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BEQUEST OF
ARTH U R LYON GROSS
PROFESSOR OF ENGLISH HISTORY
TO THE
UNIVERSITY OF MIGHIGAN
1921.O
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THE
HISTORY OF ENGLAND.
V O L. IV.
THE
HISTORY OF ENGLAND
FROM
THE INVASION OF JULIUS CAESAR TO THE
REVOLUTION IN 1688
By DAVID HUME, Esq.
A NEW EDITION
WITH THE AUTHOR'S LAST CORRECTIONS AND IMPROVEMENTS. TO WHICH IS
PREFIXED A SHORT ACCOUNT OF HIS LIFE, WRITTEN BY HIMSELF
IN SIX W O L UMES
N E W Y O R. K.
H A R P E R & B R OTHERS, PUBLIS EIERS
F R AN K LIN S QUARE
1879

CONTENTS OF WOL. IV.
CHAPTER XLI.
IELIZABETII.
Affairs of Scotland.—Spanish Affairs.-Sir Francis Drake.—A Parliament.—
Negotiations of Marriage with the Duke of Anjou.-Affairs of Scotland.—
Letter of Queen Mary to Elizabeth.-Conspiracies in England.—A Parliament.
—The Ecclesiastical Commission.—Affairs of the Low Countries.—Hostilities
with Spain... . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Page 9
CHAPTER XLII.
Zeal of the Catholics.--Babington's Conspiracy.—Mary Assents to the Conspira-
cy.—The Conspirators Seized and Executed.—Resolution to Try the Queen of
Scots.—The Commissioners Prevail on her to Submit to the Trial.—The Trial.
— Sentence against Mary. —Interposition of Išing James. – Reasons for the
Execution of Mary.—The Execution.—Mary's Character.—The Queen's Af-
fected Sorrow.—Drake Destroys the Spanish Fleet at Cadiz. –Philip Projects
the Invasion of England. — The Invincible Armada. — Preparations in Eng-
land.—The Armada Arrives in the Channel—Defeated.—A Parliament.—Ex-
pedition against Portugal.—Affairs of Scotland... . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 53
CHAPTER XLIII.
French Affairs.--Murder of the Duke of Guise.—Murder of Henry III. –Prog-
ress of Henry IV.—Naval Enterprises against Spain.-A Parliament.—Henry
IV. Embraces the Catholic Religion.—Scotch Affairs.—Naval Enterprises.—
A Parliament.—Peace of Vervins.—The Earl of Essex. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . I 15
CHAPTER XLIV.
State of Ireland.—Tyrone's Rebellion.—Essex sent over to Ireland.—His Ill Suc-
cess.—Returns to England.—Is Disgraced.—His Intrigues.—His Insurrection.
—His Trial and Execution.—French Affairs. —Mountjoy's Success in Ireland.
—Defeat of the Spaniards and Irish.-A Parliament.—Tyrone's Submission.—
Queen's Sickness—and Death—and Character... . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 150
Vi CONTENTS.
APPENDIX III.
Government of England.—Revenues.—Commerce.—Military Force.—Manufact-
ures.-Learning . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Page 198
CHAPTER XLV. y &
JAMES I.
w Introduction.—James's First Transactions.—State of Europe.—Rosni's Negotia-
tions.—Raleigh's Conspiracy.—Hampton Court Conference.—A Parliament.—
Peace with Spain. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . tº e º e º 'º e º 'º e s s a tº a º e s a s tº e s a tº s a 235
CHAPTER XLVI.
Gunpowder Conspiracy.—A Parliament.—Truce between Spain and the United
Provinces.—A Parliament.—Death of the French King.—Arminianism.—State
of Ireland. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 260
CHAPTER XLVII.
Death of Prince Henry.—Marriage of the Princess Elizabeth with the Palatine.
—Rise of Somerset.—His Marriage.—Overbury Poisoned.—Fall of Somerset.—
Rise of Buckingham.—Cautionary Towns Delivered.—Affairs of Scotland. . 288
CHAPTER XLVIII.
Sir Walter Raleigh's Expedition.—His Execution.—Insurrections in Bohemia.—
Loss of the Palatinate.—Negotiations with Spain.—A Parliament.—Parties.—
Fall of Bacon.—Rupture between the King and the Commons.—Protestation
of the Commons. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 315
CHAPTER XLIX.
Negotiations with regard to the Marriage and the Palatinate.—Character of
Buckingham.—Prince's Journey to Spain.—Marriage Treaty Broken.—A Par-
liament.—Return of Bristol.—Rupture with Spain.—Treaty with France.—
Mansfeldt's Expedition.—Death of the King.—His Character............ 340
APPENDIX
TO THE REIGN OF JAMIES I.
Civil Government of England during this Period.—Ecclesiastical Government.—
Manners. — Finances. – Navy. — Commerce. — Manufactures. – Colonies. –
Learning and Arts. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 369
CONTENTS. vii
CHAPTER L.
CEIARLES I.
A Parliament at Westminster.—At Oxford.—Naval Expedition against Spain.—
Second Parliament.—Impeachment of Buckingham.—Violent Measures of the
Court.—War with France.—Expedition to the Isle of Rhé... . . . . . . Page 406
CHAPTER LI.
Third Parliament.—Petition of Right.—Prorogation.—Death of Buckingham.—
New Session of Parliament.—Tonnage and Poundage.—Arminianism.—Dis-
solution of the Parliament. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 439
CHAPTER LII.
Peace with France. — Peace with Spain. — State of the Court and Ministry. —
Character of the Queen.—Strafford.—Laud.—Innovations in the Church.-
Irregular I,evies of Money.—Severities in the Star-chamber and High Com-
mission.—Ship-money.—Trial of Hambden . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 474
CHAPTER LIII.
Discontents in Scotland.—Introduction of the Canons and Liturgy.—A Tumult
at Edinburgh. — The Covenant. — A General Assembly. —I'piscopacy Abol-
ished.—War.—A Pacification.--Renewal of the War.—Fourth English Par-
liament.—Dissolution.—Discontents in England.—Rout at Newburn.—Treaty
of Rippon.—Great Council of the Peers . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 51()
BEQUEST OF
A. L. CROSS
4-Y-A)
HISTORY OF ENGLAND.
CHAPTER XLI.
ELIZABETH.
Affairs of Scotland.—Spanish Affairs.-Sir Francis Drake.—A Parliament.—
Negotiations Qf Marriage with the Duke of Anjou.-Affairs of Scotland.—
Letter of Queen Mary to Elizabeth.-Conspiracies in England.—A Parliament.
—The Ecclesiastical Commission.—Affairs of the Low Countries.—Hostilities
with Spain. -
THE greatest and most absolute security that Elizabeth en-
joyed during her whole reign never exempted her from vigi-
lance and attention; but the Scene began now to
be more overcast, and dangers gradually multiplied
On her from more than one quarter. -
The Earl of Morton had hitherto retained Scotland in strict
alliance with the queen, and had also restored domestic tran-
Affairs of quillity to that kingdom. But it was not to be ex-
* pected that the factitious and legal authority of a
regent would long maintain itself in a country unacquainted
with law and order, where even the natural dominion of he-
reditary princes so often met with opposition and control. The
nobility began anew to break into factions; the people were
disgusted with some instances of Morton’s avarice; and the
clergy, who complained of further encroachments on their nar-
row revenue, joined and increased the discontent of the other
Orders. The regent was sensible of his dangerous situation;
and, having dropped some peevish expressions as if he were
15S0.
10 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. CH. XLI.
willing or desirous to resign, the noblemen of the opposite
party, favorites of the young king, laid hold of this concession,
and required that demission which he seemed so frankly to
offer them. James was at this time but eleven years of age;
yet Morton, having secured himself, as he imagined, by a gen-
eral pardon, resigned his authority into the hands of the king,
who pretended to conduct, in his own name, the administration
of the kingdom. The regent retired from the government,
and seemed to employ himself entirely in the care of his do-
mestic affairs; but, either tired with this tranquillity, which
appeared insipid after the agitations of ambition, or thinking
it time to throw off dissimulation, he came again to court;
acquired an ascendant in the council; and, though he resumed
not the title of regent, governed with the same authority as
before. The opposite party, after holding separate conven-
tions, took to arms on pretence of delivering their prince from
captivity, and restoring him to the free exercise of his gov-
ernment. Queen Elizabeth interposed by her ambassador, Sir
Robert Bowes, and mediated an agreement between the fac-
tions. Morton kept possession of the government; but his
enemies were numerous and vigilant, and his authority seemed
to become every day more precarious.
The Count d'Aubigney, of the house of Lenox, cousin-ger-
man to the king's father, had been born and educated in
France; and being a young man of good address and a sweet
disposition, he appeared to the Duke of Guise a proper instru.
ment for detaching James from the English interest, and con-
necting him with his mother and her relations. He no sooner
appeared at Stirling, where James resided, than he acquired
the affections of the young monarch ; and, joining his interest
with those of James Stuart, of the house of Ochiltree, a man
of profligate manners, who had acquired the king's favor, he
employed himself, under the appearance of play and amuse-
ment, in instilling into the tender mind of the prince new
sentiments of politics and government. He represented to
him the injustice which had been done to Mary in her depo-
sition, and made him entertain thoughts either of resigning
the crown into her hands, or of associating her with him in
CH. XLI. ' ELIZABETH. 11
the administration." Elizabeth, alarmed at the danger which
might ensue from the prevalence of this interest in Scotland,
sent anew Sir Robert Bowes to Stirling; and, accusing d’Au-
bigney, now created Earl of Lenox, of an attachment to the
French, warned James against entertaining such suspicious
and dangerous connections.” The king excused himself by
Sir Alexander Hume, his ambassador; and Lenox, finding that
the queen had openly declared against him, was further con-
firmed in his intention of overturning the English interest,
and particularly of ruining Morton, who was regarded as the
head of it. That nobleman was arrested in council, accused
as an accomplice in the late king's murder, committed to
prison, brought to trial, and condemned to suffer as a traitor.
He confessed that Bothwell had communicated to him the
design, had pleaded Mary’s consent, and had desired his con-
currence; but he denied that he himself had ever expressed any
approbation of the crime, and, in excuse for his concealing it,
he alleged the danger of revealing the secret, either to Henry,
who had no resolution nor constancy, or to Mary, who ap-
peared to be an accomplice in the murder.” Sir Thomas Ran-
dolph was sent by the queen to intercede in favor of Morton;
and that ambassador, not content with discharging this duty
of his function, engaged, by his persuasion, the Earls of Ar-
gyle, Montrose, Angus, Marre, and Glencarne to enter into a
confederacy for protecting, even by force of arms, the life of
the prisoner. The more to overawe that nobleman’s enemies,
Elizabeth ordered forces to be assembled on the borders of
England; but this expedient served only to hasten his sen-
tence and execution." Morton died with that constancy and
resolution which had attended him through all the various
events of his life, and left a reputation which was less disputed
with regard to abilities than probity and virtue. But this con-
clusion of the scene happened not till the subsequent year.
Elizabeth was, during this period, extremely anxious on
* Digges, p. 412, 428. Melvil, p. 130. *Spotswood, p. 309.
*Spotswood, p. 314. Crawford, p. 333. Moyse's Memoirs, p. 54.
*Spotswood, p. 312.
12 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. CH. XLI.
account of every revolution in Scotland, both because that
Spanish country alone, not being separated from England
affairs. by Sea, and bordering on all the Catholic and mal-
content counties, afforded her enemies a safe and easy method
of attacking her; and because she was sensible that Mary,
thinking herself abandoned by the French monarch, had been
engaged by the Guises to have recourse to the powerful pro-
tection of Philip, who, though he had not yet come to an
open rupture with the queen, was every day, both by the in-
juries which he committed and suffered, more exasperated
against her. That he might retaliate the assistance which she
gave to his rebels in the Low Countries, he had sent, under
the name of the pope," a body of seven hundred Spaniards
and Italians into Ireland; where the inhabitants, always tur-
bulent and discontented with the English government, were
now more alienated by religious prejudices, and were ready
to join every invader. The Spanish general, San Josepho,
built a fort in Kerry; and being there besieged by the Earl
of Ormond, president of Munster, who was soon after joined
by Lord Gray, the deputy, he made a weak and cowardly de-
fence. After some assaults, feebly sustained, he surrendered
at discretion; and Gray, who commanded but a small force,
finding himself encumbered with so many prisoners, put all
the Spaniards and Italians to the sword without mercy, and
hanged about fifteen hundred of the Irish, a cruelty which
gave great displeasure to Elizabeth."
When the English ambassador made complaints of this in-
vasion, he was answered by like complaints of the piracies
sit Francis committed by Francis Drake, a bold Seaman, who
Drake. had assaulted the Spaniards in the place where they
deemed themselves most secure in the New World. This
man, sprung from mean parents in the county of Devon, hav-
ing acquired considerable riches by depredations made in the
Isthmus of Panama, and having there gotten a sight of the
Pacific Ocean, was so stimulated by ambition and avarice that
* Digges, p. 359, 370.
"Camden, p. 475. Cox's Hist. of Ireland, p. 368.
CH. XLI. ELIZABETH. 13
O
he scrupled not to employ his whole fortune in a new advent-
ure through those Seas, so much unknown at that time to all.
the European nations." By means of Sir Christopher Hat-
ton, then vice-chamberlain, a great favorite of the queen’s, he
obtained her consent and approbation; and he set sail from
Plymouth in 1577, with four ships and a pinnace, on board of
which were one hundred and sixty-four able sailors.” He
passed into the South Sea by the Straits of Magellan, and at-
tacking the Spaniards, who expected no enemy in those quar-
ters, he took many rich prizes, and prepared to return with
the-booty which he had acquired. Apprehensive of being in-
tercepted by the enemy if he took the same way homewards
by which he had reached the Pacific Ocean, he attempted to
find a passage by the north of California, and, failing in that
enterprise, he set sail for the East Indies, and returned safely
this year by the Cape of Good Hope. He was the first Eng-
lishman who sailed round the globe, and the first commander-
in-chief; for Magellan, whose ship executed the same advent-
ure, died in his passage. His name became celebrated on
account of so bold and fortunate an attempt; but many, ap-
prehending the resentment of the Spaniards, endeavored to
persuade the queen that it would be more prudent to disavow
the enterprise, to punish Drake, and to restore the treasure.
But Elizabeth, who admired valor, and was allured by the
prospect of sharing in the booty, determined to countenance
that gallant sailor. She conferred on him the honor of knight-
hood, and accepted of a banquet from him at Deptford on
board the ship which had achieved so memorable a voyage.
When Philip's ambassador, Mendoza, exclaimed against Drake's
piracies, she told him that the Spaniards, by arrogating a right
to the whole New World and excluding thence all other Eu-
ropean nations who should sail thither, even with a view of
exercising the most lawful commerce, naturally tempted others
to make a violent irruption into those countries." To pacify,
" Camden, p. 478. Stowe, p. 689. -
* Camden, p. 478. Hakluyt's Voyages, vol. iii. p. 730, 748. Purchas's Pilgrim.
vol. i. p. 46. - "Camden, p. 480.
14 IIISTORY OF ENGLAND. CH. XII.
however, the Catholic monarch, she caused part of the booty
to be restored to Pedro Sebura, a Spaniard, who pretended to
be agent for the merchants whom Drake had spoiled. Hav-
ing learned afterwards that Philip had seized the money, and
had employed part of it against herself in Ireland, part of it
in the pay of the Prince of Parma's troops, she determined to
make no more restitutions. - . .
There was another cause which induced the queen to take
this resolution. She was in such want of money that she was
obliged to assemble a Parliament—a measure which,
as she herself openly declared, she never embraged,
except when constrained by the necessity of her affairs. The
Jan. 16. A Parliament, besides granting her a supply of One Sub-
** sidy and two fifteenths, enacted some statutes for
the security of her government, chiefly against the attempts of
the Catholics. Whoever, in any way, reconciled any one to the
Church of Rome, or was himself reconciled, was declared to be
guilty of treason; to say mass was subjected to the penalty of
a year’s imprisonment and a fine of two hundred marks; the
being present was punishable by a year's imprisonment and a
fine of one hundred marks; a fine of twenty pounds a month
was imposed on every one who continued, during that time,
absent from church." To utter slanderous or seditious words
against the queen was punishable, for the first offence, with
the pillory and loss of ears; the second offence was declared
felony. The writing or printing of such words was felony
even on the first offence.” The Puritans prevailed so far as
to have further applications made for reformation in religion,”
and Paul Wentworth, brother to the member of that name
who had distinguished himself in the preceding session, moved
that the Commons, from their own authority, should appoint
a general fast and prayers—a motion to which the House un-
warily assented. For this presumption they were severely
reprimanded by a message from the queen, as encroaching on
the royal prerogative and Supremacy, and they were obliged
to submit and ask forgiveness.” -
15S1.
*23 Eliz. cap. 1. * 23 Eliz. cap. 2. * D'Ewes, p. 302. "D'Ewes, p. 284,285.
Cit. XLI. ELIZABETH. * * 15
The queen and Parliament were engaged to pass these se-
vere laws against the Catholics by some late discoveries of the
treasonable practices of their priests. When the ancient wor-
ship was suppressed and the reformation introduced into the
universities, the King of Spain reflected that, as some species
of literature was necessary for supporting these doctrines and
controversies, the Romish communion must decay in England
if no means were found to give erudition to the ecclesiastics;
and for this reason he founded a seminary at Douay, where
the Catholics sent their children, chiefly such as were intended
for the priesthood, in order to receive the rudiments of their
education. The Cardinal of Lorraine imitated this example by
erecting a like Seminary in his diocese of Rheims; and though
Rome was somewhat distant, the pope would not neglect to
adorn, by a foundation of the same nature, that capital of ortho-
doxy. These seminaries, founded with so hostile an intention,
sent over every year a colony of priests, who maintained the
Catholic superstition in its full height of bigotry; and, being
educated with a view to the crown of martyrdom, were not
deterred, either by danger or fatigue, from maintaining and
propagating their principles. They infused into all their vo-
taries an extreme hatred against the queen, whom they treated
as a usurper, a schismatic, a heretic, a persecutor of the Ortho-
dox, and one solemnly and publicly amathematized by the
holy father. Sedition, rebellion, sometimes assassination, were
the expedients by which they intended to effect their purposes
against her; and the severe restraint, not to say persecution, un-
der which the Catholics labored, made them the more willingly
receive, from their ghostly fathers, such violent doctrines.
These seminaries were all of them under the direction of
the Jesuits, a new order of regular priests erected in Europe
when the court of Rome perceived that the lazy monks and
beggarly friars, who sufficed in times of ignorance, were no
longer able to defend the ramparts of the Church, assailed on
every side, and that the inquisitive spirit of the age required
a Society more active and more learned to oppose its danger-
ous progress. These men, as they stood foremost in the con-
test against the Protestants, drew on them the extreme ani-
16 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. CH. XLI.
mosity of that whole sect, and, by assuming a superiority over
the other more numerous and more ancient orders of their
own communion, were even exposed to the envy of their breth-
ren; so that it is no wonder if the blame to which their prin-
ciples and conduct might be exposed has in many instances
been much exaggerated. This reproach, however, they must
bear from posterity, that, by the very nature of their institu-
tion, they were engaged to pervert learning, the only effectual
remedy against Superstition, into a nourishment of that infirm-
ity; and as their erudition was chiefly of the ecclesiastical and
scholastic kind (though a few members have cultivated polite
literature), they were only the more enabled, by that acquisi-
tion, to refine away the plainest dictates of morality, and to
erect a regular system of casuistry, by which prevarication,
perjury, and every crime, when it served their ghostly pur-
poses, might be justified and defended.
The Jesuits, as devoted servants to the court of Rome, exalt-
ed the prerogative of the sovereign pontiff above all earthly
power; and, by maintaining his authority of deposing kings,
set no bounds either to his spiritual or temporal jurisdiction.
This doctrine became so prevalent among the zealous Catho-
lics in England that the excommunication fulminated against
Elizabeth excited many scruples of a singular kind, for which
it behooved the holy father to provide a remedy. The bull of
Pius, in absolving the subjects from their oaths of allegiance,
commanded them to resist the queen’s usurpation ; and many
Tomanists were apprehensive that by this clause they were
obliged in conscience, even though no favorable opportunity
offered, to rebel against her, and that no dangers or difficulties
could free them from this indispensable duty. But Parsons
and Campion, two Jesuits, were sent over with a mitigation
and explanation of the doctrine; and they taught their disci-
ples that, though the bull was forever binding on Elizabeth
and her partisans, it did not oblige the Catholics to obedience,
except when the sovereign pontiff should think proper, by a
new summons, to require it.” Campion was afterwards de-
* Camden, p. 477.
CH. XLI. ELIZABETH. 17.
tected in treasonable practices; and, being put to the rack and
confessing his guilt, he was publicly executed. His execution
was ordered at the very time when the Duke of Anjou was in
England, and prosecuted, with the greatest appearance of suc-
cess, his marriage with the queen ; and this severity was prob-
ably intended to appease her Protestant subjects, and to satisfy
them that, whatever measures she might pursue, she never
would depart from the principles of the Reformation.
The Duke of Alençon, now created Duke of Anjou, had
never entirely dropped his pretensions to Elizabeth; and that
Negotiations princess, though her suitor was near twenty-five
ºse years younger than herself, and had no knowledge
º of her person but by pictures or descriptions, WàS
still pleased with the image which his addresses af-
forded her of love and tenderness. The duke, in order to for-
ward his suit, besides employing his brother's ambassador, sent
over Simier, an agent of his own, an artful man, of an agree-
able conversation ; who, Soon remarking the queen's humor,
amused her with gay discourse, and, instead of Serious political
reasonings, which, he found, only awakened her ambition and
hurt his master's interest, he introduced every moment all the
topics of passion and of gallantry. The pleasure which she
found in this man’s company soon produced a familiarity be-
tween them; and, amid the greatest hurry of business, her
most confidential ministers had not such ready access to her
as had Simier, who, on pretence of negotiation, entertained her
with accounts of the tender attachment borne her by the Duke
of Anjou. The Earl of Leicester, who had never before been
alarmed with any courtship paid her, and who always trusted
that her love of dominion would prevail over her inclination
to marriage, began to apprehend that she was at last caught in
her own Snare, and that the artful encouragement which she had
given to this young suitor had, unawares, engaged her affec-
tions. To render Simier odious, he availed himself of the cre-
dulity of the times, and spread reports that that minister had
gained an ascendant over the queen, not by any natural princi-
ples of her constitution, but by incantations and love-potions.
Simier, in revenge, endeavored to discredit Leicester with the
IV.—2
18 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. CH. XLI.
queen ; and he revealed to her a secret, which none of her
courtiers dared to disclose, that this nobleman was secretly,
without her consent, married to the widow of the Earl of Es-
sex—an action which the queen interpreted either to proceed
from want of respect to her, or as a violation of their mutual
attachment, and which so provoked her that she threatened to
send him to the Tower.” The quarrel went so far between
Leicester and the French agent that the former was suspected
of having employed one Tudor, a bravo, to take away the life
of his enemy; and the queen thought it necessary, by procla-
mation, to take Simier under her immediate protection. It
happened that while Elizabeth was rowed in her barge on the
Thames, attended by Simier and some of her courtiers, a shot
was fired which wounded one of the bargemen; but the queen,
finding, upon inquiry, that the piece had been discharged by
accident, gave the person his liberty without further punish-
ment. So far was she from entertaining any suspicion against
her people that she was often heard to say “that she would
lend credit to nothing against them which parents would not
believe of their own children.” " -
The Duke of Anjou, encouraged by the accounts sent him
of the queen's prepossessions in his favor, paid her secretly a
visit at Greenwich ; and after some conference with her, the
purport of which is not known, he departed. It appeared
that though his figure was not advantageous, he had lost no
ground by being personally known to her; and, soon after, she
commanded Burleigh (now treasurer), Sussex, Leicester, Bed-
ford, Lincoln, Hatton, and Secretary Walsingham to concert
with the French ambassadors the terms of the intended con-
tract of marriage. Henry had sent over, on this occasion, a
splendid embassy, consisting of Francis de Bourbon, Prince
Dauphin, and many considerable noblemen; and as the queen
had, in a manner, the power of prescribing what terms she
pleased, the articles were soon settled with the English com-
missioners. It was agreed that the marriage should be cele-
brated within six weeks after the ratification of the articles;
* Camden, p. 471. 1° Ibid.
CH. XLI. ELIZABETH. 19
that the duke and his retinue should have the exercise of their
religion; that after the marriage he should bear the title of
king, but the administration remain solely in the queen ; that
their children, male or female, should succeed to the crown of
England; that if there be two males, the elder, in case of Hen-
ry’s death without issue, should be King of France, the young-
er of England; that if there be but one male, and he succeed
to the crown of France, he should be obliged to reside in Eng-
land eight months every two years; that the laws and customs
of England should be preserved inviolate; and that no foreign-
er should be promoted by the duke to any office in England.”
These articles, providing for the Security of England in case
of its annexation to the crown of France, opened but a dismal
prospect to the English, had not the age of Elizabeth, who was
now in her forty-ninth year, contributed very much to allay
their apprehensions of this nature. The queen, also, as a proof
of her still remaining uncertainty, added a clause that she was
not bound to complete the marriage till further articles, which
were not specified, should be agreed on between the parties,
and till the King of France be certified of this agreement.
Soon after, the queen sent over Walsingham, as ambassador
to France, in order to form closer connections with Henry,
and enter into a league, offensive and defensive, against the
increasing power and dangerous usurpations of Spain. The
French Ring, who had been extremely disturbed with the un-
quiet spirit, the restless ambition, the enterprising yet timid
and inconstant disposition of Anjou, had already sought to
free the kingdom from his intrigues by opening a scene for
his activity in Flanders, and, having allowed him to embrace
the protection of the states, had secretly supplied him with
men and money for the undertaking. The prospect of Set-
tling him in England was, for a like reason, very agreeable to
that monarch ; and he was desirous to cultivate, by every ex-
pedient, the favorable sentiments which Elizabeth seemed to
entertain towards him. But this princess, though she had
gone further in her amorous" dalliance than could be justi-
* Camden, p. 484. * Digges, p. 387, 396, 408, 426.
20 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. CH. XLI.
fied or accounted for by any principles of policy, was not yet
determined to carry matters to a final conclusion; and she
confined Walsingham, in his instructions, to negotiating con-
ditions of a mutual alliance between France and England.”
Henry with reluctance submitted to hold conferences on that
subject; but no sooner had Walsingham begun to settle the
terms of alliance than he was informed that the queen, fore-
seeing hostility with Spain to be the result of this confeder-
acy, had declared that she would prefer the marriage with
the war before the war without the marriage.” The French
court, pleased with this change of resolution, broke off the
conferences concerning the league, and opened a negotiation
for the marriage.” But matters had not long proceeded in this
train before the queen again declared for the league in pref-
erence to the marriage, and ordered Walsingham to renew the
conferences for that purpose. Before he had leisure to bring
this point to maturity, he was interrupted by a new change of
resolution;” and not only the court of France, but Walsing-
ham himself, Burleigh, and all the wisest ministers of Eliza-
beth, were in amazement, doubtful where this contest between
inclination and reason, love and ambition, would at last ter-
minate.”
In the course of this affair, Elizabeth felt another variety of
intentions, from a new contest between her reason and her
ruling passions. The Duke of Anjou expected from her some
money by which he might be enabled to open the campaign
in Flanders; and the queen herself, though her frugality made
her long reluctant, was sensible that this supply was neces-
sary; and she was at last induced, after much hesitation, to
comply with his request.” She sent him a present of a hun-
dred thousand crowns, by which, joined to his own demesnes,
and the assistance of his brother and the queen dowager, he
levied an army, and took the field against the Prince of Par-
ma. He was successful in raising the siege of Cambray; and
” Digges, p. 352. * Digges, p. 375, 391. * IDigges, p. 392.
* Digges, p. 408. * See mote [A] at the end of the volume.
* Digges, p. 357, 387, 388,409, 426, 439. Rymer, vol. xv. p. 793.
CH. XLI. < ELIZABETH. 21
being chosen by the states Governor of the Netherlands, he
put his army into winter-quarters, and came over to England,
in order to prosecute his suit to the queen. The reception
which he met with made him expect entire success, and gave
him hopes that Elizabeth had surmounted all scru-
ples, and was finally determined to make choice of
him for her husband. In the midst of the pomp which attend-
ed the anniversary of her coronation, she was seen, after long
and intimate discourse with him, to take a ring from her own
finger and to put it upon his; and all the spectators concluded
that in this ceremony she had given him a promise of mar-
riage, and was even desirous of signifying her intentions to
all the world. St. Aldegonde, ambassador from the states,
despatched immediately a letter to his masters, informing them
of this great event; and the inhabitants of Antwerp, who, as
well as the other Flemings, regarded the queen as a kind of
tutelar divinity, testified their joy by bonfires and the discharge
of their great ordnance.” A puritan of Lincoln’s-inn had writ-
ten a passionate book, which he entitled “The Gulf in which
England will be Swallowed by the French Marriage.” He was
apprehended and prosecuted by order of the queen, and was
condemned to lose his right hand as a libeller. Such was the
constancy and loyalty of the man that, immediately after the
sentence was executed, he took off his hat with his other hand,
and, waving it over his head, cried “God save the queen P
But, notwithstanding this attachment which Elizabeth so
openly discovered to the Duke of Anjou, the combat of her
sentiments was not entirely over; and her ambition as well
as prudence, rousing itself by intervals, still filled her breast
with doubt and hesitation. Almost all the courtiers whom
she trusted and favored—Leicester, Hatton, and Walsing-
ham—discovered an extreme aversion to the marriage; and
the ladies of her bedchamber made no scruple of opposing
her resolution with the most zealous remonstrances.” Among
other enemies to the match, Sir Philip, son of Sir Henry Sid-
ney, Deputy of Ireland and nephew to Leicester, a young
Nov. 17.
wº-
* Camden, p. 486. Thuan. lib. 74. * Camden, p. 486.
22 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. CH. XLI.
man the most accomplished of the age, declared himself; and
he used the freedom to write her a letter, in which he dissuaded
her from her present resolution, with an unusual elegance of
expression as well as force of reasoning. He told her that
the Security of her government depended entirely on the
affections of her Protestant subjects, and she could not, by
any measure, more effectually disgust them than by espousing
a prince who was son of the perfidious Catherine, brother to
the cruel and perfidious Charles, and who had himself im-
brued his hands in the blood of the innocent and defenceless
Protestants; that the Catholics were her mortal enemies, and
believed either that she had originally usurped the crown or
was now lawfully deposed by the pope's bull of excommuni-
cation, and nothing had ever so much elevated their hopes
as the prospect of her marriage with the Duke of Anjou ;
that her chief Security, at present, against the efforts of so
numerous, rich, and united a faction was that they possessed
no head who could conduct their dangerous enterprises; and
she herself was rashly supplying that defect by giving an in-
terest in the kingdom to a prince whose education had zeal-
ously attached him to that communion; that though he was
a stranger to the blood royal of England, the dispositions of
men were now such that they preferred the religious to the
civil connections, and were more influenced by sympathy in
theological opinions than by the principles of legal and hered-
itary government; that the duke himself had discovered a
very restless and turbulent spirit; and having often violated
his loyalty to his elder brother and his sovereign, there re-
mained no hopes that he would passively submit to a woman,
whom he might, in quality of husband, think himself entitled
to command; that the French nation, so populous, so much
abounding in soldiers, so full of nobility, who were devoted
to arms, and for Some time accustomed to serve for plunder,
would supply him with partisans dangerous to a people un-
warlike and defenceless, like the generality of her subjects;
that the plain and honorable path which she had followed, of
cultivating the affections of her people, had hitherto rendered
her reign Secure and happy, and, however her enemies might
CH. XLI. ELIZABETH. 23
seem to multiply upon her, the same invincible rampart was
still able to protect and defend her; that so long as the throne
of France was filled by Henry or his posterity, it was in vain
to hope that the ties of blood would insure the amity of that
kingdom preferably to the maxims of policy or the prejudices
of religion, and if ever the crown devolved on the Duke of
Anjou, the conjunction of France and England would prove
a burden rather than a protection to the latter kingdom; that
the example of her sister Mary was sufficient to instruct her
in the danger of such connections, and to prove that the
affection and confidence of the English could never be main-
tained where they had such reason to apprehend that their in-
terests would every moment be sacrificed to those of a foreign
and hostile nation ; that notwithstanding these great incon-
veniences, discovered by past experience, the house of Bur-
gundy, it must be confessed, was more popular in the nation
than the family of France, and (what was of chief moment)
Philip was of the same communion with Mary, and was con-
nected with her by this great band of interest and affection;
and that, however the queen might remain childless, even
though old age should grow upon her, the singular felicity
and glory of her reign would preserve her from contempt;
the affections of her subjects and those of all the Protestants
in Europe would defend her from danger, and her own pru-
dence, without other aid or assistance, would baffle all the
efforts of her most malignant enemies.”
These reflections kept the queen in great anxiety and irres-
olution, and she was observed to pass several nights without
any sleep or repose. At last her settled habits of prudence
and ambition prevailed over her temporary inclination; and,
having sent for the Duke of Anjou, she had a long conference
with him in private, where she was supposed to have made
him apologies for breaking her former engagements. He
expressed great disgust on his leaving her, threw away the
ring which she had given him, and uttered many curses on
the mutability of women and of islanders.” Soon after he
* Letters of the Sidneys, vol. i. p. 287 et seq. Cabala, p. 363.
* Camden, p. 486.
24 - IIISTORY OF ENGLAND. CH. XLI.
went over to his government of the Netherlands, lost the con-
fidence of the states by a rash and violent attempt on their
liberties, was expelled that country, retired into France, and
there died. The queen, by timely reflection, saved herself
from the numerous mischiefs which must have attended so
imprudent a marriage, and the distracted state of the French
monarchy prevented her from feeling any effects of that re-
sentment which she had reason to dread from the affront so
wantonly put upon that royal family. -
The anxiety of the queen, from the attempts of the English
Catholics, never ceased during the whole course of her reign;
issa. Amits but the variety of revolutions which happened in
** all the neighboring kingdoms was the source, some-
times of her hopes, sometimes of her apprehensions. This
year the affairs of Scotland strongly engaged her attention.
The influence which the Earl of Lenox and James Stuart,
who now assumed the title of Earl of Arran, had acquired
over the young king, was but a slender foundation of author-
ity, while the generality of the nobles and all the preachers
were so much discontented with their administration. The
assembly of the Church appointed a Solemn fast; of which
one of the avowed reasons was the danger to which the king
was exposed from the company of wicked persons;” and on
that day the pulpits resounded with declamations
against Lenox, Arran, and all the present counsel-
lors. When the minds of the people were sufficiently prepared
by these lectures, a conspiracy of the nobility was formed,
probably with the concurrence of Elizabeth, for seizing the
person of James at Ruthven, a seat of the Earl of Gowry’s;
and the design, being kept secret, succeeded without any oppo-
sition. The leaders in this enterprise were the Earl of Gowry
himself, the Earl of Marre, the Lords Lindesey and Boyd, the
Masters of Glamis and Oliphant, the Abbots of Dumfermling,
Paisley, and Cambuskenneth. The king wept when he found
himself detained a prisoner; but the Master of Glamis said,
“No matter for his tears; better that boys weep than bearded
Aug. 23.
* Spotswood, p. 319.
CII. XLI. . . ELIZABETH. 25
men”—an expression which James could never afterwards
forgive.” But, notwithstanding this resentment, he found it
necessary to the present necessity. He pretended an entire
acquiescence in the conduct of the associators, acknowledged
the detention of his person to be acceptable service, and
agreed to summon both an assembly of the Church and a
convention of estates in order to ratify that enterprise.
The assembly, though they had established it as an invio-
lable rule that the king, on no account and on no pretence,
should ever intermeddle in ecclesiastical matters, made no
scruple of taking civil affairs under their cognizance, and of
deciding, on this occasion, that the attempt of the conspirators
was acceptable to all that feared God or tendered the preser-
vation of the king's person and prosperous state of the realm.
They even enjoined all the clergy to recommend these senti-
ments from the pulpit, and they threatened with ecclesiastical
censures every man who should oppose the authority of the
confederated lords.” The convention, being composed chiefly
of these lords themselves, added their sanction to these pro-
ceedings. Arran was confined a prisoner in his own house.
Lenox, though he had power to resist, yet, rather than raise a
civil war, or be the cause of bloodshed,” chose to retire into
France, where he soon after died. He persevered to the last
in the Protestant religion, to which James had converted
him, but which the Scottish clergy could never be persuaded
that,he had sincerely embraced. The king sent for his family,
restored his son to his paternal honors and estate, took care
to establish the fortunes of all his other children, and to his
last moments never forgot the early friendship which he had
borne their father—a strong proof of the good dispositions
of that prince.”
No sooner was this revolution known in England than the
queen sent Sir Henry Cary and Sir Robert Bowes to James,
in order to congratulate him on his deliverance from the per-
nicious counsels of Lenox and Arran; to exhort him not to
* Spotswood, p. 320. *Spotswood, p. 322.
* Heylin's Hist, Presbyter. p. 277. Spotswood. *Spotswood, p. 328.
26 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. CH. XLI.
resent the seeming violence committed on him by the confed-
erated lords; and to procure from him permission for the re-
turn of the Earl of Angus, who, ever since Morton’s fall, had
lived in England. They easily prevailed in procuring the re-
call of Angus, and, as James suspected that Elizabeth had not
been entirely unacquainted with the project of his détention,
he thought proper before the English ambassadors to dissem-
ble his resentment against the authors of it. Soon after, La
Mothe-Fénelon and Menneville appeared as ambas-
sadors from France. Their errand was to inquire
concerning the situation of the king, make professions of their
master's friendship, confirm the ancient league with France,
and procure an accommodation between James and the Queen
of Scots. This last proposal gave great umbrage to the clergy,
and the assembly voted the settling of terms between the
mother and son to be a most wicked undertaking. The pul-
pits resounded with declamations against the French ambassa-
dors, particularly Fénelon, whom they called the messenger
of the Bloody Murderer, meaning the Duke of Guise; and as
that minister, being Knight of the Holy Ghost, wore a white
cross on his shoulder, they commonly denominated it, in con-
tempt, the badge of Antichrist. The king endeavored, though
in vain, to repress these insolent reflections; but in order to
make the ambassadors some compensation, he desired the mag-
istrates of Edinburgh to give them a splendid dinner before
their departure. To prevent this entertainment, the clergy
appointed that very day for a public fast; and, finding that
their orders were not regarded, they employed their sermons
in thundering curses on the magistrates, who, by the king's
direction, had put this mark of respect on the ambassadors.
They even pursued them afterwards with the censures of the
Church; and it was with difficulty they were prevented from
issuing the sentence of excommunication against them, on ac-
count of their submission to royal, preferably to clerical, au-
thority.”
What increased their alarm with regard to an accommoda-
15S3.
*Spotswood, p. 324.
CH. XLI. ELIZABETH. 27
tion between James and Mary was, that the English ambassa-
dors seemed to concur with the French in this proposal, and
the clergy were so ignorant as to believe the sincerity of the
1..., professions made by the former. The Queen of
#ºn. Scots had often made overtures to Elizabeth, which
had been entirely neglected; but hearing of James's
detention, she wrote a letter in a more pathetic and more spir-
ited strain than usual, craving the assistance of that princess
both for her own and her son’s liberty. She said that the ac-
count of the prince's captivity had excited her most tender con-
cern; and the experience which she herself, during so many
years, had of the extreme infelicity attending that situation, had
made her the more apprehensive lest a like fate should pursue
her unhappy offspring; that the long train of injustice which
she had undergone, the calumnies to which she had been ex-
posed were so grievous, that, finding no place for right or
truth among men, she was reduced to make her last appeal to
Heaven, the only competent tribunal between princes of equal
jurisdiction, degree, and dignity; that after her rebellious sub-
jects, secretly instigated by Elizabeth’s ministers, had expelled
her the throne, had confined her in prison, had pursued her
with arms, she had voluntarily thrown herself under the pro-
tection of England, fatally allured by those reiterated profes-
sions of amity which had been made her, and by her confidence
in the generosity of a friend, an ally, and a kinswoman; that,
not content with excluding her from her presence, with Sup-
porting the usurpers of her throne, with contributing to the
destruction of her faithful subjects, Elizabeth had reduced her
to a worse captivity than that from which she had escaped,
and had made her this cruel return for the unlimited confi-
dence which she had reposed in her; that though her resent-
ment of such severe usage had never carried her further than
to use some disappointed efforts for her deliverance, unlappy
for herself and fatal to others, she found the rigors of confine-
ment daily multiplied upon her, and at length carried to such
a height that it surpassed the bounds of all human patience any
longer to endure them; that she was cut off from all communi-
cation, not only with the rest of mankind, but with her only
2S HISTORY OF ENGLAND. CH. XLI.
son; and her maternal fondness, which was now more enlivened
by their unhappy sympathy in situation, and was her sole re-
maining attachment to this world, deprived even of that melan-
choly Solace which letters or messages could give; that the
bitterness of her sorrows, still more than her close confine-
ment, had preyed upon her health, and had added the insuf-
ferable weight of bodily infirmity to all those other calamities
under which she labored; that while the daily experience of
her maladies opened to her the comfortable prospect of an ap-
proaching deliverance into a region where pain and sorrow
are no more, her enemies envied her that last consolation,
and, having secluded her from every joy on earth, had done
'what in them lay to debar her from all hopes in her future
and eternal existence; that the exercise of her religion was
refused her, the use of those sacred rites in which she had
been educated, the commerce with those holy ministers whom
Heaven had appointed to receive the acknowledgment of our
transgressions, and to seal our penitence by a solemn readmis-
sion into heavenly favor and forgiveness; that it was in vain.
to complain of the rigors of persecution exercised in other
kingdoms, when a queen and an innocent woman was excluded
from an indulgence which never yet, in the most barbarous
countries, had been denied to the meanest and most obnoxious
malefactor; that could she ever be induced to descend from
that royal dignity in which Providence had placed her, or de-
part from her appeal to Heaven, there was only one other tribu-
nal to which she could appeal from all her enemies, to the jus-
tice and humanity of Elizabeth's own breast, and to that lenity
which, uninfluenced by malignant counsel, she would naturally
be induced to exercise towards her; and that she finally en-
treated her to resume her natural disposition, and to reflect
on the support, as well as comfort, which she might receive
from her son and herself, if, joining the obligations of grati-
tude to the ties of blood, she would deign to raise them from
their present melancholy situation, and reinstate them in that
liberty and authority to which they were entitled.”
* Camden, p. 489.
CH. XLI. - - ELIZABETH. - 29
Elizabeth was engaged to obstruct Mary’s restoration, chiefly
because she foresaw an unhappy alternative attending that
event. If this princess recovered any considerable share of
authority in Scotland, her resentment, ambition, zeal, and con-
nections, both domestic and foreign, might render her a dan-
gerous neighbor to England, and enable her, after suppressing
the Protestant party among her subjects, to revive those pre-
tensions which she had formerly advanced to the crown, and
which her partisans in both kingdoms still supported with
great industry and assurance. If she were reinstated in pow-
er with such strict limitations as could not be broken, she
might be disgusted with her situation, and, flying abroad, form
more desperate attempts than any sovereign who had a crown
to hazard would willingly undertake. Mary herself, sensible
of these difficulties, and convinced by experience that Eliza-
beth would forever debar her the throne, was now become
more humble in her wishes; and as age and infirmities had
repressed those sentiments of ambition by which she had for-
merly been so much actuated, she was willing to sacrifice all
her hopes of grandeur, in order to obtain a little liberty—a
blessing to which she naturally aspired with the fondest impa-
tience. She proposed, therefore, that she should be associated
with her son in the title to the crown of Scotland, but that
the administration should remain solely in him ; and she was
Content to live in England in a private station, and even under
a kind of restraint, but with some more liberty, both for exer-
cise and company, than she had enjoyed since the first discov-
ery of her intrigues with the Duke of Norfolk. But Elizabeth,
afraid lest such a loose method of guarding her would facilitate
her escape into France or Spain, or, at least, would encourage
and increase her partisans, and enable her to conduct those in-
trigues to which she had already discovered so strong a propensi-
ty, was secretly determined to deny her requests; and though
she feigned to assent to them, she well knew how to disappoint
the expectations of the unhappy princess. While Lenox main-
tained his authority in Scotland, she never gave any reply
to all the applications made to her by the Scottish queen;"
* Jebb, vol. ii. p. 5:0.
30 - HISTORY OF ENGLAND. CH. XLI.
at present, when her own creatures had acquired possession
of the government, she was resolved to throw the odium
of refusal upon them, and pretending that nothing further.
was required to a perfect accommodation than the concur-
rence of the council of state in Scotland, she ordered her
ambassador, Bowes, to open the negotiations for Mary’s liberty
and her association with her son in the title to the crown.
Though she seemed to make this concession to Mary, she re-
fused her the liberty of sending any ambassador of her own ;
and that princess could easily conjecture from this circumstance
what would be the result of the pretended negotiation. The
privy council of Scotland, instigated by the clergy, rejected
all treaty ; and James, who was now a captive in their hands,
affirmed that he had never agreed to an association with his
mother, and that the matter had never gone farther than some
loose proposals for that purpose.”
The affairs of Scotland remained not long in the present
situation. James, impatient of restraint, made his escape
from his keepers, and, flying to St. Andrew’s, summoned his
friends and partisans to attend him. The Earls of Argyle,
Marshal, Montrose, and Rothes hastened to pay their duty to
their sovereign ; and the opposite party found themselves un-
able to resist so powerful a combination. They were offered
a pardon upon their submission, and an acknowledgment of
their fault in seizing the king's person, and restraining him
from his liberty. Some of them accepted of the terms; the
greater number, particularly Angus, Hamilton, Marre, Glamis,
left the country, and took shelter in Ireland or England, where
they were protected by Elizabeth. The Earl of Arran was re-
called to court; and the malcontents, who could not brook
the authority of Lenox, a man of virtue and moderation, found
that by their resistance they had thrown all pover into the
hands of a person whose counsels were as violent as his man-
ners were profligate.”
Elizabeth wrote a letter to James, in which she quoted a
* MS. in the Advocates' Library, A. 3, 28, p. 401, from the Cott. Lib. Calig. c. 9.
*Spotswood, p. 325, 326, et seq.
CH. XLI. ELIZABETH. 31
moral sentence from Isocrates, and indirectly reproached him
with inconstancy and a breach of his engagements. James,
in his reply, justified his measures, and retaliated by turning
two passages of Isocrates against her.” She next sent Wal-
singham on an embassy to him ; and her chief purpose in em-
ploying that aged minister in an errand where so little busi-
ness was to be transacted was to learn, from a man of so much
penetration and experience, the real character of James. This
young prince possessed good parts, though not accompanied
with that vigor and industry which his station required; and
as he excelled in general discourse and conversation, Walsing-
ham entertained a higher idea of his talents than he was after-
wards found, when real business was transacted, to have fully
merited." The account which he gave his mistress induced
her to treat James thenceforth with some more regard than
she had hitherto been inclined to pay him.
The King of Scots, persevering in his present views, sum-
moned a Parliament, where it was enacted that no clergyman
should presume in his sermons to utter false, untrue,
or scandalous speeches against the king, the council,
or the public measures, or to meddle, in an improper manner,
with the affairs of his majesty and the states." The clergy,
finding that the pulpit would be no longer a sanctuary for
them, were extremely offended; they said that the king was
become popish in his heart; and they gave their adversaries
the epithets of gross libertines, belly-gods, and infamous per-
sons.” The violent conduct of Arran soon brought over the
popularity to their side. The Earl of Gowry, though par-
doned for the late attempt, was committed to prison, was tried
On some new accusations, condemned, and executed. Many in-
nocent persons suffered from the tyranny of this favorite;
and the banished lords, being assisted by Elizabeth, now found
the time favorable for the recovery of their estates and author-
ity. After they had been foiled in one attempt upon Stirling,
15S4.
* Melvil, p. 140, 141. Strype, vol. iii. p. 165.
* Melvil, p. 148. Jebb, vol. ii. p. 530. -
* Spotswood, p. 333. * Ibid. p. 334.
32 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. CH. XLI.
they prevailed in another; and being admitted to the king's
presence, were pardoned and restored to his favor. .
Arran was degraded from authority, deprived of that estate
and title which he had usurped, and the whole country seem-
ed to be composed to tranquillity. Elizabeth, after opposing,
during some time, the credit of the favorite, had found it
more expedient, before his fall, to compound all differences
with him by means of Davison, a minister whom she sent to
Scotland; but having more confidence in the lords whom she
had helped to restore, she was pleased with this alteration of
affairs, and maintained a good correspondence with the new
court and ministry of James.
These revolutions in Scotland would have been regarded as
of small importance to the repose and security of Elizabeth,
conspiracles had her own subjects been entirely united, and had
** not the zeal of the Catholics, excited by constraint
more properly than persecution, daily threatened her with
some dangerous insurrection. The vigilance of the ministers,
particularly of Burleigh and Walsingham, was raised in pro-
portion to the activity of the malcontents; and many arts
which had been blamable in a more peaceful government
were employed in detecting conspiracies, and even discover-
ing the secret inclinations of men. Counterfeit letters were
written in the name of the Queen of Scots, or of the English
exiles, and privately conveyed to the houses of the Catholics.
Spies were hired to observe the actions and discourse of sus-
pected persons; informers were countenanced; and, though
the sagacity of these two great ministers helped them to dis-
tinguish the true from the false intelligence, many calumnies
were, no doubt, hearkened to, and all the subjects, particular-
ly the Catholics, kept in the utmost anxiety and inquietude.
Henry Piercy, Earl of Northumberland, brother to the earl
beheaded some years before, and Philip Howard, Earl of
Arundel, son of the unfortunate Duke of Norfolk, fell under
suspicion ; and the latter was, by Order of council, confined
to his own house. Francis Throgmorton, a private gentle-
man, was committed to custody on account of a letter which
he had written to the Queen of Scots, and which was inter-
CH. XLI. ELIZABETH. 33
cepted. Lord Paget and Charles Arundel, who had been en-
gaged with him in treasonable designs, immediately withdrew
beyond sea. Throgmorton confessed that a plan for an inva-
sion and insurrection had been laid; and though, on his trial,
he was desirous of retracting this confession and imputing it to
the fear of torture, he was found guilty and executed. Men-
doza, the Spanish ambassador, having promoted this conspir-
acy, was ordered to depart the kingdom; and Wade was sent
into Spain to excuse his dismission, and to desire the king to
send another ambassador in his place; but Philip would not
so much as admit the English ambassador to his presence.
Creighton, a Scottish Jesuit, coming over on board a vessel,
which was seized, tore some papers with an intention of throw-
ing them into the sea; but the wind blowing them back upon
the ship, they were pieced together, and discovered some dan-
gerous secrets.”
Many of these conspiracies were, with great appearance of
reason, imputed to the intrigues of the Queen of Scots;” and,
as her name was employed in all of them, the council thought
that they could not use too many precautions against the dan-
ger of her claims and the restless activity of her temper. She
was removed from under the care of the Earl of Shrewsbury,
who, though vigilant and faithful in that trust, had also been
indulgent to his prisoner, particularly with regard to air and
exercise; and she was committed to the custody of Sir Amias
Paulet and Sir Drue Drury—men of honor, but inflexible in
their care and attention. An association was also set on foot
by the Earl of Leicester and other courtiers; and as Elizabeth
was beloved by the whole nation, except the more zealous
Catholics, men of all ranks willingly flocked to the subscrip-
tion of it. The purport of this association was to defend the
queen, to revenge her death, or any injury committed against
her, and to exclude from the throne all claimants, what title
soever they might possess, by whose suggestion or for whose
behoof any violence should be offered to her majesty." The
* Camden, p. 499. * Strype, vol. iii. p. 246.
* State Trials, vol. i. p. 122, 123.
IV.-3
34 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. CH. XLI.
Queen of Scots was sensible that this association was levelled
against her, and to remove all suspicion from herself, she also
desired to subscribe it.
Elizabeth, that she might the more discourage malcontents
by showing them the concurrence of the nation in her favor,
Now as a summoned a new Parliament, and she met with that
* dutiful attachment which she had expected. The as-
sociation was confirmed by Parliament; and a clause was add.
ed by which the queen was empowered to name commission-
ers for the trial of any pretender to the crown, who should at-
tempt or imagine any invasion, insurrection, or assassination
against her. Upon condemnation, pronounced by these com-
missioners, the guilty person was excluded from all claim to
the succession, and was further punishable as her majesty
should direct. And for the greater security a council of re-
gency, in case of the queen's violent death, was appointed to
govern the kingdom, to settle the succession, and to take ven-
geance for that act of treason." •
A severe law was also enacted against Jesuits and popish
priests. It was ordained that they should depart the king-
dom within forty days; that those who should remain beyond
that time, or should afterwards return, should be guilty of
treason; that those who harbored or relieved them should be
guilty of felony; that those who were educated in Seminaries,
if they returned not in six months after notice given, and sub-
mitted not themselves to the queen before a bishop, or two
justices, should be guilty of treason; and that if any, so sub-
mitting themselves, should within ten years approach the
court, or come within ten miles of it, their submission should
be void." By this law the exercise of the Catholic religion,
which had formerly been prohibited under lighter penalties,
and which was in many instances connived at, was totally sup-
pressed. In the subsequent part of the queen's reign, the law
was sometimes executed by the capital punishment of priests;
and, though the partisans of that princess asserted that they
were punished for their treason, not their religion, the apology
* 27 Eliz. cap. 1. * 27 Eliz. cap. 2.
CII. XLI. ELIZABETH. 35
must only be understood in this sense, that the law was enact-
ed on account of the treasonable views and attempts of the
sect, not that every individual who suffered the penalty of the
law was convicted of treason.” The Catholics, therefore, might
now with justice complain of a violent persecution, which we
may safely affirm, in spite of the rigid and bigoted maxims of
that age, not to be the best method of converting them, or of
reconciling them to the established government and religion.
The Parliament, besides arming the queen with these pow-
ers, granted her a supply of one subsidy and two fifteenths.
The only circumstance in which their proceedings were dis-
agreeable to her was an application made by the Commons
for a further reformation in ecclesiastical matters. Yet even
in this attempt, which affected her as well as them in a deli-
cate point, they discovered how much they were overawed by
her authority. The majority of the House were Puritans, or
inclined to that sect;" but the severe reprimands which they
had already, in former Sessions, met with from the throne
deterred them from introducing any bill concerning religion—
a proceeding which would have been interpreted as an en-
Croachment on the prerogative. They were content to pro-
ceed by way of humble petition, and that not addressed to her
majesty (which would have given offence), but to the House of
Lords, or rather the bishops, who had a seat in that House, and
from whom alone they were willing to receive all advances
towards reformation"—a strange departure from what we
now apprehend to be the dignity of the Commons. ---
The Commons desired, in their humble petition, that no
bishop should exercise his function of ordination but with the
* Some even of those who defend the queen's measures allow that in ten years
fifty priests were executed and fifty-five banished. Camden, p. 649.
* Besides the petition after-mentioned, another proof of the prevalence of the
Puritans among the Commons was their passing a bill for the reverent observ-
ance of Sunday, which they termed the Sabbath, and the depriving the people of
those amusements which they were accustomed to take on that day.—D'Ewes, p.
335. It was a strong symptom of a contrary spirit in the Upper House that they
proposed to add Wednesday to the fast-days, and to prohibit entirely the eating
of flesh on that day.—D'Ewes, p. 373.
* D'Ewes, p. 357.
36 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. CH. XLI.
consent and concurrence of six presbyters; but this demand,
as it really introduced a change of ecclesiastical government,
was firmly rejected by the prelates. They desired that no
clergyman should be instituted into any benefice without pre-
vious notice being given to the parish that they might exam-
ine whether there lay any objection to his life or doctrine—
an attempt towards a popular model which naturally met with
the same fate. In another article of the petition they prayed
that the bishops should not insist upon every ceremony, or
deprive incumbents for omitting part of the service, as if uni-
formity in public worship had not been established by law, or
as if the prelates had been endowed with a dispensing power.
They complained of abuses which prevailed in pronouncing
the sentence of excommunication, and they entreated the rev-
erend fathers to think of some law for the remedy of these
abuses, implying that those matters were too high for the
Commons of themselves to attempt.
But the most material article which the Commons touched
upon in their petition was the court of ecclesiastical commis-
sion and the oath, ea officio, as it was called, exacted by that
court. This is a subject of such importance as to merit some
explanation.
The first primate after the queen's accession was Parker,
a man rigid in exacting conformity to the established worship,
The ecclesi and in punishing by fine or deprivation all the Puri-
** tanical clergymen who attempted to innovate any-
thing in the habits, ceremonies, or liturgy of the Church. He
died in 1575, and was succeeded by Grindal, who, as he him-
self was inclined to the new sect, was with great difficulty
brought to execute the laws against them, or to punish the
nonconforming clergy. He declined obeying the queen’s or-
ders for the suppression of prophesyings, or the assemblies of
the zealots in private houses, which she apprehended had be-
come so many academies of fanaticism; and for this offence
she had, by an order of the Star-chamber, sequestered him
from his archiepiscopal function, and confined him to his own
house. Upon his death, which happened in 1583, she deter-
mined not to fall into the same error in her next choice; and
CH. XLI. - ELIZABETH. 37
she named Whitgift, a zealous churchman, who had already
signalized his pen in controversy, and who, having in vain at-
tempted to convince the Puritans by argument, was now re-
solved to open their eyes by power, and by the execution of
penal statutes. He informed the queen that all the spiritual
authority lodged in the prelates was insignificant without the
Sanction of the crown ; and, as there was no ecclesiastical
commission at that time in force, he engaged her to issue a
new one, more arbitrary than any of the former, and convey-
ing more unlimited authority." She appointed forty-four com-
missioners, twelve of whom were ecclesiastics; three commis-
sioners made a quorum; the jurisdiction of the court extend-
ed over the whole kingdom, and over all orders of men; and
every circumstance of its authority and all its methods of pro-
ceeding were contrary to the clearest principles of law and
natural equity. The commissioners were empowered to visit
and reform all errors, heresies, Schisms—in a word, to regulate
all opinions as well as to punish all breach of uniformity in
the exercise of public worship. They were directed to make
inquiry, not only by the legal methods of juries and witnesses,
but by all other means and ways which they could devise ;
that is, by the rack, by torture, by inquisition, by imprison-
ment. Where they found reason to suspect any person, they
might administer to him an oath, called ea officio, by which he
was bound to answer all questions, and might thereby be
obliged to accuse himself or his most intimate friend. The
fines which they levied were discretionary, and often occa-
sioned the total ruin of the offender, contrary to the establish-
ed laws of the kingdom. The imprisonment to which they
condemned any delinquent was limited by no rule but their
own pleasure. They assumed a power of imposing on the
clergy what new articles of subscription, and consequently of
faith, they thought proper. Though all other spiritual courts
were subject, since the Reformation, to inhibitions from the
supreme courts of law, the ecclesiastical commissioners were
exempted from that legal jurisdiction, and were liable to no
* Neal's History of the Puritans, vol. i. p. 410.
38 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. CH. XLI.
control. And the more to enlarge their authority, they were
empowered to punish all incests, adulteries, fornications; all
outrages, misbehaviors, and disorders in marriage; and the
punishments which they might inflict were according to their
wisdom, conscience, and discretion. In a word, this court was
a real inquisition, attended with all the iniquities as well as
cruelties inseparable from that tribunal. And as the juris-
diction of the ecclesiastical court was destructive of all law,
so its erection was deemed by many a mere usurpation of this
imperious princess, and had no other foundation than a clause
of a statute restoring the Supremacy to the crown, and em-
powering the sovereign to appoint commissioners for exercis-
ing that prerogative. But prerogative in general, especially
the Supremacy, was supposed in that age to involve powers
which no law, precedent, or reason could limit and deter-
mine. -
But though the Commons, in their humble petition to the
prelates, had touched so gently and submissively on the eccle-
siastical grievances, the queen, in a speech from the throne at
the end of the session, could not forbear taking notice of their
presumption, and reproving them for those murmurs which,
for fear of offending her, they had pronounced so low as not
directly to reach her royal ears. After giving them some gen-
eral thanks for their attachment to her, and making profes-
sions of affection to her subjects, she told them that whoever
found fault with the Church threw a slander upon her, since
she was appointed by God Supreme ruler over it, and no heresies
or Schisms could prevail in the kingdom but by her permission
and negligence; that some abuses must necessarily have place
in everything; but she warned the prelates to be watchful,
for if she found them careless of their charge, she was fully
determined to depose them; that she was commonly supposed
to have employed herself in many studies, particularly philo-
Sophical (by which, I suppose, she meant theological), and she
would confess that few, whose leisure had not allowed them
to make profession of Science, had read or reflected more; that
as she could discern the presumption of many in curiously
canvassing the Scriptures and starting innovations, she would
CH. XLI. ELIZABETH: 39
no longer endure this licentiousness, but meant to guide her
people, by God’s rule, in the just mean between the corruptions
of Rome and the errors of modern sectaries; and that as the
Romanists were the inveterate enemies of her person, so the
other innovators were dangerous to all kingly government,
and, under color of preaching the word of God, presumed to
exercise their private judgment and to censure the actions of
the prince.”
From the whole of this transaction we may observe that the
Commons, in making their general application to the prelates
as well as in some particular articles of their petition, showed
themselves wholly ignorant, no less than the queen, of the
principles of liberty and a legal constitution. And it may
not be unworthy of remark that Elizabeth, so far from yield-
ing to the displeasure of the Parliament against the ecclesias-
tical commission, granted before the end of her reign a new
commission, in which she enlarged, rather than restrained, the
powers of the commissioners.”
Turing this session of Parliament there was discovered a
conspiracy which much increased the general animosity against
the Catholics, and still further widened the breach between the
religious parties. William Parry, a Catholic gentleman, had
received the queen’s pardon for a crime by which he was ex-
posed to capital punishment; and, having obtained permission
to travel, he retired to Milan and made open profession of his
religion, which he had concealed while he remained in Eng-
land. He was here persuaded by Palmio, a Jesuit, that he
could not perform a more meritorious action than to take
away the life of his sovereign and his benefactress. The
nuncio, Campeggio, when consulted, approved extremely of
this pious undertaking; and Parry, though still agitated with
doubts, came to Paris with an intention of passing over to
England and executing his bloody purpose. He was here
encouraged in the design by Thomas Morgan, a gentleman of
great credit in the party; and, though Watts and some other
* See note [B] at the end of the volume.
* Rymer, vol. xvi. p. 292, 386, 400.
40 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. CH. XLI.
Catholic priests told him that the enterprise was criminal and
impious, he preferred the authority of Raggazzoni, the nuncio
at Paris, and determined to persist in his resolution. He here
wrote a letter to the pope, which was conveyed to Cardinal
Como. He communicated his intention to the holy father,
and craved his absolution and paternal benediction. He re-
ceived an answer from the cardinal by which he found that
his purpose was extremely applauded, and he came over to
England with a full design of carrying it into execution. So
deeply are the sentiments of morality engraved in the human
breast that it is difficult even for the prejudices of false relig-
ion totally to efface them ; and this bigoted assassin resolved,
before he came to extremities, to try every other expedient
for alleviating the persecutions under which the Catholics at
that time labored. He found means of being introduced to
the queen, assured her that many conspiracies were formed
against her, and exhorted her, as she tendered her life, to give
the Romanists some more indulgence in the exercise of their
religion; but, lest he should be tempted by the opportunity
to assassinate her, he always came to court unprovided with
every offensive weapon. He even found means to be elect-
ed member of Parliament, and, having made a vehement ha-
rangue against the severe laws enacted this last session, was
committed to custody for his freedom and sequestered from
the House. His failure in these attempts confirmed him the
more in his former resolution, and he communicated his in-
tention to Nevil, who entered zealously into the design, and
was determined to have a share in the merits of its execution.
A book newly published by Dr. Allen, afterwards created a
cardinal, served further to efface all their scruples with regard
to the murder of an heretical prince; and having agreed to
shoot the queen while she should be taking the air on horse-
back, they resolved, if they could not make their escape, to
sacrifice their lives in fulfilling a duty So agreeable, as they
imagined, to the will of God and to true religion. But while
they were watching an opportunity for the execution of their
purpose, the Earl of Westmoreland happened to die in exile;
and as Nevil was next heir to that family, he began to enter-
CH. XLI. ELIZABETH. 41
tain hopes that, by doing some acceptable service to the queen,
he might recover the estate and honors which had been for-
feited by the rebellion of the last earl. He betrayed the whole
conspiracy to the ministers; and Parry, being thrown into
prison, confessed the guilt both to them and to the jury who
tried him. The letter from Cardinal Como, being produced
in court, put Parry’s narrative beyond all question; and that
criminal, having received sentence of death,” suffered the
punishment which the law appointed for his treasonable con-
spiracy."
These bloody designs now appeared everywhere as the re-
sult of that bigoted spirit by which the two religions, espe-
cially the Catholic, were at this time actuated. Somerville,
a gentleman of the county of Warwick, somewhat disordered
in his understanding, had heard so much of the merit attend-
ing the assassination of heretics and persecutors that he came
to London with a view of murdering the queen; but having
betrayed his design by some extravagances, he was thrown
into prison, and there perished by a voluntary death." About
The affairs the same time, Baltazar Gerard, a Burgundian, un-
gº dertook and executed the same design against the
Prince of Orange; and that great man perished at
Delft by the hands of a desperate assassin, who, with a resolu-
tion worthy of a better cause, sacrificed his own life in order
to destroy the famous restorer and protector of religious lib-
erty. The Flemings, who regarded that prince as their father,
were filled with great sorrow as well when they considered the
miserable end of so brave a patriot, as their own forlorn con-
dition from the loss of so powerful and prudent a leader, and
from the rapid progress of the Spanish arms. The Prince of
Parma had made every year great advances upon them, had
reduced several of the provinces to obedience, and had laid
close siege to Antwerp, the richest and most populous city of
the Netherlands, whose subjection, it was foreseen, would give
a mortal blow to the already declining affairs of the revolted
* State Trials, vol. i. p. 103 et seq. Strype, vol. iii. p. 255 et seq.
