favourably, the
book intended for the king: at first he
refused, and thought it would be much
more advantageous if it were placed in
the hands of the lord Cromwell, that he
might deliver it to the king; but after
supper he asked for the king’s book of
his own accord, and promised to deliver
it into his hands, provided we were pre-
1 No. 280.
fart-d} baring ttiev @eformatton II
sent, in case the king should wish to ask
us any questions. . . . . . We then called
upon the lord Cromwell: Eliot put into
his hands your book addressed to himself;
he received it very kindly, together with
the letter, which he read through, not-
withstanding he was overwhelmed with
business. That evening he went to court,
having some business with the king, to
whom he doubtless shewed the book he
had that day received. As soon as the
Archbishop of Canterbury heard of this,
he forthwith sent the king his book, at a
time when we’ could not be present. But
that the gift was acceptable to the king,
we collect from this circumstance, that His
Majesty expressed a wish to those around
him, that it should be translated into English.”
The royal desire was fulfilled, but — as
it seems -— only very much later: we know
an edition of Bullinger’s “Discourse of
the woorthynesse, authoritie and suffi-
ciencie of the holy Scripture, translated
by Tomkys” of the year 1579.
12 Qgefafions Between @ngfanb anb
For some time Partridge was in the
service of the Bishop of St. David’s in‘
Wales,1 then he was tutor to the children
of the Mayor of Dover,2 always a zealous
propagator of the new doctrine, an ad-
mirer and faithful disciple of his teacher
Bullinger. “Not only the church of Zurich
—— he writes to him8 -, but all other
churches which are in Christ, bear witness
to the skill, and purity, and simplicity of
faith, with which you have expounded the
whole Bible, and especially the epistles
of St. Paul. And how great weight all
persons attribute to your commentaries,
how greedily they embrace and admire
them, (to pass over other numberless argu-
ments), the booksellers are most ample
witnesses, whom by the sale of your
writings alone . . . you see suddenly
become rich. May God therefore give
you the disposition to publish all your
writings as speedily as possible.”
Partridge’s letters always show the
1 No. 287. 2 No. 281. 3 No._ 284.
Enrich baring tfie @leformation 13
most tender feelings, and are often accom-
panied by little presents. He might
certainly have done good service to the
Reformation, but he died young, about
I 540,1 much deplored by all his friends,
especially by Rodolphe Gwalter.
Nz'c/zo/as Elz'oz‘ is of a far less communi-
cative turn of mind; in his rare letters
he usually expresses the opinion, that the
friends who bring them to Zurich will
give much better information about his
doings than he could give by his writing.
Soon after his return he begins to study
“our municipal law, and is in no small
degree aided therein by the munificence
of the king”.2 In 1542 he held an office
from whence he derived a good income.
Bullinger thought highly of him, but when
he recommended to him one of his pupils
(John ab Ulmis) in 1548, the answer
was, that “Eliot has long been dead and
gone to heaven”?
None of the earlier pupils of Bullinger
1 No. 294. 2 No. 287. 3 No. 184.
I4 QQel’atio-ne Between @ngflanb anb
had greater influence in England than
Bartkalomew Tm/zeron.1 For some time
he was in the service of the lord Cromwell,
after whose fall he retired to Geneva.
He took an active part in the discussion
on the Eucharist, wishing that the opinions
of the Swiss reformers might be victorious. 2
In 1550 he became “tutor to the ‘duke
of Suffolk, who is of the same age with
the king.” His enthusiasm for king
Edward VI. seems to be founded on per-
sonal acquaintance; he praises him as one,
“who is making wonderful progress in
learning, piety, and judgment”, and asks
Bullinger “to commend to God in his
prayers this prince of the greatest hope,
who is even now a defender of the
Christian religion almost to a miracle.”‘1
Swiss students, recommended to Tra~
heron by Bullinger, were received with
the utmost kindness, and one of them,
Yo/zannes aé Ulmz's, was even engaged
1 See Dictionary of National Biography 57, 148.
‘3 Original Letters, No. 152; 3 No. 222. 4 No. 153.
Zurich barring the (Reformation Is
to instruct Lady Yane Grey, daughter of
Henry Grey, Duke of Suffolk, after
Edward VI.’s death (6th July, I 553) for a
few days queen of England, but beheaded
in 1 554. Through Johann von Ulm Lady
Grey became acquainted with Bullinger,
to whom she addressed those interesting
letters which now form one of the most
valuable treasures of the “City Library of
Zurich.” They are published separately 1
and in the “Original Letters” as nos. 4—6.
Traheron was in great favour with
the leading persons under Edward VI.;
he was appointed dean of Chichester 2
and, together with the most influential
defenders of the new doctrine, he was
made a member of the commission for
framing ecclesiastical laws.3 He was very
anxious in regard to certain theological
questions, especially that of predestination;
he asks for Bullinger’s advice and is very
1 Joann'ae 'Graiae Litterae ad Henricum
Bullingerum. Ziirich 1840. 2 Strype, Eccles.
Mem. II. II, 266. 3 ib. II. I, 530.
16 Qlefations Between Gngfanb anb
thankful for it, although he frankly con-
fesses: “I cannot altogether think as you
do.”1 More and more he turns toward
Calvinism. When Mary came to the throne,
he had to leave England together with
many of his brethren, and went to
Frankfort where he taught in the ‘Uni-
versity’ set up there for the maintainance
of learning among the English exiles. He
was lecturer in divinity and read e. g.
upon the "beginning of St. John’s Gospel,
and upon the fourth chapter of the Reve-
lation.2 His name appears for the last
time in I 556; we do not know when he
died, probably about I 5 58.
There is one English friend of Bullinger
and of the other Zurich reformers who did
not belong to the learned professions,
Ree/Lard Hz'lles, a merchant. His numer-
ous letters are, nevertheless, written in
Latin, although he frequently enough wishes
to be excused for the awkwardness of his
1 Original Letters, No. 155. 2 Shy/pa,
Eccles. Mem. III. I, 543. '
Enrich During the (Reformation 17
style. We hear of him for the first time
in 1540,1 he seems to have visited Zurich
in 1542, and he is from that period on
ward, for about thirty-seven years, one of
the most interesting correspondents. Hilles
left his country, because he was afraid of
persecution, and earned his living as a
cloth-merchant chiefly at Strasburg, al-.
though there are also letters dated from
Frankfort, London, or Antwerp. When
he writes, his regular topic is, of course,
the state of the affairs of the church, but
so many items of worldly news, evidently
received from trustworthy sources, are in-
serted, that we get vivid glimpses into
the public as well as into the private life of
that period. For his Zurich friends the
descriptions of Thomas Cromwell’s fall and
execution (28th July, 1540), of the king’s
proceeding against Anne of Cleves, of his
marriage with Catharine Howard, of the
execution of her‘ uncle, the duke of Norfolk
and her cousin, Henry Howard Earl of
1 Zwingliana 1899, p. 100.
I8 (Befattons Between @ngfanb anb
Surrey,1 the poet, must have been of great
interest, at a time when no newspapers
or periodicals informed the people of the
events of the world.