* See note [C] at the end of the volume. * Camden, p. 495.
42 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. CII. XLI.
provinces. The only hopes which remained to them arose
from the prospect of foreign succor. Being well acquainted
with the cautious and frugal maxims of Elizabeth, they ex-
pected better success in France; and, in the view of engaging
Henry to embrace their defence, they tendered him the sover.
eignty of their provinces. But the present condi-
tion of that monarchy obliged the king to reject so
advantageous an offer. The Duke of Anjou’s death, which he
thought would have tended to restore public tranquillity, by
delivering him from the intrigues of that prince, plunged him
into the deepest distress; and the King of Navarre, a professed
Huguenot, being next heir to the crown, the Duke of Guise
took thence occasion to revive the Catholic League, and to
urge Henry by the most violent expedients to seek the exclu-
sion of that brave and virtuous prince. Henry himself, though
a zealous Catholic, yet, because he declined complying with
their precipitate measures, became an object of aversion to
the league; and, as his zeal in practising all the Superstitious
observances of the Romish Church was accompanied with a
very licentious conduct in private life, the Catholic faction,
in contradiction to universal experience, embraced thence the
pretext of representing his devotion as mere deceit and hy-
pocrisy. Finding his authority to decline, he was obliged to
declare war against the Huguenots, and to put arms into the
hands of the league, whom, both on account of their danger-
ous pretensions at home and their close alliance with Philip,
he secretly regarded as his most dangerous enemies. Con-
strained by the same policy, he dreaded the danger of associ-
ating himself with the revolted Protestants in the Low Coun-
tries, and was obliged to renounce that inviting opportunity
of revenging himself for all the hostile intrigues and enter-
prises of Philip.
The States, reduced to this extremity, sent over a solemn
embassy to London and made anew an offer to the queen of ac-
Knowledging her for their sovereign on condition of obtaining
her protection and assistance. Elizabeth’s wisest counsellors
were divided in opinion with regard to the conduct which she
should hold in this critical and important emergence. Some
1585.
CH. XLI. ELIZABETH. - - 43
advised her to reject the offer of the States, and represented
the imminent dangers as well as injustice attending the accept-
ance of it. They said that the suppression of rebellious subjects
was the common cause of all sovereigns, and any encourage-
ment given to the revolt of the Flemings might prove the
example of a like permicious license to the English; that,
though princes were bound by the laws of the Supreme Being
not to oppress their subjects, the people never were entitled
to forget all duty to their sovereign, or transfer, from every
fancy or disgust, or even from the justest ground of com-
plaint, their obedience to any other master; that the queen,
in the succors hitherto afforded the Flemings, had considered
them as laboring under oppression, not as entitled to freedom;
and had intended only to admonish Philip not to persevere
in his tyranny, without any view of ravishing from him those
provinces which he enjoyed by hereditary right from his an-
cestors; that her situation in Ireland, and even in England,
would afford that powerful monarch sufficient opportunity of
retaliating upon her, and she must thenceforth expect that,
instead of Secretly fomenting faction, he would openly employ
his whole force in the protection and defence of the Catholics;
that the pope would undoubtedly unite his spiritual arms to
the temporal ones of Spain; and that the queen would soon
repent her making so precarious an acquisition in foreign
countries by exposing her own dominions to the most immi-
ment danger.”
Other counsellors of Elizabeth maintained a contrary opin-
ion. They asserted that the queen had not, even from the
beginning of her reign, but certainly had not at present, the
choice whether she would embrace friendship or hostility with
Philip; that, by the whole tenor of that prince's conduct, it
appeared that his sole aims were the extending of his empire
and the entire subjection of the Protestants under the specious
pretence of maintaining the Catholic faith; that the provoca-
tions which she had already given him, joined to his general
scheme of policy, would forever render him her implacable
* Camden, p. 507. Bentivoglio, part ii. lib. 4.
44 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. - CH. XLI.
enemy, and as soon as he had subdued his revolted subjects,
he would undoubtedly fall, with the whole force of his united
empire, on her defenceless state; that the only question was
whether she would maintain a war abroad, and supported by
allies, or wait till the subjection of all the confederates of
England should give her enemies leisure to begin their hos-
tilities in the bowels of the kingdom; that the revolted prov-
inces, though in a declining condition, possessed still consider-
able force, and, by the assistance of England, by the advan-
tages of their situation, and by their inveterate antipathy to
Philip, might still be enabled to maintain the contest against
the Spanish monarchy; that their maritime power, united to
the queen's, would give her entire security on the side from
which alone she could be assaulted, and would even enable
her to make inroads on Philip's dominions both in Europe
and the Indies; that a war which was necessary could never be
unjust, and self-defence was concerned as well in preventing
certain dangers at a distance as in repelling any immediate
invasion; and that, since hostility with Spain was the un-
avoidable consequence of the present interests and situations
of the two monarchies, it were better to compensate that dan-
ger and loss by the acquisition of such important provinces to
the English empire.”
Amid these opposite counsels, the queen, apprehensive of
the consequences attending each extreme, was inclined to steer
a middle course; and, though such conduct is seldom prudent,
she was not, in this resolution, guided by any prejudice or
mistaken affection. She was determined not to permit, with-
out opposition, the total subjection of the revolted provinces,
whose interests she deemed so closely connected with her
own; but foreseeing that the acceptance of their sovereignty
would oblige her to employ her whole force in their defence,
would give umbrage to her neighbors, and would expose her
to the reproach of ambition and usurpation (imputations which
bitherto she had carefully avoided), she immediately rejected
this offer. She concluded a league with the States on the fol-
* Camden, p. 507. Bentivoglio, part ii. lib. 4.
CH. XLI. ELIZABETH. ' - 45
lowing conditions: that she should send over an army to their
assistance of five thousand foot and a thousand horse, and pay
them during the war; that the general, and two others whom
she should appoint, should be admitted into the council of the
States; that neither party should make peace without the con-
sent of the other; that her expenses should be refunded after
the conclusion of the war; and that the towns of Flushing
and the Brille, with the castle of Rammekins, should in the
meantime be consigned into her hands by way of security.
The queen knew that this measure would immediately en-
gage her in open hostilities with Philip ; yet was not she terri-
fied with the view of the present greatness of that monarch.
The continent of Spain was at that time rich and populous;
and the late addition of Portugal, besides securing internal
tranquillity, had annexed an opulent kingdom to Philip's do-
minions, had made him master of many settlements in the
East Indies, and of the whole commerce of those regions, and
had much increased his naval power, in which he was before
chiefly deficient. All the princes of Italy, even the pope and
the court of Rome, were reduced to a kind of subjection under
him, and seemed to possess their sovereignty on terms some-
what precarious. The Austrian branch in Germany, with their
dependent principalities, was closely connected with him, and
was ready to supply him with troops for every enterprise.
All the treasures of the West Indies were in his possession;
and the present Scarcity of the precious metals in every coun-
try of Europe rendered the influence of his riches the more
forcible and extensive. The Netherlands seemed on the point
of relapsing into servitude; and small hopes were entertained
of their withstanding those numerous and veteran armies
which, under the command of the most experienced generals,
he employed against them. Even France, which was wont to
counterbalance the Austrian greatness, had lost all her force
from intestine commotions; and as the Catholics, the ruling
party, were closely connected with him, he rather expected
thence an augmentation than a diminution of his power.
|Upon the whole, such prepossessions were everywhere enter-
tained concerning the force of the Spanish monarchy, that the
46 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. CH. XLI.
Ring of Sweden, when he heard that Elizabeth had openly
embraced the defence of the revolted Flemings, scrupled not
to say that she had now taken the diadem from her head, and
had ventured it upon the doubtful chance of war.” Yet was
this princess rather cautious than enterprising in her natural
temper: she needed more to be impelled by the vigor than
restrained by the prudence of her ministers; but when she
saw an evident necessity, she braved danger with magnani-
mous courage; and, trusting to her own consummate wisdom,
and to the affections, however divided, of her people, she pre-
pared herself to resist, and even to assault, the whole force of
the Catholic monarch.
The Earl of Leicester was sent over to Holland at the head
of the English auxiliary forces. He carried with him a splen-
did retinue; being accompanied by the young Earl of Essex
(his son-in-law), the Lords Audley and North, Sir William Rus-
sel, Sir Thomas Shirley, Sir Arthur Basset, Sir Walter Waller,
Sir Gervase Clifton, and a select troop of five hundred gen-
tlemen. He was received, on his arrival at Flushing, by his
nephew Sir Philip Sidney, the governor; and every town
through which he passed expressed their joy by acclamations
and triumphal arches, as if his presence and the queen’s pro-
tection had brought them the most certain deliverance. The
States, desirous of engaging Elizabeth still further in their de-
fence, and knowing the interest which Leicester possessed with
her, conferred on him the title of Governor and Captain-gen-
eral of the United Provinces, appointed a guard to attend him,
and treated him in some respects as their sovereign. But this
step had a contrary effect to what they expected. The queen
was displeased with the artifice of the States and the ambition
of Leicester. She severely reprimanded both, and it was with
some difficulty that, after many humble submissions, they were
able to appease her.
America was regarded as the chief source of Philip's power,
mostuities as well as the most defenceless part of his domin-
**P* ions; and Elizabeth, finding that an open breach
* Camden, p. 508.
CH. XLI. - ELIZABETH. 47
with that monarch was unavoidable, resolved not to leave him
unmolested in that quarter. The great success of the Span-
iards and Portuguese in both Indies had excited a spirit of
emulation in England; and as the progress of commerce, still
more that of colonies, is slow and gradual, it was happy that a
war in this critical period had opened a more flattering pros-
pect to the avarice and ambition of the English, and had
tempted them, by the view of sudden and exorbitant profit,
to engage in naval enterprises. A fleet of twenty sail was
equipped to attack the Spaniards in the West Indies: two
thousand three hundred volunteers, besides Seamen, engaged
on board it; Sir Francis Drake was appointed admiral;
Christopher Carlisle, commander of the land forces.
They took St. Jago, near Cape Verde, by surprise;
and found in it plenty of provisions, but no riches. They
sailed to Hispaniola; and, easily making themselves masters
of St. Domingo by assault, obliged the inhabitants to ransom
their houses by a sum of money. Carthagena fell next into
their hands after some more resistance, and was treated in the
same manner. They burned St. Anthony and St. Helens, two
towns on the coast of Florida. Sailing along the coast of
Virginia, they found the small remains of a colony which had
been planted there by Sir Walter Raleigh, and which had gone
extremely to decay. This was the first attempt of the Eng-
lish to form such settlements; and though they have since
surpassed all European nations, both in the situation of their
colonies, and in the noble principles of liberty and industry
on which they are founded, they had here been so unsuccess-
ful that the miserable planters abandoned their settlements,
and prevailed on Drake to carry them with him to England.
He returned with so much riches as encouraged the volunteers,
and with such accounts of the Spanish weakness in those coun-
tries as served extremely to inflame the spirits of the nation to
future enterprises. The great mortality which the climate had
produced in his fleet was, as is usual, but a feeble restraint on
the avidity and sanguine hopes of young adventurers." It
1583. Jan.
" Camden, p. 509.
48 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. CH. XLI,
is thought that Drake's fleet first introduced the use of to-
bacco into England.
The enterprises of Leicester were much less successful than
those of Drake. This man possessed neither courage nor ca-
pacity equal to the trust reposed in him by the queen; and as
he was the only bad choice she made for any considerable em-
ployment, men naturally believed that she had here been in-
fluenced by an affection still more partial than that of friend-
ship. He gained at first some advantage in an action against
the Spaniards; and threw succors into Grave, by which that
place was enabled to make a vigorous defence; but the cow-
ardice of the governor, Van Hemert, rendered all these efforts
useless. He capitulated after a feeble resistance; and, being
tried for his conduct, suffered a capital punishment from the
'sentence of a court-martial. The Prince of Parma next un-
dertook the siege of Wenlo, which was surrendered to him
after some resistance. The fate of Nuys was more dismal,
being taken by assault while the garrison was treating of a
capitulation. Rhimberg, which was garrisoned by twelve hun-
dred English, under the command of Colonel Morgan, was af-
terwards besieged by the Spaniards; and Leicester, thinking
himself too weak to attempt raising the siege, endeavored to
draw off the Prince of Parma by forming another enterprise.
Eſe first attacked Doesburg, and succeeded; he then sat down
before Zutphen, which the Spanish general thought so impor-
tant a fortress that he hastened to its relief. He made the
Marquis of Guasto advance with a convoy, which he intended
to throw into the place. They were favored by a fog; but,
falling by accident on a body of English cavalry, a furious
action ensued, in which the Spaniards were worsted, and the
Marquis of Gonzaga, an Italian nobleman of great reputation
and family, was slain. The pursuit was stopped by the ad-
vance of the Prince of Parma with the main body of the Span-
ish army; and the English cavalry, on their return from the
field, found their advantage more than compensated by the
loss of Sir Philip Sidney, who, being mortally wounded in the
action, was carried off by the Soldiers, and soon after died.
This person is described by the writers of that age as the most
CH. XLI. ELIZABETH. 49
perfect model of an accomplished gentleman that could be
formed even by the wanton imagination of poetry or fiction.
Virtuous conduct, polite conversation, heroic valor, and ele-
gant erudition, all concurred to render him the ornament and
delight of the English court; and as the credit which he pos-
sessed with the queen and the Earl of Leicester was wholly
employed in the encouragement of genius and literature, his
praises have been transmitted with advantage to posterity.
No person was so low as not to become an object of his hu-
manity. After this last action, while he was lying on the field
mangled with wounds, a bottle of water was brought him to
relieve his thirst ; but observing a soldier near him in a like
miserable condition, he said, “This man’s necessity is still
greater than mine,” and resigned to him the bottle of water.
The King of Scots, struck with admiration of Sidney’s virtue,
celebrated his memory in a copy of Tatin verses, which he
composed on the death of that young hero.
The English, though a long peace had deprived them of all
experience, were strongly possessed of military genius; and
the advantages gained by the Prince of Parma were not at-
tributed to the superior bravery and discipline of the Span-
iards, but solely to the want of military abilities in Leicester.
The states were much discontented with his management of
the war, still more with his arbitrary and imperious conduct,
and at the end of the campaign they applied to him for a re-
dress of all their grievances. But Leicester, without giving
them any satisfaction, departed soon after for England."
The queen, while she provoked so powerful an enemy as
the King of Spain, was not forgetful to secure herself on the
side of Scotland; and she endeavored both to cultivate the
friendship and alliance of her kinsman James, and to remove
all grounds of quarrel between them. An attempt which she
had made some time before was not well calculated to gain
the confidence of that prince. She had despatched Wotton as
her ambassador to Scotland; but though she gave him private
instructions with regard to her affairs, she informed James,
* Camden, p. 512. Bentivoglio, part ii. lib. 4.
IV.-4
50 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. CH. XLI.
that when she had any political business to discuss with him .
she would employ another minister; that this man was not
fitted for serious negotiations; and that her chief purpose in
sending him was to entertain the king with witty and face-
tious conversation, and to partake, without reserve, of his pleas-
ures and amusements. Wotton was master of profound dis-
simulation, and knew how to cover, under the appearance of a
careless gayety, the deepest designs and most dangerous arti-
fices. When but a youth of twenty, he had been employed
by his uncle, Dr. Wotton, ambassador in France, during the
reign of Mary, to ensnare the constable, Montmorency; and
had not his purpose been frustrated by pure accident, his cun-
ning had prevailed over all the caution and experience of that
aged minister. It is no wonder that, after years had improved
him in all the arts of deceit, he should gain an ascendant over
a young prince of so open and unguarded a temper as James,
especially when the queen's recommendation prepared the way
for his reception. He was admitted into all the pleasures of
the king; made himself master of his secrets; and had so
much the more authority with him in political transactions as
he did not seem to pay the least attention to these matters.
The Scottish ministers, who observed the growing interest of
this man, endeavored to acquire his friendship, and scrupled
not to sacrifice to his intrigues the most essential interests of
their master. Elizabeth's usual jealousies with regard to her
heirs began now to be levelled against James; and as that
prince had attained the years proper for marriage, she was ap-
prehensive lest, by being strengthened with children and alli-
ances, he should acquire the greater interest and authority
with her English subjects. She directed Wotton to form a
Secret concert with some Scottish noblemen, and to procure
their promise that James, during three years, should not on
any account be permitted to marry. In consequence of this
view, they endeavored to embroil him with the King of Den-
mark, who had sent ambassadors to Scotland on pretence of
demanding restitution of the Orkneys, but really with a view
of opening a proposal of marriage between James and his
daughter. Wotton is said to have employed his intrigues to
CH. XLI. ELIZABETH. w 51
purposes still more dangerous. He formed, it is pretended, a
conspiracy with some malcontents to seize the person of the
king, and to deliver him into the hands of Elizabeth, who
would probably have denied all concurrence in the design, but
would have been sure to retain him in perpetual thraldom, if
not captivity. The conspiracy was detected, and Wotton fled
hastily from Scotland, without taking leave of the king.”
James's situation obliged him to dissemble his resentment
of this traitorous attempt, and his natural temper inclined him
soon to forgive and forget it. The queen found no difficulty
in renewing the negotiations for a strict alliance between
Scotland and England; and the more effectually to gain the
prince's friendship, she granted him a pension equivalent to
his claim on the inheritance of his grandmother, the Countess
of Lenox, lately deceased." A league was formed between
Elizabeth and James for the mutual defence of their domin-
ions, and of their religion, now menaced by the open com-
bination of all the Catholic powers of Europe. It was stipu-
lated that if Elizabeth were invaded, James should aid her
with a body of two thousand horse and five thousand foot;
that Elizabeth, in a like case, should send to his assistance three
thousand horse and six thousand foot; that the charge of these
armies should be defrayed by the prince who demanded as-
sistance; that if the invasion should be made upon England,
within sixty miles of the frontiers of Scotland, this latter king-
dom should march its whole force to the assistance of the
former; and that the present league should supersede all for-
mer alliances of either state with any foreign kingdom, so far
as religion was concerned."
By this league James Secured himself against all attempts
from abroad, opened a way for acquiring the confidence and
affections of the English, and might entertain some prospect
of domestic tranquillity, which, while he lived on bad terms
with Elizabeth, he could never expect long to enjoy. Besides
the turbulent disposition and inveterate feuds of the nobility,
° Melvil. *Spotswood, p. 351.
“Spotswood, p. 349. Camden, p. 513. Rymer, vol. xv. p. 803.
52 * HISTORY OF ENGLAND. CH. XLI.
ancient maladies of the Scottish government, the spirit of
fanaticism had introduced a new disorder; so much the more
dangerous, as religion, when corrupted by false opinion, is not
restrained by any rules of morality, and is even scarcely to be
accounted for in its operations by any principles of ordinary
conduct and policy. The insolence of the preachers, who tri-
umphed in their dominion over the populace, had at this time
reached an extreme height; and they carried their arrogance
so far, not only against the king, but against the whole civil
power, that they excommunicated the Archbishop of St. An-
drew’s because he had been active in Parliament for promot-
ing a law which restrained their seditious sermons." Nor
could that prelate save himself by any expedient from this
terrible sentence but by renouncing all pretensions to eccle-
siastical authority. One Gibson said in the pulpit that Cap-
tain James Stuart (meaning the late Earl of Arran) and his
wife, Jezebel, had been deemed the chief persecutors of the
Church; but it was now seen that the king himself was the
great offender; and for this crime the preacher denounced
against him the curse which fell on Jeroboam, that he should
die childless, and be the last of his race."
The secretary, Thirlstone, perceiving the king so much mo.
lested with ecclesiastical affairs and with the refractory dis.
position of the clergy, advised him to leave them to their own
courses, for that in a short time they would become so intol-
erable that the people would rise against them and drive them
out of the country. “True,” replied the king, “if I purposed
to undo the Church and religion, your counsel were good; but
my intention is to maintain both ; therefore cannot I suffer
the clergy to follow such a conduct as will, in the end, bring
religion into contempt and derision.”"
* Spotswood, p. 345, 346. "Spotswood, p. 344. "Spotswood, p. 348.
CH. XLII. ELIZABETH. . 53
CHAPTER XLII.
Zeal of the Catholics.-Babington's Conspiracy.—Mary Assents to the Conspira-
cy.—The Conspirators Seized and Executed.—Resolution to Try the Queen of
Scots.—The Commissioners Prevail on her to Submit to the Trial.—Sentence
against Mary.—Interposition of King James.—Reasons for the Execution of
Mary.—The Execution.—Mary's Character.—The Queen's Affected Sorrow.—
Drake Destroys the Spanish Fleet at Cadiz. –Philip Projects the Invasion of
England.—The Invincible Armada.-Preparations in England.—The Armada
Arrives in the Channel.—Defeated.—A Parliament.—Expedition against Por-
tugal.—Affairs of Scotland.
THE dangers which arose from the character, principles, and
pretensions of the Queen of Scots had very early engaged
Elizabeth to consult, in her treatment of that un-
fortunate princess, the dictates of jealousy and poli-
tics rather than of friendship or generosity; resentment of
this usage had pushed Mary into enterprises which had near-
ly threatened the repose and authority of Elizabeth. The
rigor and restraint, thence redoubled upon the captive queen,"
still impelled her to attempt greater extremities; and while
her impatience of confinement, her revenge,” and her high
spirit concurred with religious zeal and the suggestions of
desperate bigots, she was at last engaged in designs which
afforded her enemies, who watched the opportunity, a pre-
tence or reason for effecting her final ruin.
The English seminary at Rheims had wrought themselves
up to a high pitch of rage and animosity against the queen.
zeal of the The recent persecutions from which they had es-
* caped; the new rigors which they knew awaited
them in the course of their missions; the liberty, which at
present they enjoyed, of declaiming against that princess;
15S6. .
* Digges, p. 139. Haynes, p. 607.
* See note [D] at the end of the volume.
54 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. CH. XLII.
and the contagion of that religious fury which everywhere
surrounded them in France—all these causes had obliterated
with them every maxim of common-sense and every principle
of morals or humanity. Intoxicated with admiration of the
divine power and infallibility of the pope, they revered his
bull by which he excommunicated and deposed the queen;
and some of them had gone to that height of extravagance as
to assert that that performance had been immediately dictated
by the Holy Ghost. The assassination of heretical sovereigns,
and of that princess in particular, was represented as the most
meritorious of all enterprises; and they taught that whoever
perished in such pious attempts enjoyed, without dispute, the
glorious and never-fading crown of martyrdom. By such doc-
trines they instigated John Savage—a man of desperate cour-
age, who had served some years in the Low Countries under
the Prince of Parma—to attempt the life of Elizabeth; and
this assassin, having made a vow to persevere in his design,
was sent over to England, and recommended to the confidence
of the more zealous Catholics.
About the same time, John Ballard, a priest of that semi-
nary, had returned to Paris from his mission in England and
Scotland; and as he had observed a spirit of mutiny and re-
bellion to be very prevalent among the Catholic devotees in
these countries, he had founded, on that disposition, the proj-
ect of dethroning Elizabeth, and of restoring, by force of arms,
the exercise of the ancient religion.” The situation of affairs
abroad seemed favorable to this enterprise. The pope, the
Spaniard, the Duke of Guise, concurring in interests, had form-
ed a resolution to make some attempt against England; and
Mendoza, the Spanish ambassador at Paris, strongly encour-
aged Ballard to hope for succors from these princes. Charles
Paget alone, a zealous Catholic, and a devoted partisan of the
Queen of Scots, being well acquainted with the prudence,
vigor, and general popularity of Elizabeth, always maintained
that so long as that princess was allowed to live, it was in vain
to expect any success from an enterprise upon England. Bal-
* Murden's State Papers, p. 517.
CH. XLII. ELIZABETH. 55
lard, persuaded of this truth, saw more clearly the necessity of
executing the design formed at Rheims. He came over to
England in the disguise of a soldier, and assumed the name
of Captain Fortescue; and he bent his endeavors to effect at
once the project of an assassination, an insurrection, and an
invasion."
The first person to whom he addressed himself was Anthony
Babington, of Dethic, in the county of Derby. This young
Babington's gentleman was of a good family, possessed a plenti-
*P* ful fortune, had discovered an excellent capacity,
and was accomplished in literature beyond most of his years
or station. Being zealously devoted to the Catholic commun-
ion, he had secretly made a journey to Paris some time before,
and had fallen into intimacy with Thomas Morgan, a bigoted
fugitive from England, and with the Bishop of Glasgow,
Mary’s ambassador at the court of France. By continually
extolling the amiable accomplishments and heroical virtues
of that princess, they impelled the sanguine and unguarded
mind of young Babington to make some attempt for her ser-
vice; and they employed every principle of ambition, gallant-
ry, and religious zeal to give him a contempt of those dangers
which attended any enterprise against the vigilant govern-
ment of Elizabeth. Finding him well disposed for their pur-
pose, they sent him back to England, and secretly, unknown
to himself, recommended him to the Queen of Scots as a per-
son worth engaging in her service. She wrote him a letter
full of friendship and confidence; and Babington, ardent in
his temper and zealous in his principles, thought that these
advances now bound him in honor to devote himself entirely
to the service of that unfortunate princess. During some time
he had found means of conveying to her all her foreign corre-
spondence; but after she was put under the custody of Sir
Amias Paulet, and reduced to a more rigorous confinement,
he experienced so much difficulty and danger in rendering
her this service that he had desisted from every attempt of
that nature.
* Camden, p. 515.
56 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. CH. XLII.
When Ballard began to open his intentions to Babington,
he found his zeal suspended, not extinguished. His former
ardor revived on the mention of any enterprise which seemed
to promise success in the cause of Mary and of the Catholic
religion. He had entertained sentiments conformable to those
of Paget, and represented the folly of all attempts which, dur-
ing the lifetime of Elizabeth, could be formed against the es-
tablished religion and government of England. Ballard, en-
couraged by this hint, proceeded to discover to him the design
undertaken by Savage;" and was well pleased to observe that,
instead of being shocked with the project, Babington only
thought it not secure enough when intrusted to one single
hand, and proposed to join five others with Savage in this des.
perate enterprise.
In prosecution of these views, Babington employed himself
in increasing the number of his associates; and he secretly
drew into the conspiracy many Catholic gentlemen discontent-
ed with the present government. Barnwel, of a noble family
in Ireland; Charnoc, a gentleman of Lancashire; and Abing-
ton, whose father had been cofferer to the household, readily
undertook the assassination of the queen. Charles Tilney, the
heir of an ancient family, and Tichbourne, of Southampton,
when the design was proposed to them, expressed some scru-
ples, which were removed by the arguments of Babington and
Ballard. Savage alone refused, during some time, to share the
glory of the enterprise with any others;" he challenged the
whole to himself, and it was with some difficulty he was in-
duced to depart from this preposterous ambition.
The deliverance of the Queen of Scots at the very same in-
stant when Elizabeth should be assassinated was requisite for
effecting the purpose of the conspirators; and Babington un-
dertook, with a party of a hundred horse, to attack her guards
while she should be taking the air on horseback. In this en-
terprise he engaged Edward Windsor (brother to the lord of
that name), Thomas Salisbury, Robert Gage, John Travers,
John Jones, and Henry Donne—most of them men of family
* Camden, p. 515. State Trials, p. 114. * State Trials, vol. i. p. 111.
CH. XLII. ELIZABETH. 57
and interest. The conspirators much wanted, but could not
find, any nobleman of note whom they might place at the
head of the enterprise; but they trusted that the great events
of the queen's death and Mary’s deliverance would rouse all
the zealous Catholics to arms, and that foreign forces, taking
advantage of the general confusion, would easily fix the
Queen of Scots on the throne and re-establish the ancient
religion.
These desperate projects had not escaped the vigilance of
Elizabeth’s council, particularly of Walsingham, secretary of
state. That artful minister had engaged Maud, a Catholic
priest whom he retained in pay, to attend Ballard in his jour-
ney to France, and had thereby got a hint of the designs en-
tertained by the fugitives. Polly, another of his spies, had
found means to insinuate himself among the conspirators in
England, and, though not entirely trusted, had obtained some
insight into their dangerous secrets. But the bottom of the
conspiracy was never fully known till Gifford, a seminary
priest, came over and made a tender of his services to Wal-
singham. By his means the discovery became of the utmost
importance, and involved the fate of Mary as well as of those
zealous partisans of that princess.
Dabington and his associates having laid such a plan as they
thought promised infallible success, were impatient to com-
municate the design to the Queen of Scots, and to obtain her
approbation and concurrence. For this service they employed
Gifford, who immediately applied to Walsingham, that the
interest of that minister might forward his secret correspond-
ence with Mary. Walsingham proposed the matter to Paulet,
and desired him to connive at Gifford’s corrupting one of his
servants; but Paulet, averse to the introducing of such a per-
nicious precedent into his family, desired that they would
rather think of some other expedient. Gifford found a brew-
er, who supplied the family with ale, and bribed him to con-
vey letters to the captive queen. The letters, by Paulet’s con-
trivance, were thrust through a chink in the wall, and answers
were returned by the same conveyance.
Ballard and Babington were at first diffident of Gifford's
58 - HISTORY OF ENGLAND. CH. XLII.
fidelity, and to make trial of him they gave him only blank
papers made up like letters; but finding by the answers that
these had been faithfully delivered, they laid aside all further
scruple, and conveyed by his hands the most criminal and
dangerous parts of their conspiracy. Babington informed
Mary of the design laid for a foreign invasion; the plan
of an insurrection at home; the scheme for her deliver-
ance; and the conspiracy for assassinating the usurper by six
noble gentlemen, as he termed them, all of them his private
friends; who, from the zeal which they bore to the Catholic
cause and her majesty's service, would undertake the tragical
Mary assents execution. Mary replied that she approved highly
ºileron of the design; that the gentlemen might expect all
Splpacy. † iº ©
the rewards which it should ever be in her power
to confer; and that the death of Elizabeth was a necessary
circumstance before any attempts were made, either for her
own deliverance or an insurrection." These letters, with oth-
ers to Mendoza, Charles Paget, the Archbishop of Glasgow,
and Sir Francis Inglefield, were carried by Gifford to Secre-
tary Walsingham; were deciphered by the art of Philips, his
clerk; and copies taken of them. Walsingham employed an-
other artifice in order to obtain full insight into the plot: he
subjoined to a letter of Mary’s a postScript in the same cipher,
in which he made her desire Babington to inform her of the
names of the conspirators. The indiscretion of Babington
furnished Walsingham with still another means of detection
as well as of defence. That gentleman had caused a picture
to be drawn, where he himself was represented standing
amid the six assassins; and a motto was subjoined express-
ing that their common perils were the band of their confeder-
acy. A copy of this picture was brought to Elizabeth that
she might know the assassins and guard herself against their
approach to her person. &
Meanwhile, Babington, anxious to insure and hasten the
foreign succors, resolved to despatch Ballard into France;
and he procured for him, under a feigned name, a license to
* State Trials, vol. i. p. 135. Camden, p. 515.
CH. XLII. 15||DIZABETH. 59
travel. In order to remove from himself all suspicion, he ap-
plied to Walsingham, pretended great zeal for the queen’s
service, offered to go abroad, and professed his intentions of
employing the confidence which he had gained among the
Catholics to the detection and disappointment of their con-
spiracies. Walsingham commended his loyal purposes; and,
promising his own counsel and assistance in the execution of
them, still fed him with hopes, and maintained a close corre-
spondence with him. A warrant, meanwhile, was issued for
seizing Ballard; and this incident, joined to the consciousness
of guilt, begat in all the conspirators the utmost anxiety and
concern. Some advised that they should immediately make
their escape. Others proposed that Savage and Charnoc
should without delay execute their purpose against Elizabeth ;
and Babington, in prosecution of this scheme, furnished Sav-
age with money, that he might buy good clothes, and thereby
have more easy access to the queen's person. Next day they
began to apprehend that they had taken the alarm too hasti-
ly; and Babington, having renewed his correspondence with
Walsingham, was persuaded by that subtle minister that the
seizure of Ballard had proceeded entirely from the usual dili-
gence of informers in the detection of popish and seminary
priests. He even consented to take lodgings secretly in Wal-
singham's house, that they might have more frequent confer-
ences together, before his intended departure for France; but
observing that he was watched and guarded, he made his es-
cape, and gave the alarm to the other conspirators. They all
took to flight, covered themselves with several disguises, and
lay concealed in woods or barns, but were soon discovered
and thrown into prison. In their examinations they contra-
The conspira- dicted each other; and the leaders were obliged to
tº make a full confession of the truth. Fourteen
were condemned and executed, of whom seven ac-
knowledged the crime on their trial; the rest were convicted
by evidence.
The lesser conspirators being despatched, measures were
taken for the trial and conviction of the Queen of
September. tº
Scots, on whose account and with whose concur-
60 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. CH. XLII.
rence these attempts had been made against the life of the
queen and the tranquillity of the kingdom. Some of Eliza-
beth's councillors were averse to this procedure; and thought
that the close confinement of a woman who was become very
sickly, and who would probably put a speedy period to their
anxiety by her natural death, might give sufficient security to
the government, without attempting a measure of which there
scarcely remains any example in history. Leicester advised
that Mary should be secretly despatched by poison, and he
sent a divine to convince Walsingham of the lawfulness of
that action; but Walsingham declared his abhorrence of it,
and still insisted, in conjunction with the majority of the
councillors, for the open trial of the Queen of Scots. The
situation of England and of the English ministers had, in-
deed, been hitherto not a little dangerous. No successor of
the crown was declared; but the heir of blood, to whom the
people in general were likely to adhere, was, by education, an
enemy to the national religion; was, from multiplied provo-
cations, an enemy to the ministers and principal nobility; and
their personal safety, as well as the Safety of the public,
seemed to depend alone on the queen’s life, who was now
somewhat advanced in years. No wonder, therefore, that
Elizabeth’s councillors, knowing themselves to be so obnox-
ious to the Queen of Scots, endeavored to push every measure
to extremities against her, and were even more anxious than
the queen herself to prevent her from ever mounting the
throne of England.
Though all England was acquainted with the detection of
Pabington's conspiracy, every avenue to the Queen of Scots
had been so strictly guarded that she remained in utter igno-
rance of the matter; and it was a great Surprise to her when
Sir Thomas Gorges, by Elizabeth’s orders, informed her that
all her accomplices were discovered and arrested. He chose
the time for giving her this intelligence when she was mount-
ed on horseback to go a-hunting; and she was not permitted
to return to her former place of abode, but was conducted
from one gentleman's house to another till she was lodged in
Fotheringay Castle, in the county of Northampton, which it
CH. XLII. ELIZABETH. - 61
was determined to make the last stage of her trial and suffer-
ings. Her two secretaries (Nau, a Frenchman, and Curle, a
Scot) were immediately arrested. All her papers were seized
and sent up to the council. Above sixty different keys to
ciphers were discovered. There were also found many letters
from persons beyond Sea, and several too from English noble-
men, containing expressions of respect and attachment. The
queen took no notice of this latter discovery; but the per-
sons themselves, knowing their correspondence to be detected,
thought that they had no other means of making atonement
for their imprudence than by declaring themselves thence-
forth the most inveterate enemies of the Queen of Scots.”
It was resolved to try Mary, not by the common statute of
treasons, but by the act which had passed the former year
Resolution to with a view to this very event; and the queen, in
ºueen terms of that act, appointed a commission, consist-
ing of forty noblemen and privy-councillors, and
empowered them to examine and pass sentence on Mary,
whom she denominated the late Queen of Scots and heir to
James W. of Scotland. The commissioners came to Fotherin-
gay Castle, and sent to her Sir Walter Mildmay, Sir Amias
Paulet, and Edward Barker, who delivered her a letter from
Elizabeth informing her of the commission and of the ap-
proaching trial. Mary received the intelligence without emo-
tion or astonishment. She said, however, that it seemed
strange to her that the queen should command her, as a sub-
ject, to submit to a trial and examination before subjects;
that she was an absolute, independent princess, and would
yield to nothing which might derogate either from her royal
majesty, from the state of sovereign princes, or from the dig-
nity and rank of her son; that, however oppressed by misfort-
unes, she was not yet so much broken in spirit as her enemies
flattered themselves, nor would she, on any account, be acces-
sary to her own degradation and dishonor; that she was igno-
rant of the laws and statutes of England, was utterly desti-
tute of counsel, and could not conceive who were entitled to
* Camden, p. 518.
62. HISTORY OF ENGLAND. CH. XLII.
be called her peers or could legally sit as judges on her trial;
that though she had lived in England for many years, she had
lived in captivity, and not having received the protection of
the laws, she could not, merely by her involuntary residence
in the country, be supposed to have subjected herself to their
jurisdiction; that, notwithstanding the Superiority of her rank,
she was willing to give an account of her conduct before an
English Parliament, but could not view these commissioners
in any other light than as men appointed to justify, by some
color of legal proceeding, her condemnation and execution;
and that she warned them to look to their conscience and
their character in trying an innocent person, and to reflect
that these transactions would somewhere be subject to revisal,
and that the theatre of the whole world was much wider than
the kingdom of England. •
In return, the commissioners sent a new deputation inform-
ing her that her plea, either from her royal dignity or from
a... her imprisonment, could not be admitted; and that
ºlo they were empowered to proceed to her trial even
ºil to the though she should refuse to answer before them.
- |Purleigh, the treasurer, and Bromley, the chancellor,
employed much reasoning to make her submit; but the per-
son whose arguments had the chief influence was Sir Christo-
pher Hatton, vice-chamberlain. His speech was to this pur-
pose: “You are accused, madam,” said he, “but not con-
demned, of having conspired the destruction of our lady and
queen anointed. You say you are a queen; but in such a
crime as this and such a situation as yours the royal dignity
itself, neither by the civil or canon law, nor by the law of
nature or of nations, is exempt from judgment. If you be in-
nocent, you wrong your reputation in avoiding a trial. We
have been present at your protestations of innocence; but
Queen Elizabeth thinks otherwise, and is heartily sorry for the
appearances which lie against you. To examine, therefore,
your cause she has appointed commissioners, honorable per-
sons, prudent and upright men, who are ready to hear you
with equity, and even with favor, and will rejoice if you can
clear yourself of the imputations which have been thrown
CH. XLII. - IELIZABETH. 63
upon you. Believe me, madam, the queen herself will rejoice,
who affirmed to me, at my departure, that nothing which ever
befell her had given her so much uneasiness as that you should
be suspected of a concurrence in these criminal enterprises.
Laying aside, therefore, the fruitless claim of privilege from
your royal dignity, which can now avail you nothing, trust to
the better defence of your innocence, make it appear in open
trial, and leave not upon your memory that stain of infamy
which must attend your obstinate silence on this occasion.”
By this artful speech Mary was persuaded to answer before
the court; and thereby gave an appearance of legal procedure
to the trial, and prevented those difficulties which the com-
missioners must have fallen into had she persevered in main-
taining so specious a plea as that of her sovereign and inde-
pendent character. Her conduct in this particular must be
regarded as the more imprudent, because formerly, when
Elizabeth’s commissioners pretended not to exercise any juris-
diction over her and only entered into her cause by her own
consent and approbation, she declined justifying herself, when
her honor, which ought to have been dearer to her than life,
seemed absolutely to require it.
On her first appearance before the commissioners, Mary,
either sensible of her imprudence, or still unwilling to de-
grade herself by submitting to a trial, renewed her
protestation against the authority of her judges.
The chancellor answered her by pleading the Supreme author-
ity of the English laws over every one who resided in Eng-
land; and the commissioners accommodated matters by or.
dering both her protestation and his answer to be recorded.
The lawyers of the crown then opened the charge against
the Queen of Scots. They proved, by intercepted letters,
that she had allowed Cardinal Allen and others to treat her
as the Queen of England; and that she had kept a corre-
spondence with Lord Paget and Charles Paget, in view of en-
gaging the Spaniards to invade the kingdom. Mary seemed
not anxious to clear herself from either of these imputations.
The trial.
* Camden, p. 523.
64 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. CH. XLII.
She only said that she could not hinder others from using
what style they pleased in writing to her, and that she might
lawfully try every expedient for the recovery of her liberty.
An intercepted letter of hers to Mendoza was next pro-
duced, in which she promised to transfer to Philip her right
to the kingdom of England if her son should refuse to be
converted to the Catholic faith; an event, she there said, of
which there was no expectation while he remained in the
hands of his Scottish subjects." Even this part of the charge
she took no pains to deny, or, rather, she seemed to acknowl-
edge it. She said that she had no kingdoms to dispose of;
yet it was lawful for her to give at her pleasure what was her
own, and she was not accountable to any for her actions. She
added that she had formerly rejected that proposal from
Spain; but now, since all her hopes in England were gone,
she was fully determined not to refuse foreign assistance.
There was also produced evidence to prove that Allen and
Parsons were at that very time negotiating by her orders, at
Rome, the conditions of transferring her English crown to
the King of Spain, and of disinheriting her heretical Son.”
It is remarkable that Mary’s prejudices against her son
were at this time carried so far that she had even entered
into a conspiracy against him, had appointed Lord Claud
Hamilton Regent of Scotland, and had instigated her adhe-
rents to seize James's person, and deliver him into the hands
of the pope or the King of Spain; whence he was never to
be delivered, but on condition of his becoming Catholic.”
The only part of the charge which Mary positively denied
was her concurrence in the design of assassinating Elizabeth.
This article, indeed, was the most heavy, and the only one
that could fully justify the queen in proceeding to extremities
against her. In order to prove the accusation, there was
produced the following evidence : copies taken in secretary
Walsingham's office of the intercepted letters between her
and Babington, in which her approbation of the murder was
* State Trials, vol. i. p. 138. * See note [E] at the end of the volume.
* See mote [F] at the end of the volume.
CH. XLII. ELIZABETH. - 65
clearly expressed; the evidence of her two secretaries, Nau and
Curle, who had confessed, without being put to any torture,
both that she had received these letters from Babington and
that they had written the answers by her order; the confes-
sion of Babington, that he had written the letters and received
the answers;” and the confession of Ballard and Savage, that
Babington had showed them these letters of Mary, written in
the cipher which had been settled between them.
It is evident that this complication of evidence, though
every circumstance corroborates the general conclusion, re-
solves itself finally into the festimony of the two secretaries,
who alone were certainly acquainted with their mistress's
concurrence in Babington’s conspiracy, but who knew them-
selves exposed to all the rigors of imprisonment, torture, and
death if they refused to give any evidence which might be
required of them. In the case of an ordinary criminal, this
proof, with all its disadvantages, would be esteemed legal, and
even satisfactory, if not opposed by some other circumstances
which shake the credit of the witnesses; but on the present
trial, where the absolute power of the prosecutor concurred
with such important interests, and such a violent inclination
to have the princess condemned, the testimony of two wit-
messes, even though men of character, ought to be supported
by strong probabilities, in order to remove all suspicion of
tyranny and injustice. The proof against Mary, it must be
confessed, is not destitute of this advantage; and it is diffi-
cult, if not impossible, to account for Babington’s receiving
an answer written in her name, and in the cipher concerted
between them, without allowing that the matter had been
communicated to that princess. Such is the light in which
this matter appears, even after time has discovered every-
thing which could guide our judgment with regard to it; no
wonder, therefore, that the Queen of Scots, unassisted by
counsel, and confounded by so extraordinary a trial, found
herself incapable of making a satisfactory defence before the
commissioners. Her reply consisted chiefly in her own de-
"State Trials, vol. i. p. 118.
IV.-5
66 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. CH. XLII.
nial: whatever force may be in that denial was much weak-
ened by her positively affirming that she never had had any
correspondence of any kind with Babington—a fact, however,
of which there remains not the least question.” She asserted
that as Nau and Curle had taken an oath of secrecy and
fidelity to her, their evidence against her ought not to be
credited. She confessed, however, that Nau had been in the
service of her uncle, the Cardinal of Lorraine, and had been
recommended to her by the King of France as a man in whom
she might safely confide. She also acknowledged Curle to be
a very honest man, but simple, aſid easily imposed on by Nau.
If these two men had received any letters, or had written any
answers without her knowledge, the imputation, she said,
could never lie on her. And she was the more inclined, she
added, to entertain this suspicion against them, because Nau
had in other instances been guilty of a like temerity, and had
ventured to transact business in her name without communi-
cating the matter to her."
The sole circumstance of her defence, which to us may
appear to have some force, was her requiring that Nau and
Curle should be confronted with her, and her affirming that
they never would to her face persist in their evidence. But
that demand, however equitable, was not then supported by
law in trials of high treason, and was often refused even in
other trials where the crown was prosecutor. The clause con-
tained in an act of the 13th of the queen was a novelty: that
the species of treason there enumerated must be proved by
two witnesses, confronted with the criminal. But Mary was
not tried upon that act; and the ministers and crown lawyers
of this reign were always sure to refuse every indulgence be-
yond what the strict letter of the law and the settled practice
of the courts of justice required of them, not to mention that
these secretaries were not probably at Fotheringay Castle dur-
ing the time of the trial, and could not upon Mary’s demand
be produced before the commissioners.”
* See note [G] at the end of the volume.
* See note [H] at the end of the volume.
* Queen Elizabeth was willing to have allowed Curle and Nau to be produced
CH. XLII. - ELIZABETH. 67.
There passed two incidents in this trial which may be worth
observing. A letter between Mary and Babington was read,
in which mention was made of the Earl of Arundel and his
brothers. On hearing their names, she broke into a sigh :
“Alas!” said she, “what has the noble house of the Howards
suffered for my sake!” She affirmed, with regard to the same
letter, that it was easy to forge the handwriting and cipher
of another: she was afraid that this was too familiar a prac-
tice with Walsingham, who, she also heard, had frequently
practised both against her life and her son's. Walsingham,
who was one of the commissioners, rose up. He protested
that in his private capacity he had never acted anything
against the Queen of Scots; in his public capacity, he owned
that his concern for his sovereign’s safety had made him very
diligent in Searching out, by every expedient, all designs
against her sacred person or her authority. For attaining
that end, he would not only make use of the assistance of
Ballard or any other conspirator; he would also reward them
for betraying their companions. But if he had tampered in
any manner unbefitting his character and office, why did none
of the late criminals, either at their trial or execution, accuse
him of such practices 7 Mary endeavored to pacify him by
saying that she spoke from information; and she begged him
to give thenceforth no more credit to such as slandered her
than she should to such as accused him. The great character,
indeed, which Sir Francis Walsingham bears for probity and
honor should remove from him all suspicion of such base arts
as forgery and subormation—arts which even the most cor-
rupt ministers, in the most corrupt times, would scruple to
employ. -
Having finished the trial, the commissioners adjourned
from Fotheringay Castle, and met in the Star-chamber at Lon-
don; where, after taking the oaths of Mary’s two
Oct. 25. • e e
secretaries, who voluntarily, without hope or re-
in the trial, and writes to that purpose to Burleigh and Walsingham, in her letter
of the 7th of October, in Forbes's MS. collections. She only says that she thinks
it needless, though she was willing to agree to it. The not confronting of the
witnesses was not the result of design, but the practice of the age.
68 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. CH. XLII.
ward, vouched the authenticity of those letters before pro-
duced, they pronounced sentence of death upon the Queen of
sentence Scots, and confirmed it by their seals and Subscrip-
****, tions. The same day a declaration was published
by the commissioners and the judges “that the sentence did
nowise derogate from the title and honor of James, King of
Scotland; but that he was in the same place, degree, and
right as if the sentence had never been pronounced.””
The queen had now brought affairs with Mary to that situ-
ation which she had long ardently desired; and had found a
plausible reason for executing vengeance on a competitor,
whom, from the beginning of her reign, she had ever equally
dreaded and hated. But she was restrained from instantly
gratifying her resentment by several important considera-
tions. She foresaw the invidious colors in which this exam-
ple of uncommon jurisdiction would be represented by the
numerous partisans of Mary, and the reproach to which she
herself might be exposed with all foreign princes, perhaps
with all posterity. The rights of hospitality, of kindred, and
of royal majesty seemed, in one single instance, to be all
violated; and this sacrifice of generosity to interest, of clem-
ency to revenge, might appear equally unbecoming a sover-
eign and a woman. Elizabeth, therefore, who was an excel-
lent hypocrite, pretended the utmost reluctance to proceed to
the execution of the sentence; affected the most tender sym-
pathy with her prisoner; displayed all her scruples and diffi-
culties; rejected the solicitation of her courtiers and minis-
ters; and affirmed that were she not moved by the deepest
concern for her people's safety, she would not hesitate a
moment in pardoning all the injuries which she herself had
received from the Queen of Scots. - •
That the voice of her people might be more audibly heard
in the demand of justice upon Mary, she summoned a new
Parliament; and she knew, both from the usual
dispositions of that assembly, and from the influ-
ence of her ministers over them, that she should not want the
Oct. 29.
" Camden, p. 526.
CH. XLII. - ELIZABETH. 69
most earnest solicitation to consent to that measure which was
so agreeable to her secret inclinations. She did not open this
assembly in person, but appointed for that purpose three com-
missioners—Bromley, the chancellor; Burleigh, the treasurer;
and the Earl of Derby. The reason assigned for this meas-
ure was that the queen, foreseeing that the affair of the Queen
of Scots would be canvassed in Parliament, found her tender-
ness and delicacy so much hurt by that melancholy incident
that she had not the courage to be present while it was under
deliberation, but withdrew her eyes from what she could not
behold without the utmost reluctance and uneasiness. She
was also willing that, by this unusual precaution, the people
should see the danger to which her person was hourly ex-
posed; and should thence be more strongly incited to take
vengeance on the criminal whose restless intrigues and bloody
conspiracies had so long exposed her to the most imminent
perils.”
The Parliament answered the queen’s expectations: the
sentence against Mary was unanimously ratified by both
houses; and an application was voted to obtain Elizabeth’s
consent to its publication and execution.” She gave an an-
swer, ambiguous, embarrassed, full of real artifice and seem-
ing irresolution. She mentioned the extreme danger to which
her life was continually exposed; she declared her willingness
to die did she not foresee the great calamities which would
thence fall upon the nation; she made professions of the
greatest tenderness to her people; she displayed the clem-
ency of her temper, and expressed her violent reluctance to
execute the sentence against her unhappy kinswoman; she
affirmed that the late law by which that princess was tried, so
far from being made to ensnare her, was only intended to give
her warning beforehand not to engage in such attempts as
might expose her to the penalties with which she was thus
openly menaced ; and she begged them to think once again
whether it were possible to find any expedient besides the
death of the Queen of Scots for securing the public tran-
* D'Ewes, p. 375. * D'Ewes, p. 379.
70 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. CII. XLII.
quillity.” The Parliament, in obedience to her commands,
took the affair again under consideration, but could find no
other possible expedient. They reiterated their solicitations
and entreaties and arguments; they even remonstrated that
mercy to the Queen of Scots was cruelty to them, her subjects
and children; and they affirmed that it were injustice to deny
execution, of the law to any individual, much more to the
whole body of the people, now unanimously and earnestly
suing for this pledge of her parental care and tenderness.
This second address set the pretended doubts and scruples of
Plizabeth anew in agitation: she complained of her own un-
fortunate situation; expressed her uneasiness from their im-
portunity; renewed the professions of affection to her people;
and dismissed the committee of Parliament in an uncertainty
what, after all this deliberation, might be her final resolu-
tion.”
Dut though the queen affected reluctance to execute the
sentence against Mary, she complied with the request of Par-
liament in publishing it by proclamation; and this act seemed
to be attended with the unanimous and hearty rejoicings of
the people. Lord Buckhurst, and Beale, clerk of the council,
were sent to the Queen of Scots, and notified to her the sen-
tence pronounced against her, its ratification by Parliament,
and the earnest applications made for its execution by that
assembly, who thought that their religion could never, while
she was alive, attain a full settlement and security. Mary
was nowise dismayed at this intelligence: on the contrary, she
joyfully laid hold of the last circumstance mentioned to her;
and insisted that since her death was demanded by the Prot-
estants for the establishment of their faith, she was really a
martyr to her religion, and was entitled to all the merits at-
tending that glorious character. She added that the English
had often imbrued their hands in the blood of their sover-
eigns: no wonder they exercised cruelty against her, who de-
rived her descent from these monarchs.” Paulet, her keeper,
* D'Ewes, p. 402, 403. * See note [I] at the end of the volume.
* Camden, p. 528.
CH. XLII. t ELIZABETH. '71
received orders to take down her canopy, and to serve her no
longer with the respect due to sovereign princes. He told
her that she was now to be considered as a dead person, and
incapable of any dignity.” This harsh treatment produced
not in her any seeming emotion. She only replied that she had
received her royal character from the hands of the Almighty,
and no earthly power was ever able to bereave her of it.
The Queen of Scots wrote her last letter to Elizabeth, full
of dignity, without departing from that spirit of meekness
and of charity which appeared suitable to this concluding
scene of her unfortunate life. She preferred no petition for
averting the fatal sentence; on the contrary, she expressed
her gratitude to Heaven for thus bringing to a speedy period
her sad and lamentable pilgrimage. She requested some favors
of Elizabeth, and entreated her that she might be beholden for
them to her own goodness alone, without making applications
to those ministers who had discovered such an extreme ma-
lignity against her person and her religion. She desired that,
after her enemies should be satiated with her innocent blood,
her body, which it was determined should never enjoy rest
while her soul was united to it, might be consigned to her
servants, and be conveyed by them into France, there to re- .
pose in a Catholic land, with the sacred relics of her mother.
In Scotland, she said, the sepulchres of her ancestors were
violated, and the churches either demolished or profaned; and
in England, where she might be interred among the ancient
kings, her own and Elizabeth’s progenitors, she could enter-
tain no hopes of being accompanied to the grave with those
rites and ceremonies which her religion required. She re-
quested that no one might have the power of inflicting a pri-
vate death upon her without Elizabeth's knowledge, but that
her execution should be public, and attended by her ancient
Servants, who might bear testimony of her perseverance in
the faith, and of her submission to the will of Heaven. She
begged that these servants might afterwards be allowed to de-
part whithersoever they pleased, and might enjoy those legacies
*Jebb, vol. ii. p. 293.
72 . HISTORY OF ENGLAND. CH. XLII.
which she should bequeath them. And she conjured her to
grant these favors by their near kindred; by the soul and
memory of Henry VII., the common ancestor of both ; and by
the royal dignity, of which they equally participated.” Eliza-
beth made no answer to this letter, being unwilling to give
Mary a refusal in her present situation, and foreseeing incon-
veniences from granting some of her requests.
While the Queen of Scots thus prepared herself to meet her
fate, great efforts were made by foreign powers with Eliza-
beth to prevent the execution of the sentence pronounced
against her. Besides employing L’Aubespine, the French res-
ident at London, a creature of the house of Guise, Henry sent
over Bellievre, with a professed intention of interceding for
the life of Mary. The Duke of Guise and the league at that
time threatened very nearly the king's authority; and Eliza-
beth knew that, though that monarch might, from decency
and policy, think himself obliged to interpose publicly in be-
half of the Queen of Scots, he could not secretly be much dis-
pleased with the death of a princess on whose fortune and
elevation his mortal enemies had always founded so many dar-
ing and ambitious projects.” It is even pretended that Bel-
lievre had orders, after making public and vehement remon-
strances against the execution of Mary, to exhort privately
the queen, in his master’s name, not to defer an act of justice
so necessary for their common safety.” But whether the
French king's intercession were sincere or not, it had no weight
with the queen, and she still persisted in her former resolution.
The interposition of the young King of Scots, though not
able to change Elizabeth's determination, seemed, on every
Interposition account, to merit more regard. As soon as James
3. heard of the trial and condemnation of his mother,
he sent Sir William Keith, a gentleman of his bed-
chamber, to London; and wrote a letter to the queen, in which
he remonstrated, in very severe terms, against the indignity
of the procedure. He said that he was astonished to hear of
* Camden, p. 529. Jebb, vol. ii. p. 295.
* Camden, p. 494. - - * Du Maurier.
CH. XLII. ELIZABETH. . 73
the presumption of English noblemen and councillors, who
had dared to sit in judgment and pass sentence upon a Queen
of Scotland descended from the blood royal of England; but
he was still more astonished to hear that thoughts were seri-
ously entertained of putting that sentence in execution : that
he entreated Elizabeth, to reflect on the dishonor which she
would draw on her name by imbruing her hands in the blood
of her near kinswoman, a person of the same royal dignity and
of the same sex with herself: that in this unparalleled at-
tempt she offered an affront to all diadems, and even to her
own; and, by reducing Sovereigns to a level with other men,
taught the people to neglect all duty towards those whom
Providence had appointed to rule over them : that, for his
part, he must deem the injury and insult so enormous as to
be incapable of all atonement; nor was it possible for him
thenceforward to remain in any terms of correspondence with
a person who, without any pretence of legal authority, had
deliberately inflicted an ignominious death upon his parent;
and that even if the sentiments of nature and duty did not
inspire him with this purpose of vengeance, his honor required
it of him; nor could he ever acquit himself in the eyes of the
world if he did not use every effort, and endure every hazard,
to revenge so great an indignity.”
Soon after, James sent the master of Gray and Sir Robert
Melvil to enforce the remonstrances of Keith, and to employ
with the queen every expedient of argument and menaces.
Elizabeth was at first offended with the sharpness of these ap-
plications, and she replied in a like strain to the Scottish am-
bassadors. When she afterwards reflected that this earnestness
was no more than what duty required of James, she was paci-
fied, but still retained her resolution of executing the sentence
against Mary.” It is believed that the master of Gray, gained
by the enemies of that princess, secretly gave his advice not
to spare her, and undertook, in all events, to pacify his master.
The queen also, from many considerations, was induced to
pay small attention to the applications of James, and to disre-
* Spotswood, p. 351. *Spotswood, p. 353,
74 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. - CH. XLII.
gard all the efforts which he could employ in behalf of his
mother. She was well acquainted with his character and in-
terests, the factions which prevailed among his people, and the
inveterate hatred which the zealous Protestants, particularly
the preachers, bore to the Queen of Scots. The present inci-
dents set these dispositions of the clergy in a full light. James,
observing the fixed purpose of Elizabeth, ordered prayers to
be offered up for Mary in all the churches; and, knowing the
captious humor of the ecclesiastics, he took care that the form
of the petition should be most cautious, as well as humane and
charitable: “That it might please God to illuminate Mary
with the light of his truth, and save her from the apparent
danger with which she was threatened.” But, excepting the
king’s own chaplains, and One clergyman more, all the preach-
ers refused to pollute their churches by prayers for a Papist,
and would not so much as prefer a petition for her conversion.
James, unwilling or unable to punish this disobedience, and
desirous of giving the preachers an opportunity of amending
their fault, appointed a new day when prayers should be said
for his mother; and, that he might at least secure himself
from any insult in his own presence, he desired the Archbish-
op of St. Andrew’s to officiate before him. In order to dis-
appoint this purpose, the clergy instigated one Couper, a young
man who had not yet received holy orders, to take possession
of the pulpit early in the morning, and to exclude the prelate.
When the king came to church, and saw the pulpit occupied
by Couper, he called to him from his seat, and told him that
place was destined for another; yet since he was there, if he
would obey the charge given, and remember the queen in his
prayers, he might proceed to divine service. The preacher re-
plied that he would do as the Spirit of God should direct him.
This answer sufficiently instructed James in his purpose, and
he commanded him to leave the pulpit. As Couper seemed
not disposed to obey, the captain of the guard went to pull
him from his place; upon which the young man cried aloud
that this day would be a witness against the king in the great
day of the Lord; and he denounced a woe upon the inhabi-
tants of Edinburgh for permitting him to be treated in that
CH. XLII. ELIZABETH. '75
20
manner.” The audience at first appeared desirous to take
part with him; but the sermon of the prelate brought them
over to a more dutiful and more humane disposition.
Elizabeth, when solicited either by James or by foreign
princes to pardon the Queen of Scots, seemed always deter-
mined to execute the sentence against her; but when her
ministers urged her to interpose no more delays, her scruples
and her hesitation returned; her humanity could not allow
her to embrace such violent and sanguinary measures, and
she was touched with compassion for the misfortunes, and
with respect for the dignity, of the unhappy prisoner. The
courtiers, sensible that they could do nothing more accepta-
ble to her than to employ persuasion on this head, failed not
to enforce every motive for the punishment of Mary, and to
combat all the objections urged against this act of justice.
n.d. They said that the treatment of that princes in
ºtion England had been, on her first reception, such as
sound reason and policy required; and if she had
been governed by principles of equity, she would not have
refused willingly to acquiesce in it; that the obvious incon-
veniences, either of allowing her to retire into France, or of
restoring her by force to her throne, in opposition to the re-
formers and the English party in Scotland, had obliged the
queen to detain her in England till time should offer some
opportunity of Serving her, without danger to the kingdom
or to the Protestant religion; that her usage there had been
such as became her rank—her own servants in considerable
numbers had been permitted to attend her, exercise had
been allowed her for health, and all access of company
for amusement, and these indulgences would in time have
been carried further if, by her subsequent conduct, she had
appeared worthy of them; that after she had instigated the
rebellion of Northumberland, the conspiracy of Norfolk, the
bull of excommunication of Pope Pius, an invasion from
Flanders; after she had seduced the queen’s friends and in-
cited every enemy, foreign and domestic, against her, it be-
*Spotswood, p. 354.
76 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. CH. XLII.
came necessary to treat her as a most dangerous rival, and
to render her confinement more strict and rigorous; that the
queen, notwithstanding these repeated provocations, had, in
her favor, rejected the importunity of her parliaments and
the advice of her sagest ministers,” and was still, in hopes of
her amendment, determined to delay coming to the last ex-
tremities against her; that Mary, even in this forlorn condi-
tion, retained so high and unconquerable a spirit that she
acted as competitor to the crown, and allowed her partisans
everywhere, and in their very letters addressed to herself, to
treat her as Queen of England; that she had carried her ani-
mosity so far as to encourage, in repeated instances, the atro-
cious design of assassinating the queen; and this crime was
unquestionably proved upon her by her own letters, by the
evidence of her secretaries, and by the dying confession of
her accomplices; that she was but a titular queen, and at
present possessed nowhere any right of sovereignty, much
less in England, where, the moment she set foot in the king-
dom, she voluntarily became subject to the laws, and to Eliz-
abeth, the only true Sovereign; that, even allowing her to be
still the queen's equal in rank and dignity, Self-defence was
permitted by a law of nature which could never be abrogat-
ed; and every one, still more a queen, had sufficient jurisdic-
tion over an enemy who, by open violence, and still more by
secret treachery, threatened the utmost danger against her
life; that the general combination of the Catholics to exter-
minate the Protestants was no longer a secret; and as the
sole resource of the latter persecuted Sect lay in Elizabeth,
so the chief hope which the former entertained of final suc-
cess consisted in the person and in the title of the Queen of
Scots; that this very circumstance brought matters to ex-
tremity between these princesses, and, rendering the life of
one the death of the other, pointed out to Elizabeth the path
which either regard to self-preservation or to the happiness
of her people should direct her to pursue; and that necessi-
ty, more powerful than policy, thus demanded of the queen
* Digges, p. 276. Strype, vol. ii. p. 48, 135, 136, 139.
CH. XLII. ELIZABETH. 77
that resolution which equity would authorize, and which duty
prescribed.”
When Elizabeth thought that as many importunities had
been used, and as much delay interposed as decency required,
she at last determined to carry the sentence into execution;
but, even in this final resolution, she could not proceed with-
out displaying a new scene of duplicity and artifice. In or-
der to alarm the vulgar, rumors were previously dispersed that
the Spanish fleet was arrived at Milford Haven; that the
Scots had made an irruption into England; that the Duke of
Guise was landed in Sussex with a strong army; that the
Queen of Scots was escaped from prison and had raised an
army; that the northern counties had begun an insurrection;
that there was a new conspiracy on foot to assassinate the
queen, and set the city of London on fire; nay, that the queen
was actually assassinated.” An attempt of this nature was
even imputed to L’Aubespine, the French ambassador; and
that minister was obliged to leave the kingdom. The queen,
affecting to be in terror and perplexity, was observed to sit
much alone, pensive and silent ; and sometimes to mutter
to herself half-sentences, importing the difficulty and distress
to which she was reduced.” She at last called Davison, a
man of parts, but easy to be imposed on, and who had lately,
for that very reason, been made secretary, and she ordered
him privately to draw a warrant for the execution of the
Queen of Scots; which, she afterwards said, she intended to
keep by her in case any attempt should be made for the de-
liverance of that princess. She signed the warrant, and then
commanded Davison to carry it to the Chancellor, in order
to have the great Seal appended to it. Next day she sent
Rilligrew to Davison, enjoining him to forbear, some time,
executing her former Orders; and when Davison came and
told her that the warrant had already passed the great seal,
she seemed to be somewhat moved, and blamed him for his
precipitation. Davison, being in a perplexity, acquainted the
council with this whole transaction, and they endeavored to
* Camden, p. 533. * Ibid. * Camden, p. 534.
'78 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. CH. XLII.
persuade him to send off Beale with the warrant; if the
queen should be displeased, they promised to justify his con-
duct and to take on themselves the whole blame of this meas-
ure.” The secretary, not sufficiently aware of their intention,
complied with the advice, and the warrant was despatched to
the Earls of Shrewsbury and Kent, and some others, ordering
them to see the sentence executed upon the Queen of Scots.
The two earls came to Fotheringay Castle, and, being intro-
duced to Mary, informed her of their commission, and desired
is rº, I her to prepare for death next morning at eight
The execu. o’clock. She seemed nowise terrified, though some-
tion. e - gº g e ©
what surprised with the intelligence. She said,
with a cheerful and even a smiling countenance, that she did
not think the queen, her sister, would have consented to her
death, or have executed the sentence against a person not
subject to the laws and jurisdiction of England. “But as
such is her will,” said she, “death, which puts an end to all
my miseries, shall be to me most welcome ; nor can I esteem
that Soul worthy the felicities of heaven which cannot sup-
port the body under the horrors of the last passage to those
blissful mansions.” She then requested the two noblemen
that they would permit some of her servants, and particularly
her confessor, to attend her; but they told her that compli-
ance with this last demand was contrary to their conscience,”
and that Dr. Fletcher, Dean of Peterborough, a man of great
learning, should be present to instruct her in the principles
of true religion. Her refusal to have any conference with
this divine inflamed the zeal of the Earl of Kent, and he
bluntly told her that her death would be the life of their re-
ligion; as, on the contrary, her life would have been the
death of it. Mention being made of Babington, she constant-
ly denied his conspiracy to have been at all known to her;
* It appears, by some letters published by Strype, vol. iii. book ii. c. 1, that Eliz-
abeth had not expressly communicated her intention to any of her ministers, not
even to Burleigh ; they were such experienced courtiers that they knew they could
not gratify her more than by serving her without waiting till she desired them.
* Camden, p. 534. Jebb, vol. ii. p. 301. MS. in the Advocates' Library, p. 2,
from the Cott. Lib. Cal. c. 9. * Jebb, vol. ii. p. 302.
CH. XLII. I.LIZABETH. 79
and the revenge of her wrongs she resigned into the hands
of the Almighty. -
When the earls had left her, she ordered supper to be has-
tened, that she might have the more leisure after it to finish
the few affairs which remained to her in this world, and to
prepare for her passage to another. It was necessary for her,
she said, to take some sustenance, lest a failure of her bodily
strength should depress her spirits on the morrow, and lest
her behavior should thereby betray a weakness unworthy of
herself.” She supped sparingly, as her manner usually was,
and her wonted cheerfulness did not even desert her on this
occasion. She comforted her servants under the affliction
which overwhelmed them, and which was too violent for them
to conceal it from her. Turning to Burgoin, her physician,
she asked him whether he did not remark the great and in-
vincible force of truth “They pretend,” said she, “that I
must die because I conspire against their queen's life; but
the Earl of Kent avowed that there was no other cause of my
death than the apprehensions which, if I should live, they en-
tertain for their religion. My constancy in the faith is my
real crime; the rest is only a color, invented by interested and
designing men.” Towards the end of Supper she called in all
her servants and drank to them. They pledged her, in order,
on their knees, and craved her pardon for any past neglect of
their duty. She deigned, in return, to ask their pardon for
her offences towards them, and a plentiful effusion of tears
attended this last solemn farewell and exchange of mutual
forgiveness.”
Mary’s care of her servants was the sole remaining affair
which employed her concern. She perused her will, in which
she had provided for them by legacies; she ordered the in-
ventory of her goods, clothes, and jewels to be brought her;
and she wrote down the names of those to whom she be-
queathed each particular. To some she distributed money
with her own hands, and she adapted the recompense to their
different degrees of rank and merit. She wrote, also, letters
* Jebb, vol. ii. p. 489. * Jebb, vol. ii. p. 302, 626. Camden, p. 534.
80 * HISTORY OF ENGLAND. CEI. XIII.
of recommendation for her servants to the French king, and
to her cousin, the Duke of Guise, whom she made the chief
executor of her testament. At her wonted time she went to
bed, slept some hours, and then, rising, spent the rest of the
night in prayer. Having foreseen the difficulty of exercising
the rites of her religion, she had had the precaution to obtain
a consecrated host from the hands of Pope Pius; and she
had reserved the use of it for this last period of her life. By
this expedient she supplied, as much as she could, the want of
a priest and confessor, who was refused her.”
Towards the morning, she dressed herself in a rich habit of
silk and velvet, the only one which she had reserved for her-
self. She told her maids that she would willingly have left
to them this dress rather than the plain garb which she wore
the day before; but it was necessary for her to appear at the
ensuing solemnity in a decent habit.
Thomas Andrews, sheriff of the county, entered the room
and informed her that the hour was come, and that he must
attend her to the place of execution. She replied that she
was ready ; and, bidding adieu to her servants, she leaned on
two of Sir Amias Paulet’s guards, because of an infirmity in
her limbs, and she followed the sheriff with a serene and com-
posed countenance. In passing through a hall adjoining to
her chamber she was met by the Earls of Shrewsbury and
Kent, Sir Amias Paulet, Sir Drue Drury, and many other gen-
tlemen of distinction. Here she also found Sir Andrew Mel-
vil, her steward, who flung himself on his knees before her,
and, wringing his hands, cried aloud, “Ah, madam unhappy
me! what man was ever before the messenger of such heavy
tidings as I must carry when I shall return to my native coun-
try, and shall report that I saw my gracious queen and mis-
tress beheaded in England?” His tears prevented further
speech; and Mary, too, felt herself moved more from sym-
pathy than affliction. “Cease, my good servant,” she said,
“cease to lament thou hast cause rather to rejoice than to
mourn; for now shalt thou see the troubles of Mary Stuart
* Jebb, vol. ii. p. 489.
CH. XLII. • - ELIZABETH. 81
receive their long-expected period and completion. Know,”
continued she, “good servant, that all the world at best is van-
ity, and subject still to more sorrow than a whole ocean of
tears is able to bewail. But I pray thee carry this message
from me—that I die a true woman to my religion, and unal-
terable in my affections to Scotland and to France. Heaven
forgive them that have long desired my end, and have thirst-
ed for my blood as the hart panteth after the water brooks!”
“O God,” added she, “thou that art the Author of truth, and
truth itself, thou knowest the inmost recesses of my heart;
thou knowest that I was ever desirous to preserve an entire
union between Scotland and England, and to obviate the
source of all these fatal discords. But recommend me, Mel-
vil, to my son, and tell him that, notwithstanding all my dis-
tresses, I have done nothing prejudicial to the state and king-
dom of Scotland.” After these words, reclining herself with
weeping eyes, and face bedeved with tears, she kissed him.
“And so,” said she, “good Melvil, farewell! once again fare-
well, good Melvil! and grant the assistance of thy prayers to
thy queen and mistress.”
She next turned to the noblemen who attended her, and
made a petition in behalf of her servants, that they might be
well treated, be allowed to enjoy the presents which she had
made them, and be sent safely into their own country. Hav-
ing received a favorable answer, she preferred another request
—that they might be permitted to attend her at her death, in
Order, said she, that their eyes may behold, and their hearts
bear witness, how patiently their queen and mistress can sub-
mit to her execution, and how constantly she perseveres in her
attachment to her religion. The Earl of Kent opposed this
desire, and told her that they would be apt, by their speeches
and cries, to disturb both herself and the spectators. He was
also apprehensive lest they should practise some superstition
not meet for him to suffer—such as dipping their handker-
chiefs in her blood; for that was the instance which he made
use of. “My lord,” said the Queen of Scots, “I will give my
“MS. p. 4. Jebb, vol. ii. p. 684. Strype, vol. iii. p. 384.
IV.- 6
82 HISTORY OF ENGI, AND. CH. XLII.
word—although it be but dead—that they shall not incur any
blame in any of the actions which you have named ; but, alas!
poor souls l it would be a great consolation to them to bid
their mistress farewell. And I hope,” added she, “that your
mistress, being a maiden queen, would vouchsafe, in regard of
womanhood, that I should have some of my own people about
me at my death. I know that her majesty hath not given you
any such strict command but that you might grant me a re-
quest of far greater courtesy, even though I were a woman of
inferior rank to that which I bear.” Finding that the Earl of
Kent persisted still in his refusal, her mind, which had forti-
fied itself against the terrors of death, was affected by this in-
dignity, for which she was not prepared. “I am cousin to
your queen,” cried she, “and descended from the blood royal
of Henry VII., and a married Queen of France, and an anoint-
ed Queen of Scotland.” . The commissioners, perceiving how
invidious their obstimacy would appear, conferred a little to-
gether, and agreed that she might carry a few of her servants
along with her. She made choice of four men and two maid
servants for that purpose. -
She then passed into another hall, where was erected the
scaffold covered with black; and she saw with an undismayed
countenance the executioners, and all the preparations of
death. The room was crowded with spectators; and no one
was so steeled against all sentiments of humanity as not to be
moved when he reflected on her royal dignity, considered the
surprising train of her misfortunes, beheld her mild but in-
flexible constancy, recalled her amiable accomplishments, or
surveyed her beauties, which, though faded by years and yet
more by her afflictions, still discovered themselves in this fatal
moment. Here the warrant for her execution was read to
her; and during this ceremony she was silent, but showed in
her behavior an indifference and unconcern as if the business
had nowise regarded her. Before the executioners perform-
ed their office, the Dean of Peterborough stepped forth; and
though the queen frequently told him that he needed not
concern himself about her, that she was settled in the ancient
Catholic and Roman religion, and that she meant to lay down
CH. XLII. ELIZABETH. 83
her life in defence of that faith, he still thought it his duty to
persist in his lectures and exhortations, and to endeavor her
conversion. The terms which he employed were, under color
of pious instructions, cruel insults on her unfortunate situa-
tion; and, besides their own absurdity, may be regarded as
the most mortifying indignities to which she had ever yet
been exposed. He told her that the Queen of England had,
on this occasion, shown a tender care of her; and, notwith-
standing the punishment justly to be inflicted on her for her
manifold trespasses, was determined to use every expedient
for saving her soul from that destruction with which it was
so nearly threatened; that she was now standing upon the
brink of eternity and had no other means of escaping endless
perdition than by repenting her former wickedness, by justi-
fying the sentence pronounced against her, by acknowledging
the queen’s favors, and by exerting a true and lively faith in
Christ Jesus; that the Scriptures were the only rule of doc-
trine, the merits of Christ the only means of Salvation. And
if she trusted in the inventions or devices of men, she must
expect in an instant to fall into utter darkness, into a place
where shall be weeping, howling, and gnashing of teeth; that
the hand of death was upon her, the axe was laid to the root
of the tree, the throne of the great Judge of heaven was erect-
ed, the book of her life was spread wide, and the particular
sentence and judgment was ready to be pronounced upon her;
and that it was now, during this important moment, in her
choice either to rise to the resurrection of life and hear that
joyful salutation, “Come, ye blessed of my Father,” or to
share the resurrection of condemnation, replete with sorrow
and anguish, and to suffer that dreadful denunciation, “Go,
ye cursed, into everlasting fire.” .
During this discourse, Mary could not sometimes forbear.
betraying her impatience by interrupting the preacher; and
the dean, finding that she had profited nothing by his lecture,
at last bade her change her opinion, repent her of her former
wickedness, and settle her faith upon this ground—that only
A
* MS. p. 8, 9, 10, 11. Strype, vol. iii. p. 385.
84. HISTORY OF ENGLAND. CH. XLII.
in Christ Jesus could she hope to be saved. She answered
again and again, with great earnestness, “Trouble not your-
self any more about the matter, for I was born in this relig-
ion, I have lived in this religion, and in this religion I am
resolved to die.” Even the two earls perceived that it was
fruitless to harass her any further with theological disputes,
and they ordered the dean to desist from his unseasonable ex-
hortations and to pray for her conversion. During the dean's
prayer, she employed herself in private devotion from the Of-
fice of the Virgin; and after he had finished she pronounced
aloud some petitions in English—for the afflicted Church, for
an end of her own troubles, for her son, and for Queen Eliza-
beth; and prayed God that that princess might long prosper
and be employed in his service. The Earl of Kent observing
that in her devotions she made frequent use of the crucifix,
could not forbear reproving her for her attachment to that
popish trumpery, as he termed it; and he exhorted her to
have Christ in her heart, not in her hand.” She replied, with
presence of mind, that it was difficult to hold such an object
in her hand without feeling her heart touched with some com-
punction.” -
She now began, with the aid of her two women, to disrobe
herself; and the executioner also lent his hand to assist them.
She smiled, and said that she was not accustomed to undress
herself before so large a company nor to be served by such
valets. Her servants, seeing her in this condition, ready to lay
her head upon the block, burst into tears and lamentations.
She turned about to them, put her finger upon her lips as a
sign of imposing silence upon them ;” and having given them
her blessing, desired them to pray for her. One of her maids,
whom she had appointed for that purpose, covered her eyes
with her handkerchief; she laid herself down without any
sign of fear or trepidation, and her head was severed from her
body at two strokes by the executioner. He instantly held it
up to the spectators streaming with blood, and agitated with
* MS. p. 15. Jebb, vol. ii. p. 307, 491, 637. * Jebb, ibid.
* Jebb, vol. ii. p. 307, 492.
CH. XLII. ELIZABETH. 85
the convulsions of death. The Dean of Peterborough alone
exclaimed, “So perish all Queen Elizabeth’s enemies!” The
Earl of Kent alone replied, “Amen P’ The attention of all
the other spectators was fixed on the melancholy scene before
them ; and zeal and flattery alike gave place to present pity
and admiration of the expiring princess.
Thus perished in the forty-fifth year of her age and nine-
teenth of her captivity in England, Mary Queen of Scots, a
Mary's chat woman of great accomplishments both of body and
aCter. mind, natural as well as acquired, but unfortunate
in her life, and during one period very unhappy in her con-
duct. The beauties of her person and graces of her air com-
bined to make her the most amiable of women; and the
charms of her address and conversation aided the impression
which her lovely figure made on the hearts of all beholders.
Ambitious and active in her temper, yet inclined to cheerful-
ness and society; of a lofty spirit; constant and even vehement
in her purpose, yet polite and gentle and affable in her de-
meanor, she seemed to partake only so much of the male vir-
tues as to render her estimable, without relinquishing those
soft graces which compose the proper ornament of her sex.
In order to form a just idea of her character, we must set aside
one part of her conduct while she abandoned herself to the
guidance of a profligate man; and must consider these faults,
whether we admit them to be imprudences or crimes, as the
result of an inexplicable, though not uncommon, inconstancy
in the human mind—of the frailty of our nature, of the vio-
lence of passion, and of the influence which situations, and
sometimes momentary incidents, have on persons whose prin-
ciples are not thoroughly confirmed by experience and reflec-
tion. Enraged by the ungrateful conduct of her husband;
seduced by the treacherous counsels of one in whom she re-
posed confidence; transported by the violence of her own
temper, which never lay sufficiently under the guidance of
discretion, she was betrayed into actions which may with some
difficulty be accounted for, but which admit of no apology,
nor even of alleviation. An enumeration of her qualities
might carry the appearance of a panegyric ; an account of
86 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. CH. XLII.
her conduct must in Some parts wear the aspect of severe
satire and invective.
Her numerous misfortunes, the solitude of her long and
tedious captivity, and the persecutions to which she had been
exposed on account of her religion, had wrought her up to a
degree of bigotry during her later years; and such were the
prevalent spirit and principles of the age that it is the less
wonder if her zeal, her resentment, and her interest, uniting,
induced her to give consent to a design which conspirators,
actuated only by the first of these motives, had formed against
the life of Elizabeth. -
When the queen was informed of Mary’s execution, she
affected the utmost surprise and indignation. Her counte-
The queen's "" changed; her speech faltered and failed her;
ºdsor for a long time her sorrow was so deep that she
* could not express it, but stood fixed like a statue in
silence and mute astonishment. After her grief was able to
find vent, it burst out into loud wailings and lamentations; she
put herself in deep mourning for this deplorable event; and
she was seen perpetually bathed in tears, and surrounded only
by her maids and women. None of her ministers or coun-
cillors dared to approach her; or if any had such temerity, she
chased them from her with the most violent expressions of
rage and resentment. They had all of them been guilty of
an unpardonable crime in putting to death her dear sister and
kinswoman, contrary to her fixed purpose,” of which they
were sufficiently apprised and acquainted.
No Sooner was her sorrow so much abated as to leave room
for reflection than she wrote a letter of apology to the King
of Scots, and sent it by Sir Robert Cary, son of Lord Huns-
don. She there told him that she wished he knew, but not
felt, the unutterable grief which she experienced on account
of that lamentable accident which, without her knowledge,
much less concurrence, had happened in England; that as
her pen trembled when she attempted to write it, she found
herself obliged to commit the relation of it to the messenger,
* Camden, p. 536. Strype, vol. iii. Appendix, p. 145. Jebb, vol. ii. p. 608.
CH. XLII. - ELIZABETH. S7
her kinsman, who would likewise inform his majesty of every
circumstance attending this dismal and unlooked-for misfort-
une; that she appealed to the Supreme Judge of heaven and
earth for her innocence, and was also so happy, amid her own
afflictions, as to find that many persons in her court could bear
witness to her veracity in this protestation; that she abhorred
dissimulation; deemed nothing more worthy of a prince than
a sincere and open conduct; and could never surely be es-
teemed so base and poor-spirited as that, if she had really
given orders for this fatal execution, she could on any consid-
eration be induced to deny them ; that, though sensible of the
justice of the sentence pronounced against the unhappy pris-
oner, she determined, from clemency, never to carry it into
execution, and could not but resent the temerity of those
who on this occasion had disappointed her intention; and
that as no one loved him more dearly than herself, or bore a
more anxious concern for his welfare, she hoped that he
would consider every one as his enemy who endeavored, on
account of the present incident, to excite any animosity be:
tween them.“ *
. In order the better to appease James, she committed Davi-
son to prison, and ordered him to be tried in the Star-cham-
ber for his misdemeanor. The secretary was confounded;
and, being Sensible of the danger which must attend his en-
tering into a contest with the queen, he expressed penitence
for his error, and submitted very patiently to be railed at by
those very councillors whose persuasion had induced him to
incur the guilt, and who had promised to countenance and
protect him. He was condemned to imprisonment during the
queen’s pleasure, and to pay a fine of ten thousand pounds.
He remained a long time in custody, and the fine, though it
reduced him to beggary, was rigorously levied upon him. All
the favor which he could obtain from the queen was sending
him small supplies from time to time to keep him from per-
ishing in necessity." He privately wrote an apology to his
friend Walsingham, which contains many curious particulars.
* Camden, p. 536. Spotswood, p. 358. * Camden, p. 538.
SS IIISTORY OF ENGLAND. CH. XLII.
The French and Scotch ambassadors, he said, had been remon-
strating with the queen in Mary’s behalf; and, immediately
after their departure, she commanded him, of her own accord,
to deliver her the warrant for the execution of that princess.
She signed it readily, and ordered it to be sealed with the
great seal of England. She appeared in such good humor on
the occasion that she said to him, in a jocular manner, “Go,
tell all this to Walsingham, who is now sick, though I fear he
will die of sorrow when he hears of it.” She added that though
she had so long delayed the execution, lest she should seem to
be actuated by malice or cruelty, she was all along sensible of
the necessity of it. In the same conversation she blamed
Drury and Paulet that they had not before eased her of this
trouble; and she expressed her desire that Walsingham would
bring them to compliance in that particular. She was so bent
on this purpose that, Some time after, she asked Davison
whether any letter had come from Paulet with regard to the
service expected of him : Davison showed her Paulet’s let-
ter, in which that gentleman positively refused to act anything
inconsistent with the principles of honor and justice. The
queen fell into a passion, and accused Paulet as well as Drury
of perjury; because, having taken the oath of association, in
which they had bound themselves to avenge her wrongs, they
had yet refused to lend their hand on this occasion. “Dut
others,” she said, “will be found less scrupulous.” Davison
adds that nothing but the consent and exhortations of the
whole council could have engaged him to send off the warrant.
He was well aware of his danger, and remembered that the
queen, after having ordered the execution of the Duke of
Norfolk, had endeavored, in a like manner, to throw the whole
blame and odium of that action upon Lord Burleigh."
Elizabeth’s dissimulation was so gross that it could deceive
nobody who was not previously resolved to be blinded; but
as James's concern for his mother was certainly more sincere
and cordial, he discovered the highest resentment, and refused
* Camden, p. 538. Strype, vol. iii. p. 375, 376. MS. in the Advocates' Library
A. 3, 28, p. 17. From the Cott. Lib. Cal. c. 9. Biogr. Brit. p. 1625, 1627.
CH. XLII. ELIZABETH. 89
to admit Cary into his presence. He recalled his ambassadors
from England, and seemed to breathe nothing but war and
vengeance. The states of Scotland, being assembled, took part
in his anger, and professed that they were ready to spend their
lives and fortunes in revenge of his mother's death, and in
defence of his title to the crown of England. Many of the
nobility instigated him to take arms. Lord Sinclair, when
the courtiers appeared in deep mourning, presented himself to
the king arrayed in complete armor, and said that this was
the proper mourning for the queen. The Catholics took the
opportunity of exhorting James to make an alliance with the
Ring of Spain, to lay immediate claim to the crown of Eng-
land, and to prevent the ruin which, from his mother's ex-
ample, he might conclude would certainly, if Elizabeth's pow-
er prevailed, overwhelm his person and his kingdom. The
queen was sensible of the danger attending these counsels;
and, after allowing James some decent interval to vent his
grief and anger, she employed her emissaries to pacify him,
and to set before him every motive of hope or fear which
might induce him to live in amity with her.
Walsingham wrote to Lord Thirlstone, James's secretary, a
judicious letter to the same purpose. He said that he was
much surprised to hear of the violent resolutions
taken in Scotland, and of the passion discovered
by a prince of so much judgment and temper as James;
that a war, founded merely on the principle of revenge, and
that too on account of an act of justice which necessity had
extorted, would forever be exposed to censure, and could not
be excused by any principles of equity or reason; that if
these views were deemed less momentous among princes, pol-
icy and interest ought certainly to be attended to, and these
motives did still more evidently oppose all thoughts of a rupt-
ure with Elizabeth, and all revival of exploded claims to the
English throne; that the inequality between the two king-
doms deprived James of any hopes of success, if he trusted
merely to the force of his own state, and had no recourse to
foreign powers for assistance; that the objections attending
the introduction of Succors from a more potent monarch ap-
March 4.
90 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. CII. XLII.
peared so evident, from all the transactions of history, that
they could not escape a person of the king's extensive knowl-
edge; but there were, in the present case, several peculiar cir-
cumstances which ought forever to deter him from having re-
course to so dangerous an expedient; that the French mon-
arch, the ancient ally of Scotland, might willingly use the as-
sistance of that kingdom against England, but would be dis-
pleased to see the union of these two kingdoms in the person
of James—a union which would ever after exclude him from
practising that policy, formerly so useful to the French and
so pernicious to the Scottish nation; that Henry, besides, in-
fested with faction and domestic war, was not in a condition
of supporting distant allies, much less would he expose him-
self to any hazard or expense in order to aggrandize a near
kinsman of the house of Guise, the most determined enemies
of his repose and authority; that the extensive power and ex-
orbitant ambition of the Spanish monarch rendered him a
still more dangerous ally to Scotland, and as he evidently as-
pired to a universal monarchy in the west, and had in partic-
ular advanced some claims to England as if he were descend-
ed from the house of Lancaster, he was at the same time the
common enemy of all princes who wished to maintain their
independence, and the immediate rival and competitor of the
Ring of Scots; that the queen, by her own naval power and
her alliance with the Hollanders, would probably intercept all
succors which might be sent to James from abroad, and be
enabled to decide the controversy in this island with the supe-
rior forces of her own kingdom opposed to those of Scotland;
that if the king revived his mother's pretensions to the crown
of England, he must also embrace her religion, by which alone
they could be justified, and must thereby undergo the infamy
of abandoning those principles in which he had been strictly
educated, and to which he had hitherto religiously adhered;
that as he would, by such an apostasy, totally alienate all the
Protestants in Scotland and England, he could never gain the
confidence of the Catholics, who would still entertain reason-
able doubts of his sincerity; that by advancing a present
claim to the crown he forfeited the certain prospect of his
Ch. XLII. - EI,IZABETH. - 91
succession, and revived that national animosity which the late
peace and alliance between the kingdoms had happily extin-
guished; that the whole gentry and nobility of England had
openly declared themselves for the execution of the Queen of
Scots, and if James showed such violent resentment against
that act of justice, they would be obliged, for their own securi-
ty, to prevent forever so implacable a prince from ruling over
them ; and that, however Some persons might represent his
honor as engaged to seek vengeance for the present affront
and injury, the true honor of a prince consisted in wisdom
and moderation and justice, not in following the dictates of
blind passion, or in pursuing revenge at the expense of every
motive and every interest." These considerations, joined to
the peaceable, unambitious temper of the young prince, pre-
vailed over his resentment, and he fell gradually into a good
correspondence with the court of England. It is probable
that the queen's chief object in her dissimulation with regard
to the execution of Mary was that she might thereby afford
James a decent pretence for renewing his amity with her, on
which their mutual interests so much depended.
While Elizabeth insured tranquillity from the attempts of
her nearest neighbor, she was not negligent of more distant
dangers. Hearing that Philip, though he seemed to dissem-
ble the daily insults and injuries which he received from the
English, was secretly preparing a great navy to attack her, she
sent Sir Francis Drake with a fleet to intercept his supplies,
to pillage his coast, and to destroy his shipping. Drake car-
ried out four capital ships of the queen's and twenty-six great
and small, with which the London merchants, in hopes of
sharing in the plunder, had supplied him. Having learned
pº, as from two Dutch shi ps, which he met with in his
º, passage, that a Spanish fleet, richly laden, was lying
at Cadiz, ready to set sail for Lisbon, the rendez-
vous of the intended Armada, he bent his course to the for-
mer harbor, and boldly as well as fortunately made an attack
on the enemy. He obliged six galleys which made head
* Strype, vol. iii. p. 377. Spotswood.
92 HISTORY OF ENGIAND. CH. XLII.
against him to take shelter under the forts, he burned about
a hundred vessels laden with ammunition and naval stores,
and he destroyed a great ship of the Marquis of Santa Croce.
Thence he set sail for Cape St. Vincent, and took by assault
the castle situated on that promontory, with three other for-
tresses. He next insulted Lisbon, and finding that the mer-
chants, who had engaged entirely in expectation of profit,
were discontented at these military enterprises, he set sail for
the Terceras, with an intention of lying in wait for a rich car-
rack which was expected in those parts. He was so fortunate
as to meet with his prize; and by this short expedition, in
which the public bore so small a share, the adventurers were
encouraged to attempt further enterprises, the English sea-
men learned to despise the great unwieldy ships of the ene-
my, the naval preparations of Spain were destroyed, the in-
tended expedition against England was retarded a twelve-
month, and the queen thereby had leisure to take more secure
measures against that formidable invasion."
This year Thomas Cavendish, a gentleman of Devonshire,
who had dissipated a good estate by living at court, being re-
solved to repair his fortune at the expense of the Spaniards,
fitted out three ships at Plymouth, one of a hundred and
twenty tons, another of sixty, and a third of forty; and with
these small vessels he ventured into the South Sea, and com-
mitted great depredations on the Spaniards. He took nine-
teen vessels, some of which were richly laden, and, returning
by the Cape of Good Hope, he came to London, and entered
the river in a kind of triumph. His mariners and soldiers
were clothed in silk, his sails were of damask, his top-sail cloth
of gold; and his prizes were esteemed the richest that ever
had been brought into England.” - -
The land enterprises of the English were not, during this
campaign, so advantageous or honorable to the nation. The
important place of Deventer was intrusted by Leicester to
William Stanley, with a garrison of twelve hundred English;
" Camden, p. 540. Sir William Monson's Naval Tracts, in Churchill's Voy-
ages, vol. iii. p. 156. * Birch's Memoirs, vol. i. p. 57.
CH. XLII. ELIZABETH. 93
and this gentleman, being a Catholic, was alarmed at the dis-
covery of Babington’s conspiracy, and became apprehensive
lest every one of his religion should thenceforth be treated
with distrust in England. He entered into a correspondence
with the Spaniards, betrayed the city to them for a sum of
money, and engaged the whole garrison to desert with him to
the Spanish service. Roland York, who commanded a fort
near Zutphen, imitated his example; and the Hollanders, for-
merly disgusted with Leicester, and suspicious of the English,
broke out into loud complaints against the improvidence, if
not the treachery, of his administration. Soon after, he him-
self arrived in the Low Countries, but his conduct was nowise
calculated to give them satisfaction or to remove the suspi-
cions which they had entertained against him. The Prince of
Parma having besieged Sluys, Leicester attempted to relieve
the place, first by Sea, then by land, but failed in both enter-
prises; and as he ascribed his bad success to the ill-behavior
of the Hollanders, they were equally free in reflections upon
his conduct. The breach between them became wider every
day. They slighted his authority, opposed his measures, and
neglected his counsels, while he endeavored, by an imperious
behavior and by violence, to recover that influence which he
had lost by his imprudent and ill-concerted measures. He
was even suspected by the Dutch of a design to usurp upon
their liberties, and the jealousy entertained against him began
to extend towards the queen herself. That princess had made
some advances towards a peace with Spain. A congress had
been opened at Bourbourg, a village near Gravelines; and
though the two courts, especially that of Spain, had no other
intention than to amuse each of them its enemy by negotia-
tion, and mutually relax the preparations for defence or at-
tack, the Dutch, who were determined on no terms to return
under the Spanish yoke, became apprehensive lest their liber-
ty should be sacrificed to the political interests of England.”
But the queen, who knew the importance of her alliance with
the States during the present conjuncture, was resolved to give
* Bentivoglio, part ii. lib. 4. Strype, vol. iv. No. 246.
94. HISTORY OF ENGLAND. CH. XLII.
them entire satisfaction by recalling Leicester and command-
ing him to resign his government. Maurice, son of the late
Prince of Orange, a youth of twenty years of age, was elected
by the States governor in his place; and Peregrine Lord Wil-
loughby was appointed by the queen commander of the Eng-
lish forces. The measures of these two generals were much
embarrassed by the malignity of Leicester, who had left a fac-
tion behind him, and who still attempted, by means of his
emissaries, to disturb all the operations of the States. As soon
as Elizabeth received intelligence of these disorders, she took
care to redress them; and she obliged all the partisans of
England to fall into unanimity with Prince Maurice.” But
though her good sense so far prevailed over her partiality to
Leicester, she never could be made fully sensible of his vices
and incapacity. The submissions which he made her restored
him to her wonted favor; and Lord Buckhurst, who had ac-
cused him of misconduct in Holland, lost her confidence for
Some time and was even committed to custody.
Sir Christopher Hatton was another favorite who at this
time received some marks of her partiality. Though he had
never followed the profession of the law, he was made chan-
cellor in the place of Bromley, deceased; but, notwithstand-
ing all the expectations and perhaps wishes of the lawyers,
he behaved in a manner not unworthy of that high station;
his good natural capacity supplied the place of experience and
study, and his decisions were not found deficient either in
point of equity or judgment. His enemies had contributed
to this promotion, in hopes that his absence from court while
he attended the business of chancery would gradually estrange
the queen from him and give them an opportunity of under-
mining him in her favor. -
These little intrigues and cabals of the court were silenced
by the account, which came from all quarters, of the vast
preparations made by the Spaniards for the inva-
sion of England, and for the entire conquest of
that kingdom. Philip, though he had not yet declared war,
1588.
* Rymer, vol. xv. p. 66.
CH. XLII. ELIZABETH. 95
on account of the hostilities which Elizabeth everywhere
philip pro- committed upon him, had long harbored a secret
$..." and violent desire of revenge against her. His am-
* bition, also, and the hopes of extending his empire,
were much encouraged by the present prosperous state of his
affairs; by the conquest of Portugal, the acquisition of the
East Indian commerce and settlements, and the yearly im-
portation of vast treasures from America. The point on
which he rested his highest glory, the perpetual object of his
policy, was to support Orthodoxy and exterminate heresy;
and as the power and credit of Elizabeth were the chief bul-
wark of the Protestants, he hoped, if he could subdue that
princess, to acquire the eternal renown of reuniting the whole
Christian world in the Catholic communion. Above all, his
indignation against his revolted subjects in the Netherlands
instigated him to attack the English, who had encouraged
that insurrection, and who, by their vicinity, were so well en-
abled to support the Hollanders that he could never hope to
reduce these rebels while the power of that kingdom remained
ontire and unbroken. To subdue England seemed a necessa-
ry preparative to the re-establishment of his authority in the
Netherlands; and, notwithstanding appearances, the former
was in itself, as a more important, so a more easy undertaking
than the latter. That kingdom lay nearer Spain than the Low
Countries, and was more exposed to invasions from that quar-
ter; after an enemy had once obtained entrance, the difficulty
seemed to be over, as it was neither fortified by art nor nat-
ure; a long peace had deprived it of all military discipline
and experience; and the Catholics, in which it still abounded,
would be ready, it was hoped, to join any invader who should
free them from those persecutions under which they labored,
and should revenge the death of the Queen of Scots, on whom
they had fixed all their affections. The fate of England must
be decided in one battle at sea and another at land ; and what
comparison between the English and Spaniards, either in
point of naval force, or in the numbers, reputation, and vet-
eran bravery of their armies? Besides the acquisition of so
great a kingdom, success against England insured the imme-
96 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. CH. XLII.
diate subjection of the Hollanders, who, attacked on every
hand and deprived of all support, must yield their stubborn
necks to that yoke which they had so long resisted. Happily
this conquest, as it was of the utmost importance to the gran-
deur of Spain, would not at present be opposed by the jeal-
ousy of other powers, naturally so much interested to prevent
the success of the enterprise. A truce was lately concluded
with the Turks; the empire was in the hands of a friend and
near ally; and France, the perpetual rival of Spain, was so
torn with intestine commotions that she had no leisure to pay
attention to her foreign interests. This favorable opportuni-
ty, therefore, which might never again present itself, must be
seized, and one bold effort made for acquiring that ascendant
in Europe to which the present greatness and prosperity of
the Spaniards seemed so fully to entitle them.”
These hopes and motives engaged Philip, notwithstanding
his cautious temper, to undertake this hazardous enterprise;
and though the prince, now created, by the pope, Duke of
Parma, when consulted, opposed the attempt—at least, repre-
sented the necessity of previously getting possession of some
seaport town in the Netherlands which might afford a retreat
to the Spanish navy"—it was determined by the Catholic
monarch to proceed immediately to the execution of this
ambitious project. During some time he had been secretly
making preparations; but as soon as the resolution was fully
taken, every part of his vast empire resounded with the noise
of armaments, and all his ministers, generals, and admirals
were employed in forwarding the design. The Marquis of
Santa Croce, a sea officer of great reputation and experience,
was destined to command the fleet; and by his counsels were
The rºying the naval equipments conducted. In all the ports
** of Sicily, Naples, Spain, and Portugal, artisans.
were employed in building vessels of uncommon size and
force ; naval stores were bought at great expense; provisions
amassed ; armies levied and quartered in the maritime towns
of Spain; and plans laid for fitting out such a fleet and em-
* Camden. Strype, vol. iii. p. 512. * Bentivoglio, part ii. lib. 4.
CH. XLII. ELIZABETH. 97
barkation as had never before had its equal in Europe. The
military preparations in Flanders were no less formidable.
Troops from all quarters were every moment assembling to
reinforce the Duke of Parma. Capizuchi and Spinelli con-
ducted forces from Italy; the Marquis of Borgaut, a prince
of the house of Austria, levied troops in Germany; the Wal-
loon and Burgundian regiments were completed or augment-
ed; the Spanish infantry was supplied with recruits; and an
army of thirty-four thousand men was assembled in the
Netherlands, and kept in readiness to be transported into
England. The Duke of Parma employed all the carpenters
whom he could procure either in Flanders or in Lower Ger-
many and the coasts of the Baltic ; and he built at Dunkirk
and Newport, but especially at Antwerp, a great number of
boats and flat-bottomed vessels, for the transporting of his-in-
fantry and cavalry. The most renowned mobility and princes
of Italy and Spain were ambitious of sharing in the honor of
this great enterprise. Don Amadaeus of Savoy, Don John of
Medicis, Vespasian Gonzaga (Duke of Sabionetta), and the Duke
of Pastrana hastened to join the army under the Duke of Par-
ma. About two thousand volunteers in Spain, many of them
men of family, had enlisted in the service. No doubts were
entertained but such vast preparations, conducted by officers
of such consummate skill, must finally be successful. And
the Spaniards, ostentatious of their power and elated with
vain hopes, had already denominated their navy the Invinci-
ble Armada.
News of these extraordinary preparations soon reached the
court of London; and, notwithstanding the secrecy of the
preparations Spanish council, and their pretending to employ
** this force in the Indies, it was easily concluded
that they meant to make some effort against England. The
queen had foreseen the invasion, and, finding that she must
now contend for her crown with the whole force of Spain,
she made preparations for resistance; nor was she dismayed
with that power, by which all Europe apprehended she must
of necessity be overwhelmed. Her force indeed seemed very
unequal to resist so potent an enemy. All the Sailors in Eng-
IV.—7
98 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. CH. XLII.
land amounted at that time to about fourteen tº:ousand men."
The size of the English shipping was in general so small that,
except a few of the queen's ships of war, there were not four
vessels belonging to the merchants which exceeded four hun-
dred tons." The royal navy consisted only of twenty-eight
sail,” many of which were of small size; none of them ex-
ceeded the bulk of our largest frigates, and most of them de-
served rather the name of pinnaces than of ships. The only
advantage of the English fleet consisted in the dexterity and
courage of the seamen, who, being accustomed to sail in tem-
pestuous seas and expose themselves to all dangers, as much
exceeded in this particular the Spanish mariners as their ves-
sels were inferior in size and force to those of that nation."
All the commercial towns of England were required to fur-
nish ships for reinforcing this small navy; and they discov-
ered on the present occasion great alacrity in defending their
liberty and religion against those imminent perils with which
they were menaced. The citizens of London, in order to show
their zeal in the common cause, instead of fifteen vessels which
they were commanded to equip, voluntarily fitted out double
the number." The gentry and nobility hired and armed
and manned forty-three ships at their own charge;" and all
the loans of money which the queen demanded were frankly
granted by the persons applied to. Lord Howard of Effing-
ham, a man of courage and capacity, was admiral, and took on
him the command of the navy; Drake, Hawkins, and Frob-
isher, the most renowned seamen in Europe, served under
him. The principal fleet was stationed at Plymouth. A
smaller squadron, consisting of forty vessels, English and
Flemish, was commanded by Lord Seymour, second son of
Protector Somerset; and lay off Dunkirk, in order to inter-
cept the Duke of Parma. -
The land forces of England, compared to those of Spain,
possessed contrary qualities to its naval power; they were
* Monson, p. 256. * Monson, p. 268.
* Monson, p. 157. * Monson, p. 321.
* Monson, p. 267. * Lives of the Admirals, vol. i. p. 451.
:
CH. XLII. ELIZABETH. 99
more numerous than the enemy, but much inferior in disci-
pline, reputation, and experience. An army of twenty thou-
sand men was disposed in different bodies along the south
coast, and orders were given them, if they could not prevent
the landing of the Spaniards, to retire backwards, to waste
the country around, and to wait for. reinforcement from the
neighboring counties before they approached the enemy.
A body of twenty-two thousand foot and a thousand horse,
under the command of the Earl of Leicester, was stationed at
Tilbury, in order to defend the capital. The principal army
consisted of thirty-four thousand foot and two thousand horse,
and was commanded by Lord Hunsdon. These forces were
reserved for guarding the queen's person, and were appointed
to march whithersoever the enemy should appear. The fate
of England, if all the Spanish armies should be able to land,
seemed to depend on the issue of a single battle; and men of
reflection entertained the most dismal apprehensions when
they considered the force of fifty thousand veteran Span-
iards, commanded by experienced officers, under the Duke of
|Parma, the most consummate general of the age ; and com-
pared this formidable armament with the military power
which England, not enervated by peace, but long disused to
war, could muster against it.
The chief support of the kingdom seemed to consist in the
vigor and prudence of the queen's conduct; who, undismayed
by the present dangers, issued all her orders with tranquillity,
animated her people to a steady resistance, and employed
every resource which either her domestic situation or her
foreign alliances could afford her. She sent Sir Robert Sid-
ney into Scotland, and exhorted the king to remain attached
to her, and to consider the danger which at present menaced
his sovereignty no less than her own, from the ambition of
the Spanish tyrant.” The ambassador found James well dis-
posed to cultivate a union with England; and that prince
* She made him some promises which she never fulfilled—to give him a dukedom
in lºngland with suitable lands and revenue, to settle C5000 a year on him, and
pay him a guard for the safety of his person. From a MS. of Lord Royston's.
100 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. CH. XLII.
even kept himself prepared to march with the force of his
whole kingdom to the assistance of Elizabeth. Her authority
with the King of Denmark, and the tie of their common re-
ligion, engaged this monarch, upon her application, to seize a
squadron of ships, which Philip had bought or hired, in the
Danish harbors." The Hanse towns, though not at that time
on good terms with Elizabeth, were induced by the same
motives to retard so long the equipment of Some vessels in
their ports that they became useless to the purpose of invad-
ing England. All the Protestants throughout Europe regard-
ed this enterprise as the critical event which was to decide
forever the fate of their religion; and though unable, by rea-
son of their distance, to join their force to that of Elizabeth,
they kept their eyes fixed on her conduct and fortune, and
beheld with anxiety, mixed with admiration, the intrepid
countenance with which she encountered that dreadful tem-
pest which was every moment advancing towards her.
The queen also was sensible that, next to the general popu-
larity which she enjoyed, and the confidence which her sub-
jects reposed in her prudent government, the firmest support
of her throne consisted in the general zeal of the people for
the Protestant religion, and the strong prejudices which they
had imbibed against popery. She took care, on the present
occasion, to revive in the nation this attachment to their own
sect, and this abhorrence of the opposite. The English were
reminded of their former danger from the tyranny of Spain;
all the barbarities exercised by Mary against the Protestants
were ascribed to the counsels of that bigoted and imperious
nation; the bloody massacres in the Indies, the unrelenting
executions in the Dow Countries, the horrid cruelties and in-
iquities of the Inquisition, were set before men's eyes; a list
and description were published, and pictures dispersed of the
several instruments of torture with which it was pretended
the Spanish Armada was loaded; and every artifice as well as
reason was employed to animate the people to a vigorous de-
fence of their religion, their laws, and their liberties.
* Strype, vol. iii. p. 524.
CH. XLII. - ELIZABETH. - 101
But while the queen, in this critical emergence, roused the
animosity of the nation against popery, she treated the par-
tisans of that sect with moderation, and gave not way to an
undistinguishing fury against them. Though she knew that
Sixtus Quintus, the present pope, famous for his capacity and
his tyranny, had fulminated a new bull of excommunication
against her, had deposed her, had absolved her subjects from
their oaths of allegiance, had published a crusade against Eng-
land, and had granted plenary indulgences to every one en-
gaged in the present invasion, she would not believe that all
her Catholic subjects could be so blinded as to sacrifice to big-
otry their duty to their sovereign, and the liberty and inde-
pendence of their native country. She rejected all violent
counsels, by which she was urged to seek pretences for de-
spatching the leaders of that party; she would not even con-
fine any considerable number of them ; and the Catholics,
sensible of this good usage, generally expressed great zeal
for the public service. Some gentlemen of that sect, con-
scious that they could not justly expect any trust or author-
ity, entered themselves as volunteers in the fleet or army;”
some equipped ships at their Öwn charge, and gave the com-
mand of them to Protestants; others were active in animat-
ing their tenants and vassals and neighbors to the defence
of their country; and every rank of men, burying for the
present all party distinctions, seemed to prepare themselves
with order as well as vigor to resist the violence of these
invaders.
The more to excite the martial spirit of the nation, the
queen appeared on horseback in the camp at Tilbury; and
riding through the lines, discovered a cheerful and animated
countenance, exhorted the soldiers to remember their duty to
their country and their religion, and professed her intention,
though a woman, to lead them herself into the field against the
enemy, and rather to perish in battle than survive the ruin
and slavery of her people." By this spirited behavior she re-
vived the tenderness and admiration of the soldiery; an at-
“Stowe, p. 747. - * See note [K] at the end of the volume.
102 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. CH. XLII.
tachment to her person became a kind of enthusiasm among
them; and they asked one another whether it were possible
that Englishmen could abandon this glorious cause, could dis-
play less fortitude than appeared in the female sex, or could
ever by any dangers be induced to relinquish the defence of
their heroic princess. -
The Spanish Armada was ready in the beginning of May;
but the moment it was preparing to sail, the Marquis of Santa
Croce, the admiral, was seized with a fever, of which he soon
after died. The vice-admiral, the Duke of Paliano, by a
strange concurrence of accidents, at the very same time suffer-
ed the same fate; and the king appointed for admiral the
Duke of Medina Sidonia, a nobleman of great family, but in-
experienced in action, and entirely unacquainted with sea-af-
fairs. Alcarede was appointed vice-admiral. This misfortune,
besides the loss of so great an officer as Santa Croce, retarded
the sailing of the Armada, and gave the English more time for
their preparations to oppose them. At last the Spanish fleet,
full of hopes and alacrity, set sail from Lisbon ; but
next day met with a violent tempest, which scatter-
ed the ships, sank some of the Smallest, and forced the rest to
take shelter in the Groine, where they waited till they could
be refitted. When news of this event was carried to England,
the queen concluded that the design of an invasion was disap-
pointed for this summer; and, being always ready to lay hold
on every pretence for saving money, she made Walsingham
write to the admiral, directing him to lay up some of the larger
ships, and to discharge the seamen. Dut Lord Effingham, who
was not so sanguine in his hopes, used the freedom to disobey
these Orders; and he begged leave to retain all the ships in
service, though it should be at his own expense." He took
advantage of a north wind, and sailed towards, the coast of
Spain, with an intention of attacking the enemy in their har-
bors; but the wind changing to the south, he became appre-
hensive lest they might have set sail, and, by passing him at
Sea, invade England, now exposed by the absence of the fleet.
May 29.
* Camden, p. 545.
CH. XIII. - ELIZABETH. 103
He returned, therefore, with the utmost expedition to Plym-
outh, and lay at anchor in that harbor. -
Meanwhile, all the damages of the Armada were repaired;
and the Spaniards with fresh hopes set out again to sea in
prosecution of their enterprise. The fleet consisted of a hun-
dred and thirty vessels, of which near a hundred were galleons,
and were of greater size than any ever before used in Europe.
It carried on board nineteen thousand two hundred and ninety-
five soldiers, eight thousand four hundred and fifty-six mariners,
two thousand and eighty-eight galley-slaves, and two thousand
six hundred and thirty great pieces of brass ordnance. It was
victualled for six months, and was attended by twenty lesser
ships called caravels, and ten salves with six oars a-piece."
The plan formed by the King of Spain was that the Armada
should sail to the coast opposite to Dunkirk and Newport;
and having chased “away all English or Flemish vessels which
might obstruct the passage (for it never was supposed they
could make opposition) should join themselves with the Duke
of Parma, should thence make Sail to the Thames, and, having
landed the whole Spanish army, thus complete at one blow the
entire conquest of England. In prosecution of this scheme,
Philip gave orders to the Duke of Medina that, in passing
along the channel, he should sail as near the coast of France
as he could with safety; that he should by this policy avoid
meeting with the English fleet; and, keeping in view the main
enterprise, should neglect all smaller successes, which might
prove an obstacle, or even interpose a delay to the acquisition
of a kingdom." After the Armada was under sail, they took
a fisherman, who informed them that the English admiral had
been lately at sea, had heard of the tempest which scattered
the Armada, had retired back into Plymouth, and, no longer
expecting an invasion this season, had laid up his ships and
discharged most of the seamen. From this false intelligence
the Duke of Medina conceived the great facility of attacking
and destroying the English ships in harbor; and he was tempt-
ed by the prospect of so decisive an advantage to break his
" Strype, vol. iii. Appendix, p. 221. * Monson, p. 157.
104 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. CEI. XLII.
Orders, and make sail directly for Plymouth, a resolution which
proved the Safety of England. The Lizard was the first land
July 10. The made by the Armada, about Sunset; and as the
ãº. Spaniards took it for the Ram-head, near Plymouth,
* they bone out to sea with an intention of returning
next day and attacking the English navy. They were descried
by Fleming, a Scottish pirate, who was roving in those seas,
and who immediately set sail to inform the English admiral of
their approach"—another fortunate event, which contributed
extremely to the safety of the fleet. Effingham had just time
to get out of port, when he saw the Spanish Armada coming
full sail towards him, disposed in the form of a crescent, and
stretching the distance of seven miles from the extremity of
one division to that of the other.
The writers of that age raise their style by a pompous de-
scription of this spectacle, the most magnificent that had ever
appeared upon the Ocean, infusing equal terror and admiration
into the minds of all beholders. The lofty masts, the swelling
sails, and the towering prows of the Spanish galleons seem
impossible to be justly painted but by assuming the colors of
poetry; and an eloquent historian of Italy, in imitation of
Camden, has asserted that the Armada, though the ships bore
every sail, yet advanced with a slow motion, as if the ocean
groaned with supporting and the winds were tired with im-
pelling so enormous a weight.” The truth, however, is, that
the largest of the Spanish vessels would scarcely pass for third-
rates in the present navy of England; yet were they so ill
framed or so ill governed that they were quite unwieldy, and
could not sail upon a wind, nor tack on occasion, nor be man-
aged in stormy weather by the seamen. Neither the mechan-
ics of ship-building nor the experience of mariners had attain-
ed so great perfection as could serve for the security and gov-
ernment of such bulky vessels; and the English, who had al-
ready had experience how unserviceable they commonly were,
beheld without dismay their tremendous appearance.
Effingham gave orders not to come to close fight with the
* Monson, p. 158. "Bentivoglio, part ii. lib. 4.
CH. XLII. ELIZABETH. - 105
Spaniards, where the size of the ships, he suspected, and the
numbers of the soldiers would be a disadvantage to the Eng-
lish ; but to cannonade them at a distance, and to wait the op-
portunity which winds, currents, or various accidents must af-
ford him of intercepting some scattered vessels of the enemy. .
Nor was it long before the event answered expectation. A
great ship of Biscay, on board of which was a considerable
part of the Spanish money, took fire by accident; and while
all hands were employed in extinguishing the flames, she fell
behind the rest of the Armada. The great galleon of Anda-
lusia was detained by the springing of her mast; and both
these vessels were taken, after Some resistance, by Sir Francis
Drake. As the Armada advanced up the Channel, the English
hung upon its rear, and still infested it with skirmishes. Each
trial abated the confidence of the Spaniards and added cour-
age to the English ; and the latter soon found that even in
close fight the size of the Spanish ships was no advantage to
them. Their bulk exposed them the more to the fire of the
enemy; while their cannon, placed too high, shot over the
heads of the English. The alarm having now reached the
coast of England, the nobility and gentry hastened out with
their vessels from every harbor and reinforced the admiral.
The Earls of Oxford, Northumberland, and Cumberland, Sir
Thomas Cecil, Sir Robert Cecil, Sir Walter Raleigh, Sir Thom-
as Vavasor, Sir Thomas Gerrard, Sir Charles Blount, with many
others, distinguished themselves by this generous and disinter-
ested service of their country. The English fleet, after the con-
junction of those ships, amounted to a hundred and forty sail.
The Armada had now reached Calais, and cast anchor be-
fore that place, in expectation that the Duke of Parma, who
had gotten intelligence of their approach, would put to sea
and join his forces to them. The English admiral practised
here a successful stratagem upon the Spaniards. He took eight
of his smaller ships, and, filling them with combustible mate-
rials, sent them one after another into the midst of the enemy.
The Spaniards fancied that they were fire-ships of the same
contrivance with a famous vessel which had lately done so
much execution in the Scheldt, near Antwerp ; and they im-
106 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. CH. XLIL.
mediately cut their cables, and took to flight with the greatest
disorder and precipitation. The English fell upon them next
morning while in confusion ; and, besides doing great dam-
age to other ships, they took or destroyed about twelve of the
enemy. -
By this time it was become apparent that the intention for
which these preparations were made by the Spaniards was
entirely frustrated. The vessels provided by the Duke of
Parma were made for transporting Soldiers, not for fighting ;
and that general, when urged to leave the harbor, positively
refused to expose his flourishing army to such apparent haz-
ard; while the English not only were able to keep the sea,
but seemed even to triumph over their enemy. The Spanish
admiral found, in many rencounters, that while he lost so con-
siderable a part of his own navy, he had destroyed only one
Small vessel of the English ; and he foresaw that, by continu-
ing so unequal a combat, he must draw inevitable destruction
on all the remainder. He prepared, therefore, to return home-
wards; but as the wind was contrary to his passage through
the channel, he resolved to Sail northwards, and, making the
tour of the island, reached the Spanish harbors by the ocean.
The English fleet followed him during some time; and had
not their ammunition fallen short, by the negligence of the
officers in supplying them, they had obliged the whole Armada
to surrender at discretion. The Duke of Medina had once
taken that resolution, but was diverted from it by the advice
of his confessor. This conclusion of the enterprise would
have been more glorious to the English ; but the event proved
almost equally fatal to the Spaniards. A violent tempest
overtook the Armada after it passed the Orkneys:
the ships had already lost their anchors, and were
obliged to keep to sea; the mariners, unaccustomed to such
hardships, and not able to govern such unwieldy vessels, yield-
ed to the fury of the storm, and allowed their ships to drive
either on the western isles of Scotland or on the coast of Ire-
land, where they were miserably wrecked. Not a half of the
navy returned to Spain; and the seamen as well as soldiers
who remained were so overcome with hardships and fatigue,
Defeated.
CH. XLII. - ELIZABETH. 107
and so dispirited by their discomfiture, that they filled all
Spain with accounts of the desperate valor of the English, and
of the tempestuous violence of that ocean which surrounds.
them. -
Such was the miserable and dishonorable conclusion of an
enterprise which had been preparing for three years, which
had exhausted the revenue and force of Spain, and which had
long filled all Europe with anxiety or expectation. Philip,
who was a slave to his ambition, but had an entire command
over his countenance, no sooner heard of the mortifying event
which blasted all his hopes than he fell on his knees, and, ren-
dering thanks for the gracious dispensation of Providence,
expressed his joy that the calamity was not greater. The
Spanish priests, who had so often blessed this holy crusade
and foretold its infallible Success, were somewhat at a loss to
account for the victory gained over the Catholic monarch by
excommunicated heretics and an execrable usurper; but they
at last discovered that all the calamities of the Spaniards had
proceeded from their allowing the infidel Moors to live among
them.”
Soon after the defeat and dispersion of the Spanish Armada
the queen summoned a new Parliament, and received from
15s, reb.a. them a supply of two subsidies and four fifteenths,
* payable in four years. This is the first instance
that subsidies were doubled in one supply; and so unusual a
concession was probably obtained from the joy of the present
success, and from the general sense of the queen's necessities.
Some members objected to this heavy charge, on account of
the great burden of loans which had lately been imposed upon
the nation.”
Elizabeth foresaw that this House of Commons, like all the
foregoing, would be governéd by the Puritans; and therefore,
to obviate their enterprises, she renewed at the beginning of
the session her usual injunction, that the Parliament should
not on any account presume to treat of matters ecclesiastical.
* See note [L] at the end of the volume.
* See note [M] at the end of the volume.
108 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. CH. XLII.
Notwithstanding this strict inhibition, the zeal of one Dam-
port moved him to present a bill to the Commons for reme-
dying spiritual grievances, and for restraining the tyranny of
the ecclesiastical commission, which were certainly great: but
when Mr. Secretary Woley reminded the House of her majes-
ty’s commands, no one durst second the motion; the bill was
not so much as read; and the Speaker returned it to Damport
without taking the least notice of it.” Some members of the
House, notwithstanding the general submission, were even
committed to custody on account of this attempt.”
The imperious conduct of Elizabeth appeared still more
clearly in another parliamentary transaction. The right of
purveyance was an ancient prerogative, by which the officers
of the crown could at pleasure take provisions for the house-
hold from all the neighboring counties, and could make use
of the carts and carriages of the farmers; and the price of
these commodities and services was fixed and stated. The
payment of the money was often distant and uncertain ; and
the rates, being fixed before the discovery of the West Indies,
were much inferior to the present market price; so that pur-
veyance, besides the slavery of it, was always regarded as a
great burden, and, being arbitrary and casual, was liable to
great abuses. We may fairly presume that the hungry court-
iers of Elizabeth, supported by her unlimited power, would be
sure to render this prerogative very oppressive to the people;
and the Commons had, last session, found it necessary to pass
a bill for regulating these exactions: but the bill was lost in
the House of Peers.” The continuance of the abuses begat a
new attempt for redress; and the same bill was now revived,
and again sent up to the House of Peers, together with a bill
for some new regulations in the court of exchequer. Soon
after, the Commons received a message from the Upper House
desiring them to appoint a committee for a conference. At
this conference the Peers informed them that the queen, by a
message delivered by Lord Burleigh, had expressed her dis-
* D'Ewes, p. 488. “Strype's Life of Whitgift, p. 280. Neal, vol. i. p. 500.
* D'Ewes, p. 434.
CH. XLII. ELIZABETH. 109
pleasure that the Commons should presume to touch on her
prerogative. If there were any abuses, she said, either in im-
posing purveyance or in the practice of the court of exchequer,
her majesty was both able and willing to provide due refor-
mation, but would not permit the Parliament to intermeddle
in these matters." The Commons, alarmed at this intelligence,
appointed another committee to attend the queen, and endeav.
ored to satisfy her of their humble and dutiful intentions.
Elizabeth gave a gracious reception to the committee: she ex-
pressed her great inestimable loving care towards her loving
subjects; which, she said, was greater than of her own self, or
even than any of them could have of themselves. She told
them that she had already given orders for an inquiry into
the abuses attending purveyance, but the dangers of the Span-
ish invasion had retarded the progress of the design; that she
had as much skill, will, and power to rule her household as
any subjects whatsoever to govern theirs, and needed as little
the assistance of her neighbors; that the exchequer was her
chamber, consequently more near to her than even her house-
hold, and therefore the less proper for them to intermeddle
with ; and that she would of herself, with advice of her coun-
cil and the judges, redress every grievance in these matters,
but would not permit the Commons, by laws moved without
her privity, to bereave her of the honor attending these regu-
lations.” The issue of this matter was the same that attend-
ed all contests between Elizabeth and her Parliaments.” She
seems even to have been more imperious in this particular
than her predecessors, at least her more remote ones; for they
often permitted the abuses of purveyance” to be redressed by
law." Edward III., a very arbitrary prince, allowed ten sev-
eral statutes to be enacted for that purpose.
In so great awe did the Commons stand of every courtier,
as well as of the crown, that they durst use no freedom of
* D'Ewes, p. 440. - ” D'Ewes, p. 444,
* “Sirixa est, ubi tu pulsas, ego vapulo tantum.”—J Uv. . .
"See note [N] at the end of the volume.
* See the statutes under the head of Purveyance.
110 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. CH. XLII.
speech which they thought would give the least offence to any
of them. Sir Edward Hobby showed in the House his ex-
treme grief, that by some great personage, not a member of
the House, he had been sharply rebuked for speeches delivered
in Parliament: he craved the favor of the House, and desired
that some of the members might inform that great personage
of his true meaning and intention in these speeches.” The
Commons, to obviate these inconveniences, passed a vote that
no one should reveal the Secrets of the House.”
The discomfiture of the Armada had begotten in the nation
a kind of enthusiastic passion for enterprises against Spain,
and nothing seemed now impossible to be achieved by the
valor and fortune of the English. Don Antonio, prior of
Crato, a natural son of the royal family of Portugal, trust-
ing to the aversion of his countrymen against the Castilians,
had advanced a claim to the crown; and flying first to France,
thence to England, had been encouraged both by Henry and
Expedition Elizabeth in his pretensions. A design was formed
agains. For- by the people—not the court of England—to con-
tugal. quer the kingdom for Don Antonio. Sir Francis
Drake and Sir John Norris were the leaders in this romantic
enterprise. Near twenty thousand volunteers” enlisted them-
selves in the service; and ships were hired, as well as arms
provided, at the charge of the adventurers. The queen’s fru-
gality kept her from contributing more than sixty thousand
pounds to the expense, and she only allowed six of her ships
of war to attend the expedition.” There was more spirit and
bravery than foresight or prudence in the conduct of this en-
terprise. The small stock of the adventurers did not enable
them to buy either provisions or ammunition sufficient for
* D'Ewes, p. 432, 433. -
* An act was passed this session enforcing the former statute, which imposed
twenty pounds a month on every one absent from public worship; but the penalty
was restricted to two thirds of the income of the recusant. 29 Eliz. cap. 6.
* Birch's Memoirs of Queen Elizabeth, vol. i. p. 61. Monson, p. 267, says
that there were only fourteen thousand soldiers and four thousand seamen in the
whole of this expedition; but the account contained in Dr. Birch is given by one
of the most considerable of the adventurers. * Monson, p. 267.
CH. XLII. ELIZABETH. 111
Such an undertaking; they even wanted vessels to stow the
numerous volunteers who crowded to them, and they were
obliged to seize by force some ships of the Hanse towns,
which they met with at Sea—an expedient which set them
somewhat more at ease in point of room for their men, but
remedied not the deficiency of their provisions.” Had they
sailed directly to Portugal, it is believed that the good-will
of the people, joined to the defenceless state of the country,
might have insured them of success; but, hearing that great
preparations were making at the Groine for the invasion of
England, they were induced to go thither and destroy this
new armament of Spain. They broke into the harbor, burn-
ed some ships of war—particularly one commanded by Re-
calde, vice-admiral of Spain. They defeated an army of four
or five thousand men which was assembled to oppose them;
they assaulted the Groine and took the lower town, which
they pillaged; and they would have taken the higher, though
well fortified, had they not found their ammunition and pro-
visions beginning to fail them. The young Earl of Essex, a
nobleman of promising hopes—who, fired with the thirst of
military honor, had secretly, unknown to the queen, stolen
from England—here joined the adventurers; and it was
then agreed by common consent to make sail for Portugal,
the main object of their enterprise.
The English landed at Paniche, a seaport town, twelve
leagues from Lisbon; and Norris led the army to that capital,
while Drake undertook to sail up the river and attack the
city with united forces. By this time the court of Spain had
gotten leisure to prepare against the invasion. Forces were
thrown into Lisbon; the Portuguese were disarmed; all sus-
pected persons were taken into custody; and thus, though the
inhabitants bore great affection to Don Antonio, none of them
durst declare in favor of the invaders. The English army,
however, made themselves masters of the suburbs, which
abounded with riches of all kinds; but as they desired to con-
ciliate the affections of the Portuguese, and were more intent
* Monson, p. 159.
112 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. CH. XLII.
on honor than profit, they observed a strict discipline and ab-
stained from all plunder. Meanwhile they found their am-
munition and provisions much exhausted; they had not a sin-
gle cannon to make a breach in the walls; the admiral had
not been able to pass some fortresses which guarded the riv-
er; there was no appearance of an insurrection in their favor;
sickness from fatigue, hunger, and intemperance in wine and
fruits had seized the army, so that it was found necessary to
make all possible haste to re-embark. They were not pursued
by the enemy; and finding at the mouth of the river sixty
ships laden with naval stores, they seized them as lawful
prize, though they belonged to the Hanse towns, a neutral
power. They sailed thence to Vigo, which they took and
burned; and, having ravaged the country around, they set
Sail and arrived in England. About half of these gallant
adventurers perished by sickness, famine, fatigue, and the
sword,” and England reaped more honor than profit from
this extraordinary enterprise. It is computed that eleven
hundred gentlemen embarked on board the fleet, and that
only three hundred and fifty survived those multiplied dis-
asters.”
When these ships were on their voyage homewards, they
met with the Earl of Cumberland, who was outward bound,
with a fleet of seven sail, all equipped at his own charge, ex-
cept one ship of war which the queen had lent him. That
nobleman supplied Sir Francis Drake with some provisions—
a generosity which saved the lives of many of Drake's men—
but for which the others afterwards suffered severely. Cum-
berland sailed towards the Terceras, and took several prizes
from the enemy; but the richest (valued at a hundred thou-
sand pounds) perished in her return, with all her cargo, near
St. Michael’s Mount, in Cornwall. Many of these adventurers
were killed in a rash attempt at the Terceras; a great mor-
tality seized the rest; and it was with difficulty that the few
hands which remained were able to steer the ships back into
harbor.”
* Birch's Memoirs, vol. i. p. 61. 87 Ibid. * Monson, p. 161.
CH. XLII. ELIZABETH. 113
Though the signal advantages gained over the Spaniards
and the spirit thence infused into the English gave Elizabeth
Amirs of great security during the rest of her reign, she
* could not forbear keeping an anxious eye on Scot-
land, whose situation rendered its revolutions always of im-
portance to her. It might have been expected that this high-
spirited princess, who knew so well to brave danger, would
not have retained that malignant jealousy towards her heir
with which, during the lifetime of Mary, she had been so
much agitated. James had indeed succeeded to all the claims
of his mother; but he had not succeeded to the favor of the
Catholics, which could alone render these claims dangerous.”
And as the queen was now well advanced in years, and en-
joyed an uncontrolled authority over her subjects, it was not
likely that the King of Scots, who was of an indolent, unam-
bitious temper, would ever give her any disturbance in her
possession of the throne. Yet all these circumstances could
not remove her timorous suspicions; and, so far from Satisfy-
ing the nation by a settlement of the succession or a declara-
tion of James's title, she was as anxious to prevent every inci-
dent which might anywise raise his credit or procure him the
regard of the English as if he had been her immediate rival
and competitor. Most of his ministers and favorites were her
pensioners; and as she was desirous to hinder him from mar-
rying and having children, she obliged them to throw obsta-
cles in the way of every alliance—even the most reasonable—
which could be offered him, and during some years she suc-
ceeded in this malignant policy.” He had fixed on the elder
daughter of the King of Denmark, who, being a remote prince
and not powerful, could give her no umbrage; yet did she so
artfully cross this negotiation that the Danish monarch, impa-
tient of delay, married his daughter to the Duke of Bruns-
wick. James then renewed his suit to the younger princess,
and still found obstacles from the intrigues of Elizabeth, who,
merely with a view of interposing delay, proposed to him the
sister of the King of Navarre, a princess much older than
* Winwood, vol. i. p. 41. * Melvil, p. 166, 177.