The accession of King Edward fills
him with great joy, for now he may return
to his native country and his children,
born abroad, are naturalized.2 Six years
later, on the 9th of july, 15 5 3, i. e. three
days after king Edward’s death, Richard
Hilles in a letter to Bullinger expresses
his deep regret that England had lost that
promising sovereign, but he is full of hopes
for the future, knowing that Queen jane
(Lady Jane Grey) will protect the new
doctrine: “Yet we are not altogether
without God’s mercy, since he has now
ordained such a successor to so pious a
king, under whom we have great hopes
that we, her subjects, shall nevertheless
be able to live a godly, quiet, and tran-
1 QriginaI Letters, Nos. 105 sqq. 2 Original
Letters, No. 118 and Strype, Eccles. Mem. II.
II, 66.
Zurich outing tBe @eformation 19
quil life, in all peace, virtue, and right-
eousness; and that the pure word of God
will always be sincerely preached in this
realm.”1
Within a few days things changed
entirely, and Richard Hilles whom Bul-
linger so often had exhorted not to allow
his worldly interests to influence his reli-
gious persuasion, had to confess (years
later) : 2 “As long as our cruel and super-
stitious Queen Mary reigned in this country
I was so afraid for my property, and of
getting into danger, yea, even for my
life itself, that I scarcely dared to write
to persons of your character, or to receive
letters from them.” We are indeed forced
to believe the accusations of one William
Salkyns (“Servant of master Richard
Hilles”),‘°’ that Hilles frequented the mass;
but we may be ready to forgive his
weakness, when we hear how faithful he
1 Original Letters, No. 125. 2 ZurichLetters,
II. series, No. 7 (Feb. 28, 1559). 3 Original Letters,
No. 168.
20 (Betations Between Gngtanb anb
was towards his old friend Bullinger, and
how kindly he received the numerous
Swiss students in England who were re-
commended to him from Zurich.
His last letter, addressed to Rodolphe
Gwalter, is written four years after Bul-
linger’s death, and he tries to comfort him
for the loss of his “dear sons and inti-
mate friends.”1
A very sympathetic person appears fre-
quently with Richard Hilles, Yo/m Burcher,
also a merchant, who does excellent
services to the cause of the Reformation
both in England and Switzerland. He has
left his native country “for the sake of
true religion” and is maintaining himself
by manual labour now at Basle, now at
Strasburg and elsewhere. Burcher is de
sirous of becoming a citizen of Zurich,
and Hilles recommends him warmly to
Bullinger and to the authorities. A testi-
monial being required, signed by some
persons worthy of credit, his friend sends one
1 Zurich Letters, II. series, No. 125.
Enrich curing the Qieformation 21
with the signatures of one William Swerder
and of Miles Coverdale, then a simple
“master of a grammar school at Berg-
zabern,” but already favourably known as an
excellent translator of the Bible.1 Whether
John Burcher’s desire was granted by the
magistrate of Zurich we do not know, still it
is very probable. For having usually signed
his letters “Anglus”, he writes himself
“Anglo-Tigurinus” in 1548.2
The events of Burcher’s later life show
many attractive sides; his journey to
Poland, ‘for instance, where he went to
obtain permission to establish a brewery,
is of singular interestf" only it has nothing
to do with our subject; while it is worth
mentioning, that Bullinger’s sons were
living in his house at Strasburg, in I 553.
Having witnessed so far the earlier
connections between England and the
Zurich reformers, and the results therefrom,
which were chiefly of a personal cha-
1 Original Letters, No. I 14(1545). 2 N0. 296.
3 Nos. 328-333.
22 @efattons Between Gngfanb anb
racter, we have now to turn our attention
to English exiles who took an active part
in the Reformation of their country, whose
works are directly influenced by Bullinger
and his friends, and partly even printed
at Zurich; while — during the reigns of
Edward VI and Queen Elizabeth —— they
translated and published in England trea-
tises written for the reformation of Switzer-
land.
The first name we meet with in this line
is that of the zealous reformer and dra-
matist 901m Bale. He had been converted
to Protestantism by Lord Wentworth,
and earned the protection of Thomas
Cromwell for certain comedies he had
written in favour of the new doctrine.1
At his patron’s fall in 1540 he fled to
Germany, and joined vigorously in po-
lemic. Under the pseudonym of Henry
Harryson he published a pamphlet of
198 pages with the title: “Yet a course
1 Chambers E. K., The Mediaeval Stage.
Oxford 1903. II, 446.
Enrich baring the @eformation 23
at the Romyshe foxe”, a furious attack
on popery, continuing William Wraghton’s
(i. e. William Turner) “The huntyng and
fyndyng out or the Romyshe foxe”, which
was printed at Basle in 1543. Bale’s
book, copies of which are in the British
Museum as well as in the Bodleian,
shows the colophon: “imprented at Zurik
by Olyver Jacobson Anno Domini I 543,
the X. daye of Decembre.” It is difficult,
if not impossible, to decide whether the
statement of the colophon be really correct.
Oliver Jacobson, at any rate, does not ap-
pear as the name of a Zurich printer at
that time. Nevertheless we have to
admit that Bale was in Switzerland and
probably even in Zurich in the year 1543,
in spite of ‘ his own expression, that he
spent his eight years of exile (I 540-— 1 547)
“in inferiori Germania”.1 In that elegant
dedication of the “Acta Romanorum
1 Baleus, Scriptorum illustrium maioris
Britanniae catalogus. Basileae, 1557-1559, s. v.
Baleus. \
2.4 (Befatione Between @ngtanb anb
Pontificum (1 5 58), addressed to the Swiss
reformers, he speaks of the hospitality he
enjoyed in Bullinger’s house, and of the
old friendship that connected him with
the leaders of Protestantism in Switzerland.1
There is, moreover, another book of Bale,
under the name of Henry Stalbrydge,
“The Epistel Exhortatorye of an Inglyshe
Chrystian”, at the end of which we read:
“Written from Basyle a cyte of the Helue-
cyanes . . . in the year . .. 1544.”