IV.-8 g
114 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. CH. XLII.
himself and entirely destitute of fortune. The young king,
besides the desire of Securing himself, by the prospect of issue,
from those traitorous attempts too frequent among his sub-
jects, had been so watched by the rigid austerity of the ec-
clesiastics that he had another inducement to marry, which is
not so usual with monarchs. His impatience, therefore, broke
through all the politics of Elizabeth. The articles of marriage
were settled; the ceremony was performed by proxy; and the
princess embarked for Scotland, but was driven by a storm
into a port of Norway. This tempest and some others which
happened near the same time were universally believed in
Scotland and Denmark to have proceeded from a combination
of the Scottish and Danish witches; and the dying confession
of the criminals was supposed to put the accusation beyond
all controversy." James, however, though a great believer in
sorcery, was not deterred by this incident from taking a voy-
age in order to conduct his bride home. He arrived in Nor-
way, carried the queen thence to Copenhagen, and, having
passed the winter in that city, he brought her next spring to
Scotland, where they were joyfully received by the people.
The clergy alone, who never neglected an opportunity of vex-
ing their prince, made opposition to the queen's coronation on
account of the ceremony of anointing her, which they alleged
was either a Jewish or a popish rite, and therefore utterly
antichristian and unlawful. But James was as much bent on
the ceremony as they were averse to it; and, after much con-
troversy and many intrigues, his authority, which had not of
ten happened, at last prevailed over their opposition.”
* Melvil, p. 180. . *Spotswood, p. 381.
CH. XLIII. FLIZABETH. 115
CHAPTER XLIII.
French Affairs.-Murder of the Duke of Guise.—Murder of Henry III.-Prog-
ress of Henry IV.-Naval Enterprises against Spain.—A Parliament.—Henry
IV. Embraces the Catholic Religion.—Scotch Affairs.--Naval Enterprises.—
A Parliament.—Peace of Vervins.—The Earl of Essex.
AFTER a state of great anxiety and many difficulties, Eliza-
beth had at length reached a situation where, though her af-
fairs still required attention and found employment
for her active spirit, she was removed from all dam-
ger of any immediate revolution, and might regard the efforts
of her enemies with some degree of confidence and security.
Her successful and prudent administration had gained her,
together with the admiration of foreigners, the affections of
her own subjects; and, after the death of the Queen of Scots,
even the Catholics, however discontented, pretended not to
dispute her title or adhere to any other person as her com-
petitor. James, curbed by his factious nobility and ecclesias.
tics, possessed at home very little authority, and was solicitous
to remain on good terms with Elizabeth and the English na-
tion in hopes that time, aided by his patient tranquillity, would
secure him that rich succession to which his birth entitled
him. The Hollanders, though overmatched in their contest
with Spain, still made an obstinate resistance; and such was
their unconquerable antipathy to their old masters, and such
the prudent conduct of young Maurice, their governor, that
the subduing of that small territory, if at all possible, must be
the work of years, and the result of many and great successes.
Philip, who, in his powerful effort against England, had been
transported by resentment and ambition beyond his usual cau-
tious maxims, was now disabled, and still more discouraged,
from adventuring again on such hazardous enterprises. The
situation, also, of affairs in France began chiefly to employ his
1590.
116 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. CH. XLIII.
attention; but, notwithstanding all his artifice and force and
expense, the events in that kingdom proved every day more
contrary to his expectations and more favorable to the friends
and confederates of England.
The violence of the league having constrained Henry to
declare war against the Huguenots, these religionists seemed
French at exposed to the utmost danger, and Elizabeth, sen-
fairs. sible of the intimate connection between hºr own
interests and those of that party, had supported the King of
Navarre by her negotiations in Germany, and by large sums
of money, which she remitted for levying forces in that coun-
try. This great prince, not discouraged by the Superiority
of his enemies, took the field; and in the year 1587 gained,
at Coutras, a complete victory over the army of the French
king; but, as his allies, the Germans, were at the same time
discomfited by the army of the league, under the Duke of
Guise, his situation, notwithstanding his victory, seemed still
as desperate as ever. The chief advantage which he reaped
by this diversity of success arose from the dissensions which
by that means took place among his enemies. The inhab-
itants of Paris, intoxicated with admiration of Guise, and
strongly prejudiced against their king, whose intentions had
become suspicious to them, took to arms, and obliged Henry
to fly for his safety. That prince, dissembling his resent-
ment, entered into a negotiation with the league, and, having
conferred many high offices on Guise and his partisans, sum-
moned an assembly of the states at Blois, on pretence of find-
ing expedients to Support the intended war against the Hu-
guenots. The various scenes of perfidy and cruelty which
had been exhibited in France had justly begotten a mutual
diffidence among all parties; yet Guise, trusting more to the
timidity than honor of the king, rashly put himself into the
hands of that monarch, and expected, by the ascendant of his
own genius, to make him submit to all his exorbitant preten-
Mºrºus * Henry, though of an easy disposition, not
Blºor steady to his resolutions, nor even to his promises,
wanted neither courage nor capacity; and, finding
all his subtleties eluded by the vigor of Guise, and even his
CH. XLIII. ELIZABETH. 117
throne exposed to the most imminent danger, he embraced
more violent counsels than were natural to him, and ordered
that prince and his brother, the Cardinal of Guise, to be as-
Sassinated in his palace.
This cruel execution, which the necessity of it alone could
excuse, had nearly proved fatal to the author, and seemed at
first to plunge him into greater dangers than those which he
sought to avoid by taking vengeance on his enemy. The
partisans of the league were inflamed with the utmost rage
against him; the populace everywhere, particularly at Paris,
renounced allegiance to him ; the ecclesiastics and the preach-
ers filled all places with execrations against his name; and the
most powerful cities and most Opulent provinces appeared to
combine in a resolution either of renouncing monarchy or
of changing their monarch. Henry, finding slender resources
among his Catholic subjects, was constrained to enter into a
confederacy with the Huguenots and the King of Navarre.
He enlisted large bodies of Swiss infantry and German caval-
ry, and, being still supported by his chief nobility, he assem-
bled, by all these means, an army of near forty thousand men,
and advanced to the gates of Paris, ready to crush the league .
and subdue all his enemies. The desperate resolution of one
man diverted the course of these great events. Jacques Cle-
ment, a Dominican friar, inflamed by that bloody spirit of
bigotry which distinguishes this century, and a great part of
the following, beyond all ages of the world, embraced the res-
olution of sacrificing his own life in order to save the Church
Murder of from the persecutions of an heretical tyrant; and
** being admitted under some pretext to the king's
presence, he gave that prince a mortal wound, and was imme-
diately put to death by the courtiers, who hastily revenged
the murder of their sovereign. This memorable incident
happened on the 1st of August, 1589.
The Ring of Navarre, next heir to the crown, assumed the
government by the title of Henry IV., but succeeded to much
greater difficulties than those which surrounded his predeces-
Sor. The prejudices entertained against his religion made a
great part of the nobility immediately desert him, and it was
118 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. CH. XLIII.
only by his promise of hearkening to conferences and instruc-
tion that he could engage any of the Catholics to adhere to
his undoubted title. The league, governed by the Duke of
Mayence, brother to Guise, gathered new force, and the King
of Spain entertained views either of dismembering the French
monarchy or of annexing the whole to his own dominions.
In these distressful circumstances, Henry addressed himself to
Elizabeth, and found her well disposed to contribute to his as-
sistance, and to oppose the progress of the Catholic league and
of Philip, her inveterate and dangerous enemies. To pre-
vent the desertion of his Swiss and German auxiliaries, she
made him a present of twenty-two thousand pounds, a greater
sum than, as he declared, he had ever seen before; and she
sent him a reinforcement of four thousand men, under Lord
Willoughby, an officer of reputation, who joined the French at
Dieppe. Strengthened by these supplies, Henry marched di-
rectly to Paris, and, having taken the suburbs sword in hand, he
abandoned them to be pillaged by his soldiers. He employed
this body of English in many other enterprises, and still found
reason to praise their courage and fidelity. The time of their
service being elapsed, he dismissed them with many high com-
mendations. Sir William Drury, Sir Thomas Baskerville, and
Sir John Boroughs acquired reputation in this campaign, and
revived in France the ancient fame of English valor.
The army which Henry, next campaign, led into the field
was much inferior to that of the league; but as it was com-
progress of posed of the chief nobility of France, he feared not
*Y" to encounter his enemies in a pitched battle at
Yvrée, and he gained a complete victory over them. This
success enabled him to blockade Paris, and he reduced that
capital to the last extremity of famine; when the Duke of
Parma, in consequence of orders from Philip, marched to the
relief of the league, and obliged Henry to raise the blockade.
Having performed this important service, he retreated to the
Low Countries; and, by his consummate skill in the art of
war, performed these long marches in the face of the enemy,
without affording the French monarch that opportunity which
he sought of giving him battle, or so much as once putting
CH. XLIII. - ELIZABETH. 119
his army in disorder. The only loss which he sustained was
in the Low Countries, where Prince Maurice took advantage
of his absence and recovered some places which the Duke of
Parma had formerly conquered from the States."
The situation of Henry's affairs, though promising, was not
so well advanced or established as to make the queen discon-
tinue her succors, and she was still more confirmed
in the resolution of supporting him by some ad-
vantages gained by the King of Spain. The Duke of Mer-
coeur, Governor of Brittany, a prince of the house of Lorraine,
had declared for the league, and, finding himself hard pressed
by Henry's forces, he had been obliged, in order to secure
himself, to introduce Some Spanish troops into the Seaport
towns of that province. Elizabeth was alarmed at the dan-
ger, and foresaw that the Spaniards, besides infesting the
English commerce by privateers, might employ these harbors
as the seat of their naval preparations, and might more easily
from that vicinity, than from Spain or Portugal, project an
invasion of England. She concluded, therefore, a new treaty
with Henry, in which she engaged to send over three thou-
sand men, to be employed in the reduction of Brittany; and
she stipulated that her charges should, in a twelvemonth, or
as soon as the enemy was expelled, be refunded her.” These
forces were commanded by Sir John Norris, and under him
by his brother Henry, and by Anthony Shirley. Sir Roger
Williams was at the head of a small body which garrisoned
Dieppe; and a squadron of ships, under the command of Sir
Henry Palmer, lay upon the coast of France, and intercepted
all the vessels belonging to the Spaniards or the leaguers.
The operations of war can very little be regulated before-
hand by any treaty or agreement; and Henry, who found it
necessary to lay aside the projected enterprise against Britta-
ny, persuaded the English commanders to join his army and
to take a share in the hostilities which he carried into Picar-
dy.” Notwithstanding the disgust which Elizabeth received
1591.
* See note [O] at the end of the volume.
* Camden, p. 5.61. * Rymer, vol. xiv. p. 116.
120 - HISTORY OF ENGLAND. CII. XLIII.
from this disappointment, he laid before her a plan for expel-
ling the leaguers from Normandy, and persuaded her to send
over a new body of four thousand men to assist him in that
enterprise. The Earl of Essex was appointed general of these
forces—a young nobleman who, by many exterior accomplish-
ments, and, still more, real merit, was daily advancing in fa-
vor with Elizabeth, and seemed to occupy that place in her af.
fections which Leicester, now deceased, had so long enjoyed.
Essex, impatient for military fame, was extremely uneasy to
lie some time at Dieppe unemployed, and had not the or-
ders which he received from his mistress been so positive, he
would gladly have accepted of Henry's invitation, and have
marched to join the French army now in Champagne. This
plan of operations was also proposed to Elizabeth by the
French ambassador, but she rejected it with great displeasure,
and she threatened immediately to recall her troops if Henry
should persevere any longer in his present practice of break-
ing all concert with her and attending to nothing but his own
interests." Urged by these motives, the French king at last
led his army into Normandy, and laid siege to Rouen, which
he reduced to great difficulties. But the league, unable of
themselves to take the field against him, had again recourse
to the Duke of Parma, who received orders to march to their
relief. He executed this enterprise with his usual abilities
and success, and for the present frustrated all the projects of
Henry and Elizabeth. This princess, who kept still in view
the interests of her own kingdom in all her foreign transac-
tions, was impatient under these disappointments, blamed
Henry for his negligence in the execution of treaties, and
complained that the English forces were thrust foremost in
every hazardous enterprise." It is probable, however, that
their own ardent courage, and their desire of distinguishing
themselves in so celebrated a theatre of war, were the causes
why they so often enjoyed this perilous honor.
Notwithstanding the indifferent success of former enter-
* Birch's Negotiations, p. 5. Rymer, vol. xiv. p. 123, 140.
* Camden, p. 562.
CH. XLIII. ELIZABETH. 121
prises, the queen was sensible how necessary it was to support
Henry against the league and the Spaniards; and she formed
a new treaty with him, in which they agreed never to make
peace with Philip but by common consent: she promised to
send him a new supply of four thousand men; and he stipu-
lated to repay her charges in a twelvemonth, to employ these
forces, joined to a body of French troops, in an expedition
against Brittany, and to consign into her hands a seaport town
of that province for a retreat to the English." Henry knew
the impossibility of executing some of these articles, and the
imprudence of fulfilling others; but finding them rigidly in-
sisted on by Elizabeth, he accepted of her succors, and trusted
that he might easily, on some pretence, be able to excuse his
failure in executing his part of the treaty. This campaign
was the least successful of all those which he had yet carried
on against the league.
During these military operations in France, Elizabeth em-
ployed her naval power against Philip, and endeavored to in-
- tercept his West-Indian treasures, the source of that
Naval enter- te gº &
prises against greatness which rendered him so formidable to all
Spain. e * > e
his neighbors. She sent a squadron of seven ships,
under the command of Lord Thomas Howard, for this service;
but the King of Spain, informed of her purpose, fitted out a
great force of fifty-five sail, and despatched them to escort the
Indian fleet. They fell in with the English squadron; and
by the courageous obstinacy of Sir Richard Grenville, the vice-
admiral, who refused to make his escape by flight, they took
one vessel, the first English ship-of-war that had yet fallen
into the hands of the Spaniards." The rest of the squadron
returned safely into England, frustrated of their expectations,
but pleasing themselves with the idea that their attempt had
not been altogether fruitless in hurting the enemy. The In-
dian fleet had been so long detained in the Havannah, from
the fear of the English, that they were obliged at last to set sail
in an improper season, and most of them perished by ship-
* Rymer, vol. xvi. p. 151, 168, 171, 173.
"See note [P] at the end of the volume.
122 - HISTORY OF ENGLAND. CH. XLIII.
wreck ere they reached the Spanish harbors." The Earl of
Cumberland made a like unsuccessful enterprise against the
Spanish trade. He carried out one ship of the queen's, and
seven others equipped at his own expense; but the prizes
which he made did not compensate the charges.” -
The spirit of these expensive and hazardous adventures was
very prevalent in England. Sir Walter Raleigh, who had en-
joyed great favor with the queen, finding his interest to de-
cline, determined to recover her good graces by Some impor-
tant undertaking; and, as his reputation was high among his
countrymen, he persuaded great numbers to engage with him
as volunteers in an attempt on the West Indies. The fleet
was detained so long in the Channel by contrary winds that
the season was lost. Raleigh was recalled by the queen. Sir
Martin Frobisher succeeded to the command, and made a pri-
vateering voyage against the Spaniards. He took one rich
carrack near the island of Flores, and destroyed
another.” About the same time, Thomas White,
a Londoner, took two Spanish ships, which, besides fourteen
hundred chests of quicksilver, contained about two millions
of bulls for indulgences—a commodity useless to the English,
but which had cost the King of Spain three hundred thousand
florins, and would have been sold by him in the Indies for
five millions.
This war did great damage to Spain; but it was attended
with considerable expense to England, and Elizabeth’s minis-
ters computed that, since the commencement of it, she had
spent in Flanders and France, and on her naval expeditions,
above one million two hundred thousand pounds”—a charge
which, notwithstanding her extreme frugality, was too bur-
densome for her narrow revenues to support. She summoned,
150s, reb. 19, therefore, a Parliament, in order to obtain a Supply;
* but she either thought her authority so established
that she needed to make them no concessions in return, or
she rated her power and prerogative above money; for there
1592.
* Monson, p. 163. "Monson, p. 169.
* Monson, p. 165. Camden, p. 569. - * Strype, vol. iii.
CH. XLIII. ELIZABETH. 123
never was any Parliament whom she treated in a more haughty
manner, whom she made more sensible of their own weak-
ness, or whose privileges she more openly violated. When
the speaker, Sir Edward Coke, made the three usual requests,
of freedom from arrests, of access to her person, and of liberty
of speech, she replied to him, by the mouth of Puckering, lord
Keeper, that liberty of speech was granted to the Commons,
but they must know what liberty they were entitled to: not
a liberty for every one to speak what he listeth, or what
cometh in his brain to utter; their privilege extended no fur-
ther than a liberty of Ay or No; that she enjoined the speak-
er, if he perceived any idle heads so negligent of their own
Safety as to attempt reforming the Church or innovating in
the commonwealth, that he should refuse the bills exhibited for
that purpose till they were examined by such as were fitted to
consider of these things, and could better judge of them; that
she would not impeach the freedom of their persons; but they
must beware lest, under color of this privilege, they imagined
that any neglect of their duty could be covered or protected;
and that she would not refuse them access to her person, pro-
vided it were upon urgent and weighty causes, and at times
convenient, and when she might have leisure from other im-
portant affairs of the realm.”
Notwithstanding the menacing and contemptuous air of this
speech, the intrepid and indefatigable Peter Wentworth, not
discouraged by his former ill success, ventured to transgress
the imperial orders of Elizabeth. He presented to the lord
keeper a petition, in which he desired the Upper House to
join with the Lower in a supplication to her majesty for entail-
ing the succession of the crown; and he declared that he had
a bill ready prepared for that purpose. This method of pro-
ceeding was sufficiently respectful and cautious; but the sub-
ject was always extremely disagreeable to the queen, and what
she had expressly prohibited any one from meddling with.
She sent Wentworth immediately to the Tower, committed Sir
Thomas Bromley, who had seconded him, to the Fleet prison,
* D'Ewes, p. 460, 469. Townsend, p. 37.
124 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. CH. XLIII.
together with Stevens and Welsh, two members to whom Sir
Thomas had communicated his intention.” About a fortnight
after, a motion was made in the House to petition the queen
for the release of these members; but it was answered by all
the privy-councillors there present that her majesty had com-
mitted them for causes best known to herself, and that to
press her on that head would only tend to the prejudice of
the gentlemen whom they meant to serve. She would re-
lease them whenever she thought proper, and would be better
pleased to do it of her own proper motion than from their sug-
gestion.” The House willingly acquiesced in this reasoning.
So arbitrary an act, at the commencement of the session,
might well repress all further attempts for freedom. But the
religious zeal of the Puritans was not so easily restrained, and
it inspired a courage which no human motive was able to sur-
mount. Morrice, chancellor of the duchy and attorney of the
court of wards, made a motion for redressing the abuses in
the bishops’ courts, but, above all, in the high commission;
where subscriptions, he said, were exacted to articles at the
pleasure of the prelates; where oaths were imposed, obliging
persons to answer to all questions without distinction, even
though they should tend to their own condemnation; and
where every one who refused entire satisfaction to the com-
missioners was imprisoned, without relief or remedy." This
motion was seconded by some members; but the ministers
and privy-councillors opposed it, and foretold the consequences
which ensued. The queen sent for the speaker, and after re-
quiring him to deliver to her Morrice's bill, she told him that
it was in her power to call Parliaments; in her power to dis-
solve them ; in her power to give assent or dissent to any de-
termination which they should form ; that her purpose in
summoning this Parliament was twofold—to have laws enact-
ed for the further enforcement of uniformity in religion, and
to provide for the defence of the nation against the exorbitant
power of Spain; that these two points ought, therefore, to be
* D'Ewes, p. 470. Townsend, p. 54. * D'Ewes, p. 497.
* D'Ewes, p. 474. Townsend, p. 60.
CII, XLIII. ELIZABETEI. 125
the object of their deliberations; she had enjoined them al-
ready, by the mouth of the lord keeper, to meddle neither with
matters of state nor of religion; and she wondered how any
one could be so assuming as to attempt a subject so expressly
contrary to her prohibition; that she was highly offended with
this presumption, and took the present opportunity to reiter-
ate the commands given by the keeper, and to require that no
bill regarding either state affairs or reformation in causes ec-
clesiastical be exhibited in the House; and that, in particular,
she charged the speaker, upon his allegiance, if any such bills
were offered, absolutely to refuse them a reading, and not so
much as permit them to be debated by the members." This
command from the queen was submitted to without further
question. Morrice was seized in the House itself by a ser-
geant-at-arms, discharged from his office of chancellor of the
duchy, incapacitated from any practice in his profession as a
common lawyer, and kept some years prisoner in Tilbury
Castle.” -
The queen having thus expressly pointed out both what the
IHouse should and should not do, the Commons were as obse-
quious to the one as to the other of her injunctions. They
passed a law against recusants, such a law as was suited to the
severe character of Elizabeth and to the persecuting spirit of
the age. It was entitled “An Act to retain her majesty's
Subjects in their due obedience,” and was meant, as the pre-
amble declares, to obviate such inconveniences and perils as
might grow from the wicked practices of seditious sectaries
and disloyal persons; for these two species of criminals were
always at that time confounded together as equally dangerous
to the peace of Society. It was enacted that any person above
sixteen years of age who obstinately refused during the space
of a month to attend public worship should be committed to
prison; that if, after being condemned for this offence, he
persist three months in his refusal, he must abjure the realm ;
and that if he either refuse this condition or return after ban-
* D'Ewes, p. 474, 478. Townsend, p. 68.
** Heylin's llistory of the Presbyterians, p. 320.
126 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. CH. XLIII.
ishment, he should suffer capitally as a felon, without benefit
of clergy.” This law bore equally hard upon the Puritans
and upon the Catholics; and, had it not been imposed by the
queen's authority, was certainly, in that respect, much contrary
to the private sentiments and inclinations of the majority in
the House of Commons. Very little opposition, however, ap-
pears there to have been openly made to it.” -
The expenses of the war with Spain having reduced the
queen to great difficulties, the grant of subsidies seems to
have been the most important business of this Parliament;
and it was a signal proof of the high spirit of Elizabeth that,
while conscious of a present dependence on the Commons, she
opened the session with the most haughty treatment of them,
and covered her weakness under such a lofty appearance of
superiority. The Commons readily voted two subsidies and
four fifteenths; but this sum not appearing sufficient to the
court, an unusual expedient was fallen upon to induce them
to make an enlargement in their concessions. The Peers in-
formed the Commons in a conference that they could not give
their consent to the supply voted, thinking it too small for the
queen’s occasions; they therefore proposed a grant of three
subsidies and six fifteenths; and desired a further conference,
in order to persuade the Commons to agree to this measure.
The Commons, who had acquired the privilege of beginning
bills of subsidy, took offence at this procedure of the Lords,
and at first absolutely rejected the proposal; but being afraid,
on reflection, that they had by this refusal given offence to
their superiors, they both agreed to the conference, and after-
wards voted the additional subsidy.”
The queen, notwithstanding this unusual concession of the
Commons, ended the session with a speech containing some
reprimands to them, and full of the same high pretensions
* 35 Eliz. cap. 1.
* After enacting this statute, the clergy, in order to remove the odium from
themselves, often took care that recusants should be tried by the civil judges at
the assizes rather than by the ecclesiastical commissioners. Strype's Annals,
vol. iv. p. 264.
* D'Ewes, p. 483, 487, 488. Townsend, p. 66.
CH. XI,III. ELIZABETH. 127
which she had assumed at the opening of the Parliament.
She took notice, by the mouth of the keeper, that certain
members spent more time than was necessary by indulging
themselves in harangues and reasonings; and she expressed
her displeasure on account of their not paying due reverence
to privy-councillors, “who,” she told them, “were not to be
accounted as common knights and burgesses of the House,
who are councillors but during Parliament; whereas the oth-
ers are standing councillors, and for their wisdom and great
service are called to the council of the state.” The queen,
also, in her own person, made the Parliament a spirited ha-
rangue, in which she spoke of the justice and moderation of
her government, expressed the Small ambition she had ever
entertained of making conquests, displayed the just grounds
of her quarrel with the King of Spain, and discovered how
little she apprehended the power of that monarch, even
though he should make a greater effort against her than that
of his Invincible Armada. “But I am informed,” added she,
“that when he attempted this last invasion, some upon the
sea-coast forsook their towns, fled up higher into the country,
and left all naked and exposed to his entrance; but I swear
unto you by God, if I knew those persons, or may know of
any that shall do so hereafter, I will make them feel what it
is to be fearful in so urgent a cause.” By this menace she
probably gave the people to understand that she would exe-
cute martial law upon such cowards; for there was no statute
by which a man could be punished for changing his place of
abode.
The King of France, though he had hitherto made war on
the league with great bravery and reputation, though he had
this campaign gained considerable advantages over them, and
though he was assisted by a considerable body of English,
under Norris, who carried hostilities into the heart of Brit-
tany, was become sensible that he never could by force of
arms alone render himself master of his kingdom. The near-
* D'Ewes, p. 466. Townsend, p. 47.
* D'Ewes, p. 466. Townsend, p. 48.
128 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. CFI. XLIII.
er he seemed by his military successes to approach to a full
possession of the throne, the more discontent and jealousy
arose among those Romanists who adhered to him ; and a
party was formed in his own court to elect some Catholic
monarch of the royal blood, if Henry should any longer re-
fuse to satisfy them by declaring his conversion. This ex-
cellent prince was far from being a bigot to his sect; and as
he deemed these theological disputes entirely subordinate to
the public good, he had secretly determined, from the begin-
ning, to come some time or other to the resolution required
of him. He had found, on the death of his predecessor, that
the Huguenots, who formed the bravest and most faithful part
of his army, were such determined zealots that if he had at
that time abjured their faith, they would instantly have aban-
doned him to the pretensions and usurpations of the Catho-
lics. The more bigoted Catholics, he knew, particularly those
of the league, had entertained such an insurmountable preju-
dice against his person, and diffidence of his sincerity, that
even his abjuration would not reconcile them to his title;
and he must either expect to be entirely excluded from the
throne, or be admitted to it on such terms as would leave him
little more than the mere shadow of royalty. In this delicate
situation he had resolved to temporize; to retain the Hugue-
nots by continuing in the profession of their religion; to
gain the moderate Catholics by giving them hopes of his
conversion ; to attach both to his person by conduct and suc-
cess; and he hoped either that the animosity arising from
war against the league would make them drop gradually the
question of religion, or that he might in time, after some vic-
tories over his enemies, and some conferences with divines,
make finally, with more decency and dignity, that abjuration
which must have appeared at first mean as well as suspicious
to both parties.
When the people are attached to any theological tenets
merely from a general persuasion or prepossession, they are
Henry Iv. easily induced, by any motive or authority, to
*...* change their faith in these mysterious subjects;
ligion. as appears from the example of the English, who,
CH. XLIII. . ELIZABETH. 129
during some reigns, usually embraced without scruple the
still varying religion of their sovereigns. But the French
nation, where principles had so long been displayed as the
badges of faction, and where each party had forfeited its be-
lief by an animosity against the other, were not found so pli-
able or inconstant ; and Henry was at last convinced that
the Catholics of his party would entirely abandon him if he
gave them not immediate satisfaction in this particular. The
Huguenots, also, taught by experience, clearly saw that his
desertion of them was become absolutely necessary for the
public settlement; and so general was this persuasion among
them that, as the Duke of Sully pretends, even the divines of
that party purposely allowed themselves to be worsted in the
disputes and conferences, that the king might more readily
be convinced of the weakness of their cause, and might more
cordially and sincerely, at least more decently, embrace the
religion which it was so much his interest to believe. If this
Self-denial in so tender a point should appear incredible and
Supernatural in theologians, it will at least be thought very
natural that a prince so little instructed in these matters as
IHenry, and desirous to preserve his sincerity should insensi-
bly bend his opinion to the necessity of his affairs, and should
believe that party to have the best arguments who could
alone put him in possession of a kingdom. All circum-
stances, therefore, being prepared for this great event, that
monarch renounced the Protestant religion, and was solemn-
ly received by the French prelates of his party into the
bosom of the Church. -
Elizabeth, who was herself attached to the Protestants,
chiefly by her interest and the circumstances of her birth,
and who seems to have entertained some propensity during
her whole life to the Catholic superstition, at least to the
ancient ceremonies, yet pretended to be extremely displeased
with this abjuration of Henry; and she wrote him an angry
letter, reproaching him with this interested change of his
religion. Sensible, however, that the league and the King
of Spain were still their common enemies, she hearkened to
his apologies, continued her succors both of men and money,
IV.-9
130 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. CH. XLIII.
and formed a new treaty, in which they mutually stipulated
never to make peace but by common agreement.
The intrigues of Spain were not limited to France and
England. By means of the never-failing pretence of relig-
ion, joined to the influence of money, Philip ex-
cited new disorders in Scotland, and gave fresh
alarms to Elizabeth. George Kerr, brother to Lord New-
bottle, had been taken while he was passing secretly into
Spain; and papers were found about him, by which a dan-
gerous conspiracy of some Catholic noblemen with Philip
was discovered. The Earls of Angus, Errol, and Huntley,
the heads of three potent families, had entered into a con-
federacy with the Spanish monarch ; and had stipulated to
raise all their forces; to join them to a body of Spanish
troops, which Philip promised to send into Scotland; and
after re-establishing the Catholic religion in that kingdom,
to march with their united power, in order to effect the same
purpose in England.” Graham of Fintry, who had also en-
tered into this conspiracy, was taken and arraigned and exe-
cuted. Elizabeth sent Lord Borough ambassador into Scot-
land, and exhorted the king to exercise the same severity on
the three earls, to confiscate their estates, and, by annexing
them to the crown, both increase his own demesnes and set
an example to all his subjects of the dangers attending
treason and rebellion. The advice was certainly rational,
but not easy to be executed by the Small revenue and limit-
ed authority of James. He desired, therefore, some supply
from her of men and money; but, though she had reason to
deem the prosecution of the three popish earls a common
cause, she never could be prevailed on to grant him the least
assistance. The tenth part of the expense which she be-
stowed in supporting the French king and the states would
have sufficed to execute this purpose, more immediately es-
sential to her security ;” but she seems ever to have borne
some degree of malignity to James, whom she hated both as
Scotch affairs.
*Spotswood, p. 391. Rymer, vol. xvi. p. 190.
*Spotswood, p. 393. Rymer, vol. xvi. p. 235.
CH. XLIII. ELIZABETH. - 131
her heir and as the son of Mary, her hated rival and com-
petitor. . -
So far from giving James assistance to prosecute the Cath-
olic conspirators, the queen rather contributed to increase his
inquietude by countenancing the turbulent disposition of the
Earl of Bothwell,” a nobleman descended from a natural son
of James W. Bothwell more than once attempted to render
himself master of the king's person ; and being expelled the
kingdom for these traitorous enterprises, he took shelter in
England, was secretly protected by the queen, and lurked
near the borders where his power lay, with a view of still
committing some new violence. He succeeded at last in an
attempt on the king, and, by the mediation of the English
ambassador, imposed dishonorable terms upon that prince ;
but James, by the authority of the convention of states, an-
nulled this agreement as extorted by violence; again ex-
pelled Bothwell, and obliged him to take shelter in England.
Elizabeth, pretending ignorance of the place of his retreat,
never executed the treaties by which she was bound to de-
liver up all fugitives to the King of Scotland. During these
disorders, increased by the refractory disposition
of the ecclesiastics, the prosecution of the Catholic
earls remained in suspense ; but at last the Parliament pass-
ed an act of attainder against them, and the king prepared
himself to execute it by force of arms. The noblemen,
though they obtained a victory over the Earl of Argyle, who
acted by the king's commission, found themselves hard press-
ed by James himself, and agreed, on certain terms, to leave
the kingdom. Bothwell, being detected in a confederacy
with them, forfeited the favor of Elizabeth; and was obliged
to take shelter, first in France, then in Italy, where he died
some years after in great poverty.
The established authority of the queen secured her from
all such attempts as James was exposed to from the muti-
nous disposition of his subjects; and her enemies found no
other means of giving her domestic disturbance than by such
1594.
*Spotswood, p. 257, 258.
132 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. CH. XLIII.
traitorous and perfidious machinations as ended in their
own disgrace and in the ruin of their criminal instruments.
Roderigo Lopez, a Jew, domestic physician to the queen, be-
ing imprisoned on suspicion, confessed that he had received a
bribe to poison her from Fuentes and Ibarra, who had suc-
ceeded Parma, lately deceased, in the government of the
Netherlands; but he maintained that he had no other inten-
tion than to cheat Philip of his money, and never meant to
fulfil his engagement. He was, however, executed for the
conspiracy; and the queen complained to Philip of these
dishonorable attempts of his ministers, but could obtain no
satisfaction.” York and Williams, two English traitors, were
afterwards executed for a conspiracy with Ibarra, equally
atrocious.”
Instead of avenging herself by retaliating in a like man-
ner, Elizabeth Sought a more honorable vengeance by Sup-
porting the King of France, and assisting him in finally
breaking the force of the league, which, after the conversion
of that monarch, went daily to decay, and was threatened
with speedy ruin and dissolution. Norris commanded the
English forces in Brittany, and assisted at the taking of Mor-
laix, Quimpercorentin, and Brest, towns garrisoned by Span-
ish forces. In every action, the English, though they had so
long enjoyed domestic peace, discovered a strong military
disposition ; and the queen, though herself a heroine, found
more frequent occasion to reprove her generals for encour-
aging their temerity than for countenancing their fear or
caution;” Sir Martin Frobisher, her brave admiral, perished,
with many others, before Brest. Morlaix had been promised
to the English for a place of retreat; but the Duke d’Au-
mont, the French general, eluded this promise by making it
be inserted in the capitulation that none but Catholics should
be admitted into that city.
Next campaign, the French king, who had long carried on
hostilities with Philip, was at last provoked, by the taking of
* Camden, p. 577. Birch's Negot. p. 15. Bacon, vol. iv. p. 381.
* Camden, p. 582. + - * Camden, p. 578.
CH. XLIII. - ELIZABETH. 133
Chatelet and Doulens and the attack of Cambray, to declare
war against that monarch. Elizabeth, being threat-
ened with a new invasion in England and with an
insurrection in Ireland, recalled most of her forces, and sent
Norris to command in this latter kingdom. Finding, also,
that the French league was almost entirely dissolved, and
that the most considerable leaders had made an accommoda-
tion with their prince, she thought that he could well support
himself by his own force and valor; and she began to be more
sparing, in his cause, of the blood and treasure of her subjects.
Some disgusts which she had received from the States,
joined to the remonstrances of her frugal minister Burleigh,
made her also inclined to diminish her charges on that side;
and she even demanded, by her ambassador, Sir
Thomas Bodley, to be reimbursed all the money
which she had expended in supporting them. The States, be-
sides alleging the conditions of the treaty, by which they were
not bound to repay her till the conclusion of a peace, pleaded
their present poverty and distress, the great superiority of the
Spaniards, and the difficulty in supporting the war, much
more in saving money to discharge their encumbrances. Af-
ter much negotiation a new treaty was formed, by which the
States engaged to free the queen immediately from the charge
of the English auxiliaries, computed at forty thousand pounds
a year; to pay her annually twenty thousand pounds for
some years; to assist her with a certain number of ships;
and to conclude no peace or treaty without her consent. They
also bound themselves, on finishing a peace with Spain, to pay
her annually the sum of a hundred thousand pounds for four
years; but on this condition, that the payment should be in
lieu of all demands, and that they should be supplied, though
at their own charge, with a body of four thousand auxiliaries
from England.” -
The queen still retained in her hands the cautionary towns,
which were a great check on the rising power of the States;
and she committed the important trust of Flushing to Sir
y-
1595.
1596.
* Camden, p. 586.
134 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. - CH. XLI.I.
Francis Were, a brave officer, who had distinguished himself
by his valor in the Low Countries. She gave him the prefer-
ence to Essex, who expected so honorable a command; and
though this nobleman was daily rising both in reputation with
the people and favor with herself, the queen, who was com-
monly reserved in the advancement of her courtiers, thought
proper, on this occasion, to give him a refusal. Sir Thomas
Baskerville was sent over to France, at the head of two thou-
sand English, with which Elizabeth, by a new treaty con-
cluded with Henry, engaged to supply that prince. Some
stipulations for mutual assistance were formed by the treaty,
and all former engagements were renewed.
This body of English were maintained at the expense of
the French king; yet did Henry esteem the supply of con-
siderable advantage on account of the great reputa-
tion acquired by the English in so many fortunate
enterprises undertaken against the common enemy. In the
great battle of Tournholt, gained this campaign by Prince
Maurice, the English auxiliaries under Sir Francis Were and
Sir Robert Sydney had acquired honor; and the success of
that day was universally ascribed to their discipline and valor.
Though Elizabeth, at a considerable expense of blood and
treasure, made war against Philip in France and the Low
Naval enter Countries, the most severe blows which she gave
prises. him were by those naval enterprises which either
she or her subjects scarcely ever intermitted during one sea-
son. In 1594, Richard Hawkins, son of Sir John, the famous
navigator, procured the queen's commission, and sailed with
three ships to the South Sea, by the Straits of Magellan. But
his voyage proved unfortunate, and he himself was taken pris-
oner on the coast of Chili. James Lancaster was supplied the
same year with three ships and a pinnace by the merchants of
London, and was more fortunate in his adventure. He took
thirty-nine ships of the enemy; and, not content with this
success, he made an attack on Fernambouc, in Brazil, where
he knew great treasures were at that time lodged. As he ap-
proached the shore, he saw it lined with great numbers of the
enemy; but, nowise daunted at this appearance, he placed the
1597.
CH. XLIII. ELIZABETH. 135
stoutest of his men in boats, and ordered them to row with
such violence on the landing-place as to split them in pieces.
By this bold action he both deprived his men of all resource
but in victory, and terrified the enemy, who fled after a short
resistance. He returned home with the treasure which he had
so bravely acquired. In 1595, Sir Walter Raleigh, who had
anew forfeited the queen's friendship by an intrigue with a
maid of honor, and who had been thrown into prison for this
misdemeanor, no sooner recovered his liberty than he was
pushed by his active and enterprising genius to attempt some
great action. The success of the first Spanish adventurers
against Mexico and Peru had begotten an extreme avidity in
Burope; and a prepossession universally took place that in
the inland parts of South America called Guiana, a country
as yet undiscovered, there were mines and treasures far ex-
ceeding any which Cortez or Pizarro had met with. Raleigh,
whose turn of mind was somewhat romantic and extravagant,
undertook, at his own charge, the discovery of this wonderful
country. Having taken the small town of St. Joseph, in the
isle of Trinidado, where he found no riches, he left his ship
and sailed up the river Oroonoko in pinnaces, but without
meeting anything to answer his expectations. On his return
he published an account of the country, full of the grossest
and most palpable lies that were ever attempted to be im-
posed on the credulity of mankind.” -
The same year, Sir Francis Drake and Sir John Hawkins
undertook a more important expedition against the Spanish
Settlements in America; and they carried with them six ships
of the queen's and twenty more, which either were fitted out
at their own charge, or were furnished them by private ad-
venturers. Sir Thomas Baskerville was appointed command-
er of the land forces which they carried on board. Their
first design was to attempt Porto Rico, where they knew a
rich carrack was at that time stationed; but as they had not
preserved the requisite Secrecy, a pinnace, having strayed from
the fleet, was taken by the Spaniards, and betrayed the inten-
* Camden, p. 584.
136 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. CH. XLIII.
tions of the English. Preparations were made in that island
for their reception; and the English fleet, notwithstanding
the brave assault which they made on the enemy, was repulsed
with loss. Hawkins soon after died; and Drake pursued his
voyage to Nombre de Dios, on the Isthmus of Darien, where,
having landed his men, he attempted to pass forward to Pan-
ama, with a view of plundering that place, or, if he found such
a scheme practicable, of keeping and fortifying it. But he
met not with the same facility which had attended his first
enterprises in those parts. The Spaniards, taught by expe-
rience, had everywhere fortified the passes, and had stationed
troops in the woods, who so infested the English by continual
alarms and skirmishes that they were obliged to return with-
out being able to effect anything. Drake himself, from the
intemperance of the climate, the fatigues of his journey, and
the vexation of his disappointment, was seized with a distem-
per, of which he soon after died. Sir Thomas Baskerville
took the command of the fleet, which was in a weak condi-
tion; and after having fought a battle, near Cuba, with a
Spanish fleet, of which the event was not decisive, he returned
to England. The Spaniards suffered some loss from this en-
terprise, but the English reaped no profit.”
The bad success of this enterprise in the Indies made the
English rather attempt the Spanish dominions in Europe,
where, they heard, Philip was making great preparations for
a new invasion of England. A powerful fleet was equipped
at Plymouth, consisting of a hundred and seventy vessels, sev-
enteen of which were capital ships of war, the rest tenders and
small vessels. Twenty ships were added by the Hollanders.
In this fleet there were computed to be embarked six thou-
sand three hundred and sixty soldiers, a thousand volunteers,
and six thousand seven hundred and seventy-two seamen, be-
sides the Dutch. The land forces were commanded by the
Earl of Essex; the navy by Lord Effingham, high admiral.
Roth these commanders had expended great sums of their
own in the armament, for such was the spirit of Elizabeth’s
* Monson, p. 167.
CH. XLIII. IELIZABETH. - 137
reign. Lord Thomas Howard, Sir Walter Raleigh, Sir Francis
Vere, Sir George Carew, and Sir Coniers Clifford had com-
mands in this expedition, and were appointed counsel to the
general and admiral.”
The fleet set sail on the 1st of June, 1596; and, meeting
with a fair wind, bent its course to Cadiz, at which place, by
sealed orders delivered to all the captains, the general rendez-
vous was appointed. They sent before them some armed ten-
ders, which intercepted every ship that could carry intelli-
gence to the enemy; and they themselves were so fortunate,
when they came near, Cadiz, as to take an Irish vessel, by
which they learned that that port was full of merchant ships
of great value, and that the Spaniards lived in perfect Secu-
rity, without any apprehensions of an enemy. This intelli-
gence much encouraged the English fleet, and gave them the
prospect of a fortunate issue to the enterprise.
After a fruitless attempt to land at St. Sebastian, on the
western side of the island of Cadiz, it was, upon deliberation,
resolved by the council of war to attack the ships and galleys
in the bay. This attempt was deemed rash; and the admiral
himself, who was cautious in his temper, had entertained great
scruples with regard to it. But Essex strenuously recom-
mended the enterprise; and when he found the resolution at
last taken, he threw his hat into the sea, and gave symptoms
of the most extravagant joy. He felt, however, a great mor-
tification when Effingham informed him that the queen, anx-
ious for his safety, and dreading the effects of his youthful
ardor, had secretly given orders that he should not be per-
mitted to command the van in the attack.” That duty was
performed by Sir Walter Raleigh and Lord Thomas Howard;
but Essex no sooner came within reach of the enemy than he
forgot the promise which the admiral had exacted from him,
to keep in the midst of the fleet; he broke through, and press-
ed forward into the thickest of the fire. Emulation for glory,
avidity of plunder, animosity against the Spaniards, proved
incentives to every one; and the enemy was soon obliged to
* Camden, p. 591. * Monson, p. 196.
138 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. C.H. XLIII.
slip anchor and retreat farther into the bay, where they ran
many of their ships aground. Essex then landed his men at
the fort of Puntal, and immediately marched to the attack of
Cadiz, which the impetuous valor of the English soon carried
sword in hand. The generosity of Essex, not inferior to his
valor, made him stop the slaughter, and treat his prisoners
with the greatest humanity, and even affability and kindness.
The English made rich plunder in the city, but missed of a
much richer by the resolution which the Duke of Medina,
the Spanish admiral, took, of Setting fire to the ships, in
order to prevent their falling into the hands of the enemy.
It was computed that the loss which the Spaniards sustained
in this enterprise amounted to twenty millions of ducats,”
besides the indignity which that proud and ambitious peo-
ple suffered from the sacking of one of their chief cities,
and destroying in their harbor a fleet of such force and
value.
Essex, all on fire for glory, regarded this great success only
as a step to future achievements. He insisted on keeping
possession of Cadiz ; and he undertook, with four hundred
men and three months’ provisions, to defend the place till
succors should arrive from England; but all the other sea-
men and soldiers were satisfied with the honor which they
had acquired, and were impatient to return home in order to
secure their plunder. Every other proposal of Essex to an-
noy the enemy met with a like reception—his scheme for in-
tercepting the carracks at the Azores, for assaulting the
Groine, for taking St. Andero and St. Sebastian ; and the
English, finding it so difficult to drag this impatient warrior
from the enemy, at last left him on the Spanish coast, attend-
ed by a very few ships. He complained much to the queen
of their want of spirit in this enterprise; nor was she pleased
that they had returned without attempting to intercept the
Indian fleet;" but the great success in the enterprise of Cadiz
had covered all their miscarriages. And that princess, though
she admired the lofty genius of Essex, could not forbear ex-
* Birch's Memoirs, vol. ii. p. 97. * Birch's Memoirs, vol. ii. p. 121.
CH. XLIII. ELIZABETH. 139
pressing an esteem for the other officers.” The admiral was
created Earl of Nottingham ; and his promotion gave great dis-
gust to Essex.” In the preamble of the patent it was said that
the new dignity was conferred on him on account of his good
services in taking Cadiz and destroying the Spanish ships—a
merit which Essex pretended to belong solely to himself, and
he offered to maintain this plea by single combat against the
Earl of Nottingham, or his sons, or any of his kindred.
The achievements in the subsequent year proved not so
fortunate; but as the Indian fleet very narrowly escaped the
English, Philip had still reason to see the great hazard and
disadvantage of that war in which he was engaged, and the
superiority which the English, by their naval power and their
situation, had acquired over him. The queen having received
intelligence that the Spaniards, though their fleets were so
much shattered and destroyed by the expedition to Cadiz,
were preparing a Squadron at Ferrol and the Groine, and
were marching troops thither, with a view of making a de-
scent in Ireland, was resolved to prevent their enterprise, and
to destroy the shipping in these harbors. She prepared a
large fleet, of a hundred and twenty sail, of which seventeen
were her own ships, forty-three were smaller vessels, and the
rest tenders and victuallers: she embarked on board this fleet
five thousand new-levied soldiers, and added a thousand vet-
eran troops, whom Sir Francis Were brought from the Neth-
erlands. The Earl of Essex, commander-in-chief both of the
land and sea forces, was at the head of one Squadron; Lord
Thomas Howard was appointed vice-admiral of another, Sir
Walter Raleigh of the third ; Lord Mountjoy commanded
the land forces under Essex; Were was appointed marshal, Sir
George Carew lieutenant of the ordnance, and Sir Christopher
Blount first colonel. The Earls of Rutland and Southampton,
the Lords Grey, Cromwell, and Rich, with several other per-
sons of distinction, embarked as volunteers. Essex declared
his resolution either to destroy the new armada which threat-
ened England, or to perish in the attempt.
* Camden, p. 593. g * Sidney Papers, vol. ii. p. 77.
140 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. CH. XLIII.
This powerful fleet set sail from Plymouth, but were no
Sooner out of harbor than they met with a furious storm,
which shattered and dispersed them; and, before
they could be refitted, Essex found that their pro-
visions were so far spent that it would not be safe to carry
so numerous an army along with him. He dismissed, there-
fore, all the soldiers, except the thousand veterans under
Vere; and, laying aside all thoughts of attacking Ferrol and
the Groine, he confined the object of his expedition to the in-
tercepting of the Indian fleet, which had at first been consid-
ered only as the second enterprise which he was to attempt.
The Indian fleet in that age, by reason of the imperfection
of navigation, had a stated course as well as season, both in
their going out and in their return ; and there were certain
islands at which, as at fixed stages, they always touched, and
where they took in water and provisions. The Azores being
one of these places, where about this time the fleet was ex-
pected, Essex bent his course thither; and he informed Ra-
leigh that he, on his arrival, intended to attack Fayal, one of
these islands. By Some accident the Squadrons were sepa-
rated, and Răleigh, arriving first before Fayal, thought it more
prudent, after waiting some time for the general, to begin the
attack alone, lest the inhabitants should, by further delay, have
leisure to make preparations for their defence. He succeed-
ed in the enterprise; but Essex, jealous of Raleigh, expressed
great displeasure at his conduct, and construed it as an inten-
tion of robbing the general of the glory which attended that
action: he cashiered, therefore, Sidney, Bret, Berry, and oth-
ers who had concurred in the attempt; and would have pro-
ceeded to inflict the same punishment on Raleigh himself had
not Lord Thomas Howard interposed with his good offices,
and persuaded Raleigh, though high-spirited, to make submis-
sions to the general. Essex, who was placable as well as
hasty and passionate, was soon appeased, and both received
Raleigh into favor and restored the other officers to their
commands.” This incident, however, though the quarrel was
*—
July 9.
* Monson, p. 173.
CII. XLIII. ELIZABETH. 141
seemingly accommodated, laid the first foundation of that vio-
lent animosity which afterwards took place between these two
gallant commanders.
Essex made next a disposition proper for intercepting the
Indian galleons; and Sir William Monson, whose station was
the most remote of the fleet, having fallen in with them, made
the signals which had been agreed on. That able officer, in
his Memoirs, ascribes Essex’s failure, when he was so near at-
taining so mighty an advantage, to his want of experience in
seamanship; and the account which he gives of the errors
committed by that nobleman appears very reasonable as well
as candid.” The Spanish fleet, finding that the enemy was
upon them, made all Sail possible to the Terceras, and got
into the safe and well-fortified harbor of Angra before the
English fleet could overtake them. Essex intercepted only
three ships; which, however, were so rich as to repay all
the charges of the expedition.
The causes of the miscarriage in this enterprise were much
canvassed in England upon the return of the fleet; and, though
the courtiers took part differently, as they affected either Essex
or Raleigh, the people in general, who bore an extreme regard
to the gallantry, spirit, and generosity of the former, were in-
inclined to justify every circumstance of his conduct. The
queen, who loved the one as much as she esteemed the other,
maintained a kind of neutrality, and endeavored to share her
favors with an impartial hand between the parties. Sir Rob-
ert Cecil, second son of Lord Burleigh, was a courtier of prom-
ising hopes, much connected with Raleigh; and she made him
secretary of state, preferably to Sir Thomas Bodley, whom
Essex recommended for that office. But not to disgust Essex,
she promoted him to the dignity of Earl Marshal of England,
an office which had been vacant since the death of the Earl of
‘Shrewsbury. Essex might perceive from this conduct that
she never intended to give him the entire ascendant over his
rivals, and might thence learn the necessity of moderation and
caution. But his temper was too high for submission, his be-
* Monson, p. 174.
142 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. CII, XLIII.
havior too open and candid to practise the arts of a court;
and his free Sallies, while they rendered him but more amia-
ble in the eyes of good judges, gave his enemies many ad-
Vantages against him.
The war with Spain, though successful, having exhausted
the queen’s exchequer, she was obliged to assemble a Parlia-
ment; where Yelverton, a lawyer, was chosen
Speaker of the House of Commons.” Elizabeth
took care, by the mouth of Sir Thomas Egerton, lord keeper,
to inform this assembly of the necessity of a supply. She
said that the wars formerly waged in Europe had commonly
been conducted by the parties without further view than to
gain a few towns, or at most a province, from each other; but
the object of the present hostilities on the part of Spain was
no other than utterly to bereave England of her religion, her
liberty, and her independence: that these blessings, however,
she herself had hitherto been able to preserve, in spite of the
devil, the pope, and the Spanish tyrant, and all the mischiev-
ous designs of all her enemies; that in this contest she had
disbursed a sum triple to all the Parliamentary supplies grant-
ed her, and, besides expending her ordinary revenues, had
been obliged to sell many of the crown-lands: and that she
could not doubt but her subjects, in a cause where their own
honor and interest were so deeply concerned, would willingly
contribute to such moderate taxations as should be found
necessary for the common defence.” The Parliament grant-
ed her three subsidies and six fifteenths, the same supply
which had been given four years before, but which had then
appeared so unusual that they had voted it should never after-
wards be regarded as a precedent.
The Commons this session ventured to engage in two con-
troversies about forms with the House of Peers—a prelude to
those encroachments which, as they assumed more courage,"
they afterwards made upon the prerogatives of the crown.
They complained that the Lords failed in civility to them by
Oct. 24.
* See note [Q] at the end of the volume.
* D'Ewes, p. 525, 527. Townsend, p. 79.
CH. XLIII. ELIZABETII. 143
receiving their messages sitting, with their hats on, and that
the keeper returned an answer in the same negligent posture;
but the Upper House proved to their full satisfaction that
they were not entitled, by custom and the usage of Parlia-
ment, to any more respect.” Some amendments had been
made by the Lords to a bill sent up by the Commons, and
these amendments were written on parchment and returned
with the bill to the Commons. The Lower House took um-
brage at the novelty: they pretended that these amendments
ought to have been written on paper, not on parchment; and
they complained of this innovation to the Peers. The Peers
replied that they expected not such a frivolous objection from
the gravity of the House, and that it was not material wheth-
er the amendments were written on parchment or on paper,
nor whether the paper were white, black, or brown. The
Commons were offended at this reply, which seemed to con-
tain a mockery of them; and they complained of it, though
without obtaining any satisfaction.”
An application was made, by way of petition to the queen,
from the Lower House, against monopolies, an abuse which
had arisen to an enormous height; and they received a gra-
cious though a general answer, for which they returned their
thankful acknowledgments.” But, not to give them too much
encouragement in such applications, she told them, in the
speech which she delivered at their dissolution, “that with
regard to these patents, she hoped that her dutiful and loving
subjects would not take away her prerogative, which is the
chief flower in her garden, and the principal and head pearl
in her crown and diadem; but that they would rather leave
these matters to her disposal.” “ The Commons also took
notice this session of some transactions in the court of high
commission, but not till they had previously obtained permis-
sion from her majesty to that purpose."
Elizabeth had reason to foresee that parliamentary supplies
* D'Ewes, p. 539, 540, 580, 585. Townsend, p. 93, 94, 95.
* D'Ewes, p. 576, 577. * D'Ewes, p. 570, 573.
* D'Ewes, p. 547. * D'Ewes, p. 557, 558.
144 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. CH. XLIII.
would now become more necessary to her than ever, and
that the chief burden of the war with Spain would
thenceforth lie upon England. Henry had re-
ceived an overture for peace with Philip; but, before he
would proceed to a negotiation, he gave intelligence of it to
his allies, the queen, and the States, that, if possible, a general
pacification might be made by common agreement. These
two powers sent ambassadors to France, in order to remon-
strate against peace—the queen, Sir Robert Cecil and Henry
Herbert; the States, Justin Nassau and John Barnevelt.
Henry said to these ministers that his early education had
been amid war and danger, and he had passed the whole
course of his life either in arms or in military preparations;
that, after the proofs which he had given of his alacrity in
the field, no one could doubt but he would willingly, for his
part, have continued in a course of life to which he was
now habituated, till the common enemy were reduced to such
a condition as no longer to give umbrage either to him or to
his allies; that no private interests of his own, not even those
of his people, nothing but the most invincible necessity, could
ever induce him to think of a separate peace with Philip, or
make him embrace measures not entirely conformable to the
wishes of all his confederates; that his kingdom, torn with
the convulsions and civil wars of near half a century, re-
quired some interval of repose ere it could reach a condition
in which it might Sustain itself, much more support its allies;
that, after the minds of his subjects were composed to tran-
quillity and accustomed to obedience, after his finances were
brought into order, and after agriculture and the arts were
restored, France, instead of being a burden, as at present, to
her confederates, would be able to leńd them effectual succor,
and amply to repay them all the assistance which she had re-
ceived during her calamities; and that, if the ambition of
Spain would not at present grant them upon terms as they
should think reasonable, he hoped that in a little time he
should attain such a situation as would enable him to mediate
more effectually, and with more decisive authority, in their
behalf. -
1598.
CII, XLIII. ELIZABETH. 145
The ambassadors were sensible that these reasons were not
feigned, and they therefore remonstrated with the less vehe-
mence against the measures which they saw Henry was deter-
mined to pursue. The States knew that that monarch was in-
terested never to permit their final ruin; and, having received
private assurances that he would still, notwithstanding the
peace, give them assistance, both of men and money, they
were well pleased to remain on terms of amity with him.
His greatest concern was to give satisfaction to Elizabeth for
this breach of treaty. He had a cordial esteem for that prin-
cess, a sympathy of manners, and a gratitude for the extraor-
dinary favors which he had received from her during his
greatest difficulties; and he used every expedient to apologize
and atone for that measure which necessity extorted from
him. But as Spain refused to treat with the Dutch as a free
state, and Elizabeth would not negotiate without her ally,
Henry found himself obliged to conclude at Vervins a sep-
peace of ve. arate peace, by which he recovered possession of
W] llS. all the places seized by Spain during the course of
the civil wars, and procured to himself leisure to pursue the
domestic settlement of his kingdom. His capacity for the
arts of peace was not inferior to his military talents; and in
a little time, by his frugality, order, and wise government, he
raised France from the desolation and misery in which she
was involved to a more flourishing condition than she had
ever before enjoyed.
The queen knew that she could also, whenever she pleased,
finish the war on equitable terms; and that Philip, having no
claims upon her, would be glad to free himself from an enemy
who had foiled him in every contest, and who still had it so
much in her power to make him feel the weight of her arms.
Some of her wisest councillors, particularly the treasurer, ad-
vised her to embrace pacific measures, and set before her the
advantages of tranquillity, security, and frugality as more con-
siderable than any success which could attend the greatest vic-
tories. But this high-spirited princess, though at first averse
to war, seemed now to have attained such an ascendant over
the enemy that she was unwilling to stop the course of her
IV.-10
146 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. CH, XLIII.
prosperous fortune. She considered that her situation and
her past victories had given her entire security against any
dangerous invasion, and the war must thenceforth be conduct-
ed by sudden enterprises and naval expeditions, in which she
possessed an undoubted superiority; that the weak condition
of Philip in the Indies opened to her the view of the most
durable advantages, and the yearly return of his treasure by
sea afforded a continued prospect of important though more
temporary successes; that, after his peace with France, if she,
also, should consent to an accommodation, he would be able
to turn his whole force against the revolted provinces of the
Netherlands, which, though they had surprisingly increased
their power by commerce and good government, were still
unable, if not supported by their confederates, to maintain
war against So potent a monarch; and that, as her defence of
that commonwealth was the original ground of the quarrel, it
was unsafe as well as dishonorable to abandon its cause till she
had placed it in a state of greater security.
These reasons were frequently inculcated on her by the
Earl of Essex, whose passion for glory as well as his military
The Earl of talents made him earnestly desire the continuance
Issex. of war, from which he expected to reap so much
advantage and distinction. The rivalship between this noble-
man and Lord Burleigh made each of them insist the more
strenuously on his own counsel; but, as Essex’s person was
agrecable to the queen, as well as his advice conformable to
her inclinations, the favorite seemed daily to acquire an as:
cendant over the minister. Had he been endowed with cau-
tion and self-command equal to his shining qualities, he would
have so riveted himself in the queen’s confidence that none of
his enemies had ever been able to impeach his credit. But his
lofty spirit could ill submit to that implicit deference which
her temper required, and which she had ever been accus-
tomed to receive from all her subjects. Being once engaged
in a dispute with her about the choice of a governor for Ire-
land, he was so heated in the argument that he entirely forgot
the rules, both of duty and civility, and turned his back upon
her in a contemptuous manner. Her anger, naturally prompt
CII. XLIII. ELIZABETH. 147
and violent, rose at this provocation, and she instantly gave
him a box on the ear, adding a passionate expression Suited to
his impertinence. Instead of recollecting himself, and making
the submissions due to her Sex and station, he clapped his hand
to his sword, and swore that he would not bear such usage
were it from Henry VIII. himself, and he immediately with-
drew from court. Egerton, the chancellor, who loved Essex,
exhorted him to repair his indiscretion by proper acknowledg-
ments, and entreated him not to give that triumph to his ene-
mies, that affliction to his friends, which must ensue from his
supporting a contest with his sovereign and deserting the Ser-
vice of his country. But Essex was deeply stung with the
dishonor which he had received, and seemed to think that an
insult which might be pardoned in a woman was become a
mortal affront when it came from his sovereign. “If the vil-
est of all indignities,” said he, “is done me, does religion en-
force me to sue for pardon ? Doth God require it? Is it im-
piety not to do it? Why, cannot princes errº Cannot subjects
receive wrong? Is an earthly power infinite? Pardon me, my
lord, I can never subscribe to these principles. Let Solomon’s
fool laugh when he is stricken; let those that mean to make
their profit of princes show no sense of princes’ injuries; let
them acknowledge an infinite absoluteness on earth that do not
believe an absolute infiniteness in heaven” (alluding probably
to the character and conduct of Sir Walter Raleigh, who lay
under the reproach of impiety). “As for me,” continued he,
“I have received wrong, I feel it; my cause is good, I know
it; and whatsoever happens, all the powers on earth can never
exert more strength and constancy in oppressing than I can
show in suffering everything that can or shall be imposed
upon me. Your lordship, in the beginning of your letter,
makes me a player and yourself a looker-On, and me a player
of my own game so you may see more than I; but give me
leave to tell you that since you do but see and I do suffer, I
must of necessity feel more than you.”
This spirited letter was shown by Essex to his friends,
* See mote [R] at the end of the volume.
148 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. CH. XLIII.
and they were so imprudent as to disperse copies of it. Yet,
notwithstanding this additional provocation, the queen's par-
tiality was so prevalent that she reinstated him in his former
favor; and her kindness to him appeared rather to have ac-
quired new force from this short interval of anger and resent-
ment. The death of Burleigh, his antagonist, which
happened about the same time, seemed to insure him
constant possession of the queen’s confidence; and nothing,
indeed, but his own indiscretion could thenceforth have shak-
en his well established credit. Lord Burleigh died in an ad-
vanced age, and, by a rare fortune, was equally regretted by
his sovereign and the people. He had risen gradually, from
small beginnings, by the mere force of merit; and though his
authority was never entirely absolute or uncontrolled with the
queen, he was still, during the course of near forty years, re-
garded as her principal minister. None of her other inclina-
tions or affections could ever overcome her confidence in so
useful a councillor; and, as he had had the generosity or good
sense to pay assiduous court to her during her sister's reign,
when it was dangerous to appear her friend, she thought her-
self bound in gratitude, when she mounted the throne, to per-
severe in her attachments to him. He seems not to have pos-
sessed any shining talents of address, eloquence, or imagina-
tion, and was chiefly distinguished by solidity of understand-
ing, probity of manners, and indefatigable application in busi-
ness—virtues which, if they do not always enable a man to
attain high stations, do certainly qualify him best for filling
them. Of all the queen’s ministers, he alone left a consider-
able fortune to his posterity—a fortune not acquired by rapine
or oppression, but gained by the regular profits of his offices
and preserved by frugality.
The last act of this able minister was the concluding of a
new treaty with the Dutch, who after being in some measure
deserted by the King of France, were glad to pre-
serve the queen’s alliance by submitting to any
terms which she pleased to require of them. The debt which
they owed her was now settled at eight hundred thousand
pounds. Of this sum they agreed to pay, during the war,
August 4.
August S.
CFI. XLIII. * ELIZABETH. 149
thirty thousand pounds a year; and these payments were to
continue till four hundred thousand pounds of the debt should
be extinguished. They engaged, also, during the time that
England should continue the war with Spain, to pay the gar-
risons of the cautionary towns. They stipulated that if Spain
should invade England, or the Isle of Wight, or Jersey, or
Scilly, they should assist her with a body of five thousand foot
and five hundred horse; and that in case she undertook any
naval armament against Spain, they should join an equal num-
ber of ships to hers.” By this treaty the queen was eased of
an annual charge of a hundred and twenty thousand pounds.
Soon after the death of Burleigh, the queen, who regretted
extremely the loss of so wise and faithful a minister, was in-
formed of the death of her capital enemy, Philip II., who, af-
ter languishing under many infirmities, expired in an advanced
age at Madrid. This haughty prince, desirous of an accom-
modation with his revolted subjects in the Netherlands, but
disdaining to make in his own name the concessions necessary
for that purpose, had transferred to his daughter, married to
Archduke Albert, the title to the Low Country provinces; but
as it was not expected that this princess could have any pos-
terity; and as the reversion on failure of her issue was still re-
served to the crown of Spain, the States considered this deed
only as the change of a name, and they persisted with equal
obstinacy in their resistance to the Spanish arms. The other
powers, also, of Europe made no distinction between the
courts of Brussels and Madrid; and the secret opposition of
France, as well as the avowed efforts of England, continued to
operate against the progress of Albert as it had done against
that of Philip.
* Rymer, vol. xvi. p. 340.
150 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. CH. XLIV.
CHAPTER XLIV.
State of Ireland.—Tyrone's Rebellion.—Essex sent over to Ireland.—His Ill Suc-
cess.-Returns to England.—Is Disgraced.—His Intrigues.—His Insurrection.
—His Trial and Execution.—French Affairs. —Mountjoy's Success in Ireland.
—Defeat of the Spaniards and Irish.-A Parliament.—Tyrone's Submission.—
Queen's Sickness—and Death—and Character.
THOUGH the dominion of the English over Ireland had been
seemingly established above four centuries, it may safely be
1890, state affirmed that their authority had hitherto been little
** more than nominal. The Irish princes and nobles,
divided among themselves, readily paid the exterior marks of
obeisance to a power which they were not able to resist; but
as no durable force was ever kept on foot to retain them in
their duty, they relapsed still into their former state of inde-
pendence. Too weak to introduce order and obedience among
the rude inhabitants, the English authority was yet sufficient
to check the growth of any enterprising genius among the
natives; and, though it could bestow no true form of civil
government, it was able to prevent the rise of any such form
from the internal combination or policy of the Irish.’ -
Most of the English institutions, likewise, by which that
island was governed, were to the last degree absurd, and such
as no state before had ever thought of for preserving domin-
ion over its conquered provinces.
The English nation, all on fire for the project of subduing
Prance, a project whose success was the most improbable, and
would to them have proved the most pernicious, neglected all
other enterprises to which their situation so strongly invited
them, and which, in time, would have brought them an acces-
sion of riches, grandeur, and security. The small army which
* Sir J. Davies, p. 5, 6, 7, etc.
CH. XLIV. ELIZABETH. 151
they maintained in Ireland they never supplied regularly with
pay; and as no money could be levied on the island, which
possessed mone, they gave their soldiers the privilege of free
quarter upon the natives. Rapine and insolence inflamed the
hatred which prevailed between the conquerors and the con-
quered; want of Security among the Irish, introducing despair,
nourished still more the sloth natural to that uncultivated
people.
But the English carried further their ill-judged tyranny.
Instead of inviting the Irish to adopt the more civilized cus-
toms of their conquerors, they even refused, though earnestly
Solicited, to communicate to them the privilege of their laws,
and everywhere marked them out as aliens and as enemies.
Thrown out of the protection of justice, the natives could find
no security but in force; and, flying the neighborhood of cit-
ies, which they could not approach with Safety, they sheltered
themselves in their marches and forests from the insolence of
their inhuman masters. Being treated like wild beasts, they
became such ; and joining the ardor of revenge to their yet
untamed barbarity, they grew every day more intractable and
more dangerous.”
As the English princes deemed the conquest of the dispersed
Irish to be more the object of time and patience than the
source of military glory, they willingly delegated that office to
private adventurers, who, enlisting soldiers at their own charge,
reduced provinces of that island, which they converted to their
own profit. Separate jurisdictions and principalities were es-
tablished by these lordly conquerors; the power of peace and
war was assumed; military law was exercised over the Irish,
whom they subdued, and, by degrees, over the English, by
whose assistance they conquered; and, after their authority
had once taken root, deeming the English institutions less fa-
vorable to barbarous dominion, they degenerated into mere
Irish, and abandoned the garb, language, manners, and laws of
their mother country.” -
Py all this imprudent conduct of England, the natives of
*Sir J. Davies, p. 102, 103, etc. *Sir J. Davies, p. 133, 134, etc.
152 HISTORY OF ENGIAND. CH. XI, IV.
its dependent state remained still in that abject condition into
which the northern and western parts of Europe were sunk
before they received civility and slavery from the refined pol-
icy and irresistible bravery of Rome. Even at the end of the
sixteenth century, when every Christian nation was cultivating
with ardor every civil art of life, that island, lying in a temper-
ate climate, enjoying a fertile Soil, accessible in its situation, pos-
sessed of innumerable harbors, was still, notwithstanding these
advantages, inhabited by a people whose customs and manners
approached nearer those of Savages than of barbarians."
As the rudeness and ignorance of the Irish were extreme,
they were sunk below the reach of that curiosity and love
of novelty by which every other people in Europe had been
seized at the beginning of that century, and which had en-
gaged them in innovations and religious disputes with which
they were still so violently agitated. The ancient superstition,
the practices and observances of their fathers, mingled and
polluted with many wild opinions, still maintained an un-
shaken empire over them; and the example of the English
alone was sufficient to render the reformation odious to the
prejudiced and discontented Irish. The old opposition of
manners, laws, and interest was now inflamed by religious
antipathy; and the subduing and civilizing of that country
seemed to become every day more difficult and more imprac-
ticable. *
The animosity against the English was carried so far by the
Irish that in an insurrection raised by two sons of the Earl of
Clanricarde, they put to the sword all the inhabitants of the
town of Athenry, though Irish, because they began to conform
themselves to English customs, and had embraced a more civ-
ilized form of life than had been practised by their ancestors."
The usual revenue of Ireland amounted only to six thousand
pounds a year;" the queen, though with much repining,' com-
monly added twenty thousand more, which she remitted from
* See Spencer's Account of Ireland, throughout. * Camden, p. 457.
* Memoirs of the Sidneys, vol. i. p. 86.
" Cox, p. 342. Sidney, vol. i. p. 85, 200.
CH. XLIV. * ELIZABETHI. 153
England, and with this small revenue a body of a thousand
men was supported, which on extraordinary emergencies was
augmented to two thousand.” No wonder that a force so dis-
proportioned to the object, instead of subduing a mutinous
kingdom, served rather to provoke the natives, and to excite
those frequent insurrections which still further inflamed the
animosity between the two nations, and increased the disorders
to which the Irish were naturally subject.
In 1560, Shan O’Neale, or the Great O’Neale, as the Irish
called him, because head of that potent clan, raised a rebellion
in Ulster; but after some skirmishes he was received into fa-
vor, upon his submission, and his promise of a more dutiful
behavior for the future." This impunity tempted him to un-
dertake a new insurrection in 1567; but, being pushed by Sir
Henry Sidney, lord deputy, he retreated into Clandeboy, and,
rather than submit to the English, he put himself into the
hands of some Scottish islanders, who commonly infested those
parts by their incursions. The Scots, who retained a quarrel
against him on account of former injuries, violated the laws
of hospitality, and murdered him at a festival to which they
had invited him. He was a man equally noted for his pride,
his violence, his debaucheries, and his hatred to the English
nation. He is said to have put some of his followers to death
because they endeavored to introduce the use of bread after
the English fashion.” Though so violent an enemy to luxury,
he was extremely addicted to riot, and was accustomed, after
his intemperance had thrown him into a fever, to plunge his
body into mire, that he might allay the flame which he had
raised by his former excesses.” Such was the life led by this
haughty barbarian, who scorned the title of the Earl of Tyrone,
which Elizabeth intended to have restored to him, and who
assumed the rank and appellation of King of Ulster. He used
also to say that though the queen was his sovereign lady, he
never made peace with her but at her seeking.”
Sir Henry Sidney was one of the wisest and most active
*Camden, p. 542. Sidney, vol. i. p. 65,109, 183,184. " Camden, p. 385, 391.
* Camden, p. 409. * Ibid. Cox, p. 324. * Cox, p. 321.
154 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. CH. XLIV.
governors that Ireland had enjoyed for several reigns;” and
he possessed his authority eleven years, during which he strug-
gled with many difficulties, and made some progress in repress-
ing those disorders which had become inveterate among the
people. The Earl of Desmond, in 1569, gave him disturbance,
from the hereditary animosity which prevailed between that
nobleman and the Earl of Ormond, descended from the only
family established in Ireland that had steadily maintained its
loyalty to the English crown.” The Earl of Thomond, in 1570,
attempted a rebellion in Connaught, but was obliged to fly into
Prance before his designs were ripe for execution. Stukely,
another fugitive, found such credit with the pope, Gregory
XIII., that he flattered that pontiff with the prospect of mak-
ing his nephew, Buon Compagno, King of Ireland; and, as
if this project had already taken effect, he accepted the title
of Marquis of Leinster from the new sovereign.” He passed
next into Spain, and after having received much encourage-
ment and great rewards from Philip, who intended to employ
him as an instrument in disturbing Elizabeth, he was found to
possess too little interest for executing those high promises
which he had made to that monarch. He retired into Portu-
gal, and, following the fortunes of Don Sebastian, he perished
with that gallant prince, in his bold but unfortunate expedi-
tion against the Moors.
Lord Gray, after some interval, succeeded to the govern-
ment of Ireland, and in 1579 suppressed a new rebellion of
the Earl of Desmond, though supported by a body of Spaniards
and Italians. The rebellion of the Bourks followed a few
years after, occasioned by the strict and equitable administra-
tion of Sir Richard Bingham, Governor of Connaught, who en-
deavored to suppress the tyranny of the chieftains over their
vassals.” The queen, finding Ireland so burdensome to her,
tried several expedients for reducing it to a state of greater
order and submission. She encouraged the Earl of Essex,
father to that nobleman who was afterwards her favorite, to
* Cox, p. 350. * Camden, p. 424.
* Camden, p. 430. Cox, p. 354. * Stowe, p. 720.
CEI. XLIV. ELIZABETH. 155
attempt the subduing and planting of Clandeboy, Ferny, and
other territories, part of some late forfeitures; but that enter-
prise proved unfortunate, and Essex died of a distemper, oc-
casioned, as is supposed, by the vexation which he had con-
ceived from his disappointments. A university was founded
in Dublin, with a view of introducing arts and learning into
that kingdom and civilizing the uncultivated manners of the
inhabitants.” But the most unhappy expedient employed in
the government of Ireland was that made use of in 1585, by
Sir John Perrot, at that time lord deputy : he put arms into
the hands of the Irish inhabitants of Ulster, in order to enable
them, without the assistance of the government, to repress the
incursions of the Scottish islanders, by which these parts were
much infested." At the same time, the invitation of Philip,
joined to their zeal for the Catholic religion, engaged many of
the gentry to serve in the Low Country wars; and thus Ireland,
being provided with officers and soldiers, with discipline and
arms, became formidable to the English, and was thenceforth
able to maintain a more regular war against her ancient masters.
Hugh O'Neale, nephew to Shan O'Neale, had been raised
by the queen to the dignity of Earl of Tyrone; but, having
Tyrone's murdered his cousin, son of that rebel, and being
* acknowledged head of his clan, he preferred the
pride of barbarous license and dominion to the pleasures of
opulence and tranquillity, and he formented all those disorders
by which he hoped to weaken or overturn the English gov-
ernment. He was noted for the vices of perfidy and cruelty,
so common among uncultivated nations, and was also eminent
for courage, a virtue which their disorderly course of life re.
quires, and which, notwithstanding, being less supported by
the principle of honor, is commonly more precarious among
them than among a civilized people. Tyrone, actuated by
this spirit, secretly fomented the discontents of the Maguires,
O'Donnels, O'Rourks, Macmahons, and other rebels; yet, trust-
ing to the influence of his deceitful oaths and professions, he
put himself into the hands of Sir William Russel, who, in the
" Camden, p. 566. * Naunton's Fragmenta Regalia, p. 203.
*
156 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. CH. XLIV.
year 1594, was sent over deputy to Ireland. Contrary to the
advice and protestation of Sir Henry Bagnal, marshal of the
army, he was dismissed; and, returning to his own country,
he embraced the resolution of raising an open rebellion, and
of relying no longer on the lenity or inexperience of the
English government. He entered into a correspondence with
Spain: he procured thence a supply of arms and ammunition;
and, having united all the Irish chieftains in a dependence
upon himself, he began to be regarded as a formidable enemy.
The native Irish were so poor that their country afforded
few other commodities than cattle and oatmeal, which were
easily concealed or driven away on the approach of the ene-
my; and as Elizabeth was averse to the expense requisite for
supporting her armies, the English found much difficulty in
pushing their advantages, and in pursuing the rebels into the
bogs, woods, and other fastnesses to which they retreated.
These motives rendered Sir John Norris, who commanded
the English army, the more willing to hearken to any pro-
posals of truce or accommodation made him by Tyrone; and,
after the war was spun out by these artifices for some years,
that gallant Englishman, finding that he had been deceived by
treacherous promises, and that he had performed nothing wor-
thy of his ancient reputation, was seized with a languishing
distemper, and died of vexation and discontent. Sir Henry
Bagnal, who succeeded him in the command, was still more
unfortunate. As he advanced to relieve the fort of Black-
water, besieged by the rebels, he was surrounded in disadvan-
tageous ground; his soldiers, discouraged by part of their pow-
der accidentally taking fire, were put to flight; and though
the pursuit was stopped by Montacute, who commanded the
English horse, fifteen hundred men, together with the general
himself, were left dead upon the spot. This victory, so un-
usual to the Irish, roused their courage, supplied them with
arms and ammunition, and raised the reputation of Tyrone,
who assumed the character of the deliverer of his country
and patron of Irish liberty.”
* Cox, p. 415.
CH. XLIV. ELIZABETH. 157
The English council were now sensible that the rebellion
of Ireland was come to a dangerous head, and that the former
temporizing arts of granting truces and pacifications to the
rebels, and of allowing them to purchase pardons by resigning
part of the plunder acquired during their insurrection, served
only to encourage the spirit of mutiny and disorder among
them. It was therefore resolved to push the war by more
vigorous measures; and the queen cast her eye on Charles
Blount, Lord Mountjoy, as a man who, though hitherto less
accustomed to arms than to books and literature, was endowed,
she thought, with talents equal to the undertaking. But the
young Earl of Essex, ambitious of fame, and desirous of ob-
taining this government for himself, opposed the choice of
Mountjoy, and represented the necessity of appointing for
that important employment some person more experienced
in war than this nobleman, more practised in business, and of
higher quality and reputation. By this description, he was
understood to mean himself;” and no Sooner was his desire
known than his enemies, even more zealously than his friends,
conspired to gratify his wishes. Many of his friends thought
that he never ought to consent, except for a short time, to ac-
cept of any employment which must remove him from court,
and prevent him from cultivating that personal inclination
which the queen so visibly bore him.” His enemies hoped
that, if by his absence she had once leisure to forget the charms
of his person and conversation, his impatient and lofty de-
meanor would soon disgust a princess who usually exacted
such profound submission and implicit obedience from all her
servants. But Essex was incapable of entering into such cau-
tious views; and even Elizabeth, who was extremely desirous
of subduing the Irish rebels, and who was much prepossessed
in favor of Essex’s genius, readily agreed to appoint him gov-
rººt ernor of Ireland, by the title of Lord Lieutenant.
jºi. The more to encourage him in his undertaking, she
granted him by his patent more extensive authority
than had ever before been conferred on any lieutenant; the
* Bacon, vol. iv. p. 512. * Cabala, p. 79.
158 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. CH. XI, IV.
power of carrying on or finishing the war as he pleased, of
pardoning the rebels, and of filling all the most considerable
employments of the kingdom.” And to insure him of suc-
cess, she levied a numerous army of sixteen thousand foot and
thirteen hundred horse, which she afterwards augmented to
twenty thousand foot and two thousand horse—a force which
it was apprehended would be able in one campaign to over-
whelm the rebels, and make an entire conquest of Ireland.
Mor did Essex’s enemies—the Earl of Nottingham, Sir Robert
Cecil, Sir Walter Raleigh, and Lord Cobham—throw any ob-
stacles in the way of these preparations; but hoped that the
higher the queen’s expectations of Success were raised, the
more difficult it would be for the event to correspond to them.
In a like view, they rather seconded than opposed those exalt-
ed encomiums which Essex's numerous and Sanguine friends
dispersed of his high genius, of his elegant endowments, his
heroic courage, his unbounded generosity, and his noble birth;
nor were they displeased to observe that passionate fondness
which the people everywhere expressed for this nobleman.
These artful politicians had studied his character; and finding
that his open and undaunted spirit, if taught temper and re-
serve from opposition, must become invincible, they resolved
rather to give full breath to those sails which were already too
much expanded, and to push him upon dangers of which he
seemed to make such small account.” And, the better to
make advantage of his indiscretions, spies were set upon all
his actions and even expressions; and his vehement spirit,
which, while he was in the midst of the court and environed
by his rivals, was unacquainted with disguise, could not fail,
after he thought himself surrounded by none but friends, to
give a pretence for malignant suspicions and constructions.
Essex left London in the month of March, attended with
the acclamations of the populace; and, what did him more
honor, accompanied by a numerous train of nobility and gen-
try, who, from affection to his person, had attached themselves
to his fortunes, and sought fame and military experience un-
* Rymer, vol. xvi. p. 366. * Camden. Osborne, p. 371.
CH. XLIV. ELIZABETH. 159
der so renowned a commander. The first act of authority
which he exercised after his arrival in Ireland was an indis-
cretion, but of the generous kind; and in both these respects
suitable to his character. He appointed his intimate friend,
the Earl of Southampton, general of the horse, a nobleman
who had incurred the queen's displeasure by Secretly marrying
without her consent, and whom she had therefore enjoined
Essex not to employ in any command under him. She no
sooner heard of this instance of disobedience than she rep-
rimanded him, and ordered him to recall his commission to
Southampton. But Essex, who had imagined that some rea-
sons which he opposed to her first injunctions had satisfied
her, had the imprudence to remonstrate against these second
orders;” and it was not till she reiterated her commands that
he could be prevailed on to displace his friend.
Essex, on his landing at Dublin, deliberated with the Irish
council concerning the proper methods of carrying on the
His in suc war against the rebels; and here he was guilty of
CeSS. a capital error, which was the ruin of his enter-
prise. He had always, while in England, blamed the conduct
of former commanders, who artfully protracted the war, who
harassed their troops in small enterprises, and who, by agree-
ing to truces and temporary pacifications with the rebels, had
given them leisure to recruit their broken forces.” In con-
formity to these views, he had ever insisted upon leading his
forces immediately into Ulster against Tyrone, the chief ene-
my; and his instructions had been drawn agreeably to these
his declared resolutions. But the Irish councillors persuaded
him that the season was too early for the enterprise, and that,
as the morasses in which the northern Irish usually sheltered
themselves would not as yet be passable to the English forces,
it would be better to employ the present time in an expedi-
tion into Munster. Their secret reason for this advice was,
that many of them possessed estates in that province, and
were desirous to have the enemy dislodged from their neigh-
* Birch's Memoirs, vol. ii. p. 421, 451.
* Birch's Memoirs, vol. ii. p. 431. Bacon, vol. iv. p. 512.
borhood;” but the same selfish spirit which had induced
them to give this counsel made them soon after disown it,
when they found the bad consequences with which it was at-
tended.”
Essex obliged all the rebels of Munster either to submit or
to fly into the neighboring provinces; but as the Irish, from
the greatness of the queen’s preparations, had concluded that
she intended to reduce them to total subjection, or even ut-
terly to exterminate them, they considered their defence as a
common cause; and the English forces were no sooner with-
drawn than the inhabitants of Munster relapsed into rebell-
ion, and renewed their confederacy with their other country-
men. The army, meanwhile, by the fatigue of long and tedi-
ous marches, and by the influence of the climate, was become
sickly, and on its return to Dublin, about the middle of July,
was surprisingly diminished in number. The courage of the
soldiers was even much abated; for, though they had prevailed
in some lesser enterprises against Lord Cahir and others, yet
had they sometimes met with more stout resistance than they
expected from the Irish, whom they were wont to despise;
and as they were raw troops and inexperienced, a considera-
ble body of them had been put to flight at the Glins, by an
inferior number of the enemy. Essex was so enraged at this
misbehavior that he cashiered all his officers and decimated
the private men.” But this act of severity, though neces-
sary, had intimidated the soldiers and increased their aver-
sion to the service. -
The queen was extremely disgusted when she heard that so
considerable a part of the season was consumed in these friv-
olous enterprises, and was still more surprised that Essex per-
severed in the same practice which he had so much condemned
in others, and which he knew to be so much contrary to her
purpose and intention. That nobleman, in order to give his
troops leisure to recruit from their sickness and fatigue, left
the main army in quarters, and marched with a small body of
* Birch's Memoirs, vol. ii. p. 448. * ,
* Winwood, vol. i. p. 140. *Cox, p. 421.
CII. XLIV. ELIZABETH. *- 161
fifteen hundred men into the county of Ophelie against the
O’Connors and O'Mores, whom he forced to a submission ;
but, on his return to Dublin, he found the army so much di-
minished that he wrote to the English council an account of its
condition, and informed them that if he did not immediately
receive a reinforcement of two thousand men, it would be im-
possible for him this season to attempt anything against Ty-
rone. That there might be no pretence for further inactivity,
the queen immediately sent over the number demanded;”
and Essex began at last to assemble his forces for the expe-
dition into Ulster. The army was so averse to this enter-
prise, and so terrified with the reputation of Tyrone, that
many of them counterfeited sickness, many of them desert-
ed,” and Essex found that, after leaving the necessary garri-
sons, he could scarcely lead four thousand men against the
rebels. He marched, however, with this small army, but was
soon sensible that in so advanced a season it would be impos-
sible for him to effect anything against an enemy who, though
superior in number, was determined to avoid every decisive
action. He hearkened, therefore, to a message sent him by
Tyrone, who desired a conference; and a place near the two
camps was appointed for that purpose. The generals met
without any of their attendants, and a river ran between
them, into which Tyrone entered to the depth of his saddle;
but Essex stood on the opposite bank. After half an hour's
conference, where Tyrone behaved with great submission to
the lord lieutenant, a cessation of arms was concluded to the
1st of May, renewable from six weeks to six weeks; but which
might be broken off by either party upon a fortnight's warn-
ing.” Essex also received from Tyrone proposals for a peace,
in which that rebel had inserted many unreasonable and exor-
bitant conditions; and there appeared afterwards some reason
to suspect that he had here commenced a very unjustifiable
correspondence with the enemy.”
* Birch's Memoirs, vol. ii. p. 430. Cox, p. 421.
* Sidney Letters, vol. ii. p. 112, 113. * Sidney Letters, vol. ii. p. 125.
* Winwood, vol. i. p. 307. State Trials. Bacon, vol. iv. p. 514, 535, 537.
IV.-11 ſe
162 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. CH. XLIV.
So unexpected an issue of an enterprise the greatest and
most expensive that Elizabeth had ever undertaken provoked
her extremely against Essex; and this disgust was much aug-
mented by other circumstances of that nobleman’s conduct.
He wrote many letters to the queen and council, full of pee-
wish and impatient expressions, complaining of his enemies,
lamenting that their calumnies should be believed against
him, and discovering symptoms of a mind equally haughty
and discontented. She took care to inform him of her dis-
satisfaction, but commanded him to remain in Ireland till fur-
ther orders. -
Essex heard at once of Elizabeth's anger and of the promo-
tion of his enemy, Sir Robert Cecil, to the office of master of
the wards, an office to which he himself aspired; and dread-
ing that, if he remained any longer absent, the queen would
be totally alienated from him, he hastily embraced a resolu-
tion which he knew had once succeeded with the Earl of
Leicester, the former favorite of Elizabeth. Leicester being
informed, while in the Low Countries, that his mistress was ex-
tremely displeased with his conduct, disobeyed her orders by
coming over to England; and, having pacified her by his pres-
ence, by his apologies, and by his flattery and insinuation, dis-
appointed all the expectations of his enemies.” Essex, there-
Returns to fore, weighing more the similarity of circumstances
* than the difference of character between himself
and Leicester, immediately set out for England; and, making
speedy journeys, he arrived at court before any one was in
the least apprised of his intentions.” Though besmeared
with dirt and sweat, he hastened up-stairs to the presence-
chamber; thence to the privy chamber; nor stopped till he
was in the queen’s bedchamber, who was newly risen, and
was sitting with her hair about her face. He threw him-
self on his knees, kissed her hand, and had some private
conference with her; where he was so graciously received
that on his departure he was heard to express great satis-
faction, and to thank God that, though he had suffered much
* Birch's Memoirs, vol. ii. p. 453. “Winwood, vol. i. p. 118.
CH, XLIV. ELIZABETH. 163
trouble and many storms abroad, he found a sweet calm at
Jhome.”
But this placability of Elizabeth was merely the result of
her Surprise, and of the momentary Satisfaction which she
felt on the Sudden and unexpected appearance of her favor-
ite; after she had leisure for recollection, all his faults recur-
red to her, and she thought it necessary, by Some severe dis-
cipline, to subdue that haughty, imperious spirit, who, pre-
suming on her partiality, had pretended to domineer in her
councils, to engross all her favor, and to act, in the most im-
portant affairs, without regard to her orders and in-
structions. When Essex waited on her in the af-
ternoon, he found her extremely altered in her carriage tow-
ards him. She ordered him to be confined to his chamber,
to be twice examined by the council; and, though his an-
swers were calm and submissive, she committed him to the
custody of Lord Keeper Egerton, and held him sequestered
from all company, even from that of his countess; nor was so
much as the intercourse of letters permitted between them.
Essex dropped many expressions of humiliation and Sorrow,
none of resentment: he professed an entire submission to the
queen’s will; declared his intention of retiring into the coun-
try, and of leading thenceforth a private life, remote from
courts and business. But, though he affected to be so entirely
cured of his aspiring ambition, the vexation of this disap-
pointment, and of the triumph gained by his enemies, preyed
upon his haughty spirit, and he fell into a distemper which
seemed to put his life in danger.
The queen had always declared to all the world, and even
to the earl himself, that the purpose of her severity was to
correct, not to ruin him;” and when she heard of his sickness,
she was not a little alarmed with his situation. She ordered
eight physicians of the best reputation and experience to con-
sult of his case; and, being informed that the issue was much
to be apprehended, she sent Dr. James to him with some
Is disgraced.
* Sidney Letters, vol. ii. p. 127. . . .
* Birch's Memoirs, p. 444, 445. Sidney Letters, vol. ii. p. 196.
164 IIISTORY OF ENGLAND. CII. XLIV.
broth, and desired that physician to deliver him a message,
which she probably deemed of still greater virtue, that if she
thought such a step consistent with her honor, she would her-
self pay him a visit. The bystanders, who carefully observed
her countenance, remarked that, in pronouncing these words,
her eyes were suffused with tears.” -
When the symptoms of the queen's returning affection tow-
ards Essex were known, they gave a sensible alarm to the
faction which had declared their opposition to him. Sir Wal-
ter Raleigh, in particular, the most violent as well as the most
ambitious of his enemies, was so affected with the appearance
of this sudden revolution that he was seized with sickness in
his turn, and the queen was obliged to apply the same Salve
to his wound, and to send him a favorable message, express-
ing her desire of his recovery.” -
The medicine which the queen administered to these aspir-
ing rivals was successful with both, and Essex, being now al-
lowed the company of his countess, and having en-
tertained more promising hopes of his future fort-
unes, was so much restored in his health as to be thought
past danger. A belief was instilled into Elizabeth that his
distemper had been entirely counterfeit, in order to move her
compassion,” and she relapsed into her former rigor against
him. He wrote her a letter, and sent her a rich present on
New-year's-day, as was usual with the courtiers at that time ;
she read the letter, but rejected the present." After some in-
terval, however, of severity, she allowed him to retire to his
own house; and though he remained still under custody, and
was sequestered from all company, he was so grateful for this
mark of lenity that he sent her a letter of thanks on the oc-
casion. “This farther degree of goodness,” said he, “doth
Sound in my ears as if your majesty spake these words: “Die
not, Essex; for, though I punish thine offence, and humble
thee for thy good, yet will I one day be served again by
thee.’ My prostrate soul makes this answer: “I hope for that
1600.
* Sidney Letters, vol. ii. p. 151. * Sidney Letters, vol. ii. p. 139.
* Sidney Letters, vol. ii. p. 153. . * Sidney Letters, vol. ii. p. 155, 150.
CH. XI, IV. º ELIZABETH. 165 .
blessed day.’ And in expectation of it, all my afflictions of
body and mind are humbly, patiently, and cheerfully borne
by me.” The Countess of Essex, daughter of Sir Francis
Walsingham, possessed, as well as her husband, a refined taste
in literature; and the chief consolation which Essex enjoyed
during this period of anxiety and expectation consisted in
her company, and in reading with her those instructive and
entertaining authors which, even during the time of his
greatest prosperity, he had never entirely neglected.
There were several incidents which kept alive the queen's
anger against Essex. Every account which she received from
Ireland convinced her more and more of his misconduct in
that government, and of the insignificant purposes to which
he had employed so much force and treasure. Tyrone, so far
from being quelled, had thought proper, in less than three
months, to break the truce; and, joining with O’Donnel and
other rebels, had overrun almost the whole kingdom. He
boasted that he was certain of receiving a supply of men,
money, and arms, from Spain; he pretended to be champion
of the Catholic religion; and he openly exulted in the pres-
ent of a phoenix plume, which the pope, Clement VIII., in
order to encourage him in the prosecution of So good a cause,
had consecrated and had conferred upon him.” The queen,
that she might check his progress, returned to her former in-
tention of appointing Mountjoy lord deputy ; and though
that nobleman, who was an intimate friend of Essex and de-
sired his return to the government of Ireland, did at first
very earnestly excuse himself, on account of his bad state of
health, she obliged him to accept of the employment. Mount-
joy found the island almost in a desperate condition; but, be-
ing a man of capacity and vigor, he was so little discouraged
that he immediately advanced against Tyrone, in Ulster. He
penetrated into the heart of that county, the chief seat of the
rebels; he fortified Derry and Mount-Norris, in order to bri-
dle the Irish; he chased them from the field, and obliged
them to take shelter in the woods and morasses; he employed
* Birch's Memoirs, p. 444. * Camden, p. 617.
166 HISTORY, OF ENGLAND. CH. XLIV.
with equal success Sir George Carew in Munster; and by
these promising enterprises he gave new life to the queen’s
authority in that island.
As the comparison of Mountjoy's administration with that
of Essex contributed to alienate Elizabeth from her favorite,
she received additional disgust from the partiality of the
people, who, prepossessed with an extravagant idea of Essex’s
merit, complained of the injustice done him by his removal
from court, and by his confinement. Libels were secretly
dispersed against Cecil and Raleigh, and all his enemies; and
his popularity, which was always great, seemed rather to be
increased than diminished by his misfortunes. Elizabeth, in
order to justify to the public her conduct with regard to him,
had often expressed her intentions of having him tried in the
Star-chamber for his offences; but her tenderness for him pre-
vailed at last over her severity; and she was contented to
have him only examined by the privy council. The attorney-
general, Coke, opened the cause against him, and treated him
with the cruelty and insolence which that great lawyer usual-
ly exercised against the unfortunate. He displayed, in the
strongest colors, all the faults committed by Essex in his ad-
ministration of Ireland—his making Southampton general of
the horse, contrary to the queen’s injunctions; his deserting
the enterprise against Tyrone, and marching to Leinster and
Munster; his conferring knighthood on too many persons;
his secret conference with Tyrone; and his sudden return
from Ireland, in contempt of her majesty’s commands. He
also exaggerated the indignity of the conditions which Ty-
rone had been allowed to propose; odious and abominable
conditions, said he ; a public toleration of an idolatrous relig-
ion, pardon for himself and every traitor in Ireland, and full
restitution of lands and possessions to all of them.” The so-
licitor-general, Fleming, insisted upon the wretched situation
in which the earl had left that kingdom ; and Francis, son of
Sir Nicholas Bacon, who had been lord keeper in the begin-
ning of the present reign, closed the charge with displaying
* Birch's Memoirs, vol. ii. p. 449.
CH. XLIV. * LLIZABETH. . . 167
the undutiful expressions contained in some letters written
by the earl. • * ,
Essex, when he came to plead in his own defence, renounced
with great submission and humility all pretensions to an
apology;" and declared his resolution never, on this or any
other occasion, to have any contest with his sovereign. He
said that, having severed himself from the world, and ab-
jured all sentiments of ambition, he had no scruple to confess
every failing or error into which his youth, folly, or manifold
infirmities might have betrayed him ; that his inward sorrow
for his offences against her majesty was so profound that it
exceeded all his outward crosses and afflictions, nor had he
any scruple of submitting to a public confession of whatever
she had been pleased to impute, to him ; that in his acknowl-
edgments he retained only one reserve, which he never would
relinquish but with his life, the assertion of a loyal and un-
polluted heart, of an unfeigned affection, of an earnest de-
sire ever to perform to her majesty the best service which
his poor abilities would permit; and that if this sentiment
were allowed by the council, he willingly acquiesced in any
condemnation or sentence which they could pronounce
against him. This submission was uttered with so much
eloquence, and in so pathetic a manner, that it drew tears
from many of the audience." All the privy-councillors, in
giving their judgment, made no scruple of doing the earl
justice with regard to the loyalty of his intentions. Even
Cecil, whom he believed his capital enemy, treated him with
regard and humanity. And the sentence pronounced by the
lord keeper (to which the council assented) was in these
words: “If this cause,” said he, “had been heard in the Star-
chamber, my sentence must have been for as great a fine as
ever was set upon any man’s head in that court, together with
perpetual confinement in that prison which belongeth to a
man of his quality, the Tower. But since we are now in
another place, and in a course of favor, my censure is that
the Earl of Essex is not to execute the office of a councillor,
“Sidney Letters, vol. ii. p. 200. * Sidney Letters, vol. ii. p. 200, 201.
168 . HISTORY OF ENGLAND. CH. XLIV.
nor that of earl marshal of England, nor of master of the Ord-
nance ; and to return to his own house, there to continue a
prisoner till it shall please her majesty to release this and all
the rest of his sentence.”" The Earl of Cumberland made a
slight opposition to this sentence; and said that if he thought
it would stand, he would have required a little more time to
deliberate; that he deemed it somewhat severe; and that any
commander-in-chief might easily incur a like penalty. “But,
however,” added he, “in confidence of her majesty’s mercy, I
agree with the rest.” The Earl of Worcester delivered his
opinion in a couple of Latin verses importing that where
the gods are offended, even misfortunes ought to be imputed
as crimes, and that accident is no excuse for transgressions
against the divinity.
Bacon, so much distinguished afterwards by his high of.
fices, and still more by his profound genius for the sciences,
was nearly allied to the Cecil family, being nephew to Lord
Burleigh and cousin-german to the secretary ; but, notwith-
standing his extraordinary talents, he had met with so little
protection from his powerful relations that he had not yet
obtained any preferment in the law, which was his profession.
But Essex, who could distinguish merit, and who passionate-
ly loved it, had entered into an intimate friendship with
Bacon, had zealously attempted, though without success, to
procure him the office of solicitor-general; and, in order to
comfort his friend under the disappointment, had conferred
on him a present of land to the value of eighteen hundred
pounds.” The public could ill excuse Bacon’s appearance
before the council against so munificent a benefactor,
though he acted in obedience to the queen’s commands.
But she was so well pleased with his behavior that she im-
posed on him a new task, of drawing a narrative of that day’s
proceedings, in order to satisfy the public of the justice and
lenity of her conduct. Bacon, who wanted firmness of char-
acter more than humanity, gave to the whole transaction the
most favorable turn for Essex; and, in particular, pointed
“Birch's Memoirs, vol. ii. p. 454. Camden, p. 626, 627. * Cabala, p. 78.
Ch. XLIV. - ELIZABETH. 169
out, in elaborate expression, the dutiful submission which that
nobleman discovered in the defence that he made for his con-
duct. When he read the paper to her, she smiled at that pas-
Sage, and observed to Bacon that old love, she saw, could not
easily be forgotten. He replied that he hoped she meant
that of herself.” -
All the world, indeed, expected that Essex would soon be
reinstated in his former credit,” perhaps, as is usual in recon-
cilements founded on inclination, would acquire an additional
ascendant over the queen, and, after all his disgraces, would
again appear more a favorite than ever. They were con-
firmed in this hope when they saw that, though he was still
prohibited from appearing at court,” he was continued in his
office of master of horse, and was restored to his liberty, and
that all his friends had access to him. Essex himself seemed
determined to persevere in that conduct which had hitherto
been so successful, and which the queen, by all this discipline,
had endeavored to render habitual to him. He wrote to her
that he kissed her majesty’s hands, and the rod with which
she had corrected him ; but that he could never recover his
wonted cheerfulness till she deigned to admit him to that
presence which had ever been the chief source of his happi-
ness and enjoyment; and that he had now resolved to make
amends for his past errors, to retire into a country solitude,
and say with Nebuchadnezzar, “Let my dwelling be with the
beasts of the field, let me eat grass as an ox, and be wet with
the dew of heaven, till it shall please the queen to restore me
to my understanding.” The queen was much pleased with
these sentiments, and replied that she heartily wished his ac-
tions might correspond with his expressions; that he had tried
her patience a long time, and it was but fitting she should
now make some experiment of his submission; that her
father would never have pardoned so much obstinacy; but
that, if the furnace of affliction produced such good effects,
she should ever after have the better opinion of her chemistry.”
* Cabala, p. 83. * Winwood, vol. i. p. 254.
* Birch's Memoirs, vol. ii. p. 462. - * Camden, p. 628.
170 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. CH. XLIV.
The Earl of Essex possessed a monopoly of Sweet wines;
and as his patent was near expiring, he patiently expected
that the queen would renew it, and he considered this event
as the critical circumstance of his life, which would deter-
mine whether he could ever hope to be reinstated in credit
and authority.” But Elizabeth, though gracious in her de-
portment, was of a temper somewhat haughty and severe;
and being continually surrounded with Essex’s enemies,
means were found to persuade her that his lofty spirit was
not yet sufficiently subdued, and that he must undergo this
further trial before he could again be safely received into
favor. She therefore denied his request; and even added,
in a contemptuous style, that an ungovernable beast must be
stinted in his provender.”
This rigor, pushed one step too far, proved the final ruin
of this young nobleman, and was the source of infinite Sorrow
and vexation to the queen herself. Essex, who had
with great difficulty so long subdued his proud
spirit, and whose patience was now exhausted, imagining
that the queen was entirely inexorable, burst at once all re-
straints of submission and of prudence, and determined to
seek relief by proceeding to the utmost extremities against
his enemies. Even during his greatest favor, he had ever
been accustomed to carry matters with a high hand towards
his sovereign ; and as this practice gratified his own temper,
and was sometimes successful, he had imprudently imagined
that it was the only proper method of managing her." But,
being now reduced to despair, he gave entire reins to his vio-
lent disposition, and threw off all appearance of duty and re-
spect. Intoxicated with the public favor, which he already
possessed, he practised anew every art of popularity; and
endeavored to increase the general good-will by a hospitable
manner of life, little Suited to his situation and circumstances.
IIis former employments had given him great connections
with men of the military profession; and he now enter-
tained, by additional caresses and civilities, a friendship with
His intrigues.
* Birch's Memoirs, vol. ii. p. 472. “Camden, p. 628. * Cabala, p. 79.
g
CH. XLIV. EIIZABETH. 171
all desperate adventurers, whose attachment he hoped might,
in his present views, prove serviceable to him. He secretly
courted the confidence of the Catholics; but his chief trust
lay in the Puritans, whom he openly caressed, and whose
manners he seemed to have entirely adopted. He engaged
the most celebrated preachers of that sect to resort to Essex
Płouse; he had daily prayers and sermons in his family; and
he invited all the zealots in London to attend those pious ex-
ercises. Such was the disposition now beginning to prevail
among the English that, instead of feasting and public spec-
tacles, the methods anciently practised to gain the populace,
nothing so effectually ingratiated an ambitious leader with
the public as these fanatical entertainments. And as the
Puritanical preachers frequently inculcated in their sermons
the doctrine of resistance to the civil magistrate, they pre-
pared the minds of their hearers for those seditious projects
which Essex was secretly meditating."
But the greatest imprudence of this nobleman proceeded
from the openness of his temper, by which he was ill quali-
fied to succeed in such difficult and dangerous enterprises.
He indulged himself in great liberties of speech, and was
even heard to say of the queen that she was now grown an
old woman, and was become as crooked in her mind as in her
body." Some court ladies, whose favors Essex had former-
ly neglected, carried her these stories, and incensed her to a
high degree against him. Elizabeth was ever remarkably
jealous on this head; and though she was now approaching
to her seventieth year, she allowed her courtiers," and even
foreign ambassadors,” to compliment her upon her beauty;
nor had all her good sense been able to cure her of this pre-
posterous vanity.”
There was also an expedient employed by Essex which, if
possible, was more provoking to the queen than those sar-
* Birch's Memoirs, vol. ii. p. 463. Camden, p. 630.
* Camden, p. 629. Osborne, p. 397. Sir Walter Raleigh's Prerogative of
Parliament, p. 43. * Birch's Memoirs, vol. ii. p. 442, 443.
* Sidney Letters, vol. ii. p. 171. * See note [S] at the end of the volume.
©
172 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. CII. XLIV.
casms on her age and deformity; and that was, his secret ap-
plications to the King of Scots, her heir and successor. That
prince had this year very narrowly escaped a dangerous though
ill-formed conspiracy of the Earl of Gowry; and even his de-
liverance was attended with this disagreeable circumstance,
that the obstinate ecclesiastics persisted, in spite of the most
incontestable evidence, to maintain to his face that there had
been no such conspiracy. James, harassed with his turbulent
and factious subjects, cast a wishful eye to the succession of
England; and, in proportion as the queen advanced in years,
his desire increased of mounting that throne, on which, besides
acquiring a great addition of power and splendor, he hoped to
govern a people so much more tractable and submissive. He
negotiated with all the courts of Europe, in order to insure
himself friends and partisans; he even neglected not the court
of Rome and that of Spain; and though he engaged himself
in no positive promise, he flattered the Catholics with hopes
that, in the event of his succession, they might expect some
more liberty than was at present indulged them. Elizabeth
was the only sovereign in Europe to whom he never dared to
mention his right of succession; he knew that, though her ad-
vanced age might now invite her to think of fixing an heir to
the crown, she never could bear the prospect of her own death
without horror, and was determined still to retain him, and all
other competitors, in an entire dependence upon her.
Essex was descended by females from the royal family; and
some of his sanguine partisans had been so imprudent as to
mention his name among those of other pretenders to the
crown; but the earl took care, by means of Henry Lee, whom
he secretly sent into Scotland, to assure James that, so far
from entertaining such ambitious views, he was determined to
use every expedient for extorting an immediate declaration in
favor of that monarch's right of succession. James willingly
hearkened to this proposal, but did not approve of the violent
methods which Essex intended to employ. Essex had com-
municated his scheme to Mountjoy, deputy of Ireland; and as
no man ever commanded more the cordial affection and at-
tachment of his friends, he had even engaged a person of that
CHI. XLIV. ELIZABETH. 173
virtue and prudence to entertain thoughts of bringing over
part of his army into England, and of forcing the queen to
declare the King of Scots her successor;" and such was Essex's
impatient ardor that, though James declined this dangerous
expedient, he still endeavored to persuade Mountjoy not to de-
sist from the project; but the deputy, who thought that such
violence, though it might be prudent, and even justifiable,
when supported by a sovereign prince, next heir to the crown,
would be rash and criminal if attempted by Subjects, absolute-
ly refused his concurrence. The correspondence, however,
between Essex and the court of Scotland was still conducted
with great secrecy and cordiality; and that nobleman, besides
conciliating the favor of James, represented all his own ad-
versaries as enemies to that prince's succession, and as men
entirely devoted to the interests of Spain, and partisans of the
chimerical title of the Infanta. * .
The Infanta and the Archduke Albert had made some ad-
vances to the queen for peace; and Boulogne, as a neutral
town, was chosen for the place of conference. Sir Henry
Nevil, the English resident in France, Herbert, Edmondes, and
Beale were sent thither as ambassadors from England, and
negotiated with Zuniga, Carillo, Richardot, and Verheiken,
ministers of Spain, and the archduke; but the con-
ferences were soon broken off by disputes with re-
gard to the ceremonial. Among the European states, England
had ever been allowed the precedency above Castile, Arragon,
Portugal, and the other kingdoms of which the Spanish mon-
archy was composed ; and Elizabeth insisted that this ancient
right was not lost on account of the junction of these states,
and that that monarchy, in its present situation, though it sur-
passed the English in extent as well as in power, could not be
compared with it in point of antiquity, the only durable and
regular foundation of precedency among kingdoms as well as
noble families. That she might show, however, a pacific dis-
position, she was content to yield to an equality; but the
Spanish ministers, as their nation had always disputed pre-
May 16.
"Birch's Memoirs, vol. ii. p. 471.
174 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. CII. XLIV.
cedency even with France, to which England yielded, would
proceed no further in the conference till their superiority of
rank were acknowledged." During the preparations for this
abortive negotiation, the Earl of Nottingham, the admiral,
Lord Buckhurst, treasurer, and secretary Cecil, had discovered
their inclination to peace; but as the English nation, flushed
with Success, and Sanguine in their hopes of plunder and con-
quest, were in general averse to that measure, it was easy for
a person so popular as Essex to infuse into the multitude an
opinion that these ministers had sacrificed the interests of
their country to Spain, and would even make no scruple of
receiving a sovereign from that hostile nation.
But Essex, not content with these arts for decrying his ad-
versaries, proceeded to concert more violent methods of ruin-
ing them, chiefly instigated by Cuffe, his secretary,
a man of a bold and arrogant spirit, who had ac-
quired a great ascendant over his patron. A select council of
malcontents was formed, who commonly met at Drury House,
and were composed of Sir Charles Davers (to whom the house
belonged), the Earl of Southampton, Sir Ferdinando Gorges,
Sir Christopher Blount, Sir John Davies, and John Littleton;
and Essex, who boasted that he had a hundred and twenty
barons, knights, and gentlemen of note at his devotion, and
who trusted still more to his authority with the populace, com-
municated to his associates those secret designs with which his
confidence in so powerful a party had inspired him. Among
other criminal projects, the result of blind rage and despair,
he deliberated with them concerning the method of taking
arms, and asked their opinion whether he had best begin with
seizing the palace or the Tower, or set out with making him-
self master at once of both places. The first enterprise being
His insures preferred, a method was concerted for executing it.
tion. It was agreed that Sir Christopher Blount, with a
choice detachment, should possess himself of the palace gates;
that Davies should seize the hall, Davers the guard-chamber
and presence-chamber; and that Essex should rush in from
1601.
* Winwood's Memorials, vol. i. p. 186-226.
CII. XLIV. + ELIZABETH. 175
the Mews, attended by a body of his partisans; should entreat
the queen, with all demonstrations of humility, to remove his
enemies; should oblige her to assemble a Parliament; and
should, with common consent, settle a new plan of govern-
ment.” -
While these desperate projects were in agitation, many rea-
sons of suspicion were carried to the queen ; and she sent Rob-
ert Sacville, son of the treasurer, to Essex House, on
pretence of a visit, but in reality with a view of dis-
covering whether there were in that place any unusual con-
course of people, or any extraordinary preparations which
might threaten an insurrection. Soon after, Essex received a
summons to attend the council, which met at the treasurer’s
house; and while he was musing on this circumstance, and
comparing it with the late unexpected visit from Sacville, a
private note was conveyed to him, by which he was warned to
provide for his own Safety. He concluded that all his con-
spiracy was discovered, at least suspected, and that the easiest
punishment which he had reason to apprehend was a new
and more severe confinement; he therefore excused himself
to the council, on pretence of an indisposition, and he imme-
diately despatched messages to his more intimate confederates,
requesting their advice and assistance in the present critical
situation of his affairs. They deliberated whether they should
abandon all their projects, and fly the kingdom, or instantly
seize the palace with the force which they could assemble, or
rely upon the affections of the citizens, who were generally
known to have a great attachment to the earl. Essex declared
against the first expedient, and professed himself determined to
undergo any fate rather than submit to live the life of a fugi-
tive. To seize the palace seemed impracticable without more
preparations, especially as the queen seemed now aware of their
projects, and, as they heard, had used the precaution of doub-
ling her ordinary guards. There remained, therefore, no ex-
pedient but that of betaking themselves to the city; and, while
February 7.
* Camden, p. 630. Birch's Memoirs, vol. ii. p. 464. State Trials. Bacon, vol.
iv. p. 542, 543.
176 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. CII. XLIV.
the prudence and feasibility of this resolution were under de-
bate, a person arrived who, as if he had received a commission
for the purpose, gave them assurance of the affections of the
Londoners, and affirmed that they might securely rest any
project on that foundation. The popularity of Essex had
chiefly buoyed him up in all his vain undertakings; and he
fondly imagined that, with no other assistance than the good-
will of the multitude, he might overturn Elizabeth's govern-
ment, confirmed by time, revered for wisdom, supported by
vigor, and concurring with the general sentiments of the na-
tion. The wild project of raising the city was immediately
resolved on ; the execution of it was delayed till next day, and
emissaries were despatched to all Essex’s friends, informing
them that Cobham and Raleigh had laid schemes against his
life, and entreating their presence and assistance.
Next day there appeared at Essex House the Earls of South-
ampton and Tutland, the Lords Sandys and Monteagle, with
about three hundred gentlemen of good quality and
fortune; and Essex informed them of the danger
to which he pretended the machinations of his enemies ex-
posed him. To some he said that he would throw himself at
the queen’s feet, and crave her justice and protection; to
others he boasted of his interest in the city, and affirmed that,
whatever might happen, this resource could never fail him.
The queen was informed of these designs by means of intelli-
gence conveyed, as is supposed, to Raleigh by Sir Ferdinando
Gorges; and having ordered the magistrates of London to
Reep the citizens in readiness, she sent Egerton, lord keeper,
to Essex House, with the Earl of Worcester, Sir William Knol-
lys, controller, and Popham, chief-justice, in order to learn the
cause of these unusual commotions. They were with difficulty
admitted through a wicket; but all their servants were ex-
cluded, except the purse-bearer. After some altercation, in
which they charged Essex’s retainers, upon their allegiance, to
lay down their arms, and were menaced, in their turn, by the
angry multitude who surrounded them, the earl, who found
that matters were past recall, resolved to leave them prisoners
in his house, and to proceed to the execution of his former
February S.
CH. XLIV. ELIZABETH. 177
project. He sallied forth with about two hundred attendants,
armed only with walking-swords, and in his passage to the
city was joined by the Earl of Bedford and Lord Cromwell.
He cried aloud, “For the queen for the queen! a plot is laid
for my life P’ and then proceeded to the house of Smith, the
sheriff, on whose aid he had great reliance. The citizens flock-
ed about him in amazement; but though he told them that
England was sold to the Infanta, and exhorted them to arm
instantly, otherwise they could not do him any service, no
one showed a disposition to join him. The sheriff, on the
earl’s approach to his house, stole out at the back door, and
made the best of his way to the mayor. Essex, meanwhile,
observing the coldness of the citizens, and hearing that he
was proclaimed a traitor by the Earl of Cumberland and Lord
Durleigh, began to despair of success, and thought of retreat-
ing to his own house. He found the streets in his passage
barricadoed and guarded by the citizens, under the command
of Sir John Levison. In his attempt to force his way, Tracy,
a young gentleman to whom he bore great friendship, was kill-
ed, with two or three of the Londoners; and the earl himself,
attended by a few of his partisans (for the greater part began
secretly to withdraw themselves), retired towards the river,
and taking boat, arrived at Essex House. He there found
that Gorges, whom he had sent before to capitulate with the
lord keeper and the other councillors, had given all of them
their liberty, and had gone to court with them. He was now
reduced to despair, and appeared determined, in prosecution
of Lord Sandys's advice, to defend himself to the last extrem-
ity, and rather to perish, like a brave man, with his sword in
his hand, than basely by the hands of the executioner; but
after some parley, and after demanding in vain, first hostages,
then conditions, from the besiegers, he surrendered at discre-
tion, requesting only civil treatment, and a fair and impartial
hearing." - t
The queen, who during all this commotion had behaved
with as great tranquillity and security as if there had only
* Camden, p. 632.
IV.-12
178 IIISTORY OF ENGLAND. CH. XLIV.
passed a fray in the streets in which she was nowise concern-
February 19, ed," Soon gave orders for the trial of the most con-
** siderable of the criminals. The Earls of Essex and
Southampton were arraigned before a jury of twenty-five
peers, where Buckhurst acted as lord steward. The guilt of
the prisoners was too apparent to admit of any doubt; and,
besides the insurrection known to everybody, the treasonable
conferences at Drury House were proved by undoubted evi-
dence. Sir Ferdinando Gorges was produced in court; the
confessions of the Earl of Rutland, of the Lords Cromwell,
Sandys, and Monteagle, of Davers, Blount, and Davies, were
only read to the Peers, according to the practice of that age.
Essex’s best friends were Scandalized at his assurance in insist-
ing so positively on his innocence and the goodness of his in-
tentions; and still more at his vindictive disposition, in accus-
ing, without any appearance of reason, Secretary Cecil as a
partisan of the Infanta's title. The secretary, who had ex-
pected this charge, stepped into the court, and challenged
Essex to produce his authority, which, on examination, was
found extremely weak and frivolous." When sentence was
pronounced, Essex spoke like a man who expected nothing but
death; but he added that he should be sorry if he were repre-
sented to the queen as a person that despised her clemency,
though he should not, he believed, make any cringing sub-
missions to obtain it. Southampton’s behavior was more mild
and submissive: he entreated the good offices of the Peers in
so modest and becoming a manner as excited compassion in
every one. -
The most remarkable circumstance in Essex’s trial was
Bacon’s appearance against him. He was none of the crown
lawyers, so was not obliged by his office to assist at this trial;
yet did he not scruple, in order to obtain the queen’s favor,
to be active in bereaving of life his friend and patron, whose
generosity he had often experienced. He compared Essex’s
conduct, in pretending to fear the attempts of his adversaries,
to that of Pisistratus the Athenian, who cut and wounded his
“Birch's Memoirs, vol. ii. p. 469. - * Bacon, vol. iv. p. 530.
CH. XLIV. ELIZABETH. 179
own body, and, making the people believe that his enemies
had committed the violence, obtained a guard for his person,
by whose assistance he afterwards subdued the liberties of his
country.
After Essex had passed some days in the Solitude and re-
flections of a prison, his proud heart was at last Subdued, not
by the fear of death, but by the Sentiments of religion—a
principle which he had before attempted to make the instru-
ment of his ambition, but which now took a more firm hold
of his mind, and prevailed over every other motive and con-
sideration. His spiritual directors persuaded him that he
never could obtain the pardon of Heaven unless he made a
full confession of his disloyalty; and he gave in to the coun-
cil an account of all his criminal designs, as well as of his cor-
respondence with the King of Scots. He spared not even his
most intimate friends, such as Lord Mountjoy, whom he had
engaged in these conspiracies, and he sought to pacify his
present remorse by making such atonements as, in any other
period of his life, he would have deemed more blamable than
those attempts themselves which were the objects of his peni-
tence." Sir Harry Nevil, in particular, a man of merit, he
accused of a correspondence with the conspirators; though it
appears that this gentleman had never assented to the pro-
posals made him, and was no further criminal than in not re-
vealing the earl’s treason, an office to which every man of
honor naturally bears the strongest reluctance." Nevil was
thrown into prison, and underwent a severe persecution; but
as the queen found Mountjoy an able and successful com-
mander, she continued him in his government, and sacrificed
her resentment to the public service.
Elizabeth affected extremely the praise of clemency, and in
every great example which she had made during her reign
she had always appeared full of reluctance and hesitation;
but the present situation of Essex called forth all her tender
affections, and kept her in the most real agitation and irres-
olution. She felt a perpetual combat between resentment
* Winwood, vol. i. p. 300. * Winwood, vol. i. p. 302.
180 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. CH. XLIV.
and inclination, pride and compassion, the care of her own
safety and concern for her favorite; and her situation during
this interval was perhaps more an object of pity than that to
which Essex himself was reduced. She signed the warrant
for his execution; she countermanded it; she again resolved
on his death; she felt a new return of tenderness. Essex's
enemies told her that he himself desired to die, and had as-
sured her that she could never be in Safety while he lived: it
is likely that this proof of penitence and of concern for her
would produce a contrary effect to what they intended, and
would revive all the fond affection which she had so long
indulged towards the unhappy prisoner. But what chiefly
hardened her heart against him was his supposed obstinacy in
never making, as she hourly expected, any application to her
for mercy; and she finally gave her consent to his execution.
He discovered at his death symptoms rather of penitence and
piety than of fear, and willingly acknowledged the justice of
February 25, the sentence by which he suffered. The execution
* was private, in the Tower, agreeably to his own re-
quest. He was apprehensive, he said, lest the favor and com-
passion of the people would too much raise his heart in those
moments when humiliation under the afflicting hand of
Pſeaven was the only proper sentiment which he could in-
dulge;” and the queen, no doubt, thought that prudence re-
quired the removing of so melancholy a spectacle from the
public eye. Sir Walter Raleigh, who came to the Tower on
purpose, and who beheld Essex’s execution from a window,
increased much by this action the general hatred under which
he already labored ; it was thought that his sole intention was
to feast his eyes with the death of an enemy, and no apology
which he could make for so ungenerous a conduct could be
accepted by the public. The cruelty and animosity with
which he urged on Essex’s fate, even when Cecil relented,"
were still regarded as the principles of this unmanly behavior.
The Earl of Essex was but thirty-four years of age when
* Dr. Barlow's Sermon on Essex's execution. Bacon, vol. iv. p. 534.
* Murden, p. 811. *
CH. XLIV. ELIZABETH. 181
his rashness, imprudence, and violence brought him to this
untimely end. We must here, as in many other instances,
lament the inconstancy of human nature, that a person en-
dowed with so many noble virtues—generosity, sincerity,
friendship, valor, éloquence, and industry—should, in the
latter period of his life, have given reins to his ungovernable
passions, and involved not only himself, but many of his
friends, in utter ruin. The queen's tenderness and passion
for him, as it was the cause of those premature honors which
he attained, seems, on the whole, the chief circumstance
which brought on his unhappy fate. Confident of her par-
tiality towards him as well as of his own merit, he treated
her with a haughtiness which neither her love nor her dignity
could bear; and as her amorous inclinations, in so advanced
an age, would naturally make her appear ridiculous, if not
odious, in his eyes, he was engaged by an imprudent open-
ness, of which he made profession, to discover too easily those
sentiments to her. The many reconciliations and returns of
affection, of which he had still made advantage, induced him
to venture on new provocations, till he pushed her beyond all
bounds of patience; and he forgot that though the sentiments
of the woman were ever strong in her, those of the sovereign
had still, in the end, appeared predominant.
Some of Essex’s associates—Cuffe, Davers, Blount, Meric,
and Davies—were tried and condemned, and all of these,
except Davies, were executed. The queen pardoned the rest,
being persuaded that they were drawn in merely from their
friendship to that nobleman and their care of his safety, and
were ignorant of the more criminal part of his intentions.
Southampton’s life was saved with great difficulty, but he was
detained in prison during the remainder of this reign.
The Ring of Scots, apprehensive lest his correspondence
with Essex might have been discovered and have given of-
fence to Elizabeth, sent the Earl of Marre and Lord Kinloss
as ambassadors to England, in order to congratulate the queen
on her escape from the late insurrection and conspiracy. They
were also ordered to make secret inquiry whether any meas-
ures had been taken by her for excluding him from the suc-
182 HISTORY OF ENGIAND. CH. XLIV.
cession, as well as to discover the inclinations of the chief no-
bility and councillors, in case of the queen's demise.” They
found the dispositions of men as favorable as they could wish;
and they even entered into a correspondence with Secretary
Cecil, whose influence, after the fall of Essex, was now un-
controlled,” and who was resolved, by this policy, to acquire
in time the confidence of the successor. He knew how jeal-
ous Elizabeth ever was of her authority, and he therefore
carefully concealed from her his attachment to James; but he
afterwards asserted that nothing could be more advantageous
to her than this correspondence, because the King of Scots,
secure of mounting the throne by his undoubted title, aided
by those connections with the English ministry, was the less
likely to give any disturbance to the present sovereign. He
also persuaded that prince to remain in quiet, and patiently to
expect that time should open to him the inheritance of the
crown, without pushing his friends on desperate enterprises
which would totally incapacitate them from serving him.
James's equity, as well as his natural facility of disposition,
easily inclined him to embrace that resolution;” and in this
manner the minds of the English were silently but universal-
ly disposed to admit, without opposition, the succession of the
Scottish line. The death of Essex, by putting an end to fac-
tion, had been rather favorable than prejudicial to that great
Cvent.
The French king, who was little prepossessed in favor of
James, and who, for obvious reasons, was averse to the union
of England and Scotland,” made his ambassador drop some
hints to Cecil of Henry’s willingness to concur in any meas-
ure for disappointing the hopes of the Scottish monarch; but
as Cecil showed an entire disapprobation of such schemes, the
court of France took no further steps in that matter; and
thus the only foreign power which could give much disturb-
ance to James's succession was induced to acquiesce in it.”
"Birch's Memoirs, vol. ii. p. 510. ” Osborne, p. 615.
*Spotswood, p. 471, 472. * Winwood, vol. i. p. 352.
*Spotswood, p. 471.
CH. XLIV, ELIZABETH. 183
Henry made a journey this summer to Calais, and the queen,
French at hearing of his intentions, went to Dover, in hopes
fairs. of having a personal interview with a monarch
whom, of all others, she most loved and most respected. The
Ring of France, who felt the same sentiments towards her,
would gladly have accepted of the proposal; but as many dif-
ficulties occurred, it appeared necessary to lay aside, by com-
mon consent, the project of an interview. Elizabeth, how-
ever, wrote successively two letters to Henry, one by Ed-
mondes, another by Sir Robert Sidney, in which she expressed
a desire of conferring about a business of importance with
some minister in whom that prince reposed entire confidence.
The Marquis of Rosni, the king's favorite and prime minis.
ter, came to Dover in disguise, and the memoirs of that able
statesman contain a full account of his conference with Eliza-
beth. This princess had formed a scheme for establishing, in
conjunction with Henry, a new system in Europe, and of fix-
ing a durable balance of power, by the erection of new states
on the ruins of the house of Austria. She had even the pru-
dence to foresee the perils which might ensue from the ag-
grandizement of her ally; and she purposed to unite all the
seventeen provinces of the Low Countries in one republic, in
Order to form a perpetual barrier against the dangerous in-
crease of the French as well as of the Spanish monarchy.
Henry had himself long meditated such a project against the
Austrian family; and Rosni could not forbear expressing his
astonishment, when he found that Elizabeth and his master,
though they had never communicated their sentiments on this
Subject, not only had entered into the same general views, but
had also formed the same plan for their execution. The af-
fairs, however, of France were not yet brought to a situation
which might enable Henry to begin that great enterprise;
and Rosni satisfied the queen that it would be necessary to
postpone for Some years their united attack on the house of
Austria. He departed, filled with just admiration at the so-
lidity of Elizabeth's judgment and the greatness of her mind;
and he owns that she was entirely worthy of that high reputa-
tion which she enjoyed in Europe.
184 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. CH. XLIV.
The queen's magnanimity in forming such extensive proj-
ects was the more remarkable, as, besides her having fallen so
far into the decline of life, the affairs of Ireland, though con-
ducted with abilities and success, were still in disorder, and
made a great diversion of her forces. The expense incurred
by this war lay heavy upon her narrow revenues, and her min-
isters, taking advantage of her disposition to frugality, pro-
posed to her an expedient of Saving, which, though she at first
disapproved of it, she was at last induced to embrace. It was
represented to her that the great sums of money remitted to
Ireland for the pay of the English forces came, by the neces-
sary course of circulation, into the hands of the rebels, and
enabled them to buy abroad all necessary supplies of arms and
ammunition, which, from the extreme poverty of that king-
dom, and its want of every useful commodity, they could not
otherwise find means to purchase. It was therefore recom-
mended to her that she should pay her forces in base money;
and it was asserted that, besides the great saving to the rev-
enue, this species of coin could never be exported with advan-
tage, and would not pass in any foreign market. Some of her
wiser councillors maintained that if the pay of the soldiers
were raised in proportion, the Irish rebels would necessarily
reap the same benefit from the base money, which would al-
ways be taken at a rate suitable to its value; if the pay were
not raised, there would be danger of a mutiny among the troops,
who, whatever names might be affixed to the pieces of metal,
would soon find, from experience, that they were defrauded
in their income.” But Elizabeth, though she justly valued
herself on fixing the standard of the English coin, much de-
based by her predecessors, and had innovated very little in
that delicate article, was seduced by the specious arguments
employed by the treasurer on this occasion; and she coined a
great quantity of base money, which he made use of in the
pay of her forces in Ireland.”
Mountjoy, the deputy, was a man of abilities; and, fore-
seeing the danger of mutiny among the troops, he led them
* Camden, p. 6 (3. " Rymer, vol. xvi. p. 414.
CII, XLIV. ELIZABETH. 185
instantly into the field, and resolved by means of strict dis-
Mountjoy's cipline, and by keeping them employed against
jã the enemy, to obviate those inconveniences which
were justly to be apprehended. He made military
roads, and built a fortress at Moghery; he drove the Mac-
Genises out of Lecale; he harassed Tyrone in Ulster with in-
roads and lesser expeditions; and by destroying everywhere,
and during all seasons, the provisions of the Irish, he reduced
them to perish by famine in the woods and morasses to which
they were obliged to retreat. At the same time, Sir Henry
Docwray, who commanded another body of troops, took the
castle of Derry, and put garrisons into Newton and Ainogh;
and having seized the monastery of Donegal near Ballishan-
non, he threw troops into it, and defended it against the as-
saults of O’Donnel and the Irish. Nor was Sir George Carew
idle in the province of Munster. He seized the titular Earl
of Desmond, and sent him over, with Florence Macarty, an-
other chieftain, prisoner to England; he arrested many sus-
pected persons, and took hostages from others; and having
gotten a reinforcement of two thousand men from England,
he threw himself into Cork, which he supplied with arms and
provisions; and he put everything in a condition for resisting
the Spanish invasion which was daily expected. The deputy,
informed of the danger to which the southern provinces were
exposed, left the prosecution of the war against Tyrone, who
was reduced to great extremities, and he marched with his
army into Munster. - -
At last the Spaniards, under Don John d’Aquila, arrived
at Kinsale; and Sir Richard Piercy, who commanded in the
town with a small garrison of a hundred and fifty
men, found himself obliged to abandon it on their
appearance. These invaders amounted to four thousand men,
and the Irish discovered a strong propensity to join them, in
order to free themselves from the English government, with
which they were extremely discontented. One chief ground
of their complaint was the introduction of trials by jury"—an
Sept. 23.