And a third one, with the real name of
John Bale, “A mysterye of inyquyte”, was
printed at Geneva in 1545.2
With the accession of Edward VI
john Bale returned to England, was made
rector of Bishopstoke, Hants, and, in '1 5 53,
Bishop of Ossory, in Ireland. On the day
of the proclamation of Queen Mary, on
August 20th, 1553, he had some of his
1 Reprinted in: Litterarische Beziehungen
zwischen England und der Schweiz im Reforma-
tionszeitalter (by Th. Vetter). Zurich 1901,
p. 33-37. 2 ib. p. 10-11.
Enrich bnring thc (Reformation 25
plays performed at Kilkenny, “to the small
contentacion of the Prestes and other
Papistes there”. Very soon the bishop of
Ossory had to leave his country once more
and came again to Basle. Together with
his friend John Foxe, the martyrologist,
he lived in the house of the printer Opo-
rinus, being employed as a reader of his
press. The literary work which Bale
performed during those years is astonishing;
the “Catalogus” alone (15 57-15 59) is a
,,monumentum aere perennius”. The second
part of it he dedicated to his Zurich
friends, Conrad Gesner, Josias Simmler,
Conrad Lycosthenes; the short letter which
accompanied it is still to be seen in the
City Library of Zurich.1 And Conrad Gesner,
on his part, was indebted to John Bale,
to whom he dedicated his “Mithridates”,
one of the earliest ,attempts in comparative
philology. Many of the books consulted
by Gesner had been sent to him by Bale,
1 Reproduced in: Litterar. Beziehungen etc.,
Ziirich I901.
26 (Bel’ations Between ‘Engfanb anb
from whom he had also received the Lord’s
prayer in Celtic.1 —— On the accession of
Elizabeth, Bale found himself too old to
resume his see, and retired on a prebend
in Canterbury Cathedral, where he died
in I 56 3.
The English exile, who next after Bale ‘
entered the circle of Bullinger and his
friends, was Yo/m Hooper, the well-known
martyr under Queen Mary. Born “towards
the end of the 1 5th century” he was several
years older than Bullinger, and a man
of years when he came to Zurich in
I 547. According to john Foxe,2 he had
received an excellent education, was made
B. A. at Oxford in 1519, and “through
God’s secret vocation was stirred with
fervent desire to the love and knowledge
of the Scriptures.” He adopted Protestant
views, but had to flee from England as
early as 1539, to avoid persecution. He
lived in France, afterwards at Strasburg,
1 ‘Mithridates, {01. 13b. 2 Acts and Monu-
ments, ed. by Cattley. London 1838, Vol. VI, 637.
Enrich baring the Qheformation 27
whence he addresses Bullinger in a letter of
Jan. 27th , 1546, giving certain details
of his earlier life. “Not many years since,
when I was a courtier, and living too
much of a court life in the palace of our
king, there most happily and auspiciously
came under my notice certain writings of
master Huldrich Zuinglius, a most ex-
cellent man, of pious memory; and also
some commentaries upon the epistles of
St. Paul, which your reverence had pub-
lished for the general benefit, and which
will prove a lasting monument of your
Hooper’s plan is to go home
to England, in order to get some means
from his father, whose only son and heir
he is, wherewith he might be able to
subsist at Zurich. But he knows that he
will not be well received by his father,
who hates him for having left the Catholic
church; and other dangers are waiting
for him. After his return he writes ——
probably from Basle —-: “I will relate
n1
TCIIOWH.
1 Original Letters, No. 21.
28 Qlefationa Between Gngfanb anb
to you in person the events of my long
and most dangerous journey to England.
I suffered many things by land; twice
I suffered bonds and imprisonment; whence
being marvellously delivered by the mercy
of God, though with the heavy loss of
my fortune, I was wretchedly harassed
by sea for three months both by enemies
and storms . . . Having been delivered
from fire and water, I came upon war:
I see nothing but the death of all god-
liness and religion.”
With recommendations of F ranciscus
Dryander, the translator of the New Testa-
ment into Spanish,1 and Oswald Myconius2
(Geishiisler), Zwingli’s friend, both then
at Basle, John Hooper and his wife Anna
de Tserclas arrived at Zurich, March 29th,
1547,?’ and were received at Bullinger’s
own house until they could find suitable
1 Archives of the Canton of Zurich E. II. 366,
fol. 36. 2 Bullinger’s letter to Myconius, April 4th,
1547 (Simmler’s Collection). 3 Heinrich Bullingers
Diarium, edited by E. Egli, Basel 1904, p. 35.
Enrich bnring the Qheformation 29
apartments of their own. John Hooper
lost no time in beginning his studies with
the excellent teachers he could find here;
in spite of his age he sat at the feet of
Bullinger together with much younger
pupils, Pellikan taught him Hebrew and
the interpretation of the Old Testament.
Meanwhile Stephen Gardiner, Bishop
of Winchester, a stanch supporter of royal
supremacy, and a good Catholic too, had
published his “Declaration of the Devil’s
Sophistry”,1 a new and violent attack on
Protestant beliefs. The book had been
delivered to Hooper in Zurich on the
30th April, 1547, i. e. a few weeks after
his arrival; he perused and studied it
carefully, and was soon convinced that
the eloquence of his antagonist might
prove fatal to many adherents of the Re-
formation, especially to the unlearned. He
at once decided to write a refutation:
“Because I desire such as know the truth
to persevere in the same, and such as
1 Strype, Eccles. Mem. II. I, 52.
30 Qiefationfi Between Gngfanb anb
yet be ignorant thereof to come unto
the truth, that in Christ they might with
the church of truth find eternal salvation.”
Hooper declares fearlessly: “I see the name
of God blasphemed by the opinion that
ye defend”; and he challenges the proud
bishop (at the end of the preface) in saying:
“Those that will establish the mass as ye
do, my Lord, and defend idolatry, must
prove the thing ye speak by the Scripture,
and plainly satisfy the places of the Scrip-
ture brought against you.” The preface
is signed “Tiguri, 9. Septembris I 547”,
and the book (a volume of 168 pages)
was printed in Zurich. Since it is the
first English 600k that came out in Zurich,
it is of extraordinary importance. Copies
of it are very rare. The title runs:
An Anfwer vnto my | lord of wynchefters
booke intytlyd a | detection of the deuyls
Sophiftrye. wherwith I he robbith the vnlernyd
people of the trew | byleef in the mooft
bleffyd facra= | ment of the aulter made by [
Johann Hoper. l Psalm. 119. | Veftigia mea
dirige in uerbo tuo domine, & | & (sic) non
gurich barring the (Reformation 3I
dominabi= | tur mei ulla iniquitas, l Pryntyd in
Zurych byAuguftyne Fries. | AnnoM.D.XLVII.