" Camden, p. 644.
186 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. CH. XLIV.
institution abhorred by that people, though nothing contrib-
utes more to the support of that equity and liberty for which
the English laws are so justly celebrated. The Irish also bore
a great favor to the Spaniards, having entertained the opinion
that they themselves were descended from that nation; and
their attachment to the Catholic religion proved a new cause
of affection to the invaders. D'Aquila assumed the title of
general in the holy war for the preservation of the faith in Ire-
land; and he endeavored to persuade the people that Elizabeth
was, by several bulls of the pope, deprived of her crown; that
her subjects were absolved from their oaths of allegiance;
and that the Spaniards were come to deliver the Irish from
the dominion of the devil.” Mountjoy found it necessary to
act with vigor, in order to prevent a total insurrection of the
Irish; and having collected his forces, he formed the siege of
Kinsale by land, while Sir Richard Levison, with a small squad-
ron, blockaded it by Sea. He had no sooner begun his opera-
tions than he heard of the arrival of another body of two
thousand Spaniards, under the command of Alphonso Ocampo,
who had taken possession of Baltimore and Berehaven, and
he was obliged to detach Sir George Carew to oppose their
progress. Tyrone, meanwhile, with Randal, Mac-Surley, Tirel,
Baron of Kelly, and other chieftains of the Irish, had joined
Ocampo with all their forces, and were marching to the relief
of Kinsale. The deputy, informed of their design by inter-
cepted letters, made preparations to receive them ; and being
reinforced by Levison with six hundred marines, he posted
his troops on an advantageous ground, which lay on the pas-
sage of the enemy, leaving some cavalry to prevent a Sally
from D’Aquila and the Spanish garrison. When Tyrone,
with a detachment of Irish and Spaniards, approached, he was
surprised to find the English so well posted and ranged in
good order, and he immediately sounded a retreat; but the
deputy gave orders to pursue him, and having thrown these
advanced troops into disorder, he followed them to the main
body, whom he also attacked and put to flight, with the slaugh-
* Camden, p. 645.
CH. XLIV. ELIZABETH. 187
ter of twelve hundred men.” Ocampo was taken prisoner;
Tyrone fled into Ulster; O'Donnel made his escape into
Spain; and D'Aquila, finding himself reduced to the greatest
difficulties, was obliged to capitulate upon such terms as the
deputy prescribed to him. He surrendered Kinsale and Balti-
more, and agreed to evacuate the kingdom. This great blow,
joined to other successes gained by Wilmot, Governór of Ker-
ry, and by Roger and Gavin Harvey, threw the rebels into dis-
may, and gave a prospect of the final reduction of Ireland.
The Irish war, though successful, was extremely burden-
some on the queen’s revenue; and, besides the Supplies grant-
ed by Parliament, which were indeed very small, but which
they ever regarded as mighty concessions, she had been obliged,
notwithstanding her great frugality, to employ other expedi-
ents, such as selling the royal demesnes and crown jewels,”
and exacting loans from the people,” in order to support this
cause, so essential to the honor and interests of England. The
necessity of her affairs obliged her again to summon a Parlia-
ment; and it here appeared that, though old age was advanc-
octor. A ing fast upon her, though she had lost much of her
* popularity by the unfortunate execution of Essex,
insomuch that, when she appeared in public, she was not at-
tended with the usual acclamations,” yet the powers of her
prerogative, supported by vigor, still remained as high and
uncontrollable as ever. .
The active reign of Elizabeth had enabled many persons to
distinguish themselves in civil and military employments;
and the queen, who was not able, from her revenue, to give
them any rewards proportioned to their services, had made
use of an expedient which had been employed by her prede-
cessor, but which had never been carried to such an extreme
as under her administration. She granted her servants and
courtiers patents for monopolies, and these patents they sold
to others, who were thereby enabled to raise commodities to
what price they pleased, and who put invincible restraints
* Winwood, vol. i. p. 369. * D'Ewes, p. 629.
* Ibid. . - * D'Ewes, p. 602. Osborne, p. 604.
188 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. CH. XLIV.
upon all commerce, industry, and emulation in the arts. It
is astonishing to consider the number and importance of those
commodities which were thus assigned over to patentees. Cur-
rants, salt, iron, powder, cards, calf-skins, fells, pouldavies,
ox shin-bones, train-oil, lists of cloth, potashes, aniseeds, win-
egar, sea-coals, steel, aqua-vitae, brushes, pots, bottles, Saltpetre,
lead, accidences, oil, Calamine-stone, oil of blubber, glasses, pa-
per, starch, tin, Sulphur, new drapery, pilchards; transporta-
tion of iron ordnance, of beer, of horn, of leather; importation
of Spanish wool, of Irish yarn. These are but a part of the
commodities which had been appropriated to monopolists.”
When this list was read in the House, a member cried, “Is not
bread in the number º’’ “Bread ſ” said every one, with aston-
ishment. “Yes, I assure you,” replied he, “if affairs go on
at this rate, we shall have bread reduced to a monopoly before
next Parliament.” These monopolists were so exorbitant in
their demands that in some places they raised the price of
salt from sixteen pence a bushel to fourteen or fifteen shil-
lings.” Such high profits naturally begat intruders upon their
commerce; and, in order to secure themselves against en-
croachments, the patentees were armed with high and arbi-
trary powers from the council, by which they were enabled
to oppress the people at pleasure, and to exact money from
such as they thought proper to accuse of interfering with their
patent." The patentees of saltpetre, having the power of en-
tering into every house, and of committing what havoc they
pleased in stables, cellars, or wherever they suspected saltpetre
might be gathered, commonly extorted money from those who
desired to free themselves from this damage or trouble.” And
while all domestic intercourse was thus restrained, lest any
scope should remain for industry, almost every species of
foreign commerce was confined to exclusive companies, who
bought and sold at any price that they themselves thought
proper to offer or exact.
These grievances, the most intolerable for the present, and
* D'Ewes, p. 648, 650, 652. * D'Ewes, p. 648.
* D'Ewes, p. 647. * D'Ewes, p. 644, 646, 652. * D'Ewes, p. 653.
CII, XLIV. º ELIZABETH. - 189
the most pernicious in their consequences that ever were
known in any age or under any government, had been men-
tioned in the last Parliament, and a petition had even been
presented to the queen complaining of her patents; but she
still persisted in defending her monopolists against her peo-
ple. A bill was now introduced into the Lower House abol-
ishing all these monopolies; and, as the former application
had been unsuccessful, a law was insisted on as the only cer-
tain expedient for correcting these abuses. The courtiers, on
the other hand, maintained that this matter regarded the pre-
rogative, and that the Commons could never hope for success
if they did not make application, in the most humble and re-
spectful manner, to the queen’s goodness and beneficence.
The topics which were advanced in the House, and which
came equally from the courtiers and the country gentlemen,
and were admitted by both, will appear the most extraordinary
to such as are prepossessed with an idea of the privileges en-
joyed by the people during that age, and of the liberty pos-
sessed under the administration of Elizabeth. It was asserted
that the queen inherited both an enlarging and a restraining
power; by her prerogative she might set at liberty what was
restrained by statute or otherwise, and by her prerogative she
might restrain what was otherwise at liberty;” that the royal
prerogative was not to be canvassed nor disputed nor exam-
ined,” and did not even admit of any limitation;" that abso-
lute princes, such as the sovereigns of England, were a species
of divinity;” that it was in vain to attempt tying the queen's
hands by laws or statutes, since by means of her dispensing
power she could loosen herself at pleasure;” and that even if
a clause should be annexed to a statute, excluding her dispens-
ing power, she could first dispense with that clause, and then
with the statute.” After all this discourse, more worthy of a
Turkish divan than of an English House of Commons, accord-
ing to our present idea of this assembly, the queen, who per-
ceived how odious monopolies had become, and what heats
* D'Ewes, p. 644, 675. * D'Ewes, p. 644, 649. * D'Ewes, p. 646, 654.
* D'Ewes, p. 649. * Ibid. * D'Ewes, p. 640, 646.
190 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. CH. XLIV.
were likely to arise, sent for the speaker, and desired him to
acquaint the House that she would immediately cancel the
most grievous and oppressive of these patents.”
The House was struck with astonishment and admiration
and gratitude at this extraordinary instance of the queen’s
goodness and condescension. A member said, with tears in
his eyes, that if a sentence of everlasting happiness had been
pronounced in his favor, he could not have felt more joy than
that with which he was at present overwhelmed;" another
observed that this message from the Sacred person of the queen
was a kind of gospel or glad tidings, and ought to be received
as such, and be written in the tablets of their hearts;" and it
was further remarked that in the same manner as the Deity
would not give his glory to another, so the queen herself was
the only agent in their present prosperity and happiness."
The House voted that the speaker, with a committee, should
ask permission to wait on her majesty and return thanks to
her for her gracious concessions to her people.
When the speaker, with the other members, was introduced
to the queen, they all flung themselves on their knees, and re-
mained in that posture a considerable time, till she thought
proper to express her desire that they should rise." The
speaker displayed the gratitude of the Commons, because her
sacred ears were ever open to hear them, and her blessed hands
ever stretched out to relieve them. They acknowledged, he
said, in all duty and thankfulness acknowledged, that, before
they called, her preventing grace and all-deserving goodness
watched over them for their good; more ready to give than
they could desire, much less deserve. He remarked that the
attribute which was most proper to God, to perform all he
* See note [T] at the end of the volume. * T). Ewes, p. 654.
* D'Ewes, p. 656. * L'Ewes, p. 657.
* We learn from Hentzner's Travels that no one spoke to Queen Elizabeth
without kneeling, though now and then she raised some with waving her hand.
Nay, wherever she turned her eye, every one fell on his knees. Her successor first
allowed his courtiers to omit this ceremony; and as he exerted not the power, so
he relinquished the appearance, of despotism. Even when Queen Elizabeth was
absent, those who covered her table, though persons of quality, neither approached
it mor retired from it without kneeling, and that often three times.
CH. XLIV. ELIZABETH. - 191
promiseth, appertained also to her; and that she was all truth,
all constancy, and all goodness. And he concluded with these
expressions: “Neither do we present our thanks in words or
any outward sign, which can be no sufficient retribution for
so great goodness; but, in all duty and thankfulness, prostrate
at your feet, we present our most loyal and thankful hearts,
even the last drop of blood in our hearts, and the last spirit
of breath in our nostrils, to be poured out, to be breathed up,
for your safety.” The queen heard very patiently this speech,
in which she was flattered in phrases appropriated to the Su-
preme Being; and she returried an answer full of such ex-
pressions of tenderness towards her people as ought to have
appeared fulsome, after the late instances of rigor which she
had employed, and from which nothing but necessity had
made her depart. Thus was this critical affair happily ter-
minated; and Elizabeth, by prudently receding in time from
part of her prerogative, maintained her dignity and preserved
the affections of her people.
The Commons granted her a supply quite unprecedented,
of four subsidies and eight fifteenths; and they were so duti-
ful as to vote this supply before they received any satisfac-
tion in the business of monopolies, which they justly consid-
ered as of the utmost importance to the interest and happi-
ness of the nation. Had they attempted to extort that con-
cession by keeping the Supply in Suspense, so haughty was
the queen's disposition that this appearance of constraint and
jealousy had been sufficient to have produced a denial of all
their requests and to have forced her into some acts of author-
ity still more violent and arbitrary.
The remaining events of this reign are neither numerous
nor important. The queen, finding that the Spaniards had
involved her in so much trouble by fomenting and
assisting the Irish rebellion, resolved to give them
employment at home; and she fitted out a squadron of nine
ships, under Sir Richard Levison, admiral, and Sir William
Monson, vice-admiral, whom she sent on an expedition to the
1602.
* D'Ewes, p. 658, 659.
192 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. CH. XLIV.
coast of Spain. The admiral, with part of the Squadron, met
the galleons loaded with treasure, but was not strong enough
to attack them; the vice-admiral also fell in with some rich
ships, but they escaped for a like reason. And these two
brave officers, that their expedition might not prove entirely
fruitless, resolved to attack the harbor of Cerimbra, in Portu-
gal, where they received intelligence a very rich carrack had
taken shelter. The harbor was guarded by a castle; there
were eleven galleys stationed in it, and the militia of the
country, to the number, as was believed, of twenty thousand
men, appeared in arms on the shore. Yet, notwithstanding
these obstacles, and others derived from the winds and tides,
the English squadron broke into the harbor, dismounted the
guns of the castle, sunk or burned or put to flight the galleys,
and obliged the carrack to surrender.” They brought her
home to England, and she was valued at a million of ducats;”
a sensible loss to the Spaniards, and a supply still more im-
portant to Elizabeth.”
The affairs of Ireland, after the defeat of Tyrone and the
expulsion of the Spaniards, hastened to a settlement. Lord
Mountjoy divided his army into small parties, and harassed
the rebels on every side. He built Charlemont, and many
other small forts, which were impregnable to the Irish, and
guarded all the important passes of the country. The activi-
ty of Sir Henry Docwray and Sir Arthur Chichester permit-
ted no repose or security to the rebels; and many of the
chieftains, after skulking during some time in woods and mo-
rasses, submitted to mercy and received such conditions as the
deputy was pleased to impose upon them. Tyrone
himself made application by Arthur Mac-Baron, his
brother, to be received upon terms; but Mountjoy would not
admit him, except he made an absolute surrender of his life
and fortunes to the queen’s mercy. He appeared before the
1603.
* Monson, p. 181. * Camden, p. 647.
* This year the Spaniards began the siege of Ostend, which was bravely de-
fended for five months by Sir Ifrancis Vere. The states then relieved him, by
sending a new governor; and on the whole the siege lasted three years, and is
computed to have cost the lives of a hundred thousand men.
CH. XLIV. ELIZABETH. 193
deputy at Millefont, in a habit and posture suitable to his
Tyrone's sub present fortune; and, after acknowledging his of.
mission. fence in the most humble terms, he was commit-
ted to custody by Mountjoy, who intended to bring him over
captive into England, to be disposed of at the queen’s pleasure.
But Elizabeth was now incapable of receiving any satisfac-
tion from this fortunate event; she had fallen into a profound
Queen's sick melancholy, which all the advantages of her high
Il CSS fortune, all the glories of her prosperous reign,
were unable in any degree to alleviate or assuage. Some as-
cribed this depression of mind to her repentance of granting
a pardon to Tyrone, whom she had always resolved to bring
to condign punishment for his treasons, but who had made
such interest with the ministers as to extort a remission from
her. Others, with more likelihood, accounted for her dejec-
tion by a discovery which she had made of the correspond-
ence maintained in her court with her successor, the King of
Scots, and by the neglect to which, on account of her old age
and infirmities, she imagined herself to be exposed. But
there is another cause assigned for her melancholy, which has
long been rejected by historians as romantic, but which late
discoveries seem to have confirmed.” Some incidents hap-
pened which revived her tenderness for Essex, and filled her
with the deepest Sorrow for the consent which she had un-
warily given to his execution. &
The Earl of Essex, after his return from the fortunate ex-
pedition against Cadiz, observing the increase of the queen’s
fond attachment towards him, took occasion to regret that the
necessity of her service required him often to be absent from
her person, and exposed him to all those ill offices which his
enemies, more assiduous in their attendance, could employ
against him. She was moved with this tender jealousy; and,
making him the present of a ring, desired him to keep that
pledge of her affection, and assured him that into whatever
disgrace he should fall, whatever prejudices she might be in-
* See the proofs of this remarkable fact collected in Birch's Negotiations, p.
206. And Memoirs, vol. ii. p. 481, 505, 506, etc.
IV.-13
194 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. CH. XLIV.
duced to entertain against him, yet if he sent her that ring
she would immediately, upon the sight of it, recall her former
tenderness, would afford him a patient hearing, and would
lend a favorable ear to his apology. Essex, notwithstanding
all his misfortunes, reserved this precious gift to the last ex-
tremity; but after his trial and condemnation he resolved to
try the experiment, and he committed the ring to the Count-
ess of Nottingham, whom he desired to deliver it to the
queen. The countess was prevailed on by her husband, the
mortal enemy of Essex, not to execute the commission ; and
Elizabeth, who still expected that her favorite would make
this last appeal to her tenderness, and who ascribed the neg-
lect of it to his invincible obstinacy, was, after much delay
and many internal combats, pushed by resentment and policy
to sign the warrant for his execution. The Countess of Not-
tingham falling into sickness, and affected with the near ap-
proach of death, was seized with remorse for her conduct;
and, having obtained a visit from the queen, she craved her
pardon, and revealed to her the fatal Secret. The queen, as-
tonished with this incident, burst into a furious passion. She
shook the dying countess in her bed; and crying to her that
God might pardon her, but she never could, she broke from
her, and thenceforth resigned herself over to the deepest and
most incurable melancholy. She rejected all consolation; she
even refused food and sustenance; and, throwing herself on
the floor, she remained sullen and immovable, feeding her
thoughts on her afflictions, and declaring life and existence an
insufferable burden to her. Few words she uttered; and they
were all expressive of some inward grief, which she cared not
to reveal; but sighs and groans were the chief vent which
she gave to her despondency, and which, though they discov-
ered her sorrows, were never able to ease or assuage them.
Ten days and nights she lay upon the carpet, leaning on cush-
ions which her maids brought her; and her physicians could
not persuade her to allow herself to be put to bed, much less
to make trial of any remedies which they prescribed to her.”
* Strype, vol. iv. No. 276.
CH. XLIV. ELIZABETH. 195
Her anxious mind, at last, had so long preyed on her frail
body that her end was visibly approaching; and the council,
being assembled, sent the keeper, admiral, and secretary to
know her will with regard to her successor. She answered,
with a faint voice, that as she had held a regal sceptre, she de-
sired no other than a royal Successor. Cecil requesting her
to explain herself more particularly, she subjoined that she
would have a king to succeed her; and who should that be
but her nearest kinsman, the King of Scots? Being then ad-
vised by the Archbishop of Canterbury to fix her thoughts
upon God, she replied that she did so, nor did her mind in
the least wander from him. Her voice soon after left her;
and death, her senses failed; she fell into a lethargic slumber,
** which continued some hours; and she expired gen-
tly, without further struggle or convulsion, in the seventieth
year of her age and forty-fifth of her reign.
So dark a cloud overcast the evening of that day, which
had shone out with a mighty lustre in the eyes of all Europe.
and charac. There are few great personages in history who have
tel'. been more exposed to the calumny of enemies and
the adulation of friends than Queen Elizabeth; and yet there
is scarcely any whose reputation has been more certainly de-
termined by the unanimous consent of posterity. The un-
usual length of her administration and the strong features
of her character were able to overcome all prejudices; and,
obliging her detractors to abate much of their invectives, and
her admirers somewhat of their panegyrics, have at last, in
spite of political factions, and, what is more, of religious ani-
mosities, produced a uniform judgment with regard to her
conduct. Her vigor, her constancy, her magnanimity, her pen-
etration, vigilance, address, are allowed to merit the highest
praises, and appear not to have been surpassed by any person
‘that ever filled a throne. A conduct less rigorous, less impe-
rious, more sincere, more indulgent to her people, would have
been requisite to form a perfect character. By the force of
her mind she controlled all her more active and stronger qual-
ities, and prevented them from running into excess. Her her-
oism was exempt from temerity, her frugality from avarice,
196 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. CH. XLIV.
her friendship from partiality, her active temper from turbu-
lency and a vain ambition. She guarded not herself with
equal care or equal success from lesser infirmities—the rival-
ship of beauty, the desire of admiration, the jealousy of love,
and the Sallies of anger.
Pſer singular talents for government were founded equally
on her temper and on her capacity. Endowed with a great
command over herself, she soon obtained an uncontrolled as-
cendant over her people; and while she merited all their es-
teem by her real virtues, she also engaged their affections by
her pretended ones. Few sovereigns of England succeeded to
the throne in more difficult circumstances, and none ever con-
ducted the government with such uniform success and felici-
ty. Though unacquainted with the practice of toleration, the
true secret for managing religious factions, she preserved her
people, by her superior prudence, from those confusions in
which theological controversy had involved all the neighbor-
ing nations; and though her enemies were the most powerful
princes of Europe, the most active, the most enterprising, the
least scrupulous, she was able by her vigor to make deep im-
pressions on their states. Her own greatness meanwhile re-
mained untouched and unimpaired.
The wise ministers and brave warriors who flourished un-
der her reign share the praise of her success, but, instead of
lessening the applause due to her, they make great addition to
it. They owed all of them their advancement to her choice;
they were supported by her constancy; and with all their
abilities they were never able to acquire any undue ascendant
over her. In her family, in her court, in her kingdom, she
remained equally mistress. The force of the tender passions
was great over her, but the force of her mind was still supe-
rior; and the combat which her victory visibly cost her serves
only to display the firmness of her resolution and the loftiness
of her ambitious sentiments.
The fame of this princess, though it has surmounted the
prejudices both of faction and bigotry, yet lies still exposed
to another prejudice, which is more durable because more mat-
ural, and which, according to the different views in which we
CH. XLIV. ELIZABETH. . 197
survey her, is capable either of exalting beyond measure or
diminishing the lustre of her character. This prejudice is
founded on the consideration of her sex. When we contem-
plate her as a woman, we are apt to be struck with the highest
admiration of her great qualities and extensive capacity; but
we are also apt to require some more softness of disposition,
Some greater lenity of temper, Some of those amiable weak-
nesses by which her sex is distinguished. But the true method
of estimating her merit is to lay aside all these considerations,
and consider her merely as a rational being placed in author-
ity and intrusted with the government of mankind. We may
find it difficult to reconcile our fancy to her as a wife or a
mistress; but her qualities as a sovereign, though with some
considerable exceptions, are the object of undisputed applause
and approbation.
198 IHISTORY OF ENGLAND.
APPENDIX III.
Government of England.—Revenues.—Commerce.—Military Force.—Manufact-
ures.—Learning.
©
TIIE party among us who have distinguished themselves by
their adhering to liberty and a popular government have long
government indulged their prejudices against the succeeding
** race of princes, by bestowing unbounded panegyr-
ics on the virtue and wisdom of Elizabeth. They have even
been so extremely ignorant of the transactions of this reign
as to extol her for a quality which, of all others, she was the
least possessed of—a tender regard for the constitution, and
a concern for the liberties and privileges of her people. But
as it is scarcely possible for the prepossessions of party to
throw a veil much longer over facts so palpable and undeni-
able, there is danger lest the public should run into the oppo-
site extreme, and should entertain an aversion to the memory
of a princess who exercised the royal authority in a manner
so contrary to all the ideas which we at present entertain of a
legal constitution. But Elizabeth only supported the prerog-
atives transmitted to her by her predecessors: she believed
that her subjects were entitled to no more liberty than their
ancestors had enjoyed; she found that they entirely acquiesced
in her arbitrary administration; and it was not natural for
her to find fault with a form of government by which she
herself was invested with such unlimited authority. In the
particular exertions of power, the question ought never to be
forgotten, What is best ? But in the general distribution of
power among the several members of a constitution there can
seldom be admitted any other question than, What is estab-
lished? Few examples occur of princes who have willingly
resigned their power; none of those who have, without strug-
gle and reluctance, allowed it to be extorted from them. If
APPENDIX III. 199
any other rule than established practice be followed, factions
and dissensions must multiply without end; and though many
constitutions, and none more than the British, have been im-
proved even by violent innovations, the praise bestowed on
those patriots to whom the nation has been indebted for its
privileges ought to be given with some reserve, and surely
without the least rancor against those who adhered to the
ancient constitution."
In order to understand the ancient constitution of England,
there is not a period which deserves more to be studied than
thé reign of Elizabeth. The prerogatives of this princess
were scarcely ever disputed, and she therefore employed them
without scruple. Her imperious temper, a circumstance in
which she went far beyond her successors, rendered her ex-
ertions of power violent and frequent, and discovered the full
extent of her authority: the great popularity which she en-
joyed proves that she did not infringe any established liberties
of the people. There remains evidence sufficient to ascertain
the most noted acts of her administration; and though that
evidence must be drawn from a source wide of the ordinary
historians, it becomes only the more authentic on that account,
and serves as a stronger proof that her particular exertions of
power were conceived to be nothing but the ordinary course
of administration, since they were not thought remarkable
enough to be recorded even by contemporary writers. If there
was any difference in this particular, the people in former
reigns seem rather to have been more submissive than even
during the age of Elizabeth.” It may not here be improper
* By the ancient constitution is here meant that which prevailed before the set-
tlement of our present plan of liberty. There was a more ancient constitution,
where, though the people had perhaps less liberty than under the Tudors, yet the
king had also less authority; the power of the barons was a great check upon him,
and exercised with great tyranny over them. But there was a still more ancient
constitution—viz., that before the signing of the charters, when neither the people
nor the barons had any regular privileges; and the power of the government, dur-
ing the reign of an able prince, was almost wholly in the king. The English
constitution, like all others, has been in a state of continual fluctuation.
*In a memorial of the state of the realm, ‘drawn by Secretary Cecil in 1569,
there is this passage: “Then followeth the decay of obedience in civil policy,
200 HISTORY OF ENGLAND.
to recount some of the ancient prerogatives of the crown, and
lay open the sources of that great power which the English
monarchs formerly enjoyed.
One of the most ancient and most established instruments
of power was the court of Star-chamber, which possessed an
unlimited discretionary authority of fining, imprisoning, and
inflicting corporal punishment, and whose jurisdiction extend-
ed to all sorts of offences, contempts, and disorders that lay
not within reach of the common law. The members of this
court consisted of the privy council and the judges, men who
all of them enjoyed their offices during pleasure; and when
the prince himself was present, he was the sole judge, and all
the others could only interpose with their advice. There
needed but this one court in any government to put an end
to all regular, legal, and exact plans of liberty; for who durst
set himself in opposition to the crown and ministry, or aspire
to the character of being a patron of freedom, while exposed
to so arbitrary a jurisdiction ? I much question whether any
of the absolute monarchies in Europe contain at present so
illegal and despotie a tribunal.
The court of high commission was another jurisdiction still
more terrible ; both because the crime of heresy, of which it
took cognizance, was more undefinable than any civil offence,
and because its methods of inquisition and of administering
oaths were more contrary to all the most simple ideas of jus-
tice and equity. The fines and imprisonments imposed by
this court were frequent: the deprivations and suspensions of
the clergy for nonconformity were also numerous, and com-
prehended at one time the third of all the ecclesiastics of
England.” The queen, in a letter to the Archbishop of Can-
terbury, Said expressly that she was resolved “that no man
should be suffered to decline, either on the left or on the right
hand, from the drawn line limited by authority, and by her
laws and injunctions.”
which being compared with the fearfulness and reverence of all inferior estates to
their superiors in times past, will astonish any wise and considerate person, to be-
hold the desperation of reformation.”—Haynes, p. 586. Again, p. 588.
* Neal, vol. i. p. 479. * Murden, p. 183.
ABPENIDIX III. 201
But martial law went beyond even these two courts in a
prompt and arbitrary and violent method of decision. When-
ever there was any insurrection or public disorder, the crown.
employed martial law; and it was during that time exercised
not only over the soldiers, but over the whole people: any
one might be punished as a rebel, or an aider and abettor of
rebellion, whom the provost-martial or lieutenant of a county,
or their deputies, pleased to suspect. Lord Bacon says that
the trial at common law granted to the Earl of Essex and his
fellow-conspirators was a favor; for that the case would have
borne and required the severity of martial law." We have
seen instances of its being employed by Queen Mary in de-
fence of orthodoxy. There remains a letter of Queen Eliz-
abeth’s to the Earl of Sussex, after the suppression of the
northern rebellion, in which she sharply reproves him be-
cause she had not heard of his having executed any crimi-
nals by martial law;" though it is probable that near eight
hundred persons suffered, one way or other, on account of
that slight insurrection. But the kings of England did not
always limit the exercise of this law to times of civil war and
disorder. In 1552, when there was no rebellion or insurrec-
tion, King Edward granted a commission of martial law, and
empowered the commissioners to execute it as should be
thought by their discretions most necessary." Queen Eliza-
beth, too, was not sparing in the use of this law. In 1573
one Peter Burchet, a Puritan, being persuaded that it was
meritorious to kill such as opposed the truth of the gospel,
ran into the streets and wounded Hawkins, the famous sea-
captain, whom he took for Hatton, the queen's favorite. The
queen was so incensed that she ordered him to be punished
instantly by martial law; but, upon the remonstrance of some
prudent councillors, who told her that this law was usually
confined to turbulent times, she recalled her order and deliv-
ered over Burchet to the common law.” But she continued
* Vol. iv. p. 510. . * MS. of Lord Royston's, from the Paper Office.
* Strype's Eccles. Memoirs, vol. ii. p. 373, 458, 459.
* Camden, p. 446. Strype, vol. ii. p. 288.
202 HISTORY OF ENGLAND.
not always so reserved in exerting this authority. There
remains a proclamation of hers in which she orders martial
law to be used against all such as import bulls, or even for-
bidden books and pamphlets, from abroad;" and prohibits the
questioning of the lieutenants, or their deputies, for their ar-
bitrary punishment of such offenders, any law or statute to the
contrary ºn anywise notwithstanding. We have another act
of hers still more extraordinary. The streets of London were
much infested with idle vagabonds and riotous persons. The
lord mayor had endeavored to repress this disorder: the Star-
chamber had exerted its authority and inflicted punishment
on these rioters: but the queen, finding those remedies inef-
fectual, revived martial law, and gave Sir Thomas Wilford a
commission of provost-martial, “granting him authority, and
commanding him, upon signification given by the justices of
peace in London or the neighboring counties, of such offend-
ers worthy to be speedily executed by martial law, to attach
and take the same persons, and in the presence of the said
justices, according to justice of martial law, to execute them
upon the gallows or gibbet openly, or near to such place
where the said rebellious and incorrigible offenders shall be
found to have committed the said great offences.”” I sup-
pose it would be difficult to produce an instance of such an
act of authority in any place nearer than Muscovy. The
patent of high-constable granted to Earl Rivers by Edward
IV. proves the nature of the office. The powers are unlim-
ited, perpetual, and remain in force during peace as well as
during war and rebellion. The Parliament in Edward VI.'s
reign acknowledged the jurisdiction of the constable and mar-
tial’s court to be part of the law of the land.”
The Star-chamber and high commission and court-martial,
though arbitrary jurisdictions, had still some pretence of a
trial, at least of a sentence ; but there was a grievous punish-
ment very generally inflicted in that age without any other
"Strype, vol. iii. p. 570. * Rymer, vol. xvi. p. 279.
* 7 Edw. VI, cap. 20. See Sir John Davis's Question concerning Impositions,
p. 9.
APPENDIX III. 203
authority than the warrant of a secretary of state or of the
privy council;" and that was imprisonment in any jail and
during any time that the ministers should think proper. In
suspicious times all the jails were full of prisoners of state;
and these unhappy victims of public jealousy were sometimes
thrown into dungeons and loaded with irons, and treated in
the most cruel manner, without their being able to obtain
any remedy from law.
This practice was an indirect way of employing torture;
but the rack itself, though not admitted in the ordinary exe-
cution of justice,” was frequently used, upon any suspicion,
by authority of a warrant from a secretary or the privy coun-
cil. Even the council in the marches of Wales were empow-
ered by their very commission to make use of torture when-
ever they thought proper.” There cannot be a stronger proof
how lightly the rack was employed than the following story
told by Lord Bacon. We shall give it in his own words:
“The queen was mightily incensed against Haywarde on ac-
count of a book he dedicated to Lord Essex, being a story of
the first year of Henry IV., thinking it a seditious prelude
to put into the people's heads boldness and faction;” she said
she had an opinion that there was treason in it, and asked me
if I could not find any places in it that might be drawn with-
in the case of treason ? Whereto I answered, ‘For treason,
sure I found none; but for felony very many.’ And when
her majesty hastily asked me, Wherein . I told her the au-
thor had committed very apparent theft; for he had taken
most of the sentences of Cornelius Tacitus, and translated
them into English, and put them into his text. And another
time, when the queen could not be persuaded that it was his
* In 1588 the lord mayor committed several citizens to prison because they re-
fused to pay the loan demanded of them. Murden, p. 632.
* Harrison, bk. ii. ch. 11.
* Haynes, p. 196. See, further, La Boderie, vol. i. p. 211.
* To our apprehension, Haywarde's book seems rather to have a contrary ten-
dency; for he has there preserved the famous speech of the Bishop of Carlisle,
which contains, in the most express terms, the doctrine of passive obedience. But
Queen Elizabeth was very difficult to please on this head.
204 HISTORY OF ENGLAND.
writing whose name was to it, but that it had some more mis-
chievous author, and said, with great indignation, that she
would have him racked to produce his author, I replied,
‘Nay, madam, he is a doctor; never rack his person, but rack
his style: let him have pen, ink, and paper, and help of
books, and be enjoined to continue the story where it break-
eth off, and I will undertake, by collating the styles, to judge
whether he were the author or no.’”" Thus, had it not
been for Bacon’s humanity, or, rather, his wit, this author,
a man of letters, had been put to the rack for a most innocent
performance. His real offence was his dedicating a book to
that munificent patron of the learned, the Earl of Essex, at
a time when this nobleman lay under her majesty’s dis-
pleasure. -
* The queen’s menace of trying and punishing Haywarde
for treason could easily have been executed, let his book have
been ever so innocent. While so many terrors hung over the
people, no jury durst have acquitted a man when the court
was resolved to have him condemned. The practice, also, of
not confronting witnesses with the prisoner gave the crown
lawyers all imaginable advantage against him. And, indeed,
there scarcely occurs an instance during all these reigns that
the Sovereign or the ministers were ever disappointed in the
issue of a prosecution. Timid juries, and judges who held
their offices during pleasure, never failed to second all the
views of the crown. And as the practice was anciently com-
mon of fining, imprisoning, or otherwise punishing the jurors,
merely at the discretion of the court, for finding a verdict
contrary to the direction of these dependent judges, it is ob-
vious that juries were then no manner of security to the lib-
erty of the subject.
The power of pressing both for sea and land service, and
obliging any person to accept of any office, however mean or
unfit for him, was another prerogative totally incompatible
with freedom. Osborne gives the following account of Eliz-
abeth’s method of employing this prerogative: “In case she
* Cabala, p. 81.
APPENDIX III. 205
found any likely to interrupt her occasions,” says he, “she
did seasonably prevent him by a chargeable employment
abroad, or putting him upon Some Service at home which she
knew least grateful to the people: contrary to a false maxim,
since practised with far worse success, by such princes as
thought it better husbandry to buy off enemies than reward
friends.” The practice with which Osborne reproaches the
two immediate successors of Elizabeth proceeded partly from
the extreme difficulty of their situation, partly from the
greater lenity of their disposition. The power of pressing,
as may naturally be imagined, was often abused in other re-
spects by men of inferior rank, and officers often exacted
money for freeing persons from the service.” --
The government of England during that age, however dif-
ferent in other particulars, bore in this respect some resem-
blance to that of Turkey at present: the sovereign possessed
every power, except that of imposing taxes; and in both
countries this limitation, unsupported by other privileges, ap-
pears rather prejudicial to the people. In Turkey, it obliges
the Sultan to permit the extortion of the bashaws and govern-
ors of provinces, from whom he afterwards Squeezes presents
or takes forfeitures; in England, it engaged the queen to
erect monopolies and grant patents for exclusive trade, an in-
vention so pernicious that, had she gone on during a track
of years at her own rate, England, the seat of riches and arts
and commerce, would have contained at present as little in-
dustry as Morocco or the coast of Barbary.
We may further observe that this valuable privilege, valua-
ble only because it proved afterwards the means by which the
Parliament extorted all their other privileges, was very much
encroached on, in an indirect manner, during the reign of
Elizabeth as well as of her predecessors. She often exacted
loans from her people—an arbitrary and unequal kind of im-
position, and which individuals felt severely; for, though the
money had been regularly repaid, which was seldom the case,”
it lay in the prince's hands without interest, which was a sen-
* Page 392. * Murden, p. 181. * Bacon, vol. iv. p. 362.
206 HISTORY OF ENGLAND.
sible loss to the persons from whom the money was bor-
rowed.”
There remains a proposal, made by Lord Burleigh, for levy-
ing a general loan on the people, equivalent to a subsidy”—
a scheme which would have laid the burden more equally, but
which was, in different words, a taxation imposed without
consent of Parliament. It is remarkable that the scheme
thus proposed, without any visible necessity, by that wise
minister is the very same which Henry VIII. executed, and
which Charles I., enraged by ill usage from his Parliament
and reduced to the greatest difficulties, put afterwards in
practice, to the great discontent of the nation.
The demand of benevolence was another invention of that
age for taxing the people. This practice was so little con-
ceived to be irregular that the Commons, in 1585, offered the
queen a benevolence, which she very generously refused, as
having no occasion at that time for money.” Queen Mary,
also, by an order of council, increased the customs in some
branches; and her sister imitated the example.” There was
a species of ship-money imposed at the time of the Spanish
invasion; the several ports were required to equip a certain
number of vessels at their own charge ; and such was the
alacrity of the people for the public defence that some of the
ports, particularly London, sent double the number demanded
of them.” When any levies were made for Ireland, France,
or the Low Countries, the queen obliged the counties to levy
the soldiers, to arm and clothe them, and carry them to the
seaports at their own charge. New-year's gifts were at that
time expected from the nobility and from the more consider-
able gentry.”
Purveyance and pre-emption were also methods of taxation,
* In the second of Richard II. it was enacted that in loans which the king shall
require of his subjects upon letters of privy seal, such as have reasonable excuse
of not lending may there be received without further summons, travail, or grief.
See Cotton's Abridg. p. 170. By this law the king's prerogative of exacting loans
was ratified; and what ought to be deemed a reasonable excuse was still left in
his own breast to determine.
* Haynes, p. 518, 519. * D'Ewes, p. 494. * Bacon, vol. iv. p. 362.
* Monson, p. 267. * Strype's Memoirs, vol. i. p. 137.
APPENDIX III. - 207
unequal, arbitrary, and oppressive. The whole kingdom sen-
sibly felt the burden of those impositions; and it was regard-
ed as a great privilege conferred on Oxford and Cambridge
to prohibit the puryeyors from taking any commodities with-
in five miles of these universities. The queen victualled her
navy by means of this prerogative during the first years of
her reign.”
Wardship was the most regular and legal of all these im-
positions by prerogative; yet was it a great badge of slavery,
and oppressive to all the considerable families. When an es-
tate devolved to a female, the Sovereign obliged her to marry
any one he pleased; whether the heir were male or female,
the crown enjoyed the whole profit of the estate during the
minority. The giving of a rich wardship was a usual method
of rewarding a courtier or favorite.
The inventions were endless which arbitrary power might
employ for the extorting of money, while the people imagined
that their property was secured by the crown's being de-
barred from imposing taxes. Strype has preserved a speech
of Lord Burleigh to the queen and council in which are con-
tained some particulars not a little extraordinary.” Burleigh
proposes that she should erect a court for the correction of all
abuses, and should confer on the commissioners a general in-
quisitorial power over the whole kingdom. He sets before
her the example of her wise grandfather, Henry VII., who by
such methods extremely augmented his revenue; and he rec-
ommends that this new court should proceed “as well by the
direction and ordinary course of the laws as by virtue of..her
majesty’s supreme regiment and absolute power, from whence
law proceeded.” In a word, he expects from this institution
greater accession to the royal treasure than Henry VIII. de-
rived from the abolition of the abbeys and all the forfeitures
of ecclesiastical revenues. This project of Lord Burleigh's
needs not, I think, any comment. A form of government
must be very arbitrary indeed where a wise and good minis-
ter could make Such a proposal to the Sovereign.
* Camden, p. 388. * Annals, vol. iv. p. 234 et seq.
208 HISTORY OF ENGLAND.
Embargoes on merchandise was another engine of royal
power by which the English princes were able to extort
money from the people. We have seen instances in the
reign of Mary. Elizabeth, before her coronation, issued an
order to the custom-house prohibiting the sale of all crim-
son silks which should be imported till the court were first
supplied.” She expected, no doubt, a good pennyworth from
the merchants while they lay under this restraint.
The Parliament-pretended to the right of enacting laws, as
well as of granting subsidies; but this privilege was, during
that age, still more insignificant than the other. Queen
Elizabeth expressly prohibited them from meddling either
with state matters or ecclesiastical causes; and she openly
sent the members to prison who dared to transgress her im-
perial edict in these particulars. There passed few sessions
of Parliament during her reign where there occur not in-
stances of this arbitrary conduct. º
Dut the legislative power of the Parliament was a mere
fallacy while the sovereign was universally acknowledged
to possess a dispensing power by which all the laws could
be invalidated and ſendered of no effect. The exercise of
this power was also an indirect method practised for erecting
monopolies. Where the statutes laid any branch of manu-
facture under restrictions, the Sovereign, by exempting one
person from the laws, gave him in effect the monopoly of
that commodity.” There was no grievance at that time more
universally complained of than the frequent dispensing with
the penal laws.” -
But in reality the crown possessed the full legislative pow-
er by means of proclamations, which might affect any matter,
even of the greatest importance, and which the Star-chamber
took care to see more rigorously executed than the laws them-
selves. The motives for these proclamations were sometimes
frivolous and even ridiculous. Queen Elizabeth had taken
offence at the Smell of woad, and she issued an edict prohibit-
* Strype, vol. i. p. 27. * Rymer, vol. xv. p. 756. D'Ewes, p. 645.
* Murden, p. 325. -
APPENDIX III. 209
ing any one from cultivating that useful plant.” She was also
pleased to take offence at the long swords and high ruffs then
in fashion : she sent about her officers to break every man’s
sword and clip every man's ruff which was beyond a cer-
tain dimension.” This practice resembles the method em-
ployed by the great Czar Peter to make his subjects change
their garb.
The queen’s prohibition of the prophesyings, or the assem-
blies instituted for fanatical prayers and conferences, was
founded on a better reason, but shows still the unlimited ex-
tent of her prerogative. Any number of persons could not
meet together in order to read the Scriptures and confer
about religion, though in ever so orthodox a manner, with-
out her permission.
There were many other branches of prerogative incompati-
ble with an exact or regular enjoyment of liberty. None of
the nobility could marry without permission from the Sov-
ereign. The queen detained the Earl of Southampton long
in prison because he privately married the Earl of Essex's
cousin.” No man could travel without the consent of the
prince. Sir William Evers underwent a severe persecution
because he had presumed to pay a private visit to the King
of Scots.” . The sovereign even assumed a Supreme and un-
controlled authority over all foreign trade; and neither al-
lowed any person to enter or depart the kingdom, nor any
commodity to be imported or exported, without his consent.”
The Parliament, in the thirteenth of the queen, praised her
for not imitating the practice usual among her predecessors,
of stopping the course of justice by particular warrants.”
There could not possibly be a greater abuse nor a stronger
mark of arbitrary power, and the queen in refraining from it
was very laudable. But she was by no means constant in
this reserve. There remain in the public records some war-
* Townsend's Journals, p. 250. Stowe's Annals. *
* Townsend's Journals, p. 250. Stowe's Annals. Strype, vol. ii. p. 603.
* Birch's Memoirs, vol. ii. p. 422. * Birch's Memoirs, vol. ii. p. 511.
* Sir John Davis's Question concerning Impositions, passim.
* D'Ewes, p. 141. - -
IV.-14
210. HISTORY OF ENGLAND.
rants of hers for exempting particular persons from all law-
suits and prosecutions;” and these warrants, she says, she
grants from her royal prerogative, which she will not allow
to be disputed.
It was very usual in Queen Elizabeth's reign, and probably
in all the preceding reigns, for noblemen or privy-councillors
to commit to prison any one who had happened to displease
them by Suing for his just debts; and the unhappy person,
though he gained his cause in the courts of justice, was com-
monly obliged to relinquish his property in order to obtain
his liberty. Some likewise, who had been delivered from
prison by the judges, were again committed to custody in
secret places, without any possibility of obtaining relief; and
even the officers and sergeants of the courts of law were
punished for executing the writs in favor of these persons.
Nay, it was usual to send for people by pursuivants, a kind
of harpies, who then attended the orders of the council and
high commission; and they were brought up to London, and
constrained by imprisonment not only to withdraw their
lawful suits, but also to pay the pursuivants great sums of
money. The judges, in the thirty-fourth of the queen, com-
plain to her majesty of the frequency of this practice. It is
probable that so egregious a tyranny was carried no further
down than the reign of Elizabeth, since the Parliament who
presented the petition of right found no later instances of,
it.” And even these very judges of Elizabeth, who thus pro-
tect the people against the tyranny of the great, expressly
allow that a person committed by special command of the
queen is not bailable. -
It is easy to imagine that in such a government no justice
could by course of law be obtained of the sovereign, unless
he were willing to allow it. In the naval expedition under-
taken by Raleigh and Frobisher against the Spaniards in the
year 1592, a very rich carrack was taken, worth two hundred
thousand pounds. The queen's share in the adventure was
* Rymer, vol. xv. p. 652, 708, 777.
• * Rushworth, vol. i. p. 511. Franklyn's Annals, p. 250, 251.
APPENDIX III. g 211
only a tenth, but as the prize was so great, and exceeded so
much the expectation of all the adventurers, she was deter-
mined not to rest contented with her share. Raleigh humbly
and earnestly begged her to accept of a hundred thousand
pounds in lieu of all demands, or rather extortions; and says
that the present which the proprietors were willing to make
her, of eighty thousand pounds, was the greatest that prince
ever received from a subject.” -
But it is no wonder the queen in her administration
should pay so little regard to liberty while the Parliament
itself, in enacting laws, was entirely negligent of it. The per-
secuting statutes which they passed against Papists and Puri-
tans are extremely contrary to the genius of freedom ; and,
by exposing such multitudes to the tyranny of priests and
bigots, accustomed the people to the most disgraceful subjec-
tion. Their conferring an unlimited supremacy on the queen,
or, what is worse, acknowledging her inherent right to it, was
another proof of their voluntary servitude.
The law of the twenty-third of her reign making seditious
words against the queen capital is also a very tyrannical stat-
ute, and a use no less tyrannical was sometimes made of it.
The case of Udal, a Puritanical clergyman, seems singular,
even in those arbitrary times. This man had published a
book called a Demonstration of Discipline, in which he in-
weighed against the government of bishops; and though he
had carefully endeavored to conceal his name, he was thrown
into prison upon suspicion, and brought to a trial for this of.
fence. It was pretended that the bishops were part of the
queen's political body, and to speak against them was real-
ly to attack her, and was therefore felony by the statute.
This was not the only iniquity to which Udal was exposed.
The judges would not allow the jury to determine any-
thing but the fact, whether Udal had written the book or
not, without examining his intention or the import of the
words. In order to prove the fact, the crown lawyers did
not produce a single witness to the court; they only read
* Strype, vol. iv. p. 128, 129.
212 HISTORY OF ENGLAND.
the testimony of two persons absent, one of whom said that
|Udal had told him he was the author; another that a friend
of Udal’s had said so. They would not allow Udal to pro-
duce any exculpatory evidence, which they said was never to
be permitted against the crown.” And they tendered him an
oath, by which he was required to depose that he was not the
author of the book; and his refusal to make that deposition
was employed as the strongest proof of his guilt. It is al-
most needless to add that, notwithstanding these multiplied
iniquities, a verdict of death was given by the jury against
Udal; for, as the queen was extremely bent upon his prose-
cution, it was impossible he could escape.” He died in prison
before execution of the sentence. -
The case of Penry was, if possible, still harder. This man
was a zealous Puritan, or rather a Brownist, a small sect,
which afterwards increased, and received the name of Inde-
pendents. He had written against the hierarchy several
tracts, such as Martin Marprelate, Theses Martinianae, and
other compositions, full of low Scurrility and petulant satire.
After concealing himself for some years, he was seized ; and
as the statute against Seditious words required that the crim-
inal should be tried within a year after committing the of.
fence, he could not be indicted for his printed books. He
was therefore tried for some papers found in his pocket, as if
he had thereby scattered sedition.” It was also imputed to
him, by the lord keeper, Puckering, that in some of these
papers “he had only acknowledged her majesty’s royal pow-
er to establish laws ecclesiastical and civil, but had avoided
the usual terms of making, enacting, decreeing, and ordaining
laws, which imply,” says the lord keeper, “a most absolute
authority.” I’enry, for these offences, was condemned and
executed.
"It was never fully established that the prisoner could legally produce evidence
against the crown till after the Revolution. See Blackstone's Commentaries, vol.
iv. p. 352. -
* State Trials, vol. i. p. 144. Strype, vol. iv. p. 21. Strype's Life of Whitgift,
p. 343. -
* Strype's Life of Whitgift, bk. iv. ch. 11. Neal, vol. i. p. 564,
* Strype's Annals, vol. iv. p. 177.
APPENDIX III. 213
Thus we have seen that the most absolute authority of the
sovereign, to make use of the lord keeper's expression, was
established on above twenty branches of prerogative which
are now abolished, and which were, every one of them, total-
ly incompatible with the liberty of the subject. But what
insured more effectually the slavery of the people than even
these branches of prerogative was the established principles
of the times, which attributed to the prince such an unlimited
and indefeasible power as was supposed to be the origin of
all law, and could be circumscribed by none. The homilies
published for the use of the clergy, and which they were en-
joined to read every Sunday in all the churches, inculcate
everywhere a blind and unlimited passive obedience to the
prince, which, on no account, and under no pretence, it is
ever lawful for subjects in the smallest article to depart from
or infringe. Much noise has been made because some court
chaplains during the succeeding reigns were permitted to
preach such doctrines; but there is a great difference between
these sermons and discourses published by authority, avowed
by the prince and council, and promulgated to the whole na-
tion.” So thoroughly were these principles imbibed by the
people, during the reigns of Elizabeth and her predecessors,
that opposition to them was regarded as the most flagrant se-
dition, and was not even rewarded by that public praise and
approbation which can alone support men under such dan-
gers and difficulties as attend the resistance of tyrannical au-
thority.” It was only during the next generation that the
noble principles of liberty took root, and, spreading them-
* Gifford, a clergyman, was suspended, in the year 1584, for preaching up a
limited obedience to the civil magistrate.—Neal, vol. i. p. 435.
* It is remarkable that in all the historical plays of Shakspeare, where the
manners and characters, and even the transactions, of the several reigns are so
exactly copied, there is scarcely any mention of civil liberty; which some pre-
tended historians have imagined to be the object of all the ancient quarrels, in-
surrections, and civil wars. In the elaborate panegyric of England contained in
the tragedy of Richard II., and the detail of its advantages, not a word of its
civil constitution as anywise different from, or superior to, that of other Euro-
pean kingdoms—an omission which cannot be supposed in any English author
that wrote since the Restoration, at least since the Revolution.
214 HISTORY OF ENGLAND.
selves under the shelter of Puritanical absurdities, became
fashionable among the people.
It is worth remarking that the advantage usually ascribed
to absolute monarchy—a greater regularity of police and a
more strict execution of the laws—did not attend the former
English government, though in many respects it fell under
that denomination. A demonstration of this truth is con-
tained in a judicious paper which is preserved by Strype,"
and which was written by an eminent justice of peace of
Somersetshire, in the year 1596, near the end of the queen’s
reign, when the authority of that princess may be supposed
to be fully corroborated by time, and her maxims of govern-
ment improved by long practice. This paper contains an ac-
count of the disorders which then prevailed in the county of
Somerset. The author says that forty persons had there
been executed in a year for robberies, thefts, and other fel-
onies; thirty-five burned in the hand, thirty-seven whipped,
one hundred and eighty-three discharged; that those who
were discharged were most wicked and desperate persons,
who would never come to any good, because they would not
work, and none would take them into Service ; that, notwith-
standing this great number of indictments, the fifth part of
the felonies committed in the county were not brought to a
trial; the greater number escaped censure, either from the
superior cunning of the felons, the remissness of the magis-
trates, or the foolish lenity of the people; that the rapines
committed by the infinite number of wicked, wandering, idle
people were intolerable to the poor countrymen, and obliged
them to keep a perpetual watch over their sheepfolds, their
pastures, their woods, and their cornfields; that the other
counties of England were in no better condition than Somer-
setshire, and many of them were even in a worse; that there
were at least three or four hundred able-bodied vagabonds in
overy county who lived by theft and rapine, and who some-
times met in troops to the number of sixty, and committed
spoil on the inhabitants; that if all the felons of this kind
* Annals, vol. iv. p. 290.
APPENDIX III. 215
were assembled, they would be able, if reduced to good Sub-
jection, to give the greatest enemy her majesty has a strong
battle; and that the magistrates themselves were intimidat-
ed from executing the laws upon them ; and there were in-
stances of justices of peace, who, after giving sentence against
rogues, had interposed to stop the execution of their own sen-
tence, on account of the danger which hung over them from
the confederates of the felons.
In the year 1575, the queen complained in Parliament of
the bad execution of the laws, and threatened that if the mag-
istrates were not for the future more vigilant, she would in-
trust authority to indigent and needy persons, who would find
an interest in a more exact administration of justice.” It ap-
pears that she was as good as her word; for, in the year 1601,
there were great complaints made in Parliament of the rapine
of justices of peace, and a member said that this magistrate
was an animal who, for half a dozen of chickens, would dis-
pense with a dozen of penal statutes.” It is not easy to ac-
count for this relaxation of government and neglect of police
during a reign of so much vigor as that of Elizabeth. The
small revenue of the crown is the most likely cause that can
be assigned. The queen had it not in her power to interest a
great number in assisting her to execute the laws."
On the whole, the English have no reason, from the exam-
ple of their ancestors, to be in love with the picture of ab-
solute monarchy, or to prefer the unlimited authority of the
prince, and his unbounded prerogatives, to that noble liberty,
that sweet equality, and that happy security by which they
are at present distinguished above all nations in the universe.
The utmost that can be said in favor of the government of
that age (and perhaps it may be said with truth) is, that the
power of the prince, though really unlimited, was exercised
after the European manner, and entered not into every part
of the administration; that the instances of a high exerted
prerogative were not so frequent as to render property sensi-
* D'Ewes, p. 234. * D'Ewes, p. 661–664.
* See note [UI at the end of the volume.
216 HISTORY OF ENGLAND.
bly insecure, or reduce the people to a total servitude; that
the freedom from faction, the quickness of execution, and the
promptitude of those measures which could be taken for of.
fence or defence made some compensation for the want of a
legal and determinate liberty; that as the prince commanded
no mercenary army, there was a tacit check on him which
maintained the government in that medium to which the
people had been accustomed; and that this situation of Eng-
land, though seemingly it approached nearer, was in reality
more remote from, a despotic and Eastern monarchy than the
present government of that kingdom, where the people,
though guarded by multiplied laws, are totally naked, de-
fenceless, and disarmed; and, besides, are not secured by any
middle power, or independent powerful nobility interposed
bétween them and the monarch.
We shall close the present appendix with a brief account of
the revenues, the military force, the commerce, the arts, and
the learning of England during this period.
Queen Elizabeth’s economy was remarkable, and in some
instances seemed to border on avarice. The smallest expense,
... if it could possibly be spared, appeared considerable
in her eyes; and even the charge of an express dur-
ing the most delicate transactions was not below her notice."
She was also attentive to every profit, and embraced oppor-
tunities of gain which may appear somewhat extraordinary.
She kept, for instance, the see of Ely vacant nineteen years
in order to retain the revenue;" and it was usual with her,
when she promoted a bishop, to take the opportunity of pil-
laging the see of some of its manors.” But that in reality
Itevenues.
* Birch's Negotiations, p. 21. * Strype, vol. iv. p. 351.
* Strype, vol. iv. p. 215. There is a curious letter of the queen's written to a
Bishop of Ely, and preserved in the register of that see. It is in these words:
“Proud prelate, I understand you are backward in complying with your agree-
ment; but I would have you know that I, who made you what you are, can un-
make you ; and if you do not forth with fulfil your engagement, by God, I will
immediately"unfrock you ! Yours, as you demean yourself—ELIZABETH.” The
bishop, it seems, had promised to exchange some part of the land belonging to
the see for a pretended equivalent, and did so; but it was in consequence of the
above letter.—Annual Register, 1761, p. 15.
APPENDIX III. 217 .
there was little or no avarice in the queen's temper appears
from this circumstance, that she never amassed any treasure,
and even refused subsidies from the Parliament when she
had no present occasion for them. Yet we must not con-
clude, from this circumstance, that her economy proceeded
from a tender concern for her people; she loaded them with
monopolies and exclusive patents, which are much more op-
pressive than the most heavy taxes levied in an equal and
regular manner. The real source of her frugal conduct was
derived from her desire of independency, and her care to pre-
serve her dignity, which would have been endangered had she
reduced herself to the necessity of having frequent recourse
to parliamentary supplies. In consequence of this motive,
the queen, though engaged in Successful and necessary wars,
thought it more prudent to make a continual dilapidation of
the royal demesnes” than demand the most moderate supplies
from the Commons. As she lived unmarried and had no
posterity, she was content to serve her present turn, though at
the expense of her successors, who, by reason of this policy,
joined to other circumstances, found themselves, on a sudden,
reduced to the most extreme indigence.
The splendor of a court was, during this age, a great part of
the public charge; and as Elizabeth was a single woman, and
expensive in no kind of magnificence except clothes, this cir-
cumstance enabled her to perform great things by her narrow
revenue. She is said to have paid four millions of debt, left
on the crown by her father, brother, and sister—an incredible
sum for that age.” The states, at the time of her death, owed
her about eight hundred thousand pounds; and the King of
France, four hundred and fifty thousand.” Though that
* Rymer, vol. xvi. p. 141. D'Ewes, p. 151, 457, 525, 629. Bacon, vol. iv.
p. 363.
* D'Ewes, p. 473. I think it impossible to reconcile this account of the pub-
lic debts with that given by Strype, Eccles. Mem. vol. ii. p. 344, that in the year
1553 the crown owed but three hundred thousand pounds. I own that this last
sum appears a great deal more likely. The whole revenue of Queen Elizabeth
would not in ten years have paid four millions.
* Winwood, vol. i. p. 29, 54.
218 HISTORY OF ENGLAND.
prince was extremely frugal, and, after the peace of Vervins,
was continually amassing treasure, the queen never could, by
the most pressing importunities, prevail on him to make pay-
ment of those sums which she had so generously advanced
him during his greatest distresses. One payment of twenty
thousand crowns, and another of fifty thousand, were all she
could obtain by the strongest representations she could make
of the difficulties to which the rebellion in Ireland had re-
duced her." The queen expended on the wars with Spain,
between the years 1589 and 1593, the sum of one million
three hundred thousand pounds, besides the pittance of a
double subsidy, amounting to two hundred and eighty thou-
sand pounds granted her by Parliament.” In the year 1599
she spent six hundred thousand pounds in six months on the
service of Ireland.” Sir Robert Cecil affirmed that in ten
years Ireland cost her three millions four hundred thousand
pounds." She gave the Earl of Essex a present of thirty
thousand pounds upon his departure for the government of
that kingdom." Lord Burleigh computed that the value of
the gifts conferred on that favorite amounted to three hun-
dred thousand pounds—a sum which, though probably exag-
gerated, is a proof of her strong affection towards him. It
was a common saying during this reign, “The queen pays
bountifully, though she rewards sparingly.” "
It is difficult to compute exactly the queen’s ordinary reve-
nue, but it certainly fell much short of five hundred thousand
pounds a year." In the year 1590, she raised the customs
from fourteen thousand pounds a year to fifty thousand, and
obliged Sir Thomas Smith, who had farmed them, to refund
some of his former profits.” This improvement of the reve-
* Winwood, vol. i. p. 117, 395. " D'Ewes, p. 483. * Camden, p. 167.
* Appendix to the Earl of Essex's Apology. -
* Birch's Memoirs, vol. ii. * Naunton's Regalia, ch. i.
* Franklyn, in his Annals, p. 9, says that the profit of the kingdom, besides
wards and the duchy of Iancaster (which amounted to about one hundred and
twenty thousand pounds), was one hundred and eighty-eight thousand one hun-
dred and ninety-seven pounds. The crown lands seem to be comprehended in
this computation. - *
* Camden, p. 558. This account of Camden is difficult or impossible to be
APPENDIX III. 219
nue was owing to the suggestions of one Caermarthen, and
was opposed by Burleigh, Leicester, and Walsingham; but
the queen's perseverance overcame all their opposition. The
great undertakings which she executed with so narrow a reve-
nue, and with such small supplies from her people, prove the
mighty effects of wisdom and economy. She received from
the Parliament, during the course of her whole reign, only
twenty subsidies and thirty-nine fifteenths. I pretend not to
determine exactly the amount of these supplies, because the
value of a subsidy was continually falling, and in the end of
her reign it amounted only to eighty thousand pounds." If
we suppose that the supplies granted Elizabeth during a reign
of forty-five years amounted to three millions, we shall not
probably be much wide of the truth." This sum makes only
sixty-six thousand six hundred and sixty-six pounds a year;
reconciled to the state of the customs in the beginning of the subsequent reign, as
they appear in the Journals of the Commons. See Hist. of James, ch. 46.
* D'Ewes, p. 630. -
* Lord Salisbury computed these supplies only at two million eight hundred
thousand pounds.-Journ. 17th Feb. 1609. King James was certainly mistaken
when he estimated the queen's annual supplies at one hundred and thirty-seven
thousand pounds.-Franklyn, p. 44. It is curious to observe that the minister, in
the war begun in 1754, was in some periods allowed to lavish, in two months, as
great a sum as was granted by Parliament to Queen Elizabeth in forty-five years.
The extreme frivolous object of the late war, and the great importance of hers, set
this matter in still a stronger light. Money, too, we may observe, was in most
particulars of the same value in both periods. She paid eightpence a day to ev-
ery foot-soldier. But our late delusions have much exceeded anything known in
history, not even excepting those of the crusades. For I suppose there is no
mathematical, still less an arithmetical, demonstration that the road to the Holy
Land was not the road to Paradise, as there is that the endless increase of na-
tional debts is the direct road to national ruin. But having now completely
reached that goal, it is needless, at present, to reflect on the past. It will be
found in the present year, 1776, that all the revenues of this island north of Trent
and west of Reading are mortgaged or anticipated forever. Could the small re-
mainder be in a worse condition were those provinces seized by Austria and
l?russia 2 There is only this difference, that some event might happen in Europe
which would oblige these great monarchs to disgorge their acquisitions. But no
imagination can figure a situation which will induce our creditors to relinquish
their claims or the public to seize their revenues. So egregious indeed has been
our folly that we have even lost all title to compassion in the numberless calami-
ties that are awaiting us.
220 * HISTORY OF ENGLAND.
and it is surprising that while the queen's demands were so
moderate and her expenses so well regulated, she should ever
have found any difficulty in obtaining a supply from Parlia-
ment, or be reduced to make Sale of the crown lands. But
such was the extreme, I had almost Said absurd, parsimony of
the parliaments during that period. They valued nothing in
comparison of their money. The members had no connection
with the court; and the very idea which they conceived of
the trust committed to them was to reduce the demands of
the crown, and to grant as few supplies as possible. The
crown, on the other hand, conceived the Parliament in no
other light than as a means of supply. Queen Elizabeth made
a merit to her people of Seldom Summoning parliaments."
No redress of grievances was expected from these assemblies.
They were supposed to meet for no other purpose than to im-
pose taxes.
Before the reign of Elizabeth, the English princes had usu-
ally recourse to the city of Antwerp for voluntary loans; and
their credit was so low that besides paying the high interest
of ten or twelve per cent., they were obliged to make the city
of London join in the security. Sir Thomas Gresham, that
great and enterprising merchant, one of the chief ornaments
of this reign, engaged the company of merchant adventurers
to grant a loan to the queen; and as the money was regularly
repaid, her credit by degrees established itself in the city, and
she shook off this dependence on foreigners."
In the year 1559, however, the queen employed Gresham
to borrow for her two hundred thousand pounds at Antwerp,
in order to enable her to reform the coin, which was at that
time extremely debased." She was so impolitic as to make,
herself, an innovation in the coin, by dividing a pound of sil-
ver into sixty-two shillings, instead of sixty, the former stand-
ard. This is the last time that the coin has been tampered
with in England.
Queen Elizabeth, sensible how much the defence of her
* Strype, vol. iv. p. 124. * Stowe's Survey of London, blº. i. p. 286.
* MS. of Lord Royston's from the Paper Office, p. 205.
APPENDIX III. 221
kingdom depended on its naval power, was desirous to encour-
age commerce and navigation. But as her monopo-
lies tended to extinguish all domestic industry, which
is much more valuable than foreign trade, and is the founda-
tion of it, the general train of her conduct was ill calculated
to serve the purpose at which she aimed, much less to promote
the riches of her people. The exclusive companies, also, were
an immediate check on foreign trade. Yet, notwithstanding
these discouragements, the spirit of the age was strongly bent
on naval enterprises. And besides the military expeditions
against the Spaniards, many attempts were made for new dis.
coveries, and many new branches of foreign commerce were
opened by the English. Sir Martin Frobisher undertook
three fruitless voyages to discover the northwest passage.
Davis, not discouraged by this ill success, made a new attempt,
when he discovered the straits which pass by his name. In
the year 1600, the queen granted the first patent to the East
India Company. The stock of that company was seventy-two
thousand pounds; and they fitted out four ships, under the
command of James Lancaster, for this new branch of trade.