The copy in the City Library of Zurich
is bound together with a mathematical
treatise, and belonged to the celebrated
polyhistor and physician Conrad Gesner.
—- The number of misprints and mis-
understandings in this valuable publication
is endless, although evidently great pains
were bestowed on the whole get-up of it.
The attack on Stephen Gardiner may
hardly have reached England, when Hooper
sent a second work to his Zurich printer,
which was of a more general and less
polemic character:
A Declaration l of Chrifte and of his I
offyce compylyd, by Jo: | han Hoper, Anno ]
1547-
The preface is signed: Tiguri 8. de-
cembris. 1 547, and at the end of the book
we read: Pryntyd in Zvrych by Avgustyne
Fries. Anno M. D. XLVII. The copy in
the City Library of Zurich shows, in Hooper’s
own hand, a dedication to Conrad Gesner.
32 (Betatione Between @nglfanb anb
~‘
In the opening address to Edward Duke
of Somerset he praises his recent victory
over the Scots at Pinkie Cleugh, and
expects from the Protector of England
that he will also be a protector of the
true church. There are still very many
mistakes in this book; but the English
printer, Christopher Rosdell, who repub~
lished it thirty-five years later, is unjust in
speaking even on the titlepage of the
“great unskilfulnesse of the printer”, adding
in his epistle dedicatory: “This godly and
profitable tract, in itself most pure and
pleasant, by passing through the press of
an unskilful printer at Zurich in Germany,
was so infected and corrupted, not with
small and petty scapes, but with gross
and palpable faults, not here and there,
but in every leaf, in every page, and
almost in every line, that it might truly
be said: Either this is not master Hooper’s
work, or else, quam dissimilis sui prodit.”1
1 Early Writings of Hooper. Cambridge 184 3,
p. VIII.
Enrich bnring the (Reformation 33
As to the work itself, Rosdell is full of
enthusiasm: “Herein the principal points
of Christian religion are so se'ntentiously
handled, and Christ and his office so lively
described, that nothing can be more clear
to the eye, or more melodious and sweet
to the ear of the godly Christian.” 1
Following the very trustworthy autho-
rity of Josias Simmler2 (1530-1576),
there is a third work of John Hooper
that was printed in Zurich:
A Declaration| of the ten holy commaunde |
mentes of allmygthye God, wro= | ten Exo.
20. Deu. 5. Collectyd | out of the fcripture
Ca= nonicall, by Joan= | ne Hopper. \
Cum, and fe: Joan. I. | Anno M. D. XLVIII.
Simmler declares the type to be that
of Froschower in Zurich, and after a close
inspection of the copy in the British Mu-
seum (no copy existing in Switzerland)
1 Early Writings of Hooper. Cambridge 1843,
p. VII. 2 Simmler’s Collection at the City Library
of Zurich; sub Dec. 1547: Scripta Ioannis Hoperi
I 547 et 1548 dum Tiguri versabatur, Anglice ab
ipso edita.
34 (Relations Between ‘Engtanb anb
we cannot but agree with him. But no
place of publication not name of printer
being given, and the preface being signed
the 5th Nov., 1549, when Hooper had
already returned to England, we are forced
to suppose that the author took the sheets
with him to London and had the book
finished and bound there. Only if we
take it so, the words on page CCXXXIII
may be understood: “. . . . remember I
pray the that it is not in maner poffible
to prynt in a knowen tonge a hole worke,
with out faultes. how mouche more irn-
poffible where as the Setters of the prynt
vndreftandithe not one word of oure fpeche,
and wantythe alfo souche as knowithe the
art of trew correctyng.” And this remark
has been omitted in the reprint of Richard
jugge, London, I 5 50.
We cannot be surprised to find Bullin—
ger’s influence in these,early writings of
Hooper; he not only followed his lectures
conscientiously, he was also in daily inter-
couse with his master. — A child was
Enrich barring the (Reformation 35
born to the Hooper family while at Zurich,
and Bullinger became godfather, Theodore
Bibliander’s wife Rosina godmother of little
Rachel. He never forgets to inquire after
his godchild in his letters to Hooper in
later years, he sends her greetings and
little presents.
On the 24th March, I 549, John Hooper,
his wife and child, and Johannes Stumpf,
who was to visit England as a student of
theology, left Zurich after a sad parting. 1
A few hours later Hooper wrote a first
letter (unfortunately lost) to Bullinger from
Dietikon; then again news was sent from
Basle, Strasburg, Mayence, Cologne, and
Antwerp. He relates the adventures of
their long journey, and speaks of the many
friends of the Reformation he calls upon
on his way. They are all full of venera-
tion for the leader of the Zurich church,
and Hooper himself thinks so highly of
him, that he tries to induce him to in~
1 Foxe, Acts and Monuments, ed. by Cattley.
London 1838, VI, 638.
36 QQeBations Between @ngfanb anb
terfere between France and England. “I
have often earnestly besought you and your
people to interpose your mediation between
France and England; and I now again
and again suppliantly entreat and beseech
you the same thing, for the sake of
Christ, who is the restorer of peace . . .
Let not the majesty of the royal name or
the‘ vapouring of any other title deter you.” 1
Hooper will send an amanuensis to
Zurich who has to copy sermons and
dissertations of Bullinger, Bibliander, and
Gwalter. “I wish you were acquainted
with our language, and that master Gwalter
also knew it for six months: I doubt not
but that God would convert many hearts
to the knowledge of himself,”2 he writes
a few weeks later.
In May, 1549, the party arrives in
England. Much work is waiting for
Hooper, who is created bishop of Gloucester,
in 1550,?’ and ‘bishop of Worcester (in
commendam), in 1552. We have not to
1 Original Letters, No. 28. 2 No.33. 3 No. 39.
Enrich curing the (Reformation 37
speak here of the great difficulties which
he, partly by his own fault, had to over-
come, nor of the influence he had on the
Reformation in England; we may only
add that he always remained thankful
towards his Zurich friends, and that he
was happy to receive their advice and
instruction. On the Wednesdays during
Lent, in 1550, Hooper had to preach
before the king and council, and he is
anxious to do his best at this opportunity.
“May the Lord open my heart and mouth,
that I may think and speak those things
which may advance his kingdom! Ishall
make choice, I think, of a very suitable
subject, namely, the prophet Jonas; which
will enable me freely to touch upon the
duties of individuals. Do you, my reverend
friend, write back as soon as possible,
and diligently instruct me as to what you
think may conveniently be said in so crowd-
ed an auditory”.1
Hooper, moreover, encourages Bullinger:
1 Original Letters, No. 37.
38 QRetattons Between Gngfanb anb
“If you have anything which you purpose
soon to send to the press, you should
dedicate it to our most excellent sovereign,
king Edward the sixth . . . If you will
comply with my wishes in this respect,
you will advance the glory of God in no
small degree.”1 This advice was followed
at once, and Bullinger sent the third decade
of his sermons (including also sermons I
and II of the fourth) together with a letter
to England,2 where in Hooper’s presence
it was handed over to the king(“splendidly
bound”) on the 2 5th April, 1550.3 The
dedication to the king, written “in the
month of March”, and a second one which
was to accompany sermons III—X of the
fourth Decade, written “in the month of
August, the year of our Lord 1550“,4
are excellent specimens of Bullinger’s
learning, sagacity, and versatility.
Q‘ ...
0..
O...
1 Original Letters, N o. 36; also No.37, postscript.
2No.311 andNo. 39. 3Nos.260and312. 4 TheDe-
cades of Henry Bullinger, translated by H. I. Edited
for the Parker Society by ThomasHarding.Cambridge,
1849-1 852. Vol. III, 1—16; Vol. IV, 1 15—1 22.
Enrich timing the (Reformation 39
Incessantly Hooper offers his service
to all the friends of Bullinger who might
come to England,1 and he does all that
is in his power to show his everlasting
thankfulness. To Conrad Gesner, e. g., he
sends “a Welsh dictionary, and some
writings in the language of Cornubia,
commonly called Cornwall ;” 2 “and should
master Gesner wish at any time to come
over to us, I will provide him with suitable
companions who will show him the
rivers, and fishes, and animals of this
country.” 3
All the theological and even some of
the scientific publications of the Zurich
friends are sent to Hooper, to whom the
learned Theodore Bibliander dedicates his
treatise on the Ten Commandments (Sermo
divinae maiestatis voce pronunciatus in
monte Sinai, Basileae 1 55 2), which however
did not reach him. 4
After 1551 Hooper’s letters become
1 Original Letters, No. 40 and postscript.
‘1 No. 36. 3 No. 41, postscript. 4 No. 48.
40 (Betatione Between Gngl’anb anb
rarer and rarer. His time is entirely taken
up by the duties of his high position,
until the death of Edward VI brought a
sudden change. With the beginning of
Mary’s reign (3111 Aug., 1 55 3) the Protestant
preachers were forbidden to preach; Hooper
was imprisoned and committed unto the
Fleet from Richmond, Sept. 1“; two days
later he writes a few lines to Bullinger; 1
other letters from the prison seem not to
have been forwarded.2 An epistle from
Bullinger, dated on the 10th of October,
1 5 54, brought great comfort to the pri-
soner, who is able (“by stealth”) to answer
on Dec. 1 1th — his last letter. He knows
that the death of a martyr is waiting for
him, and so he sends his last greetings:
“I entreat you to comfort occasionally by
your letters that most exemplary and
godly woman, my wife, and exhort her
to bring up our children carefully, Rachel
your little god-daughter, an exceedingly
well disposed girl, and my son Daniel,
1 No. 44. 2 No. 46.
Enrich bnring the Qieformation 41
and piously to educate them in the know-
ledge and fear of God. I moreover send
your reverence two little books for your
perusal, consideration, and correction, if
they contain any thing not agreeable to
the word of God And I beg that
you will cause them to be printed as soon
as possible . . . And if your friend Frosch—
ower should be prevented from printing
them by more important engagements,
I wish he would send them to Basle to
master Oporinus, who prints very correctly,
and sends out all his publications in a
superior manner.”1 Neither of these books
appears to have been printed, and even
the manuscripts seem to be lost.
On the 9th of February, 15 5 5, John
Hooper was burned at Gloucester; he
died as a true and faithful martyr.2 His
wife, together with little Rachel, had fled
to Frankfort, where the senate had granted
liberty to the English fugitives. This was
1 No. 48. 2 Foxe, Acts and Monuments,
VI, 6 52.
42 @el’attons Between ‘Engfanb anb
in April, 1554.1 There exists one short
letter in Latin which Anne Hooper sends
to Zurich after her husband’s cruel death.
She inquires after the publication of the
two manuscripts, thanks for the new year’s
gift of Bullinger, and adds, in the name
of Rachel, “an English coin, on which
are the effigies of Ahab and Jezebel”
(King Philip II and Queen Mary).2
In the following year we are informed
through a letter of Martin Micronius,3 who
had lived in the Hooper family, that Anne
Hooper and her daughter Rachel have
died. When and where, we do not know.
john Hooper was not the first victim
of the cruel persecution under Queen Mary;
five days before, on Feb. 4th, 15 5 5,
1 Original Letters, No. 51. 2 No. 54.
3 Dated March 5th, 1556. Cantonal Archives,
Zurich, E II 375, fol. 487. ——- In john Fox/s
Acts and Monuments etc., ed. by Cattley. Vol.
VI, 659, we find: In clarissimi Doctrina et Pie-
tate Viri johannis Hoperi Martyrium Conradi
Gesneri carmen.
Enrich onring the (Reformation 43
a martyr had been committed to the flames
whose position in the church had never
been so prominent as Hooper’s, but whose
work had always been faithful to the
Reformation. Yohn Rogers’ name is intimate-
ly connected with the translation of the
Bible into English, although he is far better
known by his pseudonym Thomas Matthew,
a name also known at Zurich in connection
with a most precious publication.
The adventurous story of the publi-
cation of the New Testament, translated by
Wz'Z/z'ane Tyndale, and printed first at C0-
logne, up to sheet K, whereupon the
sheets had to be secretly brought to 'vVorms
to escape the fury of the enemies of the
Reformation,has often been told.1 AtWorms
the book was finished, and three thousand
copies of it were introduced into England
in 1526. The Pentateuch followed “Em-
prented at Malborow (Marburg), in the
lande of Hesse, by Hans Luft, the yere
1 See R. Lovett, The printed English Bible.
London, 1894.
44 Qzefatione Between @ngtanb anb
of oure Lorde 1530”, and in 1534 a re-
vised edition of Tyndale’s New Testament,
printed by Martin Empereur at Antwerp.
When Tyndale died the death of a martyr
at Vilvorde near Antwerp, in 1536, there
existed already seven different editions of
the New Testament in English, and a
complete English Bible had come out in
1 53 5. Of the translator, [Wiles Coverdale,
we are sufficiently informed, while neither
printer nor place are known. The theory
that Christopher Froschower at Zurich was
the printer does not stand on a very solid
ground; we must be satisfied to state the
fact, that Coverdale’s New Testament alone
was published by the celebrated Zurich
printer, fifteen years later:
The newe | Teftament faythfully tranf= 1
lated by Miles Couerdal. | Anno 1550. | Roma.