The adventure was successful; and the ships returning with
a rich cargo, encouraged the company to continue the com-
IY) 62]'CG. t
The communication with Muscovy had been opened in
Queen Mary’s time by the discovery of the passage to Arch-
angel. But the commerce to that country did not begin to
be carried on to a great extent till about the year 1569. The
Queen obtained from the czar an exclusive patent to the Eng-
lish for the whole trade of Muscovy," and she entered into a
personal as well as national alliance with him. This czar was
named John Basilides, a furious tyrant, who, continually sus-
pecting the revolt of his subjects, stipulated to have a safe re-
treat and protection in England. In order the better to in-
Sure this resource, he purposed to marry an Englishwoman;
and the queen intended to have sent him Lady Anne Has-
tings, daughter of the Earl of Huntingdon; but when the
Commerce.
* Camden, p. 408.
222. - HISTORY OF ENGLAND.
*.
lady was informed of the barbarous manners of the country,
she wisely declined purchasing an empire at the expense of
her ease and safety.” -
The English, encouraged by the privileges which they had
obtained from Basilides, ventured farther into those countries
than any Europeans had formerly done. They transported
their goods along the river Dwina in boats made of one en-
tire tree, which they towed and rowed up the stream as far as
Walogda. Thence they carried their commodities seven days'
journey by land to Yeraslau, and then down the Volga to
Astracan. At Astracan they built ships, crossed the Caspian
Sea, and distributed their manufactures into Persia. But this
bold attempt met with such discouragements that it was
never renewed.”
After the death of John Basilides, his son Theodore re-
voked the patent which the English enjoyed for a monopoly
of the Russian trade. When the queen remonstrated against
this innovation, he told her ministers that princes must carry
an indifferent hand as well between their subjects as between
foreigners; and not convert trade, which by the laws of na-
tions ought to be common to all, into a monopoly for the
private gain of a few.” So much juster notions of commerce
were entertained by this barbarian than appear in the conduct
of the renowned Queen Elizabeth ! Theodore, however, con-
tinued some privileges to the English on account of their
being the discoverers of the communication between Europe
and his country.
The trade to Turkey commenced about the year 1583; and
that commerce was immediately confined to a company by
Queen Elizabeth. Before that time the Grand Seignior had
always conceived England to be a dependent province of
France;” but, having heard of the queen's power and reputa-
tion, he gave a good reception to the English, and even grant-
ed them larger privileges than he had given to the French.
The merchants of the Hanse towns complained loudly, in
" Camden, p. 493. * Camden, p. 418.
* Camden, p. 493. * Birch's Memoirs, vol. i. p. 36.
APPENDIX III. . 223
the beginning of Elizabeth's reign, of the treatment which
they had received in the reigns of Edward and Mary. She
prudently replied that as she would not innovate anything,
she would still protect them in the immunities and privileges
of which she found them possessed. This answer not content-
ing them, their commerce was soon after suspended for a
time, to the great advantage of the English merchants, who
tried what they could themselves effect for promoting their
commerce. They took the whole trade into their own hands;
and, their returns proving successful, they divided themselves
into staplers and merchant adventurers; the former residing
constantly at one place, the latter trying their fortunes in
other towns and states abroad with cloth and other manufact-
ures. This success so enraged the Hanse towns that they
tried all the methods which a discontented people could de-
vise to draw upon the English merchants the ill opinion of
other nations and states. They prevailed so far as to obtain
an imperial edict by which the English were prohibited all
commerce in the empire. The queen, by way of retaliation,
retained sixty of their ships, which had been seized in the
river Tagus with contraband goods of the Spaniards. These
ships the queen intended to have restored, as desiring to have
compromised all differences with those trading cities; but
when she was informed that a general assembly was held at
Lubec, in order to concert measures for distressing the Eng-
lish trade, she caused the ships and cargoes to be confiscated.
Only two of them were released to carry home the news, and
to inform these states that she had the greatest contempt im-
aginable for all their proceedings.”
Henry VIII., in order to fit out a navy, was obliged to hire
ships from Hamburgh, Lubec, Dantzic, Genoa, and Venice;
but Elizabeth, very early in her reign, put affairs upon a bet-
ter footing, both by building some ships of her own and by
encouraging the merchants to build large trading-vessels,
which, on occasion, were converted into ships-of-war.” In the
year 1582, the seamen in England were found to be fourteen
* Lives of the Admirals, vol. i. p. 470. * Camden, p. 388.
224 HISTORY OF ENGLAND.
thousand two hundred and ninety-five men;" the number of
vessels twelve hundred and thirty-two, of which there were
only two hundred and seventeen above eighty tons. Monson
pretends that though navigation decayed in the first years of
James I. by the practice of the merchants, who carried on
their trade in foreign bottoms,” yet, before the year 1640, this
number of seamen was tripled in England.”
The navy which the queen left at her decease appears
considerable when we reflect only on the number of vessels,
Military which were forty-two. But when we consider that
force. none of these ships carried above forty guns; that
four only came up to that number; that there were but two
ships of a thousand tons, and twenty-three below five hun-
dred, some of fifty, and some even of twenty tons; and that
the whole number of guns belonging to the fleet was seven
hundred and seventy-four,” we must entertain a contempti-
ble idea of the English navy compared to the force which it
has now attained." In the year 1588 there were not above
five vessels fitted out by the noblemen and seaports which
exceeded two hundred tons.”
In the year 1599, an alarm was given of an invasion by the
Spaniards, and the queen equipped a fleet and levied an army
in a fortnight to oppose them. Nothing gave foreigners a
higher idea of the power of England than this sudden arma-
ment. In the year 1575, all the militia in the kingdom were
computed at a hundred and eighty-two thousand nine hun-
dred and twenty-nine.” A distribution was made, in the year
1595, of a hundred and forty thousand men, besides those
which Wales could supply.” These armies were formidable
by their numbers, but their discipline and experience were
not proportionate. Small bodies from Dunkirk and Newport
frequently ran over and plundered the east coast; so unfit
was the militia, as it was then constituted, for the defence of
* Monson, p. 256. "" Monson, p. 300. * Monson, p. 210, 256.
* Monson, p. 196. The English navy at present carries about fourteen thou-
sand guns.
* See note [X] at the end of the volume. * Monson, p. 300.
* Lives of the Admirals, vol. i. p. 432. * Strype, vol. iv. p. 221.
APPENDIX III. 225
the kingdom. The lord-lieutenants were first appointed to
the counties in this reign. - -
Mr. Murden” has published, from the Salisbury collections,
a paper which contains the military force of the nation at the
time of the Spanish Armada, and which is somewhat different
from the account given by our ordinary historians. It makes
all the able-bodied men of the kingdom amount to a hundred
and eleven thousand five hundred and thirteen; those armed
to eighty thousand eight hundred and seventy-five; of whom
forty-four thousand seven hundred and twenty-seven were
trained. It must be supposed that these able-bodied men con-
sisted of such only as were registered, otherwise the small
number is not to be accounted for. Yet Sir Edward Coke"
said in the House of Commons that he was employed about
the same time, together with Popham, chief-justice, to take a
survey of all the people of England, and that they found them
to be nine hundred thousand of all sorts. This number, by
the ordinary rules of computation, supposes that there were
above two hundred thousand men able to bear arms. Yet
even this number is surprisingly small. Can we suppose that
the kingdom is six or seven times more populous at present,
and that Murden's was the real number of men, excluding
Catholics and children and infirm persons?
Pſarrison says that in the musters taken in the years 1574
and 1575, the men fit for service amounted to one million one
hundred and seventy-two thousand six hundred and seventy-
four; yet it was believed that a full third was omitted, such
uncertainty and contradiction are there in all these accounts.
Notwithstanding the greatness of this number, the same au-
thor complains much of the decay of populousness—a vulgar
complaint in all places and all ages. Guicciardini makes the
inhabitants of England in this reign amount to two millions.
Whatever opinion we may form of the comparative popu-
lousness of England in different periods, it must be allowed
that, abstracting from the national debt, there is a prodigious
increase of power in that, more perhaps than in any other
* Page 608. * Journal, 25th April, 1621.
IV.- 15
226 HISTORY OF ENGLAND.
European state since the beginning of the last century. It
would be no paradox to affirm that Ireland alone could at
present exert a greater force than all the three kingdoms were
capable of at the death of Queen Elizabeth. And we might
go further and assert that one good county in England is able
to make, at least to support, a greater effort than the whole
kingdom was capable of in the reign of Henry V., when the
maintenance of a garrison, in a small town like Calais, formed
more than a third of the ordinary national expense. Such are
the effects of liberty, industry, and good government
The state of the English manufactures was at this time very
low, and foreign wares of almost all kinds had the prefer-
ence." About the year 1590 there were in London four per-
sons only rated in the subsidy-books so high as four hundred
pounds.” This computation is not, indeed, to be deemed an
exact estimate of their wealth. In 1567 there were found, on
inquiry, to be four thousand eight hundred and fifty-one
strangers of all nations in London, of whom three thousand
eight hundred and thirty-eight were Flemings, and only fifty-
eight Scots." The persecutions in France and the Low Coun-
tries drove afterwards a greater number of foreigners into Eng-
land; and the commerce as well as manufactures of that king-
dom was very much improved by them.” It was then that
Sir Thomas Gresham built, at his own charge, the magnificent
fabric of the Exchange for the reception of the merchants:
the queen visited it, and gave it the appellation of the Royal
Exchange.
By a lucky accident in language, which has a great effect on
men’s ideas, the invidious word usury, which formerly meant
the taking of any interest for money, came now to express
only the taking of exorbitant and illegal interest. An act
passed in 1571 violently condemns all usury, but permits ten
per cent. interest to be paid. Henry IV. of France reduced
interest to six and a half per cent, an indication of the great
advance of France above England in commerce.
* D'Ewes, p. 505. * D'Ewes, p. 497.
* Haynes, p. 461, 462. - * * Stowe, p. 668.
Al?PENDIX III. 227
Dr. Howell says" that Queen Elizabeth, in the third of her
reign, was presented with a pair of black silk knit stockings
by her silk-woman, and never wore cloth hose any more.
The author of the Present State of England says that about
1577 pocket-watches were first brought into England from
Germany. They are thought to have been invented at Nu-
remberg. About 1580, the use of coaches was introduced by
the Earl of Arundel.” Before that time the queen, on public
occasions, rode behind her chamberlain.
Camden says that in 1581 Randolph, so much employed by
the queen in foreign embassies, possessed the office of post-
master-general of England. It appears, therefore, that posts
were then established; though, from Charles I.'s regulations
in 1635, it would seem that few post-houses were erected be-
fore that time. -
In a remonstrance of the Hanse towns to the Diet of the
Empire in 1582, it is affirmed that England exported annually
about two hundred thousand pieces of cloth.” This number
seems to be much exaggerated.
In the fifth of this reign was enacted the first law for the
relief of the poor.
A judicious author of that age confirms the vulgar observa-
tion that the kingdom was depopulating from the increase of
enclosures and decay of tillage; and he ascribes the reason
very justly to the restraints put on the exportation of corn,
while full liberty was allowed to export all the produce of
pasturage, such as wool, hides, leather, tallow, etc. These pro-
hibitions of exportation were derived from the prerogative,
and were very injudicious. The queen once, on the com-
mencement of her reign, had tried a contrary practice, and
with good success. From the same author we learn that the
complaints, renewed in our time, were then very common con-
cerning the high prices of everything.” There seems, in-
"History of the World, vol. ii. p. 222. * Anderson, vol. i. p. 421.
* Anderson, vol. i. p. 424. . - •
* A Compendious or Brief Examination of certain Ordinary Complaints of divers
of our Countrymen. The author says that in twenty or thirty years before 1581
commodities had in general risen fifty per cent. ; some more. “Cannot you,
228 HISTORY OF ENGLAND.
deed, to have been two periods in which prices rose remarka-
bly in England—namely, that in Queen Elizabeth’s reign, when
they are computed to have doubled, and that in the present
age. Between the two there seems to have been a stagnation.
It would appear that industry, during that intermediate period,
increased as fast as gold and silver, and kept commodities
nearly at a par with money. -
There were two attempts made in this reign to settle colo-
nies in America—one by Sir Humphrey Gilbert in Newfound-
land, another by Sir Walter Raleigh in Virginia; but neither
of these projects proved successful. All those noble settle-
ments were made in the following reigns. The current specie
of the kingdom in the end of this reign is computed at four
millions.”
The Earl of Leicester desired Sir Francis Walsingham, then
ambassador in France, to provide him with a riding-master in
that country, to whom he promises a hundred pounds a year,
besides maintaining himself and servant and a couple of
horses. “I know,” adds the earl, “that such a man as I want
may receive higher wages in France; but let him consider that
a shilling in England goes as far as two shillings in France.”
It is known that everything is much changed since that time.
The nobility in this age still supported, in Some degree, the
ancient magnificence in their hospitality and in the numbers
of their retainers; and the queen found it prudent
to retrench, by proclamation, their expenses in this
last particular." The expense of hospitality she somewhat
encouraged by the frequent visits she paid her nobility and
the sumptuous feasts which she received from them." The
Manners.
neighbor, remember,” says he, “that, within these thirty years, I could in this town
buy the best pig or goose I could lay my hands on for fourpence, which now cost-
eth twelvepence; a good capon for threepence or fourpence; a chicken for a penny;
a hen for twopence?”—P. 35. Yet the price of ordinary labor was then eight-
pence a day.—P. 31. .
* Lives of the Admirals, vol. i. p. 475.
* Digges's Complete Ambassador. "Strype, vol. iii. Appendix, p. 54.
" Harrison, after enumerating the queen's palaces, adds: “But what shall I
need to take-upon me to repeat all, and tell what houses the queen's majesty hath 2
Sith all is hers; and when it pleaseth her in the summer season to recreate herself
APPENDIX III. 229
Earl of Leicester gave her an entertainment in Kenilworth
Castle, which was extraordinary for expense and magnificence.
Among other particulars, we are told that three hundred and
sixty-five hogsheads of beer were drunk at it.” The earl had
fortified this castle at great expense, and it contained arms for
ten thousand men.” The Earl of Derby had a family consist-
ing of two hundred and forty servants.” Stowe remarks it
as a singular proof of beneficence in this nobleman that he
was contented with his rent from his tenants, and exacted not
any extraordinary Services from them—a proof that the great
power of the Sovereign (what was almost unavoidable) had
very generally countenanced the nobility in tyrannizing over
the people. Burleigh, though he was frugal and had no pa-
ternal estate, kept a family consisting of a hundred servants.”
He had a standing table for gentlemen, and two other tables
for persons of meaner condition, which were always served
alike, whether he were in town or in the country. About his
person he had people of great distinction, insomuch that he
could reckon up twenty gentlemen retainers, who had each a
thousand pounds a year; and as many among his ordinary
servants who were worth from a thousand pounds to three,
five, ten, and twenty thousand pounds.” It is to be remark-
ed that though the revenues of the crown were at that time
very small, the ministers and courtiers sometimes found means,
by employing the boundless prerogative, to acquire greater
fortunes than it is possible for them at present to amass, from
their large Salaries and more limited authority.
abroad, and view the estate of the country, and hear the complaints of her poor
Commons, injured by her unjust officers or their substitutes, every nobleman's
house is her palace, where she continueth during pleasure, and till she return
again to some of her own, in which she remaineth so long as she pleaseth.”—Bk. ii.
ch. 15. Surely one may say of such a guest what Cicero says to Atticus on occa-
sion of a visit paid him by Caesar, “Hospes tamen non is cui diceres, Amabo te,
eodem ad me cilm revertère.”—Lib. 13, ep. 52. If she relieved the people from
oppressions (to whom, it seems, the law could give no relief), her visits were a
great oppression on the nobility. :
*Biogr. Brit. vol. iii. p. 1791. * Strype, vol. iii. p. 394.
* Stowe, p. 674. ” Strype, vol. iii. Appendix, p. 129.
* Life of Burleigh, published by Collins. -
230 IIISTORY OF ENGLAND.
Burleigh entertained the queen twelve several times in his
country-house, where she remained three, four, or five weeks
at a time. Each visit cost him two or three thousand pounds.”
The quantity of silver plate possessed by this nobleman is
surprising—no less than fourteen or fifteen thousand pounds'
weight," which, besides the fashion, would be above forty-
two thousand pounds sterling in value. Yet Burleigh left
only four thousand pounds a year in land and eleven thousand
pounds in money; and as land was then commonly sold at ten
years' purchase, his plate was nearly equal to all the rest of
his fortune. It appears that little value was then put upon
the fashion of the plate, which probably was but rude; the
weight was chiefly considered.”
But though there were preserved great remains of the an-
cient customs, the nobility were by degrees acquiring a taste
for elegant luxury; and many edifices in particular were built
by them, neat, large, and sumptuous, to the great Ornament of
the kingdom, says Camden,” but to the no less decay of the
glorious hospitality of the nation. It is, however, more rea-
sonable to think that this new turn of expense promoted arts
and industry, while the ancient hospitality was the source of
vice, disorder, sedition, and idleness.” -
Among the other species of luxury, that of apparel began
much to increase during this age; and the queen thought
proper to restrain it by proclamation.” Her example was
very little conformable to her edicts. As no woman was ever
more conceited of her beauty, or more desirous of making im-
pression on the hearts of beholders, no one ever went to a
greater extravagance in apparel, or studied more the variety
and richness of her dresses. She appeared almost every day
in a different habit, and tried all the several modes by which
* Life of Burleigh, published by Collins, p. 40.
* See note [Y] at the end of the volume.
* This appears from Burleigh's will; he specifies only the number of ounces to
be given to each legatee, and appoints a goldsmith to see it weighed out to them,
without making any distinction of the pieces.
* Page 452. * See note [Z] at the end of the volume.
* Camden, p. 452. -
Al2]?ENDIX III. 231
she hoped to render herself agreeable. She was also so fond
of her clothes that she never could part with any of them;
and at her death she had in her wardrobe all the different
habits, to the number of three thousand, which she had ever
worn in her lifetime.” -
The retrenchment of the ancient hospitality and the dimi-
nution of retainers were favorable to the prerogative of the
sovereign ; and, by disabling the great noblemen from re-
sistance, promoted the execution of the laws, and extended
the authority of the courts of justice. There were many pe-
culiar causes in the situation and character of Henry VII.
which augmented the authority of the crown; most of these
causes concurred in succeeding princes, together with the fac-
tions in religion, and the acquisition of the Supremacy—a most
important article of prerogative; but the manners of the age
were a general cause which operated during this whole period,
and which continually tended to diminish the riches, and still
more the influence, of the aristocracy, anciently so formidable
to the crown. The habits of luxury dissipated the immense
fortunes of the ancient barons; and as the new methods of
expense gave subsistence to mechanics and merchants, who
lived in an independent manner on the fruits of their own in-
dustry, a nobleman, instead of that unlimited ascendant which
he was wont to assume over those who were maintained at his
board, or subsisted by Salaries conferred on them, retained only
that moderate influence which customers have over trades-
men, and which can never be dangerous to civil government.
The landed proprietors also, having a greater demand for
money than for men, endeavored to turn their lands to the
best account with regard to profit; and, either enclosing their
fields or joining many small farms into a few large ones, dis-
missed those useless hands which formerly were always at
their call in every attempt to subvert the government or
oppose a neighboring baron. By all these means the cities
increased; the middle rank of men began to be rich and pow-
erful; the prince, who in effect was the same with the law,
* Carte, vol. iii. p. 702, from Beaumont's Despatches.
232 IIISTORY OF ENGLAND.
was implicitly obeyed; and though the further progress of
the same causes begat a new plan of liberty, founded on the
privileges of the Commons, yet in the interval between the
fall of the nobles and the rise of this order the sovereign took
advantage of the present situation, and assumed an authority
almost absolute.
Whatever may be commonly imagined, from the authority
, of Lord Bacon, and from that of Harrington and later au-
thors, the laws of Henry VII. contributed very little towards
the great revolution which happened about this period in the
English constitution. The practice of breaking entails by a
fine and recovery had been introduced in the preceding reigns;
and this prince only gave indirectly a legal sanction to the
practice by reforming some abuses which attended it. But
the settled authority which he acquired to the crown enabled
the sovereign to encroach on the separate jurisdictions of the
barons, and produced a more general and regular execution of
the laws. The counties palatine underwent the same fate as
the feudal powers; and by a statute of Henry VIII." the
jurisdiction of these counties was annexed to the crown, and
all writs were ordained to run in the king's name. But the
change of manners was the chief cause of the secret revolu-
tion of government, and subverted the power of the barons. .
There appear still in this reign some remains of the ancient
slavery of the boors and peasants,” but none afterwards.
Learning, on its revival, was held in high estimation by the
English princes and nobles; and as it was not yet prostituted
by being too common, even the great deemed it an
object of ambition to attain a character for litera-
ture. The four successive sovereigns Henry, Edward, Mary,
and Elizabeth may, on one account or other, be admitted into
the class of authors. Queen Catharine Parr translated a book.
Lady Jane Gray, considering her age and her sex and her sta-
tion, may be regarded as a prodigy of literature. Sir Thomas
Smith was raised from being professor in Cambridge, first to
be ambassador to France, then secretary of state. The de-
Learning.
* 27 Hen.VIII. cap. 24. * Rymer, vol. xv. p. 731.
APPENDIX III. - 233
spatches of those times, and, among others, those of Burleigh
himself, are frequently interlarded with quotations from the
Greek and Latin classics. Even the ladies of the court valued
themselves on knowledge: Lady Burleigh, Lady Bacon, and
their two sisters were mistresses of the ancient as well as
modern languages, and placed more pride in their erudition
than in their rank and quality.
Queen Elizabeth wrote and translated several books, and
she was familiarly acquainted with the Greek as well as Latin
tongue.” It is pretended that she made an extemporary re-
ply in Greek to the University of Cambridge, who had ad-
dressed her in that language. It is certain that she answered
in Latin without premeditation, and in a very spirited man-
ner, to the Polish ambassador, who had been wanting in re-
spect to her. When she had finished, she turned about to her
courtiers, and said, “God’s death, my lords!” (for she was
much addicted to swearing) “I have been forced this day to
scour up my old Latin, that hath long lain rusting.”.” Eliza-
beth, even after she was queen, did not entirely drop the am-
bition of appearing as an author; and, next to her desire of
ambition for beauty, this seems to have been the chief object
of her vanity. She translated Boethius, Of the Consolation of
Philosophy, in order, as she pretended, to allay her grief for
Henry IV.'s change of religion. As far as we can judge from
Elizabeth’s compositions, we may pronounce that, notwith-
standing her application and her excellent parts, her taste in
literature was but indifferent: she was much inferior to her
successor in this particular, who was himself no perfect model
of eloquence.
Unhappily for literature, at least for the learned of this age,
the queen's vanity lay more in shining by her own learning
than in encouraging men of genius by her liberality. Spenser
himself, the finest English writer of his age, was long neglect-
ed, and, after the death of Sir Philip Sidney, his patron, was
allowed to die almost for want. This poet contains great beau-
ties, a sweet and harmonious versification, easy elocution, a fine
”See note [AA] at the end of the volume. - * Speed.
234 HISTORY OF ENGLAND.
imagination. Yet does the perusal of his work become so te-
dious that one never finishes it from the mere pleasure which
it affords: it soon becomes a kind of task-reading; and it re-
quires some effort and resolution to carry us on to the end of
his long performance. This effect, of which every one is con-
Scious, is usually ascribed to the change of manners; but man-
ners have more changed since Homer's age; and yet that poet
remains still the favorite of every reader of taste and judg-
ment. Homer copied true, natural manners, which, however
rough or uncultivated, will always form an agreeable and in-
teresting picture; but the pencil of the English poet was em-
ployed in drawing the affectations and conceits and fopperies
of chivalry, which appear ridiculous as soon as they lose the
recommendation of the mode. The tediousness of continued
allegory, and that too seldom striking or ingenious, has also
contributed to render the “Fairy Queen” peculiarly tiresome;
not to mention the too great frequency of its descriptions, and
the languor of its stanza. Upon the whole, Spenser maintains
his place upon the shelves among our English classics, but he
is seldom seen on the table; and there is scarcely any one, if
he dares to be ingenuous, but will confess that, notwithstand-
ing all the merit of the poet, he affords an entertainment with
which the palate is soon satiated. Several writers of late have
amused themselves in copying the style of Spenser; and no
imitation has been so indifferent as not to bear a great re-
semblance to the original: his manner is so peculiar that it
is almost impossible not to transfer some of it into the copy.
CH. XLV. JAMES I. 235
CHAPTER XLV.
JAMES I.
Introduction.—James's First Transactions.—State of Europe.—Rosni's Negotia-
tions.—Raleigh's Conspiracy.—Hampton Court Conference.—A Parliament.—
Peace with Spain.
THE crown of England was never transmitted from father to
son with greater tranquillity than it passed from the family of
Tudor to that of Stuart. During the whole reign of
& Elizabeth, the eyes of men had been employed in
search of her successor; and when old age had made the pros-
pect of her death more immediate, there appeared none but
the King 9f Scots who could advance any just claim or preten-
sion to the throne. He was great-grandson of Margaret, elder
daughter of Henry VII. ; and, on the failure of the male line,
his hereditary right remained unquestionable. If the religion
of Mary Queen of Scots, and the other prejudices contracted
against her, had formed any considerable obstacle to her suc-
cession, these objections, being entirely personal, had no place
with regard to her son. Men also considered that, though the
title derived from blood had been frequently violated since the
Norman Conquest, such licenses had proceeded more from
force or intrigue than from any deliberate maxims of govern-
ment. The lineal heir had still in the end prevailed; and
both his exclusion and restoration had been commonly attend-
ed with such convulsions as were sufficient to warn all pru-
dent men not lightly to give way to such irregularities. If
the will of Henry VIII., authorized by act of Parliamant, had
tacitly excluded the Scottish line, the tyranny and caprices of
that monarch had been so signal that a settlement of this nat-
ure, unsupported by any just reason, had no authority with
the people. Queen Elizabeth, too, with her dying breath, had
1603.
236 IIISTORY OF ENGLAND. CH. XLV.
*
recognized the undoubted title of her kinsman James; and
the whole nation seemed to dispose themselves with joy and
pleasure for his reception. Though born and educated amid
a foreign and hostile people, men hoped, from his character
of moderation and wisdom, that he would embrace the max-
ims of an English monarch; and the prudent foresaw greater
advantages resulting from a union with Scotland than disad-
vantages from submitting to a prince of that nation. The
alacrity with which the English looked towards the successor
had appeared so evident to Elizabeth that, concurring with oth-
er causes, it affected her with the deepest melancholy; and that
wise princess, whose penetration and experience had given her
the greatest insight into human affairs, had not yet sufficiently
weighed the ingratitude of courtiers and levity of the people.
As victory abroad and tranquillity at home had attended
this princess, she left the nation in such flourishing circum-
stances that her successor possessed every advantage, except
that of comparison with her illustrious name, when he mount-
rººm. ed the throne of England. The king's journey
iº from Edinburgh to London immediately afforded
s to the inquisitive some circumstances of comparison
which even the natural partiality in favor of their new sov-
ereign could not interpret to his advantage. As he passed
along, all ranks of men flocked about him from every quarter,
allured by interest or curiosity. Great were the rejoicings,
and loud and hearty the acclamations, which resounded from
all sides; and every one could remember how the affability
and popular manners of their queen displayed themselves amid
such concourse and exultation of her subjects. But James,
though sociable and familiar with his friends and courtiers,
hated the bustle of a mixed multitude; and, though far from
disliking flattery, yet was he still fonder of tranquillity and
ease. He issued, therefore, a proclamation forbidding this re-
Sort of people, on pretence of the scarcity of provisions and oth-
er inconveniences which, he said, would necessarily attend it.'
He was not, however, insensible to the great flow of affec-
* Kennet, p. 662.
CH. XLV. - JAMES I. . 237
tion which appeared in his new subjects; and being himself
of an affectionate temper, he seems to have been in haste to
make them some return of kindness and good offices. To
this motive, probably, we are to ascribe that profusion of titles
which was observed in the beginning of his reign; when, in
six weeks' time after his entrance into the kingdom, he was
computed to have bestowed knighthood on no less than two
hundred and thirty-seven persons. If Elizabeth's frugality of
honors as well as of money had formerly been repined at, it
began now to be valued and esteemed; and every one was
sensible that the king, by his lavish and premature confer-
ring of favors, had failed of obliging the persons on whom he
bestowed them. Titles of all kinds became so common that
they were scarcely marks of distinction; and, being distrib-
uted without choice or deliberation to persons unknown to
the prince, were regarded more as the proofs of facility and
good-nature than of any determined friendship or esteem.
A pasquinade was affixed to St. Paul’s, in which an art was
promised to be taught very necessary to assist frail memories
in retaining the names of the new nobility.”
We may presume that the English would have thrown less
blame on the king's facility in bestowing favors, had these
been confined entirely to their own nation, and had not been
shared out in too unequal proportions to his old subjects.
James, who, through his whole reign, was more guided by
temper and inclination than by the rules of political prudence,
had brought with him great numbers of his Scottish courtiers,
whose impatience and importunity were apt, in many particu-
lars, to impose on the easy nature of their master, and extort
favors, of which, it is natural to imagine, his English subjects
would loudly complain. The Duke of Lenox, the Earl of
Marre, Lord Hume, Lord Kinloss, Sir George Hume, Secre-
tary Elphinstone, were immediately added to the English
privy council. Sir George Hume, whom he created Earl of
Dunbar, was his declared favorite as long as that nobleman
lived, and was one of the wisest and most virtuous, though the
* Wilson, in Kennet, p. 665. * Wilson, in Kennet, p. 662.
238 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. CH. XLV.
least powerful, of all those whom the king ever honored with
that distinction. , Hay, some time after, was created Wiscount
Doncaster, then Earl of Carlisle, and got an immense fortune
from the crown; all which he spent in a splendid and courtly
manner. Tamsay obtained the title of Earl of Holderness;
and many others, being raised on a sudden to the highest
elevation, increased, by their insolence, that envy which natu-
rally attended them as strangers and ancient enemies.
It must, however, be owned, in justice to James, that he
left almost all the chief offices, in the hands of Elizabeth’s
ministers, and trusted the conduct of political concerns, both
foreign and domestic, to his English subjects. Among these,
Secretary Cecil, created successively Lord Effindon, Wiscount
Cranborne, and Earl of Salisbury, was always regarded as his
prime minister and chief councillor. Though the capacity
and penetration of this minister were sufficiently known, his
favor with the king created Surprise on the accession of that
monarch. The Secret correspondence into which he had en-
tered with James, and which had sensibly contributed to the
easy reception of that prince in England, laid the foundation
of Cecil’s credit; and while all his former associates (Sir Wal-
ter Raleigh, Lord Grey, Lord Cobham) were discountenanced,
on account of their animosity against Essex as well as for
other reasons, this minister was continued in employment, and
treated with the greatest confidence and regard.
The capacity of James and his ministers in negotiation was
immediately put to trial, on the appearance of ambassadors
from almost all the princes and states of Europe, in order to
congratulate him on his accession, and to form with him new
treaties and alliances. Besides ministers from Venice, Den-
mark, the Palatinate, Henry Frederick of Nassau, assisted by
Barnevelt, the pensionary of Holland, was ambassador from
the States of the United Provinces. Aremberg was sent by
Archduke Albert; and Taxis was expected in a little time
from Spain. But he who most excited the attention of the
public, both on account of his own merit and that of his mas-
ter, was the Marquis of Rosni, afterwards Duke of Sully,
prime minister and favorite of Henry IV. of France.
CH. XLV. - JAMES I. 239
When the dominions of the house of Austria devolved on
Philip II., all Europe was struck with terror, lest the power
State of of a family which had been raised by fortune
Europe. should now be carried to an immeasurable height
by the wisdom and conduct of this monarch. But never were
apprehensions found in the event to be more groundless. Slow
without prudence, ambitious without enterprise, false without
deceiving anybody, and refined without any true judgment—
such was the character of Philip, and such the character which,
during his lifetime and after his death, he impressed on the
Spanish councils. Revolted or depopulated provinces, discon-
tented or indolent inhabitants, were the spectacles which those
dominions, lying in every climate of the globe, presented to
Philip III., a weak prince, and to the Duke of Lerma, a min-
ister weak and odious. But though military discipline, which
still remained, was what alone gave some appearance of life
and vigor to that languishing body, yet so great was the terror
produced by former power and ambition that the reduction
of the house of Austria was the object of men's vows through-
out all the states of Christendom. It was not perceived that
the French empire, now united in domestic peace and govern-
ed by the most heroic and most amiable prince that adorns
modern story, was become of itself a sufficient counterpoise to
Rosni's nego: the Spanish greatness. Perhaps that prince himself
tiations. did not perceive it when he proposed by his minister
a league with James, in conjunction with Venice, the United
Provinces, and the northern crowns, in order to attack the
Austrian dominions on every side, and depress the exorbitant
power of that ambitious family." But the genius of the Eng-
lish monarch was not equal to such vast enterprises. The
love of peace was his ruling passion; and it was his peculiar
felicity that the conjunctures of the times rendered the same
object which was agreeable to him in the highest degree ad-
vantageous to his people.
The French ambassador, therefore, was obliged to depart
from these extensive views, and to concert with James the
“Sully's Memoirs.
240 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. CH. XLV.
means of providing for the safety of the United Provinces;
nor was this object altogether without its difficulties. The
king, before his accession, had entertained scruples with regard
to the revolt of the Low Countries; and being commonly open
and sincere," he had, on many occasions, gone so far as to give
to the Dutch the appellation of rebels;” but having conversed
more fully with ministers and courtiers, he found their attach-
ment to that republic so strong, and their opinion of common
interest so established, that he was obliged to sacrifice to pol-
itics his sense of justice—a quality which, even when errone-
ous, is respectable as well as rare in a monarch. He therefore
agreed with Rosni to support secretly the States-general, in
concert with the King of France, lest their weakness and de-
spair should oblige them to submit to their old master. The
articles of the treaty were few and simple. It was stipulated
that the two kings should allow the Dutch to levy forces in
their respective dominions; and should underhand remit to
that republic the sum of one million four hundred thousand
livres a year for the pay of these forces; that the whole sum
should be advanced by the King of France; but that the third
of it should be deducted from the debt due by him to Queen
Elizabeth. And if the Spaniard attacked either of the princes,
they agreed to assist each other: Henry with a force of ten
thousand men, James with that of six. This treaty, one of
the wisest and most equitable concluded by James during the
course of his reign, was more the work of the prince himself
than any of his ministers."
Amid the great tranquillity, both foreign and domestic, with
which the nation was blessed, nothing could be more surprising
Raleigh's than the discovery of a conspiracy to subvert the
* government and to fix on the throne Arabella
Stuart, a near relation of the king's by the family of Lenox,
and descended equally from Henry VII. Everything remains
still mysterious in this conspiracy, and history can give us no
clue to unravel it. Watson and Clarke, two Catholic priests,
* La Boderie, vol. i. p. 120. * Winwood, vol. ii. p. 55.
* Sully's Memoirs.
CH. XLV. . JAMES I. 241
were accused of the plot; Lord Grey, a Puritan; Lord Cob-
ham, a thoughtless man, of no fixed principle; and Sir Walter
Raleigh, Suspected to be of that philosophical sect who were
then extremely rare in England, and who have since receiv-
ed the appellation of freethinkers; together with these, Mr.
Broke, brother to Lord Cobham, Sir Griffin Markham, Mr.
Copeley, Sir Edward Parham. What cement could unite men
of such discordant principles in so dangerous a combination,
what end they proposed, or what means proportioned to an
undertaking of this nature, has never yet been explained, and
cannot easily be imagined. As Raleigh, Grey, and Cobham
were commonly believed, after the queen's death, to have op-
posed proclaiming the king till conditions should be made
with him, they were, upon that account, extremely obnoxious
to the court and ministry; and people were apt, at first, to
suspect that the plot was merely a contrivance of Secretary
Cecil to get rid of his old confederates, now become his most
inveterate enemies. But the confession as well as trial of the
criminals put the matter beyond doubt.” And, though no
one could find any marks of a concerted enterprise, it appeared
that men of furious and ambitious spirits, meeting frequently
together, and believing all the world discontented, like them-
selves, had entertained very criminal projects, and had even
entered, some of them at least, into a correspondence with
Aremberg, the Flemish ambassador, in order to give disturb-
ance to the new settlement. -
The two priests" and Broke" were executed; Cobham, Grey,
and Markham were pardoned" after they had laid their heads
upon the block.” Taleigh, too, was reprieved, not pardoned;
and he remained in confinement many years afterwards.
It appears from Sully's Memoirs that Raleigh secretly of.
fered his services to the French ambassador; and we may
thence presume that, meeting with a repulse from that quar-
ter, he had recourse, for the same unwarrantable purposes, to
* State Trials, p. 180, 2d ed. Winwood, vol. ii. p. 8, 11. -
* November 29. * December 5. ** December 9,
* Winwood, vol. ii. p. 11.
IV.—16
242 . EIISTORY OF ENGLAND. CH. XLV.
the Flemish minister. Such a conjecture we are now enabled
to form; but it must be confessed that on his trial there ap-
peared no proof of this transaction, nor, indeed, any circum-
stance which could justify his condemnation. He was ac-
cused by Cobham alone, in a sudden fit of passion, upon hear-
ing that Raleigh, when examined, had pointed out some cir-
cumstances by which Cobham's guilt might be known and as-
certained. This accusation Cobham afterwards retracted; and
soon after he retracted his retractation. Yet upon the writ-
ten evidence of this single witness—a man of no honor or un-
derstanding, and so contradictory in his testimony, not con-
fronted with Raleigh, not supported by any concurring cir-
cumstance—was that great man, contrary to all law and equi-
ty, found guilty by the jury. Iſis name was at that time ex-
tremely odious in England; and every man was pleased to
give sentence against the capital enemy of Essex, the favorite
of the people.
Sir Edward Coke, the famous lawyer, then attorney-general,
managed the cause for the crown, and threw out on Raleigh
such gross abuse as may be deemed a great reflection, not only
on his own memory, but even, in Some degree, on the manners
of the age. Traitor, monster, viper, and spider of hell are the
terms which he employs against one of the most illustrious men
of the kingdom, who was under trial for life and fortune, and
who defended himself with temper, eloquence, and courage.”
The next occupation of the king was entirely according to
his heart’s content. He was employed in dictating magiste-
rially to an assembly of divines concerning points
‘. of faith and discipline, and in receiving the ap-
plauses of these holy men for his superior zeal and learning.
The religious disputes between the Church and the Puritans
had induced him to call a conference at Hampton Court, on pre-
tence of finding expedients which might reconcile both parties.
Though the severities of Elizabeth towards the Catholics
had much weakened that party, whose genius was opposite to
the prevailing spirit of the nation, like severities had had so
1604.
* State Trials, 1st cd, p. 176, 177, 182.
CH. XLV. JAMES I. 243
little influence on the Puritans, who were encouraged by that
spirit, that no less than seven hundred and fifty clergymen of
that party signed a petition to the king on his accession, and
many more seemed willing to adhere to it.” They all hoped
that James, having received his education in Scotland, and
having sometimes professed an attachment to the Church es-
tablished there, would at least abate the rigor of the laws en-
acted in support of the ceremonies and against Puritans, if
he did not show more particular grace and encouragement to
that sect. But the king's disposition had taken strongly a
contrary bias. The more he knew the Puritanical clergy, the
less favor he bore to them. He had remarked in their Scot-
tish brethren a violent turn towards republicanism and Zeal-
ous attachment to civil liberty, principles nearly allied to
that religious enthusiasm with which they were actuated.
He had found that, being mostly persons of low birth and
mean education, the same lofty pretensions which attended
them in their familiar addresses to their Maker, of whom
they believed themselves the peculiar favorites, induced them
to use the utmost freedoms with their earthly sovereign. In
both capacities, of monarch and of theologian, he had experi-
enced the little complaisance which they were disposed to
show him; while they controlled his commands, disputed his
tenets, and, to his face, before the whole people, censured his
conduct and behavior. If he had submitted to the indigni-
ty of courting their favor, he treasured up, on that account,
the stronger resentment against them, and was determined to
make them feel, in their turn, the weight of his authority.
Though he had often met with resistance and faction and ob-
stinacy in the Scottish nobility, he retained no ill-will to that
Order, or, rather, showed them favor and kindness in Eng-
land beyond what reason and sound policy could well justi-
fy; but the ascendant which the Presbyterian clergy had as-
sumed over him was what his monarchical pride could never
thoroughly digest.”
* Fuller, bk. x. Collier, vol. ii. p. 672.
* James ventured to say, in his Basilicon Doron, published while he was in
244 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. CH. XLV.
He dreaded likewise the popularity which attended this or-
der of men in both kingdoms. As useless austerities and self.
denial are imagined, in many religions, to render us acceptable
to a benevolent Being, who created us solely for happiness,
James remarked that the rustic severity of these clergymen,
and of their whole sect, had given them, in the eyes of the
multitude, the appearance of Sanctity and virtue. Strongly
inclined himself to mirth and wine and sports of all kinds,
he apprehended their censure for his manner of life, free and
disengaged; and being thus averse, from temper as well as
policy, to the sect of Puritans, he was resolved, if possible, to
prevent its further growth in England.
But it was the character of James's councils, throughout
his whole reign, that they were more wise and equitable in
their end than prudent and political in the means. Though
justly sensible that no part of civil administration required
greater care or a nicer judgment than the conduct of relig-
ious parties, he had not perceived that, in the same propor-
tion as this practical knowledge of theology is requisite, the
speculative refinements in it are mean and even dangerous in
a monarch. By entering zealously into frivolous disputes
James gave them an air of importance and dignity which
they could not otherwise have acquired; and being himself
enlisted in the quarrel, he could no longer have recourse to
contempt and ridicule, the only proper method of appeasing
it. The Church of England had not yet abandoned the rigid
doctrines of grace and predestination; the Puritans had not
yet separated themselves from the Church nor openly re-
nounced episcopacy. Though the spirit of the parties was
considerably different, the only appearing subjects of dispute
were concerning the cross in baptism, the ring in marriage,
the use of the surplice, and the bowing at the name of Jesus.
These were the mighty questions which were solemnly agi-
Scotland, “I protest before the great God—and, since I am here as upon my Testa-
ment, it is no place for me to lie in—that ye shall never find with any Highland or
Borderer Thieves greater ingratitude and more lies and vile perjuries than with
these famatic spirits; and suffer not the principal of them to brook your land.”
—King James's ‘Works, p. 161.
CH, XLV. & JAMES I. 245
tated in the conference at Hampton Court between some
COD fel' bishops and dignified clergymen, on the one hand,
onference at e º
ãº" and some leaders of the Puritanical party, on the
- other; the king and his ministers being present.”
The Puritans were here so unreasonable as to complain of
a partial and unfair management of the dispute; as if the
search after truth were in any degree the object of
such conferences, and a candid indifference, so rare
even among private inquirers in philosophical questions, could
ever be expected among princes and prelates in a theological
controversy. The king, it must be confessed, from the be-
ginning of the conference showed the strongest propensity to
the established Church, and frequently inculcated a maxim,
which, though it has some foundation, is to be received with
great limitations, No BISHOP, No KING. The bishops, in their
turn, were very liberal of their praises towards the royal dis-
putant; and the Archbishop of Canterbury said that “un-
doubtedly his majesty spake by the special assistance of
God’s Spirit.” A few alterations in the liturgy were
agreed to, and both parties separated with mutual dissatis-
faction. -
It had frequently been the practice of the Puritans to form
certain assemblies which they called prophesyings; where al-
ternately, as moved by the spirit, they displayed their pious
zeal in prayers and exhortations, and raised their own enthu-
siasm, as well as that of their audience, to the highest pitch,
from that social contagion which has so mighty an influence
on holy fervors, and from the mutual emulation which arose
in those trials of religious eloquence. Such dangerous socie-
ties had been suppressed by Elizabeth ; and the ministers in
this conference moved the king for their revival. But James
sharply replied, “If you aim at a Scottish presbytery, it agrees
as well with monarchy as God and the devil. There Jack
and Tom and Will and Dick shall meet and censure me and
my council. Therefore I reiterate my former speech, Le To?
s'avisera. Stay, I pray, for one seven years before you de-
January 4.
* Fuller's Ecclesiast. History. ” IXennet, p. 665. :
246 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. CH. XLV.
mand; and then, if you find me grow pursie and fat, I may
perchance hearken unto you. For that government will keep
me in breath and give me work enough.”” Such were the
political considerations which determined the king in his
choice among religious parties.
The next assembly in which James displayed his learning
and eloquence was one that showed more spirit of liberty
Aparliament, than appeared among his bishops and theologians.
** The Parliament was now ready to assemble; being
so long delayed on account of the plague, which had broken
out in London, and raged to such a degree that above thirty
thousand persons are computed to have died of it in a year,
though the city contained at that time little more than one
hundred and fifty thousand inhabitants.
The speech which the king made on opening the Parlia-
ment fully displays his character, and proves him to have pos-
sessed more knowledge and better parts than prudence or any
just sense of decorum and propriety.” Though few produc-
tions of the age surpass this performance either in style or
matter, it wants that majestic brevity and reserve which be-
come a king in his addresses to the great council of the na-
tion. It contains, however, a remarkable stroke of candor,
where he confesses his too great facility in yielding to the
Solicitations of suitors”—a fault which he promises to cor-
rect, but which adhered to him and distressed him during
the whole course of his reign.
The first business in which the Commons were engaged
was of the utmost importance to the preservation of their
privileges; and neither temper nor resolution was wanting
in their conduct of it. * - -
In the former periods of the English government, the
House of Commons was of so small weight in the balance
of the constitution that little attention had been given, either
by the crown, the people, or the House itself, to the choice
* Fuller's Ecclesiast. History.
* King James's Works, p. 484,485, etc. Journal, 22d of March, 1603. Kennet,
p. 668. * King James's Works, p. 495, 496.
CEI. XLV. - - JAMES I. - * 247
and continuance of the members. It had been usual, after
parliaments were prolonged beyond one session, for the chan-
cellor to exert a discretionary authority of issuing new writs
to supply the place of any members whom he judged incapa-
ble of attending, either on account of their employment, their
sickness, or other impediment. This practice gave that min-
ister, and consequently the prince, an unlimited power of
modelling at pleasure the representatives of the nation; yet
so little jealousy had it created that the Commons, of them-
selves, without any court influence or intrigue, and contrary
to some former votes of their own, confirmed it in the twen-
ty-third of Elizabeth.” At that time, though some members
whose places had been supplied on account of sickness, hav-
ing now recovered their health, appeared in the House and
claimed their seat, such was the authority of the chancellor
that, merely out of respect to him, his sentence was adhered
to, and the new members were continued in their places.
Here a most dangerous prerogative was conferred on the
crown; but to show the genius of that age, or rather the
channels in which power then ran, the crown put very little
value on this authority; insomuch that two days afterwards,
the chancellor, of himself, resigned it back to the Commons
and gave them power to judge of a particular vacancy in
their House. And when the question concerning the chan-
cellor's new writs was again brought on the carpet towards
the end of the session, the Commons were so little alarmed at
the precedent that, though they readmitted some old mem-
bers, whose seats had been vacated on account of slight indis-
positions, yet they confirmed the chancellor's sentence in in-
stances where the distemper appeared to have been dangerous
and incurable.” Nor did they proceed any further in vindi-
cation of their privileges than to vote “that during the sit-
ting of Parliament there do not, at any time, any writ go out
for choosing or returning any member without the warrant
of the House.” In Elizabeth's reign, we may remark, and the
* Journal, January 19, 1580.
* Journal, March 18, 1580. See, further, D'Ewes, p. 430.
248 * HISTORY OF ENGLAND. CH. XLV.
reigns preceding, sessions of Parliament were not usually the
twelfth part so long as the vacations; and during the latter,
the chancellor's power, if he pleased to exert it, was confirm-
ed, at least left, by this vote as unlimited and unrestrained as
€WeI’.
In a subsequent Parliament, the absolute authority of the
queen was exerted in a manner still more open ; and began
for the first time to give alarm to the Commons. New writs
having been issued by the chancellor when there was no va-
cancy, and a controversy arising upon that incident, the queen
sent a message to the House informing them that it were im-
pertinent for them to deal in such matters. These questions,
she said, belonged only to the chancellor; and she had ap-
pointed him to confer with the judges, in order to settle all
disputes with regard to elections. The Commons had the
courage, a few days after, to vote “that it was a most peril-
ous precedent, where two knights of a county were duly
elected, if any new writ should issue out for a second elec-
tion without order of the House itself; that the discussing
and adjudging of this and such -like differences belonged
only to the House; and that there should be no message
sent to the lord chancellor, not so much as to inquire what
he had done in the matter, because it was conceived to be a
matter derogatory to the power and privilege of the House.”
This is the most considerable, and almost only, instance of
parliamentary liberty which occurs during the reign of that
princess.
Outlaws, whether on account of debts or crimes, had been
declared by the judges” incapable of enjoying a seat in the
House, where they must themselves be lawgivers; but this
opinion of the judges had been frequently overruled. I find,
however, in the case of Waughan,” who was questioned for an
outlawry, that, having proved all his debts to have been con-
tracted by Suretyship, and to have been, most of them, honestly
compounded, he was allowed, on account of these favorable
circumstances, to keep his seat, which plainly supposes that
* D'Ewes, p. 397. * 30 II. 6. * Journal, Feb. 8, 1580.
CH. XLV. JAMES I. 249
otherwise it would have been vacated on account of the out-
lawry.”
When James summoned this Parliament, he issued a proc-
lamation,” in which, among many general advices which,
like a kind tutor, he bestowed on his people, he strictly en-
joins them not to choose any outlaw for their representative.
And he adds, “If any person take upon him the place of
knight, citizen, or burgess, not being duly elected, according
to the laws and statutes in that behalf provided, and according
to the purport, effect, and true meaning of this Our proclama-
tion, then every person so offending to be fined or imprisoned
for the same.” . A proclamation here was plainly put on the
same footing with a law, and that in so delicate a point as the
right of elections: most alarming circumstances, had there not
been reason to believe that this measure, being entered into
so early in the king's reign, proceeded more from precipita-
tion and mistake than from any serious design of invading
the privileges of Parliament.”
Sir Francis Goodwin was chosen member for the county of
Bucks, and his return, as usual, was made into chancery. The
chancellor, pronouncing him an outlaw, vacated his seat and
issued writs for a new election.” Sir John Fortescue was
chosen in his place by the county. But the first act of the
House was to reverse the chancellor's sentence and restore
* In a subsequent Parliament, that of the thirty-fifth of the queen, the Com-
mons, after great debate, expressly voted that a person outlawed might be elected.
—D'Ewes, p. 518. But as the matter had been much contested, the king might
think the vote of the House no law, and might esteem his own decision of more
weight than theirs. ‘We may also suppose that he was not acquainted with this
vote. Queen Elizabeth, in her speech to her last Parliament, complained of their
admitting outlaws, and represents that conduct of the House as a great abuse.
* Jan. 11, 1604. Tymer, vol. xvi. p. 561.
* The Duke of Sully tells us that it was a maxim of James that no prince, in
the first year of his reign, should begin any considerable undertaking—a maxim
reasonable in itself, and very suitable to his cautious, not to say timid, character.
The facility with which he departed from this pretension is another proof that his
meaning was innocent. But had the privileges of Parliament been at that time
exactly ascertained, or royal power fully limited, could such an imagination ever
have been entertained by him as to think that his proclamations could regulate
parliamentary elections? . * Winwood, vol. ii. p. 18, 19.
&
250 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. CH. XLV.
Sir Francis to his seat. At the king's suggestion, the Lords
desired a conference on the subject, but were absolutely re-
fused by the Commons, as the question entirely regarded their
own privileges.” The Commons, however, agreed to make a
remonstrance to the king by the mouth of their speaker, in
which they maintained that though the returns were by form
made into chancery, yet the sole right of judging with regard
to elections belonged to the House itself, not to the chancel-
lor.” James was not satisfied, and ordered a conference be-
tween the House and the judges, whose opinion in this case
was opposite to that of the Commons. This conference, he
said, he commanded as an absolute king”—an epithet, we are
apt to imagine, not very grateful to English ears, but one to
which they had already been somewhat accustomed from the
mouth of Elizabeth.” He added “that all their privileges
were derived from his grant, and hoped they would not turn
them against him” “—a sentiment which, from her conduct, it
is certain that princess had also entertained, and which was
the reigning principle of her courtiers and ministers, and the
spring of all her administration.
The Commons were in some perplexity. Their eyes were
now opened, and they saw the consequences of that power
which had been assumed by the chancellor, and to which their
predecessors had, in some instances, blindly submitted. “By
this course,” said a member, “the free election of the counties
is taken away, and none shall be chosen but such as shall
please the king and council. Let us, therefore, with fortitude,
understanding, and sincerity, seek to maintain our privilege.
This cannot be construed any contempt in us, but merely a
maintenance of our common rights, which our ancestors have
left us, and which it is just and fit for us to transmit to our
posterity.” “ Another said,” “This may be called a quo war-
Tanto to seize all our liberties.” “A chancellor,” added a third,
* Journal, 26th of March, 1604. - * Journal, 3d of April, 1604.
* See note [BB] at the end of the volume. * Camden, in Kennet, p. 375.
* Journal, 29th of March, 5th of April, 1604. -
* Journal, 30th of March, 1604. * Ibid.
CH. XLV. t JAMES I. 251
“by this course may call a Parliament consisting of what per-
sons he pleases. Any suggestion, by any person, may be the
cause of sending a new writ. It is come to this plain question,
whether the chancery or Parliament ought to have authority?”
Notwithstanding this watchful spirit of liberty which now
appeared in the Commons, their deference for majesty was so
great that they appointed a committee to confer with the
judges before the king and council. There the question of
law began to appear in James's eyes a little more doubtful
than he had hitherto imagined it; and in order to extricate
himself with some honor, he proposed that both Goodwin and
Fortescue should be set aside, and a writ be issued, by warrant
of the House, for a new election. Goodwin gave his consent,
and the Commons embraced the expedient, but in such a
manner that while they showed their regard for the king, they
secured for the future the free possession of their seats, and
the right which they claimed of judging solely in their own
elections and returns.”
A power like this, so essential to the exercise of all their
other powers, themselves so essential to public liberty, cannot
fairly be deemed an encroachment in the Commons, but must
be regarded as an inherent privilege, happily rescued from
that ambiguity which the negligence of some former parlia-
ments had thrown upon it. -
At the same time the Commons, in the case of Sir Thomas
Shirley, established their power of punishing, as well the per-
sons at whose suit any member is arrested as the officers who
either arrest or detain him. Their asserting of this privilege
admits of the same reflection.” -
About this period, the minds of men throughout Europe,
especially in England, seem to have undergone a general but
insensible revolution. Though letters had been revived in
the preceding age, they were chiefly cultivated by those of
sedentary professions; nor had they till now begun to spread
themselves, in any degree, among men of the world. Arts,
* Journal, 30th of March, 1604. * See note [CC] at the end of the volume.
* Journal, 6th and 7th of May, 1604. - -
252 IHISTORY OF ENGLAND. CII. XLV.
both mechanical and liberal, were every day receiving great
improvements; navigation had extended itself over the whole
globe; travelling was secure and agreeable; and the general
system of politics in Europe was become more enlarged and
comprehensive.
In consequence of this universal fermentation, the ideas of
men enlarged themselves on all sides; and the several con-
stituent parts of the Gothic governments, which seem to have
lain long inactive, began everywhere to operate and encroach
on each other. On the Continent, where the necessity of dis-
cipline had begotten standing armies, the princes commonly
established an unlimited authority, and overpowered, by force
or intrigue, the liberties of the people. In England the love
of freedom, which, unless checked, flourishes extremely in all
liberal natures, acquired new force, and was regulated by
more enlarged views, suitable to that cultivated understand-
ing which became every day more common among men of
birth and education. A familiar acquaintance with the pre-
cious remains of antiquity excited in every generous breast a
passion for a limited constitution, and begat an emulation of
those manly virtues which the Greek and Roman authors, by
such animating examples as well as pathetic expressions, rec-
ommend to us. The severe though popular government of
Elizabeth had confined this rising spirit within very narrow
bounds; but when a new and a foreign family succeeded to
the throne, and a prince, less dreaded and less beloved, symp-
toms immediately appeared of a more free and independent
genius in the nation. -
Happily, this prince possessed neither sufficient capacity to
perceive the alteration, nor sufficient art and vigor to check it
in its early advances. Jealous of regal because conscious of
little personal authority, he had established within his own
mind a speculative system of absolute government, which
few of his subjects, he believed, and none but traitors and
rebels, would make any scruple to admit. On whichever side
he cast his eye, everything concurred to encourage his prej-
udices. When he compared himself with the other hereditary
sovereigns of Europe, he imagined that, as he bore the same
CH. XLV. JAMES I. 253
rank, he was entitled to equal prerogatives, not considering
the innovations lately introduced by them, and the military
force by which their authority was supported. In England
that power, almost unlimited, which had been exercised for
above a century, especially during the late reign, he ascribed
solely to royal birth and title ; not to the prudence and spirit
of the monarchs, nor to the conjunctures of the times. Even
the opposition which he had struggled with in Scotland en-
couraged him still further in his favorite notions, while he
there saw that the same resistance which opposed regal au-
thority violated all law and order, and made way either for
the ravages of a barbarous nobility or for the more intoler-
able insolence of seditious preachers. In his own person,
therefore, he thought all legal power to be centred by an
hereditary and a divine right; and this opinion might have
proved dangerous, if not fatal, to liberty, had not the firmness
of the persuasion and its seeming evidence induced him to
trust solely to his right, without making the smallest provi-
sion, either of force or politics, in order to support it.
Such were the opposite dispositions of Parliament and
prince at the commencement of the Scottish line—disposi-
tions just beginning to exist and to appear in the Parlia-
ment," but thoroughly established and openly avowed on the
part of the prince. .
The spirit and judgment of the House of Commons ap-
peared not only in defence of their own privileges, but also
in their endeavor, though at this time in vain, to free trade
from those shackles which the high-exerted prerogative, and
even in this respect the ill-judged tyranny, of Elizabeth had
imposed upon it.
James had already, of his own accord, called in and an-
nulled all the numerous patents for monopolies which had
been granted by his predecessor, and which extremely fet-
tered every species of domestic industry; but the exclusive
companies still remained—another species of monopoly, by
which almost all foreign trade, except that to France, was
* See note [DD] at the end of the volume.
254 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. CH. XLV.
brought into the hands of a few rapacious engrossers, and all
prospect of future improvement in commerce was forever
sacrificed to a little temporary advantage of the sovereign.
These companies, though arbitrarily elected, had carried their
privileges so far that almost all the commerce of England was
centred in London; and it appears that the customs of that
port amounted to one hundred and ten thousand pounds a
year, while those of all the kingdom besides yielded only sev-
enteen thousand.” Nay, the whole trade of London was con-
fined to about two hundred citizens,” who were easily enabled,
by combining among themselves, to fix whatever price they
pleased both to the exports and imports of the nation. The
committee appointed to consider this enormous grievance, one
of the greatest which we read of in English story, insist on it
as a fact well known and avowed, however contrary to present
received opinion, that shipping and seamen had sensibly de-
cayed during all the preceding reign ;” and, though nothing
be more common than complaints of the decay of trade, even
during the most flourishing periods, yet is this a consequence
which might naturally result from such arbitrary establish-
ments at a time when the commerce of all the other nations
of Europe, except that of Scotland, enjoyed full liberty and
indulgence. - - .
While the Commons were thus attempting to give liberty
to the trading part of the nation, they also endeavored to free
the landed property from the burden of wardships,” and to
remove those remains of the feudal tenures under which the
nation still labored. A just regard was shown to the crown
in the conduct of this affair; nor was the remedy sought for
considered as a matter of right, but merely of grace and favor.
The profit which the king reaped, both from wards and from
respite of homage, was estimated, and it was intended to com-
* Journal, May 21, 1604. 4” Ibid.
* A remonstrance from the Trinity House in 1602 says that in a little above
twelve years after 1588 the shipping and number of seamen in England decayed
Caesar's Collections. See Journal, May 21, 1604.
* Journal, June 1, 1604.
CH. XLV. JAMES I. * 255
pound for these prerogatives by a secure and independent .
revenue. But after some debates in the House and Some
conferences with the Lords, the affair was found to contain
more difficulties than could easily, at that time, be surmount-
ed; and it was not then brought to any conclusion.
The same fate attended an attempt of a like nature to free
the nation from the burden of purveyance. This prerogative
had been much abused by the purveyors,” and the Commons
showed some intention to offer the king fifty thousand pounds
a year for the abolition of it.
Another affair of the utmost consequence was brought be-
fore the Parliament, where the Commons showed a greater
spirit of independence than any true judgment of national in-
terest. The union of the two kingdoms was zealously and
even impatiently urged by the king." He justly regarded it
as the peculiar felicity of his reign that he had terminated the
bloody animosities of these hostile nations, and had reduced
the whole island under one government, enjoying tranquillity
within itself and Security from all foreign invasions. Iſe
hoped that while his subjects of both kingdoms reflected on
past disasters, besides regarding his person as infinitely pre-
cious, they would entertain the strongest desire of securing
themselves against the return of like calamities by a thorough
union of laws, parliaments, and privileges. He considered
not that this very reflection operated as yet in a contrary
manner on men's prejudices, and kept alive that mutual
hatred between the nations which had been carried to the
greatest extremities, and required time to allay it. The more
urgent the king appeared in promoting so useful a measure,
the more backward was the English Parliament in concurring
with him; while they ascribed his excessive zeal to that par-
tiality in favor of his ancient subjects of which they thought
that on other occasions they had reason to complain. Their
complaisance for the king, therefore, carried them no further
than to appoint forty-four English to meet with thirty-one
* Journal, April 30, 1604.
* Journal, April 21, May 1, 1604. Parliamentary History, vol. v. p. 91.
256 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. CII, XLV.
Scottish commissioners, in order to déliberate concerning the
terms of a union, but without any power of making advances
towards the establishment of it.”
The same spirit of independence, and perhaps not better
judgment, appeared in the House of Commons when the
question of supply was brought before them by some mem-
bers attached to the court. In vain was it urged that though
the king received a supply which had been voted to Eliza-
beth, and which had not been collected before her death, yet
he found it burdened with a debt contracted by the queen
equal to the full amount of it; that peace was not yet thor-
oughly concluded with Spain, and that Ireland was still ex-
pensive to him; that on his journey from Scotland, amid such
a concourse of people, and on that of the queen and royal
family, he had expended considerable sums; and that as the
courtiers had looked for greater liberalities from the prince
on his accession, and had imposed on his generous nature, so
the prince, in his turn, would expect, at the beginning, some
mark of duty and attachment from his people, and some con-
sideration of his necessities. No impression was made on the
IHouse of Commons by these topics, and the majority ap-
peared fully determined to reject all supply. The burden of
government at that time lay surprisingly light upon the peo-
ple, and that very reason which to us at this distance may
seem a motive of generosity was the real cause why the Par-
liament was on all occasions so remarkably frugal and re-
served. They were not as yet accustomed to open their
purses in so liberal a manner as their successors, in order to
supply the wants of their sovereign ; and the Smallest de-
mand, however requisite, appeared in their eyes unreasonable
and exorbitant. The Commons seemed also to have been de-
sirous of reducing the crown to still further necessities by
their refusing a bill, sent down to them by the Lords, for en-
tailing the crown lands forever on the king’s heirs and suc-
cessors.” The dissipation made by Elizabeth had probably
* Journal, June 7, 1604. Kennet, p. 673.
* Parliamentary History, vol. v. p. 108.
CH. XLV.) JAMES I. 257
taught James the necessity of this law, and shown them the
advantage of refusing it.
In order to cover a disappointment with regard to supply
which might bear a bad construction both at home and
abroad, James sent a message to the House," in which he told
them that he desired no supply, and he was very forward in
refusing what was never offered him. Soon after he pro-
rogued the Parliament, not without discovering in
his speech visible marks of dissatisfaction. Even
so early in his reign he saw reason to make public complaints
of the restless and encroaching spirit of the Puritanical party,
and of the malevolence with which they endeavored to inspire
the Commons. Nor were his complaints without foundation,
or the Puritans without interest, since the Commons, now
finding themselves free from the arbitrary government of
Elizabeth, made application for a conference with the Lords,
and presented a petition to the king, the purport of both
which was to procure in favor of the Puritans a relaxation
of the ecclesiastical laws." The use of the surplice and of
the cross in baptism is there chiefly complained of, but the
remedy seems to have been expected solely from the king's
dispensing power.” In the papers which contain this appli-
cation and petition we may also see proofs of the violent ani-
mosity of the Commons against the Catholics, together with
the intolerating spirit of that assembly.”
This summer the peace with Spain was finally concluded,
and was signed by the Spanish ministers at London.” In the
e.g., conferences previous to this treaty the nations were
jº, found to have so few claims on each other that,
&=> except on account of the support given by England
to the Low Country provinces, the war might appear to have
been continued more on account of personal animosity be-
tween Philip and Elizabeth than any contrariety of political
July 7.
* Journal, June 26, 1604. -
* La Boderie, the French ambassador, says that the House of Commons was
composed mostly of Puritans, vol. i. p. 81.
* Parliamentary History, vol. v. p. 98, 99, 100.
* See note [EE] at the end of the volume. * Rymer, vol. xvi. p. 585, etc.
IV.-17
25S HISTORY OF ENGIAND. CH. XLV.
interests between their subjects. Some articles in the treaty
which seemed prejudicial to the Dutch commonwealth were
never executed by the king; and, as the Spaniards made no
complaints on that head, it appeared that by secret agreement
the king had expressly reserved the power of sending assist-
ance to the Hollanders." The Constable of Castile came into
England to ratify the peace, and on the part of England the
Earl of Hertford was sent into the Low Countries for the
same purpose, and the Earl of Nottingham, high admiral, into
Spain. The train of the latter was numerous and splendid;
and the Spaniards, it is said, were extremely surprised when
they belield the blooming countenances and graceful appear-
ance of the English, whom their bigotry, inflamed by the
priests, had represented as so many monsters and infernal
demons.