XV. a. | Whatfoever thinges are wrytten I afore
tyme, are wrytten for | oure learnynge.
On the last page but one there is the
misprint: The Reuelacion Of S. judas;
and on the last the colophon:
Enrich curing the Qqeformation 45
Imprynted at Zii= | rich, by Chriftoffel
F rof = [ chouer, in the yeare after the creacion
of I the worlde. 5. 5. 25. And after | the
byrth of our Sauiour. | I. 5. 50.
Any doubt that might arise on account
of the colophon being only pasted upon
the last leaf of the Zurich copy is sup-
pressed by the fact, that the initials at
the beginning of each book are identical
with those used by Froschower for his
German Bible.
William Tyndale’s work was continued
after his death by his friend John Rogers,
whose name we had to mention in con-
nection with John Hooper’s death in Feb.
I 555. But to conceal his identity, Rogers,
after a generally received tradition, assumed
the name of T komas Malt/Lew, under which
name he presented the English Christians
with a new Bible in 1537. One might
think to possess a reprint of Matthew’s
Bible in the Zurich publication of I 550:
The whole Byble, I that is, the Olde and
Newe | Teftamente, truly and purely | tranfs-
lated into Englifche, by | Mayft. Thomas
46 (Betattons Between @ngtanb anb
Mathewe. | Efaie . . j. I Hearcken to ye heauens:
and thou earth I geaue care: for the LORD
|-l-fpeaketh-l | Chrift. Frofch. | Imprinted in
Ziirych by Ohryftoffer F roschower.
The Old Testament is printed on 494
leaves, the New on 12 1 ; we are finally
informed that the printing was finished
on “the xvj. daye in the moneth of
Auguft 1550” —— But strange enough,
after a‘ careful examination of a few pages,
we discover that we have before us the
Bible of Miles Coverdale. Why this
change of name was introduced by F ro-
schower, for what reasons Coverdale
should not appear as the translator, we
cannot even guess. In England copies
of the very same book, the bulk of which
had been printed in Zurich, were sold
under Coverdale’s name: “faythfully trans-
lated into Englyshe by Myles Couem’ale”, and
“prynted for Andrewe Hester: 16th Aug.
I 550.” For the volume in the British
Museum the catalogue remarks: “The
titlepage and preliminary matter are in
English black letter, and must have been
Enrich onring the (Reformation 47
substituted for the original Zurich leaves
by the London publisher”. And for a
third time the same book was offered
to the public in 1 55 3, by Richard Jugge,
who had again printed a new titlepage.
After 1550 no English Bible or parts
of it were printed at Zurich, while Geneva
and its printers became more and more
of importance. There the New Testament
in \Nilliam Whittingham’s translation saw
the light in I 557, there a Bible with
annotations was printed in I 560, in which
according to all probability the labours
of William Whittingham, Anthony Gilby,
Thomas Sampson and others are united.
It is to be regretted that no letters
of Christopher Froschower, the Zurich
printer, or of Rowland Hall (a pseudonym?)
have come down to us, from which we
might learn more about the circumstances,
under which the Bibles of Zurich and
Geneva were published. From their great
scarcity we have to suppose that only
very few copies reached England, but
48 Qtetattone Between Engl’anb an?)
that most of them were in the hands of
Englishmen on the Continent. ' Even the
rapidly increasing correspondence of the
head of the Church of Zurich furnishes
us no information about those enterprises.
Bullinger had willingly fulfilled the
wishes of his English friends to work for
the propagation of the new belief in
England by writing letters and sending
books to persons of influence. ‘We know
not only of his correspondence with Lady
Yane Grey (already mentioned), but also
of letters addressed to the Duke of Suffolk ;
to Richard Cox, then tutor to Edward VI,
in his later years Bishop of Ely; to the
celebrated Greek scholar S z'r Yo/m C/zeke,
a man also of very great influence during
the reign of the juvenile king; to Yo/m
Ay/mer, chaplain to the Duke of Suffolk,
and tutor to Lady jane Grey; to T iwmas
Harding, the Hebraist, then a friend of
the Reformation, afterwards a stanch
defender of Catholicism; and to Peter
Martyr Vermzéglz', the Italian scholar,
Enrich curing the CBeformation 49
whom Cranmer had brought to England
(in I 547), where he was appointed Divinity
professor at Oxford.
It was Peter Martyr who seems to
have sent the first account of the perse-
cutions under Queen Mary to Zurich, of
the sufferings of the bishops, of whom
many were Bullinger’s friends. He had
been in great danger himself, because
some zealous Catholics urged his imprison-
ment, but “Gardiner, to his honour, pleaded
that he had come over by an invitation
from a former government, and furnished
him with supplies to return to his own
country in safetyf’lL From Strasburg he
writes on Nov. 3th, I 5 53: “I have at length
arrived here, on the 29th of October: but
what perils I have undergone, both in
England and during my journey, it would
be too long to relate . . . This only I
would not have you ignorant of, that the
most reverend the Archbishop of Canterbury
(Cranmer) is imprisoned, and together with
1 Original Letters, No. 2 37, Note.
50 (Be-Buttons Between ‘Engfanb .anb
him are the bishops of Worcester (Hooper),
Exeter (Miles Coverdale), London, the
Archbishop of York, Latimer, and several
godly and learned preachers, for whom
I earnestly entreat the abundant prayers
of your church, forasmuch as they are
in the most extreme danger.” The Arch-
bishop of Canterbury had posted up notices
throughout all London, stating that he was
ready, together with Peter Martyr and
some others, to defend in public dispu-
tations everything that had been taught
by them respecting religion; but their
adversaries declared, that it was not safe
to dispute upon such matters now; and
that it was not to be allowed that any
doubt should be entertained respecting
those things which had been received by
the universal consent of the Church.
A few weeks later, Peter Martyr sends
again news he has received from England:
“On the 14th of November the Archbishop
‘of Canterbury, together with the late
Queen Jane, and the sons of the Duke of
Enrich onring the (Reformation 511
Northumberland,1 were brought to trial,
and condemned to death; and to the arch-
bishop is assigned a most cruel kind of
punishment, namely, that of being hanged
and quartered; . . . they charge him with
the crime of treason. They have moreover
decreed in parliament, that the mass shall
everywhere be admitted, and have fixed
the 20th of December as the time of its
introduction. They have also established
‘ the doctrine of transubstantiation.”2
When Queen Mary’s intended marriage
with Philip became known, when the
danger was increasing that Spaniards were
coming “to conquer the realm”, the Pro—
testants of England that were not already
in the hands of Gardiner, who by this
time had unconditionally submitted him-
self to the authority of the Pope, had no
other expedient to save themselves, but
to take refuge on the Continent. In
1 Guilford, who had married Lady Jane Grey;
and Ambrose, Earl of Warwick, afterwards re-
leased; he died 1589. 2 Original Letters, No. 238.
52 @el’atione Between @ngfanb anb
hundreds they came over to Embden in
Friesland, to Wesel and Frankfort, to
Strasburg and to the Swiss strongholds
of the Reformation: Zurich, Basle, Berne,
and Geneva. While the (unsuccessful) revolt
under Sir Thomas Wyatt was preparing
itself in Kent, in April, 1554, a group of
some twelve or fourteen English fugitives
reached Zurich, on the 5th of that month.1
In a Latin petition, addressed to the ma-
gistrates of the town, they asked for the
permission to live at Zurich:
“F orasmuch as we are exiled from
England, our beloved country, and for
the sake of that light of divine truth by
which she was lately distinguished, we
humbly request of your worthiness, that
we may be permitted to sojourn in this
most famous city, relying upon and sup-
ported by your sanction, decree, and pro-
tection against the violence of those, should
any such be found, who would oppose
1 Heinrich Bullinger’s Diarium, ed, by Egli.
Basle 1904, p. 46.
Enrich bnring the @eformation 53
and molest us. The Lord knoweth, for
whose sake we have left our all, that we
seek for nothing besides himself. And for
this reason chiefly we have unanimously
and with ready minds come to this place,
where he is most sincerely preached and
most purely worshipped. This being the
case, we entertain the hope that, as you
are most zealous defenders of the true
Christian religion, so you will protect us
by your authority, who by reason of the
same are exiled and homeless. May the
Lord Jesus long preserve you and this
your illustrious state in safety and pro-
sperity! Your most humble petitioners,
Reéert Herrz. Margery his 7ames
‘Pal/tingle”. T/zemas Lever. Yelm Mal/232$.
' T/eemas Bentham. Rz'ekara' C/zaméers.
T/zomas Spencer. Henry Coekrafz‘. Mz'e/zael
Rerezger. Zaurenee Humphrey. VVz'ZZz'am
Cole.”1
Thomas Lever, leader of the extreme
Protestant reformers at Cambridge, had
1 Original Letters, No. 356, dated only 15 54.
54 QQet’attons Between @ngfanb an-b.
evidently arranged things with Bullinger
beforehand, for we know that he had
arrived at Zurich as early as March: 10th,
I 5 54.1 Others, like Nicolas Cam/ell, Robert
Beaumml, john Park/lune‘, must have come
at about the same time.
The English guests found lodgings in
a house which belonged to Froschower,
the printer,2 now Stiissihofstatt 13, and
were taken care of by the widow of a
clergyman. Bullinger lectured before them
regularly, and many of them were zeal-
ously studying the Hebrew and Greek
languages. Although they possessed very
little or nothing, their Zurich friends had
not to provide for them, since Richard
Chambers who had his usual residence
at Frankfort had offered to give the means
for the Protestant ministers abroad during
the Catholic persecutions. Once only we
1 Bullinger’s Diarium, p. 46. 2 “Zu der
hinderen Linden, hinder der Triiw und vorderen
Linden”, Bullinger’s Diarium, p.46, and: Vogelin,
Das alte Ziirich'Z I, 402. 3 Original Letters, No.78,
April 23rd, 1554; ibid., No. 353.
Enrich onring the (Reformation 55
hear of a petition sent to Bullinger by
Michael Reniger (although living in the
immediate neighbourhood), in which the
patron of the exiles is requested to help‘.
It would have been difficult for Zurich-i
then to do more, since negotiations were
going on with the Italian Protestants who
were expected to leave their country. On
the 12th of May, 15 5 5, one hundred and
sixteen of them arrived, and the magistrate
of Zurich, together with Bullinger and his
friends had to take care of them.
Under such circumstances the English
fugitives thought it proper to settle down
somewhere else. Thomas Lever applied
to the magistrates of Berne, and was per-
mitted to sojourn in any part of the Ber-
nese territory.2 Vevey and Aarau were
taken into consideration, and the latter
finally chosen. Lever himself, though in-
vited to Wesel, took charge of the con-
gregation, and the church of St. Ursula
was opened to them for their services. .
1 Original Letters, No. 183. 2 No.83.
56 (Bellattone Between @ngtanb anb
Bullinger, no doubt, continued to be their
adviser, and he showed his interest for
the exiles in dedicating to them his hundred
Latin sermons on the Apocalypse (in
-1 557).1 The book was afterwards trans-
lated into English by john Dans (London,
1561), and Bishop Parkhurst gave di-
rections to all the ministers of his bishop-
ric to procure it either in Latin or
English.2
Very often other English exiles came
from Frankfort, Strasburg, or Geneva to
see Bullinger and Peter Martyr, who spent
the last six years of his life (1556—62)
at Zurich. Numerous letters addressed to
these men by English theologians show
in what high esteem they were with the
ministers of the English church. When
by the early death of Queen Mary and
the accession of her sister Elizabeth, Pro-
testantism became triumphant and the new
form of religion had to be definitely in-
1 Original Letters, No. 87, and Bullinger’s
Decades, V, XXIII. 2 Zurich Letters, No.42.
Enrich bnring the (Beformation 57
troduced, it was always Bullinger whose
opinion in many questions was asked for,
and we can hardly understand how he
was able to satisfy all his correspondents.
Almost all the high dignitaries of the
English church had been his guests, and
they all referred to him, when anything
of importance was to be decided. The
two volumes of “Zurich Letters”, edited
by Hastings Robinson (Cambridge, 1842
and ’4 5), are an important source for the
history of the development of English
theology. In reading these documents we
cannot but wonder at the remarkable in—
fluence Bullinger enjoyed. About twenty
of his works and treatises were translated
into English, among them his fifty sermons
(5 Decades) which were printed in 1577,
’84, and ’87 respectively.
Personal news came from all parts of
England to Zurich, and many a line was
written to express the thanks of the late
fugitives, now bishops and other digni-
taries, for the hospitality they had met
58 (Betattons Between tE-ngfane line
with in Switzerland. Presents were added,
and sometimes money‘ with a wish that
a cup might be ordered in Zurich to be
used at their convivial. meetings in me-
mory‘ of their English friends. Three of
these cups are now‘ preserved in the Swiss
Landesmuseum. Round the first we read
the inscription: D. Ioannis Parkhvrsti
Episcopi Nordovicensis Eenion 1563.
Park/zursl’s coat of arms is inside to which
is added: Quaestorib. Hvldr. Zvinglio et
Henr. Bvllingero. The receivers, therefore,
were Bullinger and his son-in-law Ulrich
Zwingli.
The second was given by‘ film ~7ewel,
Bishop of Salisbury, an intimate friend of
Peter Martyr with whom he had stayed at
Strasburg and Zurich: R. D. D. Ioannis
Ivelli Episcopi Sarisberiensis ,E'enion 1 565.
In August, 1 562, already he had sent to
Peter Martyr “ten French crowns, which
I desire may be expended, at the discretion
of yourself and Bullinger, upon a public
supper in your common—hall, to which may
Enrich onri-ng the @eformation 59 I
be invited, as usual, the ministers of the
churches, and young students, and any
others whom you may think fit.”1
The third cup is the gift of Rohert Horne,
one of the most faithful friends to the mini-
sters of Zurich; he sends fourteen crowns,
together with his coat of arms, “that you
may get a cup made that is larger and more
suitable for a full party.” 2 The inscription
is: D. Roberti Horni Episcopi Vintoniensis
Eenion 1564, also with the giver’s coat of
arms, The three English presents are the
work of Felix Keller, who was goldsmith
at Zurich from 1562 to 1599.
A far more artistic cup Bullinger had
received from the Protestant Queen Elizabeth
herself, who had received so favourable
reports from the head of the Zurich church
and who wished to show him her recogni-'
tion for the hospitality extended to the
English refugees. The hexameters written
on the inside of the cover around Bullinger’s
1 Zurich Letters, No. 51. 2 Zurich Letters,
No. 61, Dec. 1311‘, 1563.
60 (Retations Between @ngtanb anb
coat of arms explain the circumstances
under which the gift was offered:
Anglorum exsilium Tigurina ecclesia fovit:
Sub Mariae sceptris id sancte agnovit Elisa:
Et Bullingerum hoc donavit munere poclo :
A° 1560.
It is generally accepted that Parkhurst
had been ordered by the Queen to send
the present, and that it was made at Stras-
burg. 1
More valuable still than all those kind
gifts were the innumerable services done by
the English bishops to Swiss students who
came over to Oxford and Cambridge.
Everywhere the young men were excellently
received, they were admitted to the best
colleges, introduced to the best society, and
provided with everything that was necessary
to them. There can hardly be anything
more touching than the fates of the
two grandsons of Ulrich Zwingli, Raa’elf
Zwz'nglz' and Rudolf Gwalter, who went
to England in Dec. 1571, where young
1 Carl Pesialezzz', Heinrich Bullinger. Elber-
feld 1858, p. 448.
Enrich bnring the Qgeformation 61
Zwingli died in the house of the Bishop
of Ely in London, and was buried in
St. Andrew’s Church (High Holborn),
June 5th, I 572. 1 The letters sent home by
Gwalter show with what extreme kindness
the two young travellers were treated in
England.
It was not an empty phrase when
Bishop Jewel after his return from his exile
exclaimed: “O Zurich! Zurich! how much
oftener do I now think of thee than ever
I thought of England when I was at
Zurich;” 2 or when John Parkhurst ends
one of his letters3 with the words: “City
of Zurich, farewell. Woe betide those who
wish thee not all prosperity. City of Zurich,
farewell.”
Urbs Tigurina, vale: valeant male, prospera cuncta
Qui tibi non optant: urbs Tigurina, vale.
1 Zwingliana 1903, p. 254-261. 2 Zurich
Letters, No. 9. 3 No. 12.
= c g $—
; é
‘5 it“
‘Q
i».
" r
w
a‘
at ‘ a ““ r"
g, a ‘ ..
a "2
a “l “ T F r it i
a i554 ' “2.3. .—
'—‘ —, E‘.
i k 7r. ‘Q
i-
b 1
% .
a \P
'7 a?»
" a
r’ as» g”
9' all ——
g» , is 5
c i” a I
i 0
z,’ 1*
a} '
.2.
r .
§
3T *‘i g
g ..
T3” 9
‘A ‘I. ‘Q
fir
l
g ‘ .
as
4 Q
5* 1-
<»
t‘ f “
if i
I...
-¢>'_Q' fir
q ‘Q #
C2’ a
2: ~ 2
L» M
f r a as.
3-? Q: r a
is: I g e
rs Q
a . -- .
1
8! m I.
..
n: ‘“
g \
in
Q
m
2
§
*-
Q
‘Q
k
“f.
. d-
b“ ‘a
p
, in
‘H!
,1 Q
.
I
1 "‘t. i
Q
a
4, ii:-
q
~ :-
EW 2
' r
1:
1e
‘ 9!
i’ i
_ d‘
w‘
d‘.
4
_ .QW *
~22, ,
kw ._s ‘wi4'i "* ‘J-g“
11
PN-
,._
,
v“ a:
I
4
J “L
, \ x 2'‘
an t a
\ =1
7)
a
Q u w 1.
q
‘r a
w 4
~$ i5
.
~‘L x
w
G Li
R a l
K
' q a s Q
at’
vw
a»
ea
1:
L. ‘a '
s
’ % —.~
Y ‘L. a
l ‘1 _
¥~z
w r i
F a‘ -.
‘r r.
‘if at Q or,
’ r
,F
r a‘ A
a i A
r
Q0.
1
_ ‘h v
‘i a.
L 4:.
0
is!‘
,
2 r
a
>9! as -
K it I
s
E
a? a’ 1'
s
-.
I
A l I“
I";
5 4‘
“ w
\
i a
.a "F t.
J; 4.
4R
“ 4
x
Q r:
i ,1-
4n
. a! _
. " a
‘I I.
ART. INSTITUT ORELL FUSSLI - ZURICH. *
s r b r
. 3“ X z ‘
m- :2. °' 3 in v
‘a 3’
m i’ a ‘x
s
’> * I
I % r
a w \ i w
*4 ~ I‘,
>3 v- a ‘a it 1- e.
‘a;
& Q an L
‘*1! 3
he: w; J ‘F- {1!
w ,, K *1
5' + u p -1?‘
I : A #e “ ‘ r-
... r“ "as. 5 ‘5 pr, t 29 in x.» a ‘y 5*
1..
t. § 3 s r
x: r - -g ‘Q
I "ll-
? ‘ #28:; ~ 1. a a: a:
a I” .7‘. —‘:_.''J‘ % r.» I _ __, Q ’
v . ‘e .
.4? a -~ >_, J ‘ #-
vgm’ifi " a as ‘35 tin-gm.” A “#"a .. “I;