Though England, by means of her naval force, was per-
fectly secure during the latter years of the Spanish war,
James showed an impatience to put an end to hostilities;
and soon after his accession, before any terms of peace were
concerted, or even proposed by Spain, he recalled all the
letters of marque" which had been granted by Queen Eliza-
beth. Archduke Albert had made some advances of a like
nature," which invited the king to take this friendly step.
But what is remarkable in James's proclamation for that
purpose, he plainly supposes that, as he had himself, while
King of Scotland, always lived in amity with Spain, peace
was attached to his person, and that merely by his accession
to the crown of England, without any articles of treaty or
agreement, he had ended the war between the kingdoms."
This ignorance of the law of nations may appear surprising
in a prince who was thirty-six years of age, and who had
* Winwood, vol. ii. p. 27, 330, et alibi. In this respect James's peace was more
honorable than that which IIenry IV. himself made with Spain. This latter prince
stipulated not to assist the Dutch, and the supplies which he secretly sent them
were in direct contravention to the treaty.
* June 23, 1603. * Grotii Annal. lib. 12.
* See proclamations during the first seven years of King James. Winwood,
vol. ii. p. 65.
CH. XLV. . . . . JAMES I. 259
reigned from his infancy, did we not consider that a king of .
Scotland, who lives in close friendship with England, has few
transactions to manage with foreign princes, and has little
opportunity of acquiring experience. Unhappily for James,
his timidity, his prejudices, his indolence, his love of amuse-
ment, particularly of hunting, to which he was much addicted,
ever prevented him from making any progress in the knowl-
edge or practice of foreign politics, and in a little time di-
minished that regard which all the neighboring nations had
paid to England during the reign of his predecessor.”
©
* Mémoires de la Boderie, vol. i. p. 64, 181, 195, 217, 302; vol. ii. p. 244, 278.
260 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. CH. XLVI.
CELAPTER XLVI.
Gunpowder Conspiracy.—A Parliament.—Truce between Spain and the United
Provinces.—A l?arliament.—Death of the French King.—Arminianism.—State
of Ireland.
WE are now to relate an event, one of the most memorable
that history has conveyed to posterity, and containing at Once
a singular proof both of the strength and weak-
ness of the human mind, its widest departure from
morals, and most steady attachment to religious prejudices.
'Tis the Gunpowder treason of which I speak; a fact as
certain as it appears incredible.
The Roman Catholics had expected great favor and indul-
gence on the accession of James, both as he was descended
gunpowder from Mary, whose life they believed to have been
*P*Y. Sacrificed to their cause, and as he himself, in his
early youth, was imagined to have shown some partiality
towards them, which nothing, they thought, but interest and
necessity had since restrained. It is pretended that he had
even entered into positive engagements to tolerate their re-
ligion, as soon as he should mount the throne of England;
whether their credulity had interpreted in this sense some
obliging expressions of the king’s, or that he had employed
such an artifice in order to render them favorable to his
title." Very soon they discovered their mistake ; and were
at once surprised and enraged to find James, on all occasions,
express his intention of strictly executing the laws enacted
against them, and of persevering in all the rigorous measures
of Elizabeth. Catesby, a gentleman of good parts and of an
ancient family, first thought of a most extraordinary meth-
od of revenge ; and he opened his intention to Piercy, a de-
1604.
* State Trials, vol. ii. p. 201, 202, 203. Winwood, vol. ii. p. 49.
CH. XLVI. * JAMES I. 261
scendant of the illustrious house of Northumberland. In one
of their conversations with regard to the distressed condition
of the Catholics, Piercy, having broken into a sally of passion
and mentioned assassinating the king, Catesby took the op-
portunity of revealing to him a nobler and more extensive
plan of treason, which not only included a sure execution of
vengeance, but afforded some hopes of restoring the Catholic
religion in England. “In vain,” said he, “would you put an
end to the king's life: he has children, who would succeed
both to his crown and to his maxims of government. In
vain would you extinguish the whole royal family: the nobil-
ity, the gentry, and Parliament are all infected with the same
heresy, and could raise to the throne another prince and an-
other family, who, besides their hatred to our religion, would
be animated with revenge for the tragical death of their
predecessors. To serve any good purpose, we must destroy at
one blow the king, the royal family, the Lords, the Commons,
and bury all our enemies in one common ruin. Happily,
they are all assembled on the first meeting of the Parliament,
and afford us the opportunity of glorious and useful ven-
geance. Great preparations will not be requisite. A few of
us, combining, may run a mine below the hall in which they
meet, and, choosing the very moment when the king ha-
rangues both Houses, consign over to destruction these de-
termined foes to all piety and religion. Meanwhile, we our-
selves, standing aloof, safe and unsuspected, shall triumph in
being the instruments of divine wrath, and shall behold with
pleasure those sacrilegious walls, in which were passed the
edicts for proscribing our Church and butchering her chil-
dren, tossed into a thousand fragments; while their impious
inhabitants, meditating, perhaps, still new persecutions against
us, pass from flames above to flames below, there forever to
endure the torments due to their offences.””
Piercy was charmed with this project of Catesby; and
they agreed to communicate the matter to a few more, and
among the rest to Thomas Winter, whom they sent over to
* History of the Gunpowder Treason.
i
262 IIISTORY OF ENGLAND. CH. XLVI.
Flanders in quest of Fawkes, an officer in the Spanish service,
with whose zeal and courage they were all thoroughly ac-
quainted. When they enlisted any new conspirator, in order
to bind him to secrecy they always, together with an oath,
employed the Communion, the most sacred rite of their re-
ligion.” And it is remarkable that no one of these pious
devotees ever entertained the least compunction with regard
to the cruel massacre which they projected of whatever was
great and eminent in the nation. Some of them only were
startled by the reflection that of necessity many Catholics
must be present as spectators or attendants on the king, or as
having seats in the House of Peers; but Tesmond, a Jesuit,
and Garnet, superior of that order in England, removed these
scruples, and showed them how the interests of religion re-
quired that the innocent should here be sacrificed with the
guilty.
All this passed in the spring and summer of the year 1604,
when the conspirators also hired a house in Piercy’s name,
adjoining to that in which the Parliament was to assemble.
Towards the end of that year they began their operations.
That they might be less interrupted, and give less suspicion
to the neighborhood, they carried in store of provisions with
them, and never desisted from their labor. Obstinate in their
purpose, and confirmed by passion, by principle, and by mut-
ual exhortation, they little feared death in comparison of a
disappointment; and having provided arms, together with
the instruments of their labor, they resolved there to perish
in case of a discovery. Their perseverance advanced the
work, and they soon pierced the wall, though three yards in
thickness; but on approaching the other side, they were
somewhat startled at hearing a noise which they knew not
how to account for. Upon inquiry, they found that it came
from the vault below the House of Lords; that a magazine
of coals had been kept there; and that, as the coals were
selling off, the vault would be let to the highest bidder. The
opportunity was immediately seized ; the place hired by
* State Trials, vol. i. p. 190, 198, 210.
CH, XLVI. JAMES I. 263
Piercy; thirty-six barrels of powder lodged in it; the whole
covered up with fagots and billets; the doors of the cellar
boldly flung open ; and everybody admitted, as if it contained
nothing dangerous. -
Confident of success, they now began to look forward, and
to plan the remaining part of their project. The king, the
queen, Prince Henry, were all expected to be present at the
opening of Parliament. The duke, by reason of his tender
age, would be absent; and it was resolved that Piercy should
seize him or assassinate him. The princess Elizabeth, a
child likewise, was kept at Lord Harrington’s house in War-
wickshire; and Sir Everard Digby, Rookwood, Grant, being
let into the conspiracy, engaged to assemble their friends, on
pretence of a hunting-match, and, seizing that princess, im-
mediately to proclaim her queen. So transported were they
with rage against their adversaries, and so charmed with the
prospect of revenge, that they forgot all care of their own
safety; and, trusting to the general confusion which must re-
sult from so unexpected a blow, they foresaw not that the
fury of the people, now unrestrained by any authority, must
have turned against them, and would probably have satiated
itself by a universal massacre of the Catholics.
The day, so long wished for, now approached on which the
Parliament was appointed to assemble. The dreadful secret,
though communicated to above twenty persons,
had been religiously kept, during the space of near
a year and a half. No remorse, no pity, no fear of punish-
ment, no hope of reward, had as yet induced any one con-
spirator either to abandon the enterprise or make a discov-
ery of it. The holy fury had extinguished in their breast
every other motive ; and it was an indiscretion at last, pro-
ceeding chiefly from these very bigoted prejudices and par-
tialities, which saved the nation.
Ten days before the meeting of Parliament, Lord Mont-
eagle, a Catholic, son to Lord Morley, received the following
letter, which had been delivered to his servant by an unknown
hand: “My Lord, Out of the love I bear to some of your
friends, I have a care of your preservation. Therefore I would
1605.
264 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. CH. XLVI.
advise you, as you tender your life, to devise some excuse to
shift off your attendance at this Parliament. For God and
man have concurred to punish the wickedness of this time.
And think not slightly of this advertisement; but retire your-
self into your country, where you may expect the event in
Safety. For though there be no appearance of any stir, yet,
I say, they will receive a terrible blow this Parliament, and
yet they shall not see who hurts them. This counsel is not to
be contemned, because it may do you good, and can do you
no harm : for the danger is past as soon as you have burned
the letter. And I hope God will give you the grace to
make good use of it, unto whose holy protection I commend
you.”
Monteagle knew not what to make of this letter; and
though inclined to think it a foolish attempt to frighten or
ridicule him, he judged it safest to carry it to Lord Salisbury,
secretary of state. Though Salisbury too was inclined to pay
little attention to it, he thought proper to lay it before the
king, who came to town a few days after. To the king it ap-
peared not so slight a matter; and from the serious, earnest
style of the letter, he conjectured that it implied something
dangerous and important. A terrible blow, and yet the authors
concealed; a danger so sudden, and yet so great: these cir-
cumstances seemed all to denote some contrivance by gun-
powder; and it was thought advisable to inspect all the vaults
below the Houses of Parliament. This care belonged to the
Earl of Suffolk, lord chamberlain, who purposely delayed the
search till the day before the meeting of Parliament. He re-
marked those great piles of wood and fagots which lay in
the vault under the Upper House, and he cast his eye upon
Fawkes, who stood in a dark corner, and passed himself for
Piercy’s servant. That daring and determined courage which
so much distinguished this conspirator, even among those
heroes in villany, was fully painted in his countenance, and
was not passed unnoticed by the chamberlain." Such a quan-
tity also of fuel, for the use of one who lived so little in town
º
* Ring James's Works, p. 227. * Ring James's Works, p. 229.
CH. XLVI. - JAMES I. 265
as Piercy, appeared a little extraordinary;" and upon compar-
ing all circumstances, it was resolved that a more thorough
inspection should be made. About midnight, Sir Thomas
Rnevet, a justice of peace, was sent with proper attendants;
and before the door of the vault finding Fawkes, who had just
finished all his preparations, he immediately seized him, and,
turning over the fagots, discovered the powder. The matches,
and everything proper for setting fire to the train, were taken
in Fawkes's pocket, who, finding his guilt now apparent, and
seeing no refuge but in boldness and despair, expressed the
utmost regret that he had lost the opportunity of firing the
powder at once, and of Sweetening his own death by that of
his enemies." Before the council he displayed the same in-
trepid firmness, mixed even with scorn and disdain; refusing
to discover his accomplices, and showing no concern but for
the failure of the enterprise.” This obstinacy lasted two or
three days; but being confined to the Tower, left to reflect on
his guilt and danger, and the rack being just shown to him,
his courage, fatigued with so long an effort, and unsupported
by hope or society, at last failed him, and he made a full dis-
covery of all the conspirators."
Catesby, Piercy, and the other criminals who were in Lon-
don, though they had heard of the alarm taken at the letter
sent to Monteagle, though they had heard of the chamber-
lain's search, yet were resolved to persist to the utmost and
never abandon their hopes of success." But at last, hearing
that Fawkes was arrested, they hurried down to Warwickshire,
where Sir Everard Digby, thinking himself assured that suc-
cess had attended his confederates, was already in arms, in
order to seize the Princess Elizabeth. She had escaped into
Coventry, and they were obliged to put themselves on their
defence against the country, who were raised from all quar-
ters, and armed, by the sheriff. The conspirators, with all
their attendants, never exceeded the number of eighty per-
"King James's Works, p. 229. 7 Ring James's Works, p. 230.
* Winwood, vol. ii. p. 173. - * King James's Works, p. 231.
* See mote [FFJ at the end of the volume.
266 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. CH. XLVI.
sons; and being surrounded on every side, could no longer
entertain hopes either of prevailing or escaping. Having
therefore confessed themselves and received absolution, they
boldly prepared for death, and resolved to sell their lives as
dear as possible to the assailants. But even this miserable
consolation was denied them. Some of their powder took
fire and disabled them for defence.” The people rushed in
upon them. Piercy and Catesby were killed by one shot.
Digby, Rookwood, Winter, and others, being taken prisoners,
were tried, confessed their guilt, and died, as well as Garnet,
by the hands of the executioner. Notwithstanding this horrid
crime, the bigoted Catholics were so devoted to Garnet that
they fancied miracles to be wrought by his blood,” and in
Spain he was regarded as a martyr.”
Neither had the desperate fortune of the conspirators urged
them to this enterprise, nor had the former profligacy of their
lives prepared them for so great a crime. Before that auda-
cious attempt, their conduct seems, in general, to be liable to
no reproach. Catesby’s character had entitled him to such re-
gard that Rookwood and Digby were seduced by their im-
plicit trust in his judgment; and they declared that from the
motive alone of friendship to him, they were ready, on any
occasion, to have sacrificed their lives.” Digby himself was
as highly esteemed and beloved as any man in England; and
he had been particularly honored with the good opinion of
Queen Elizabeth." It was bigoted zeal alone, the most absurd
of prejudices masked with reason, the most criminal of pas-
sions covered with the appearance of duty, which seduced
them into measures that were fatal to themselves, and had so
nearly proved fatal to their country."
* State Trials, vol. i. p. 199. Discourse of the Manner, etc., p. 69, 70.
* Winwood, vol. ii. p. 300. ** Ibid.
* State Trials, vol. i. p. 201. * Athen. Ox. vol. ii. fol. 254,
* Digby, after his condemnation, said in a letter to his wife, ‘‘Now for my in-
tention, let me tell you that if I had thought there had been the least sin in the
plot, I would not have been of it for all the world; and no other cause drew me to
hazard my fortune and life but zeal to God's religion.” He expresses his.surprise
to hear that any Catholics had condemned it.—JDigby's Papers, published by Sec-
retary Coventry.
CII, XLVI. JAMES I. . . 4-l
267
The Lords Mordaunt and Stourton, two Catholics, were
fined—the former, ten thousand pounds; the latter, four thou-
sand—by the Star-chamber because their absence from Par-
liament had begotten a suspicion of their being acquainted
with the conspiracy. The Earl of Northumberland was fined
thirty thousand pounds, and detained several years prisoner
in the Tower, because, not to mention other grounds of sus-
picion, he had admitted Piercy into the number of gentlemen
pensioners without his taking the requisite oaths.”
The king, in his speech to the Parliament, observed that
though religion had engaged the conspirators in so criminal
an attempt, yet ought we not to involve all the Roman Cath-
olics in the same guilt, or suppose them equally disposed to
commit such enormous barbarities. Many holy men, he said,
and our ancestors among the rest, had been seduced to concur
with that Church in her scholastic doctrines who yet had
never admitted her seditious principles concerning the pope's
power of dethroning kings or sanctifying assassination. The
wrath of Heaven is denounced against crimes, but innocent
error may obtain its favor; and nothing can be more hateful
than the uncharitableness of the Puritans, who condemn alike
to eternal torments even the most inoffensive partisans of
popery. . For his part, he added, that conspiracy, however
atrocious, should never alter, in the least, his plan of govern-
ment; while with one hand he punished guilt, with the other
he would still support and protect innocence.” After this
speech, he prorogued the Parliament till the 22d of Janu-
ary.” -
The moderation, and, I may say, magnanimity, of the king,
immediately after so narrow an escape from a most detestable
conspiracy, was nowise agreeable to his subjects. Their ani-
mosity against popery, even before this provocation, had risen
to a great pitch; and it had perhaps been more prudent in
” Camden, in Kennet, p. 692. * King James's Works, p. 503, 504.
* The Parliament, this session, passed an act obliging every one to take the
oath of allegiance—a very moderate test, since it decided no controverted points
between the two religions, and only engaged the persons who took it to abjure the
pope's power of dethroning kings. See King James's Works, p. 250.
268 IIISTORY OF ENGLANI). C.H. XLVI.
James, by a little dissimulation, to have conformed himself to
it. His theological learning, confirmed by disputation, had
happily fixed his judgment in the Protestant faith; yet was
his heart a little biassed by the allurements of Rome, and he
had been well pleased if the making of some advances could
have effected a union with that ancient mother Church. He
strove to abate the acrimony of his own subjects against the
religion of their fathers: he became himself the object of
their diffidence and aversion. Whatever measures he em-
braced, in Scotland to introduce prelacy, in England to en-
force the authority of the Established Church and support its
rites and ceremonies, were interpreted as so many steps towards
popery, and were represented by the Puritans as symptoms
of idolatry and superstition. Ignorant of the con-
sequences, or unwilling to sacrifice to politics his
inclination, which he called his conscience, he persevered in
the same measures, and gave trust and preferment, almost in-
differently, to his Catholic and Protestant subjects. And, find-
ing his person as well as his title less obnoxious to the Church
of Rome than those of Elizabeth, he gradually abated the
rigor of those laws which had been enacted against that
Church, and which were so acceptable to his bigoted subjects.
But the effects of these dispositions on both sides became not
very sensible till towards the conclusion of his reign.
At this time James seems to have possessed the affections
even of his English subjects, and, in a tolerable degree, their
esteem and regard. Hitherto their complaints were chiefly
levelled against his too great constancy in his early friend-
ships—a quality which, had it been attended with more econ-
omy, the wise would have excused and the candid would
even, perhaps, have applauded. His parts, which were not
despicable, and his learning, which was great, being highly
extolled by his courtiers and gownmen, and not yet tried in
the management of any delicate affairs, for which he was un-
fit, raised a high idea of him in the world; nor was it always
through flattery or insincerity that he received the title of the
second Solomon. A report, which was suddenly spread about
this time, of his being assassinated, visibly struck a great con-
1606.
CH. XLVI. JAMES I. 269
sternation into all orders of men.” The Commons also abated,
A parlia- this Session, Somewhat of their excessive frugality,
ment. and granted him an aid, payable in four years, of
three subsidies and six fifteenths, which Sir Francis Bacon
said in the House” might amount to about four hundred thou-
sand pounds; and for once the king and Parliament parted in
friendship and good-humor. The hatred which the Catholics so
visibly bore him gave him, at this time, an additional value in
the eyes of his people. The only considerable point in which
the Commons incurred his displeasure was by discovering
their constant good-will to the Puritans, in whose favor they
desired a conference with the Lords,” which was rejected.
The chief affair transacted next session was the intended
union of the two kingdoms.” Nothing could exceed the
king's passion and zeal for this noble enterprise but
the Parliament’s prejudice and reluctance against
it. There remain two excellent speeches in favor of the
union, which it would not be improper to compare together—
that of the king” and that of Sir Francis Bacon. Those who
affect in everything such an extreme contempt for James
will be surprised to find that his discourse, both for good rea-
Soning and eloquent composition, approaches very near that
of a man who was undoubtedly, at that time, one of the
greatest geniuses in Europe. A few trivial indiscretions and
indecorums may be said to characterize the harangue of the
monarch and mark it for his own. And, in general, so open
and avowed a declaration in favor of a measure, while he had
taken no care, by any precaution or intrigue, to insure suc-
cess, may safely be pronounced an indiscretion. But the art
of managing parliaments by private interest or cabal, being
found hitherto of little use or necessity, had not as yet be-
come a part of English politics. In the common course of
affairs, government could be conducted without their assist-
ance; and when their concurrence became necessary to the
Nov. 1S.
* Kennet, p. 676. * Journal, 20th of May, 1606.
* Journal, 5th of April, 1606. * Kennet, p. 676.
* King James's Works, p. 509.
270 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. CH. XLVI.
measures of the crown, it was, generally speaking, except in
times of great faction and discontent, obtained without much
difficulty. * < - -
The king's influence seems to have rendered the Scottish
Parliament cordial in all the steps which they took towards
the union. Though the advantages which Scotland might
hope from that measure were more considerable, yet were the
objections, too, with regard to that kingdom more striking
and obvious. The benefit which must have resulted to Eng-
land, both by accession of strength and security, was not des-
picable; and as the English were by far the greater nation,
and possessed the seat of government, the objections, either
from the point of honor or from jealousy, could not reasona-
bly have any place among them. The English Parliament,
indeed, seemed to have been swayed merely by the vulgar
motive of national antipathy. And they persisted so obsti-
mately in their prejudices that all the efforts for a thorough
union and incorporation ended only in the abolition of the
hostile laws formerly enacted between the kingdoms.”
Some precipitate steps which the king, a little after his ac-
cession, had taken, in order to promote his favorite project,
had been here observed to do more injury than service. From
his own authority he had assumed the title of King of Great
Britain, and had quartered the arms of Scotland with those
of England in all coins, flags, and ensigns. He had also en-
gaged the judges to make a declaration that all those who, af-
ter the union of the crowns, should be born in either king-
dom were, for that reason alone, naturalized in both. This
was a nice question, and, according to the ideas of those times,
Susceptible of subtle reasoning on both sides. The king was
the same; the parliaments were different. To render the
people, therefore, the same, we must suppose that the sover-
* The Commons were even so averse to the union that they had complained in
the former session to the Lords of the Bishop of Bristol for writing a book in fa-
vor of it, and the prelate was obliged to make submissions for this offence. The
crime imputed to him seems to have consisted in his treating of a subject which
lay before the Parliament. So little notion had they as yet of general liberty
See Parliamentary History, vol. v. p. 108, 109, 110.
CII, XLVI. - JAMES I. . 271
eign authority resided chiefly in the prince, and that these
popular assemblies were rather instituted to assist with money
and advice than endowed with any controlling or active pow-
ers in the government. “It is evident,” says Bacon, in his
pleadings on this subject, “that all other commonwealths,
monarchies only excepted, do subsist by a law precedent. For
where authority is divided among many officers, and they not
perpetual, but annual or temporary, and not to receive their
authority, but by election, and certain persons to have voices
only in that election, and the like, these are busy and curious
frames, which of necessity do presuppose a law precedent,
written or unwritten, to guide and direct them. But in mon-
archies, especially hereditary, that is, when several families or
lineages of people do submit themselves to one line, imperial
or royal, the submission is more natural and simple; which
afterwards by law subsequent is perfected and made more
formal, but that is grounded upon nature.” It would seem,
from this reasoning, that the idea of an hereditary, limited
monarchy, though implicitly supposed, in many public trans-
actions had scarcely ever, as yet, been expressly formed by
any English lawyer or politician.
Except the obstinacy of the Parliament with regard to the
union, and an attempt on the king's ecclesiastical jurisdic-
tion,” most of their measures during this session were suffi.
ciently respectful and obliging, though they still discover a
vigilant spirit and a careful attention towards national liber-
ty. The votes, also, of the Commons show that the House
contained a mixture of Puritans who had acquired great au-
thority among them,” and who, together with religious prej-
udices, were continually suggesting ideas more suitable to a
popular than a monarchical form of government. The natu-
ral appetite for rule made the Commons lend a willing ear to
every doctrine which tended to augment their own power and
influence.
* Bacon's Works, vol. iv. p. 190, 191, edit. 1730.
* Journal, 2d December, 5th March, 1606. 25th, 26th June, 1607.
* Journal, 26th February, 4th, 7th March, 1606. 2d May, 17th June, 1607.
272 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. CH. XLVI.
A petition was moved in the Lower House for a more rig-
orous execution of the laws against popish recusants, and an
abatement towards Protestant clergymen who scru-
pled to observe the ceremonies. Both these points
were equally unacceptable to the king, and he sent Orders to
the House to proceed no further in that matter. The Com-
mons were inclined, at first, to consider these orders as a
breach of privilege; but they soon acquiesced when told that
this measure of the king's was supported by many precedents
during the reign of Elizabeth.” Had they been always dis-
posed to make the precedents of that reign the rule of their
conduct, they needed never have had any quarrel with any of
their monarchs. *
The complaints of Spanish depredations were very loud
among the English merchants.” The Lower House sent a
message to the Lords, desiring a conference with
them, in order to their presenting a joint petition
to the king on the subject. The Lords took some time to de-
liberate on this message, because they said the matter was
aweighty and rare. It probably occurred to them at first that
the Parliament's interposing in affairs of state would appear
unusual and extraordinary; and, to show that in this senti-
ment they were not guided by court influence, after they had
deliberated they agreed to the conference.
The House of Commons began now to feel themselves of
such importance that on the motion of Sir Edwin Sandys, a
member of great authority, they entered, for the first time,
an order for the regular keeping of their journals.” When
all business was finished, the king prorogued the Parliament.
About this time there was an insurrection of the country
people in Northamptonshire, headed by one Reynolds, a man
of low condition. They went about destroying enclosures,
but carefully avoided committing any other outrage. This
insurrection was easily suppressed, and though great
lenity was used towards the rioters, yet were some
1607.
June 5.
July 4.
* Journal, 16th, 17th June, 1607. * Journal, 25th February, 1606.
* Journal, 3d July, 1607. -
CH. XLVI. - - JAMES I. 273
of the ringleaders punished. The chief cause of that trivial
commotion seems to have been of itself far from trivial. The
practice still continued in England of disusing tillage, and
throwing the land into enclosures for the sake of pasture. By
this means the kingdom was depopulated, at least prevented
from increasing so much in people as might have been ex-
pected from the daily increase of industry and commerce.
1608. Next year presents us with nothing memorable;
1609. but in the spring of the subsequent, after a long
†. º.º. negotiation, was concluded, by a truce of twelve
tween Spain S 5 º
*... years, that war which for near half a century had.
United Prov- : 5 g ſº * -
inces... been carried on with such fury between Spain and
the States of the United Provinces. Never contest seemed,
at first, more unequal; never contest was finished with more
honor to the weaker party. On the side of Spain were num-
bers, riches, authority, discipline. On the side of the revolted
provinces were found the attachment to liberty and the en-
thusiasm of religion. By her naval enterprises the republic
maintained her armies; and, joining peaceful industry to mil-
itary valor, she was enabled, by her own force, to support her-
self and gradually rely less on those neighboring princes who,
from jealousy to Spain, were at first prompted to encourage
her revolt. Long had the pride of that monarchy prevailed
over her interest and prevented her from hearkening to any
terms of accommodation with her rebellious subjects. But,
finding all intercourse cut off between her provinces by the
maritime force of the States, she at last agreed to treat with
them as a free people, and solemnly to renounce all claim and
pretension to their sovereignty. - -
This chief point being gained, the treaty was easily brought
to a conclusion, under the joint mediation and guarantee of
France and England. All exterior appearances of honor were
paid equally to both crowns; but very different
were the Sentiments which the States, as well as all
Europe, entertained of the princes who wore them. Frugality
and vigor, the chief circumstances which procure regard among
foreign nations, shone out as conspicuously in Henry as they
were deficient in James. To a contempt of the English mon-
March 30.
IV.-18
274 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. - CH. XLVI.
arch, Henry seems to have added a considerable degree of
jealousy and aversion, which were sentiments altogether with-
out foundation. James was just and fair in all transactions
with his allies,” but it appears from the memoirs of those
times that each side deemed him partial towards their adver-
Sary, and fancied that he had entered into secret measures
against them.” So little equity have men in their judgments
of their own affairs, and so dangerous is that entire neutrality
affected by the King of England.
The little concern which James took in foreign affairs ren-
‘isio reb.g. ders the domestic occurrences, particularly those of
** Parliament, the most interesting of his reign. A
new session was held this spring; the king full of hopes of
receiving supply, the Commons of circumscribing his prerog-
ative. The Earl of Salisbury, now created treasurer on the
death of the Earl of Dorset, laid open the king's necessities,
first to the Peers, then to a committee of the Lower House.”
Eſe insisted on the unavoidable expense incurred in support-
ing the navy, and in suppressing a late insurrection in Ire-
land; he mentioned three numerous courts which the king
was obliged to maintain for himself, for the queen, and for
the Prince of Wales; he observed that Queen Elizabeth,
though a single woman, had received very large supplies in
the years preceding her death which alone were expensive to
her; and he remarked that, during her reign, she had alien-
ated many of the crown lands, an expedient which, though it
supplied her present necessities without laying burdens on
her people, extremely multiplied the necessities of her suc-
cessor. From all these causes, he thought it nowise strange
that the king's income should fall short so great a sum as
* The plan of accommodation which James recommended is found in Win-
wood, vol. ii. p. 429, 430, and is the same that was recommended by Henry, as
we learn from Jeanin, tom. iii. p. 416, 417. It had long been imagined by his–
torians, from Jeanin's authority, that James had declared to the court of Spain
that he would not support the Dutch in their pretensions to liberty and independ-
ence. But it has since been discovered by Winwood's Memorials, vol. ii. p. 456,
466,469,475, 476, that that report was founded on a lie of President Richardot's.
* Winwood and Jeanin, passim.
* Journal, 17th February, 1609. Rennet, p. 681.
CH. XLVI. - JAMES I. 275
eighty-one thousand pounds of his stated and regular expense,
without mentioning contingencies, which ought always to be
esteemed a fourth of the yearly charges. And as the crown
was now necessarily burdened with a great and urgent debt
of three hundred thousand pounds, he thence inferred the ab-
solute necessity of an immediate and large supply
from the people. To all these reasons, which James
likewise urged in a speech addressed to both Houses, the Com-
mons remained inexorable. But not to shock the king with
an absolute refusal, they granted him one subsidy and one fif-
teenth, which would scarcely amount to a hundred thousand
pounds; and James received the mortification of discover-
ing in vain all his wants, and of begging aid of subjects who
had no reasonable indulgence or consideration for him.
Among the many causes of disgust and quarrel which now
daily and unavoidably multiplied between prince and Parlia-
ment, this article of money is to be regarded as none of the
least considerable. After the discovery and conquest of the
West Indies, gold and silver became every day more plentiful
in England, as well as in the rest of Europe; and the price of
all commodities and provisions rose to a height beyond what
had been known since the declension of the Roman empire.
As the revenue of the crown rose not in proportion,” the
prince was insensibly reduced to poverty amid the general
riches of his subjects, and required additional funds in order
to support the same magnificence and force which had been
maintained by former monarchs. But, while money thus flow-
ed into England, we may observe that, at the same time, and
probably from that very cause, arts and industry of all kinds
received a mighty increase; and elegance in every enjoyment
of life became better known and more cultivated among all
ranks of people. The king's servants, both civil and military,
his courtiers, his ministers, demanded more ample supplies
from the impoverished prince, and were not contented with
March 21.
* Besides the great alienation of the crown lands, the fee-farm rents never in-
creased; and the other lands were let on long leases, and at a great undervalue,
little or nothing above the old rent.
276 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. CH. XLVI.
the same simplicity of living which had satisfied their ances-
tors. The prince himself began to regard an increase of pomp
and splendor as requisite to support the dignity of his char-
acter and to preserve the same Superiority above his subjects
which his predecessors had enjoyed. Some equality, too, and
proportion to the other sovereigns of Europe, it was natural
for him to desire; and as they had universally enlarged their
revenue and multiplied their taxes, the King of England
deemed it reasonable that his subjects, who were generally as
rich as theirs, should bear with patience some additional bur-
dens and impositions. •
. Unhappily for the king, those very riches, with the increas-
ing knowledge of the age, bred opposite Sentiments in his sub-
jects; and, begetting a spirit of freedom and independence,
disposed them to pay little regard either to the entreaties or
menaces of their sovereign. While the barons possessed their
former immense property and extensive jurisdictions, they
were apt, at every disgust, to endanger the monarch, and throw
the whole government into confusion ; but this confusion
often, in its turn, proved favorable to the monarch, and made
the nation again submit to him in order to re-establish justice
and tranquillity. After the power of alienations, as well as
the increase of commerce, had thrown the balance of property
into the hands of the Commons, the situation of affairs and
the dispositions of men became susceptible of a more regular
plan of liberty; and the laws were not supported singly by
the authority of the sovereign. And though in that interval,
after the decline of the Peers and before the people had expe-
rienced their force, the princes assumed an exorbitant power,
and had almost annihilated the constitution under the weight
of their prerogative, as soon as the Commons recovered from
their lethargy they seemed to have been astonished at the dan-
ger, and were resolved to secure liberty by firmer barriers than
their ancestors had hitherto provided for it.
Had James possessed a very rigid frugality, he might have
warded off this crisis somewhat longer; and, waiting patiently
for a favorable opportunity to increase and fix his revenue,
might have secured the extensive authority transmitted to
CH. XLVI. - JAMES I. 277
him. On the other hand, had the Commons been inclined to
act with more generosity and kindness towards their prince;
they might probably have turned his necessities to good ac-
count, and have bribed him to depart peaceably from the more
dangerous articles of his prerogative. But he was a foreigner,
and ignorant of the arts of popularity; they were soured by
religious prejudices, and tenacious of their money: and in this
situation, it is no wonder that, during this whole reign, we
scarcely find an interval of mutual confidence and friendship
between prince and Parliament.
The king, by his prerogative alone, had some years before
altered the rates of the customs, and had established higher
impositions on several kinds of merchandise. This exercise
of power will naturally, to us, appear arbitrary and illegal;
yet, according to the principles and practices of that time, it
might admit of some apology. The duties of tonnage and
poundage were at first granted to the crown by a vote of Par-
liament, and for a limited time; and as the grant frequently
expired and was renewed, there could not then arise any doubt
concerning the origin of the king's right to levy these duties;
and this imposition, like all others, was plainly derived from
the voluntary consent of the people. But as Henry V. and
all the succeeding sovereigns had the revenue conferred on
them for life, the prince, so long in possession of these duties,
began gradually to consider them as his own proper right and
inheritance, and regarded the vote of Parliament as a mere
formality, which rather expressed the acquiescence of the peo-
ple in his prerogative than bestowed any new gift or revenue
upon him.
The Parliament, when it first granted poundage to the
crown, had fixed no particular rates: the imposition was
given as a shilling in the pound, or five per cent. on all com-
modities. It was left to the king himself and the privy coun-
cil, aided by the advice of such merchants as they should
think proper to consult, to fix the value of goods, and thereby
the rates of the customs. And as that value had been settled
before the discovery of the West Indies, it was become much
inferior to the prices which almost all commodities bore in
27S HISTORY OF ENGLAND. CH. XLVI.
every market in Europe; and consequently the customs on
many goods, though supposed to be five per cent., was in
reality much inferior. The king, therefore, was naturally led
to think that rates which were now plainly false ought to be
corrected;" that a valuation of commodities fixed by one act
of the privy council might be amended by another; that if
his right to poundage were inherent in the crown, he should
also possess, of himself, the right of correcting its inequalities;
if this duty were granted by the people, he should at least
support the spirit of the law by fixing a new and a juster val-
uation of all commodities. But besides this reasoning, which
seems plausible, if not solid, the king was supported in that
act of power by direct precedents, some in the reign of Mary,
some in the beginning of Elizabeth.” Both these princesses
had, without consent of Parliament, altered the rates of com-
modities; and as their impositions had all along been submit-
ted to without a murmur, and still continued to be levied, the
king had no reason to apprehend that a further exertion of
the same authority would give any occasion of complaint.
That less umbrage might be taken, he was moderate in the
new rates which he established. The customs during his whole
reign rose only from one hundred and twenty-seven thousand
pounds a year to one hundred and ninety thousand; though,
besides the increase of the rates, there was a sensible increase
of commerce and industry during that period. Every com-
modity besides, which might serve to the subsistence of the
people or might be considered as a material of manufactures,
was exempted from the new impositions of James.” But all
this caution could not prevent the complaints of the Com-
mons. A spirit of liberty had now taken possession of the
House: the leading members, men of an independent genius
and large views, began to regulate their opinions more by the
future consequences which they foresaw than by the former
* Winwood, vol. ii. p. 438.
* Journal, 18th April, 5th and 10th May, 1614, etc.; 20th February, 1625. See
also Sir John Davis's Question concerning Impositions, p. 127, 128.
* Sir John Davis's Question concerning Impositions.
CH. XLVI. JAMES I. - 279
precedents which were set before them; and they less aspired
at maintaining the ancient constitution than at establishing a
new one, and a freer and a better. In their remonstrances to
the king on this occasion, they observed it to be a general
opinion “that the reasons of that practice might be extended
much further, even to the utter ruin of the ancient liberty of
the kingdom, and the subjects’ right of property in their lands
and goods.” Though expressly forbidden by the king to
touch his prerogative, they passed a bill abolishing these im- .
positions, which was rejected by the House of Lords.
In another address to the king, they objected to the practice
of borrowing upon privy Seals, and desired that the subjects
should not be forced to lend money to his majesty nor give a
reason for their refusal. Some murmurs likewise were thrown
out in the House against a new monopoly of the license of
wines." It must be confessed that forced loans and monopo-
lies were established on many and ancient as well as recent
precedents, though diametrically opposite to all the princi-
ples of a free government.”
The House likewise discovered some discontent against the
king's proclamations. James told them that though he well
knew, by the constitution and policy of the kingdom, that
proclamations were not of equal force with laws, yet he
thought it a duty incumbent on him, and a power inseparably
annexed to the crown, to restrain and prevent such mischiefs
and inconveniences as he saw growing on the state, against
which no certain law was extant, and which might tend to the
great detriment of the subject, if there should be no remedy
provided till the meeting of a parliament. “And this prerog-
ative,” he adds, “our progenitors have in all times used and
enjoyed.” “ The intervals between sessions, we may observe,
were frequently so long as to render it necessary for a prince
to interpose by his prerogative. The legality of this exertion
was established by uniform and undisputed practice, and was
* Journal, 23d May, 1610. * Parliamentary History, vol. v. p. 241.
* See note [GGI at the end of the volume.
* Parliamentary IIistory, vol. v. p. 250.
280 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. CH. XLVI.
even acknowledged by lawyers, who made, however, this dif-
ference between laws and proclamations, that the authority of
the former was perpetual, that of the latter expired with the
sovereign who emitted them.” But what the authority could
be which bound the subject, yet was different from the author-
ity of laws, and inferior to it, seems inexplicable by any max-
ims of reason or politics; and in this instance, as in many
others, it is easy to see how inaccurate the English constitu-
tion was before the Parliament was enabled, by continued ac-
quisitions or encroachments, to establish it on fixed principles
of liberty. - -
Upon the settlement of the Reformation, that extensive
branch of power which regards ecclesiastical matters, being
then without an owner, seemed to belong to the first occu-
pant; and Henry VIII. failed not immediately to seize it, and
to exert it even to the utmost degree of tyranny. The pos-
session of it was continued with Edward and recovered by
Elizabeth ; and that ambitious princess was so remarkably
jealous of this flower of her crown that she severely repri-
manded the Parliament if they ever presumed to intermeddle
in these matters; and they were so overawed by her authority
as to submit, and to ask pardon on these occasions. But
James's parliaments were much less obsequious. They went-
ured to lift up their eyes, and to consider this prerogative.
They there saw a large province of government possessed by
the king alone, and scarcely ever communicated with the Par-
liament. They were sensible that this province admitted not
of an exact boundary or circumscription. They had felt that
the Roman pontiff, in former ages, under pretence of religion,
was gradually making advances to usurp the whole civil power.
They dreaded still more dangerous consequences from the
claims of their own sovereign, who resided among them, and
who, in many other respects, possessed such unlimited authority.
They therefore deemed it absolutely necessary to circumscribe
this branch of prerogative; and accordingly, in the preceding
session, they passed a bill against the establishment of any
* Journal, 12th May, 1624.
CH. XLVI. JAMES I. 281
ecclesiastical canons without consent of Parliament.” But the
House of Lords, as is usual, defended the barriers of the throne,
and rejected the bill.
In this session the Commons, after passing anew the same
bill, made remonstrances against the proceedings of the high
commission court." It required no great penetration to see
the extreme danger to liberty arising, in a regal government,
from such large discretionary powers as were exercised by
that court. But James refused compliance with the applica-
tion of the Commons. He was probably sensible that, besides
the diminution of his authority, many inconveniences must
necessarily result from the abolishing of all discretionary pow-
er in every magistrate; and that the laws, were they ever so
carefully framed and digested, could not possibly provide
against every contingency, much less where they had not as
yet attained a sufficient degree of accuracy and refinement.
But the business which chiefly occupied the Commons dur-
ing this session was the abolition of wardships and purvey-
ance, prerogatives which had been more or less touched on
every session during the whole reign of James. In this affair
the Commons employed the proper means which might entitle
them to success: they offered the king a settled revenue as
an equivalent for the powers which he should part with, and
the king was willing to hearken to terms. After much dis-
pute he agreed to give up these prerogatives for two hundred
thousand pounds a year, which they agreed to confer upon
him." And nothing remained towards closing the bargain
but that the Commons should determine the funds by which
* Journal, 2d, 11th December; 5th March, 1606.
* Parliamentary History, vol. v. p. 247. Rennet, p. 681. -
“We learn from Winwood's Memorials (vol. ii. p. 193) the reason assigned for
this particular sum : “From thence my lord treasurer came to the price; and
here he said that the king would no more rise and fall like a merchant. That he
would not have a flower of his crown (meaning the court of wards) so much toss-
ed; that it was too dainty to be so handled ; and then he said that he must deliver
the very countenance and character of the king's mind out of his own handwrit-
ing ; which, before he read, he said he would acquaint us with a pleasant con-
ceit of his majesty. As concerning the number of nine-score thousand pounds,
which was our number, he could not affect, because mine was the number of the
282 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. CH. XLVI.
this sum should be levied. This session was too far advanced
to bring so difficult a matter to a full-conclusion; and though
the Parliament met again towards the end of the year and re-
sumed the question, they were never, able to terminate an af-
fair upon which they seemed so intent. The journals of that
session are lost; and as the historians of this reign are very
negligent in relating parliamentary affairs, of whose impor-
tance they were not sufficiently apprised, we know not exactly
the reason of this failure. It only appears that the king was
extremely dissatisfied with the conduct of the Parliament, and
soon after dissolved it. This was his first Parliament, and it
Sat near Seven years. -
Amid all these attacks, some more, Some less violent, on
royal prerogative, the king displayed as openly as ever all his
exalted notions of monarchy and the authority of princes.
Even in a speech to the Parliament, where he begged for a
supply, and where he should naturally have used every art to
ingratiate himself with that assembly, he expressed himself in
these terms: “I conclude, then, the point touching the power
of kings with this axiom of divinity, that, as to dispute what
God may do is blasphemy, but what God wills, that divines
may lawfully and do Ordinarily dispute and discuss, so is it
sedition in subjects to dispute what a king may do in the
height of his power. But just kings will ever be willing to
declare what they will do, if they will not incur the curse of
God. I will not be content that my power be disputed upon,
but I shall ever be willing to make the reason appear of my
doings, and rule my actions according to my laws.” Not-
withstanding the great extent of prerogative in that age, these
expressions would probably give some offence. But we may
poets, who were always beggars, though they served so many muses; and eleven
was the number of the apostles, when the traitor Judas was away; and therefore
might best be affected by his majesty; but there was a mean number which might
accord us both ; and that was ten ; which, says my lord treasurer, is a sacred
number; for so many were God's commandments, which tend to virtue and edi-
fication.” If the Commons really voted twenty thousand pounds a year more on
account of this pleasant conceit of the king and the treasurer, it was certainly the
best-paid wit for its goodness that ever was in the world.
* King James's Works, p. 531. *
CH. XLVI. JAMES I. . 283
observe that as the king's despotism was more speculative
than practical, so the independency of the Commons was at
this time the reverse; and, though strongly supported by
their present situation as well as disposition, was too new and
recent to be as yet founded on systematical principles and
opinions.”
This year was distinguished by a memorable event, which
gave great alarm and concern in England—the murder of the
May 3. Death French monarch by the poniard of the fanatical
ºrº Ravaillac. With his death the glory of the French
to monarchy suffered an eclipse for some years; and
as that kingdom fell under an administration weak and bigot-
ed, factious and disorderly, the Austrian greatness began anew
to appear formidable to Europe. In England, the antipathy
to the Catholics revived a little upon this tragical event; and
some of the laws which had formerly been enacted in order
to keep these religionists in awe began now to be executed
with greater rigor and severity.”
Though James's timidity and indolence fixed him, during
most of his reign, in a very prudent inattention to foreign af-
fairs, there happened this year an event in Europe
of Such mighty consequence as to rouse him from
his lethargy and Summon up all his zeal and enterprise. A
professor of divinity named Worstius, the disciple of Arminius,
was called from a German to a Dutch university;
and as he differed from his Britannic majesty in
Some nice questions concerning the intimate essence and Secret
decrees of God, he was considered as a dangerous rival in
scholastic fame, and was at last obliged to yield to the legions
of that royal doctor, whose syllogisms he might have refuted
or eluded. If vigor was wanting in other incidents of James's
reign, here he behaved even with haughtiness and insolence;
and the States were obliged, after several remonstrances, to
deprive Worstius of his chair and to banish him their domin-
ions." The king carried no further his animosity against that
1611.
Arminianism.
* See note [HH] at the end of the volume. * Kennet, p. 684.
* Kennet, p. 715.
284 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. CH. LXVI.
professor, though he had very charitably hinted to the States
“that as to the burning of Worstius for his blasphemies and
atheism, he left them to their own Christian wisdom; but
surely never heretic better deserved the flames.” It is to be
remarked that at this period all over Europe, except in Hol-
land alone, the practice of burning heretics still prevailed,
even in Protestant countries; and instances were not wanting
in England during the reign of James.
To consider James in a more advantageous light, we must
take a view of him as the legislator of Ireland; and most of
the institutions which he had framed for civilizing that king-
dom being finished about this period, it may not here be im-
proper to give some account of them. He frequently boasts
of the management of Ireland as his masterpiece; and it will
appear, upon inquiry, that his vanity in this particular was
not altogether without foundation.
After the subjection of Ireland by Elizabeth, the more dif-
ficult task still remained—to civilize the inhabitants, to recon-
isis, state cile them to laws and industry, and to render their
** subjection durable and useful to the crown of Eng-
land. James proceeded in this work by a steady, regular, and
well-concerted plan; and in the space of nine years, according
to Sir John Davis, he made greater advances towards the ref-
ormation of that kingdom than had been made in the four
hundred and forty years which had elapsed since the conquest
was first attempted.”
It was previously necessary to abolish the Irish customs,
which supplied the place of laws, and which were calculated
to keep that people forever in a state of barbarism and dis-
order. - * *
By the Brehon law or custom every crime, however enor-
mous, was punished, not with death, but by a fine or pecuniary
mulct which was levied upon the criminal. Murder itself, as
among all the ancient barbarous nations, was atoned for in this
manner; and each man, according to his rank, had a different
* King James's Works, p. 355.
* King James's Works, p. 259, edit. 1613.
CII. XLVI. JAMES I. 285.
rate or value affixed to him, which, if any one were willing to
pay, he needed not fear assassinating his enemy. This rate
was called his eric. When Sir William Fitzwilliams, being
lord deputy, told Maguire that he was to send a sheriff into
Fermannah, which a little before had been made a county and
subjected to the English law, “Your sheriff,” said Maguire,
“shall be welcome to me; but let me know beforehand his
eric, or the price of his head, that, if my people cut it off, I
may levy the money upon the county.” “ As for oppression,
extortion, and other trespasses, so little were they regarded
that no penalty was affixed to them, and no redress for such
offences could ever be obtained.
The customs of gavelkände and tanistry were attended with
the same absurdity in the distribution of property. The
land, by the custom of gavelkinde, was divided among all the
males of the sept, or family, both bastard and legitimate; and,
after partition made, if any of the sept died, his portion was
not shared out among his sons, but the chieftain, at his discre-
tion, made a new partition of all the lands belonging to that
sept, and gave every one his share." As no man, by reason
of this custom, enjoyed the fixed property of any land, to
build, to plant, to enclose, to cultivate, to improve, would
have been so much lost labor. :
The chieftains and the tanists, though drawn from the
principal families, were not hereditary, but were established
by election, or, more properly speaking, by force and violence.
Their authority was almost absolute, and, notwithstanding
that certain lands were assigned to the office, its chief profit
resulted from exactions, dues, assessments, for which there was
no fixed law, and which were levied at pleasure." Hence
arose that common byword among the Irish, that they dwelt
westward of the law, which dwelt beyond the river of the Bar-
Tow—meaning the country where the English inhabited, and
which extended not beyond the compass of twenty miles, lying
in the neighborhood of Dublin." -
* Sir John Davis, p. 166. *Sir John Davis, p. 167.
* Sir John Davis, p. 173. * Sir John Davis, p. 237.
286 HISTORY, OF ENGLAND. CH. XLVI.
After abolishing these Irish customs and substituting Eng-
Jish law in their place, James, having taken all the natives un-
der his protection and declared them free citizens, proceeded
to govern them by a regular administration, military as well
as civil. -
A small army was maintained, its discipline inspected, and
its pay transmitted from England, in order to keep the soldiers
from preying upon the country, as had been usual in former
reigns. When Odoghartie raised an insurrection, a reinforce-
ment was sent over, and the flames of that rebellion were im-
mediately extinguished.
All minds being first quieted by a general indemnity,” cir-
cuits were established, justice administered, oppression banish-
ed, and crimes and disorders of every kind severely punished.”
As the Irish had been universally engaged in the rebellion
against Elizabeth, a resignation of all the rights which had
been formerly granted them to separate jurisdictions was rig-
orously exacted; and no authority but that of the king and
the law was permitted throughout the kingdom."
A resignation of all private estates was even required; and
when they were restored, the proprietors received them under
such conditions as might prevent for the future all tyranny
and oppression over the common people. The value of the
dues which the nobles usually claimed from their vassals was
estimated at a fixed sum, and all further arbitrary exactions
prohibited under severe penalties." -
The whole province of Ulster having fallen to the crown
by the attainder of rebels, a company was established in
London for planting new colonies in that fertile country.
The property was divided into moderate shares, the largest
not exceeding two thousand acres; tenants were brought over
from England and Scotland; the Irish were removed from
the hills and fastnesses, and settled in the open country;
husbandry and the arts were taught them ; a fixed habita-
tion secured; plunder and robbery punished ; and by these
* Sir John Davis, p. 263. * Sir John Davis, p. 264, 265, etc.
* Sir John Davis, p. 276. "Sir John Davis, p. 278.
CH. XLVI. - JAMES I. - 287
means Ulster, from being the most wild and disorderly prov-
ince of all Ireland, soon became the best cultivated and most
civilized.”
Such were the arts by which James introduced humanity
and justice among a people who had ever been buried in the
most profound barbarism. Noble cares much superior to
the vain and criminal glory of conquests, but requiring ages
of perseverance and attention to perfect what had been so
happily begun.
A laudable act of justice was about this time executed in
England upon Lord Sanquhir, a Scottish nobleman, who had
been guilty of the base assassination of Turner, a fencing-
master. The English nation, who were generally dissatisfied
with the Scots, were enraged at this crime, equally mean and
atrocious; but James appeased them by preferring the sever-
ity of law to the intercession of the friends and family of the
Criminal.”
"Sir John Davis, p. 280. * Kennet, p. 688.
28S HISTORY OF ENGLAND. CH. XLVII.
CHAPTER XLVII.
Death of Prince Henry.—Marriage of the Princess Elizabeth with the Palatine.
—Rise of Somerset.—His Marriage.—Overbury Poisoned.—Fall of Somerset.—
Rise of Buckingham.—Cautionary Towns Delivered.—Affairs of Scotland.
THIS year the sudden death of Henry, Prince of Wales,
diffused a universal grief throughout the nation. Though
tº sº... youth and royal birth, both of them strong allure-
Bºx ments, prepossess men mightily in favor of the
early age of princes, it is with peculiar fondness
that historians mention Henry ; and in every respect his
merit seems to have been extraordinary. He had not
reached his eighteenth year, and he already possessed more
dignity in his behavior, and commanded more respect, than
his father, with all his age, learning, and experience. Neither
his high fortune nor his youth had seduced him into any
irregular pleasures; business and ambition seem to have been
his sole passion. His inclinations as well as exercises were
martial. The French ambassador, taking leave of him, and
asking his commands for France, found him employed in the
exercise of the pike. “Tell your king,” said he, “in what occu-
pation you left me engaged.”’ He had conceived great affec-
tion and esteem for the brave Sir Walter Raleigh. It was his
saying, “Sure no king but my father would keep such a bird
in a cage.”” He seems indeed to have nourished too violent
a contempt for the king on account of his pedantry and pu-
sillanimity, and by that means struck in with the restless and
martial spirit of the English nation. Had he lived, he had
* The French monarch had given particular orders to his ministers to cultivate
the prince's friendship, who must soon, said he, have chief authority in England,
where the king and queen are held in so little estimation. See Dep. de la Boderie,
vol. i. p. 402, 415; vol. ii. p. 16, 349.
* Coke's Detection, p. 37.
CH. XLVII. JAMES I. - 289
probably promoted the glory, perhaps not the felicity, of his
people. The unhappy prepossession which men commonly
entertain in favor of ambition, courage, enterprise, and other
warlike virtues engages generous natures, who always love
fame, into such pursuits as destroy their own peace and that
of the rest of mankind.
Violent reports were propagated, as if Henry had been
carried off by poison ; but the physicians, on opening his
body, found no symptoms to confirm such an opinion.” The
bold and criminal malignity of men's tongues and pens
spared not even the king on the occasion. But that prince's
character seems rather to have failed in the extreme of facil-
ity and humanity than in that of cruelty and violence. His
indulgence to Henry was great, and perhaps imprudent, by
giving him a large and independent settlement, even in so
early youth.
The marriage of the Princess Elizabeth with Frederic,
Elector Palatine, was finished some time after the death of
ims. Feb 14, the prince, and served to dissipate the grief which
*:::::... arose on that melancholy event. But this marriage,
*...'Pºl though celebrated with great joy and festivity,
atine. proved itself, an unhappy event to the king as
well as to his son-in-law, and had ill consequences on the
reputation and fortunes of both. The elector, trusting to so
great an alliance, engaged in enterprises beyond his strength;
and the king, not being able to support him in his distress,
lost entirely, in the end of his life, what remained of the af-
fection and esteem of his own subjects.
Except during sessions of Parliament, the history of this
reign may more properly be called the history of the court
Rise of than that of the nation. An interesting object had
* for some years engaged the attention of the court;
it was a favorite, and one beloved by James with so profuse
and unlimited an affection as left no room for any rival or
competitor. About the end of the year 1609, Robert Carre, a
youth of twenty years of age, and of a good family in Scot-
* Rennet, p. 690. Coke, p. 37. Welwood, p. 272.
IV.-19
290 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. CH. XLVII.
land, arrived in London, after having passed some time in his
travels. All his natural accomplishments consisted in good
looks; all his acquired abilities, in an easy and graceful de-
meanor. He had letters of recommendation to his countryman
Lord Hay; and that nobleman no sooner cast his eye upon
him than he discovered talents sufficient to entitle him imme-
diately to make a great figure in the government. Apprised
of the king's passion for youth and beauty and exterior ap-
pearance, he studied how matters might be so managed that
this new object should make the strongest impression upon
him. Without mentioning him at court, he assigned him the
office, at a match of tilting, of presenting to the king his buck-
ler and device, and hoped that he would attract the attention
of the monarch. Fortune proved favorable to his design by
an incident which bore at first a contrary aspect. When Carre
was advancing to execute his office, his unruly horse flung
him, and broke his leg in the king's presence. James ap-
proached him with pity and concern : love and affection arose
on the sight of his beauty and tender years; and the prince
ordered him immediately to be lodged in the palace, and to be
carefully attended. He himself, after the tilting, paid him a
visit in his chamber, and frequently returned during his con-
finement. The ignorance and simplicity of the boy finished
the conquest begun by his exterior graces and accomplish-
ments. Other princes have been fond of choosing their favor-
ites from among the lower ranks of their subjects, and have
reposed themselves on them with the more unreserved confi-
dence and affection because the object has been beholden to
their bounty for every honor and acquisition: James was de-
sirous that his favorite should also derive from him all his
Sense, experience, and knowledge. Highly conceited of his
own wisdom, he pleased himself with the fancy that this raw
youth, by his lessons and instructions, would in a little time
be equal to his sagest ministers, and be initiated into all the
profound mysteries of government, on which he set so high a
value. And as this kind of creation was more perfectly his
own work than any other, he seems to have indulged an un-
limited fondness for his minion, beyond even that which he
CH. XLVII. JAMES I. 291
bore to his own children. He soon knighted him, created
him Wiscount Rochester, gave him the garter, brought him
into the privy council, and, though at first without assigning
him any particular office, bestowed on him the Supreme direc-
tion of all his business and political concerns. Agreeable to
this rapid advancement in confidence and honor were the
riches heaped upon the needy favorite; and while Salisbury
and all the wisest ministers could scarcely find expedients
sufficient to keep in motion the overburdened machine of gov-
ernment, James, with unsparing hand, loaded with treasures
this insignificant and useless pageant." .
It is said that the king found his pupil so ill educated as to
be ignorant even of the lowest rudiments of the Latin tongue;
and that the monarch, laying aside the sceptre, took the birch
into his royal hand, and instructed him in the principles of
grammar. During the intervals of this noble occupation, af-
fairs of state would be introduced; and the stripling, by the
ascendant which he had acquired, was now enabled to repay
in political what he had received in grammatical instruc-
tion. Such scenes and such incidents are the more ridicu-
lous, though the less odious, as the passion of James seems
not to have contained in it anything criminal or flagitious.
History charges herself willingly with a relation of the
great crimes, and still more with that of the great virtues,
of mankind; but she appears to fall from her dignity when
necessitated to dwell on such frivolous events and ignoble
personages. -
The favorite was not, at first, so intoxicated with advance-
ment as not to be sensible of his own ignorance and inexpe-
rience. He had recourse to the assistance and advice of a
friend; and he was more fortunate in his choice than is usual
with such pampered minions. In Sir Thomas Overbury he
met with a judicious and sincere counsellor, who, building all
hopes of his own preferment on that of the young favorite,
endeavored to instil into him the principles of prudence and
discretion. By zealously serving everybody, Carre was taught
* I'ennet, p. 685, 686, etc.
292 - HISTORY OF ENGLAND. CH. XLVII.
to abate the envy which might attend his sudden elevation;
by showing a preference for the English, he learned to escape
the prejudices which prevailed against his country; and so
long as he was content to be ruled by Overbury’s friendly
counsels, he enjoyed, what is rare, the highest favor of the
prince, without being hated by the people.
To complete the measure of courtly happiness, naught was
wanting but a kind mistress; and where high fortune con-
curred with all the graces of youth and beauty, this circum-
stance could not be difficult to attain. But it was here the
favorite met with that rock on which all his fortunes were
wrecked, and which plunged him forever into an abyss of in-
famy, guilt, and misery.
No sooner had James mounted the throne of England than.
he remembered his friendship for the unfortunate families of
FIoward and Devereux, who had suffered for their attachment
to the cause of Mary and to his own. Having restored young
Essex to his blood and dignity, and conferred the titles of
Suffolk and Northampton on two brothers of the house of
Norfolk, he sought the further pleasure of uniting these fam-
ilies by the marriage of the Earl of Essex with Lady Frances
Howard, daughter of the Earl of Suffolk. She was only thir-
teen, he fourteen years of age; and it was thought proper, till
both should attain the age of puberty, that he should go abroad
and pass some time in his travels." He returned into England
after four years' absence, and was pleased to find his countess
in the full lustre of beauty, and possessed of the love and ad-
miration of the whole court. But when the earl approached
and claimed the privileges of a husband, he met with noth-
ing but symptoms of aversion and disgust, and a flat refusal of
any further familiarities. He applied to her parents, who con-
strained her to attend him into the country, and to partake of
his bed; but nothing could overcome her rigid sullenness and
obstinacy, and she still rose from his side without having
shared the nuptial pleasures. Disgusted with reiterated de-
nials, he at last gave over the pursuit, and, separating himself
* Kennet, p. 686.
CII. XIV’ſſ. JAMES I. 293
from her, thenceforth abandoned her conduct to her own will
and discretion. *
Such coldness and aversion in Lady Essex arose not without
an attachment to another object. The favorite had opened
his addresses, and had been too successful in making impres-
sion on the tender heart of the young countess." She imag-
ined that, so long as she refused the embraces of Essex, she
never could be deemed his wife; and that a separation and
divorce might still open the way for a new marriage with her
beloved Rochester." Though their passion was so violent, and
their opportunities of intercourse so frequent, that they had
already indulged themselves in all the gratifications of love,
they still lamented their unhappy fate while the union be-
tween them was not entire and indissoluble; and the lover,
as well as his mistress, was impatient till their mutual ardor
should be crowned by marriage.
So momentous an affair could not be concluded without
consulting Overbury, with whom Rochester was accustomed
to share all his secrets. While that faithful friend had con-
sidered his patron’s attachment to the Countess of Essex
merely as an affair of gallantry, he had favored its progress,
and it was partly owing to the ingenious and passionate let-
ters which he dictated that Rochester had met with such
success in his addresses. Like an experienced courtier, he
thought that a conquest of this nature would throw a lustre
on the young favorite, and would tend still further to endear
him to James, who was charmed to hear of the amours of his
court, and listened with attention to every tale of gallantry.
But great was Overbury’s alarm when Rochester mentioned
his design of marrying the countess; and he used every
method to dissuade his friend from so foolish an attempt.
He represented how invidious, how difficult an enterprise to
procure her a divorce from her husband; how dangerous,
how shameful, to take into his own bed a profligate woman,
who, being married to a young nobleman of the first rank,
had not scrupled to prostitute her character, and to bestow
* Rennet, p. 687. * State Trials, vol. i. p. 228.
--
O
94 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. CEI, XLVII.
favors on the object of a capricious and momentary passion;
and, in the zeal of friendship, he went so far as to threaten
Rochester that he would separate himself forever from him
if he could so far forget his honor and his interest as to pros-
ecute the intended marriage.”
Rochester had the weakness to reveal this conversation to
the Countess of Essex; and when her rage and fury broke
out against Overbury, he had also the weakness to enter into
her vindictive projects, and to swear vengeance against his
friend, for the utmost instance which he could receive of his
faithful friendship. Some contrivance was necessary for the
execution of their purpose. Rochester addressed himself to
the king; and, after complaining that his own indulgence to
Overbury had begotten in him a degree of arrogance which
was extremely disagreeable, he procured a commission for his
embassy to Russia, which he represented as a retreat for his
friend both profitable and honorable. When consulted by
Overbury, he earnestly dissuaded him from accepting this
offer, and took on himself the office of satisfying the king, if
he should be anywise displeased with the refusal." To the
king again he aggravated the insolence of Overbury’s con-
duct, and obtained a warrant for committing him
to the Tower, which James intended as a slight
punishment for his disobedience. The lieutenant of the
Tower was a creature of Rochester's, and had lately been put
into the office for this very purpose; he confined Overbury
so strictly that the unhappy prisoner was debarred the sight
even of his nearest relations, and no communication of any
kind was allowed with him during near six months which he
lived in prison.
This obstacle being removed, the lovers pursued their pur-
pose; and the king himself, forgetting the dignity of his char-
acter and his friendship for the family of Essex, entered zeal-
ously into the project of procuring the countess a divorce
from her husband. Essex also embraced the opportunity of
April 21.
*State Trials, vol. i. p. 235, 236, 252. Franklyn, p. 14.
* State Trials, vol. i. p. 236
CH. XLVII. JAMES I. 295
separating himself from a bad woman, by whom he was
hated, and he was willing to favor their success by any hon-
orable expedient. The pretence for a divorce was his inca-
pacity to fulfil the conjugal duties; and he confessed that,
with regard to the countess, he was conscious of such an in-
firmity, though he was not sensible of it with regard to any
other woman. In her place, too, it is said, a young virgin
was substituted, under a mask, to undergo a legal inspection
by a jury of matrons. After such a trial, seconded by court
influence, and supported by the ridiculous opinion of fascina-
tion or witchcraft, the sentence of divorce was pronounced
between the Earl of Essex and his countess.” And, to crown
the scene, the king, solicitous lest the lady should lose any
rank by her new marriage, bestowed on his minion the title
of Earl of Somerset. -
Notwithstanding this success, the Countess of Somerset was
not satisfied till she should further satiate her revenge on
Overbury; and she engaged her husband, as well as her uncle,
the Earl of Northampton, in the atrocious design of taking
him off secretly by poison. Fruitless attempts were reiterated
Overbur by weak poisons ; but at last they gave him one so
gº sudden and violent that the symptoms were appar.
ent to every one who approached him.” His in-
terment was hurried on with the greatest precipitation, and,
though a strong suspicion immediately prevailed in the pub-
lic, the full proof of the crime was not brought to light till
Some years after.
The fatal catastrophe of Overbury increased or begot the
suspicion that the Prince of Wales had been carried off by
poison given him by Somerset. Men considered not that the
contrary inference was much juster. If Somerset was so great
a novice in this detestable art that, during the course of five
months, a man who was his prisoner, and attended by none
but his emissaries, could not be despatched but in so bungling
a manner, how could it be imagined that a young prince, liv-
* State Trials, vol. i. p. 223, 224, etc. Franklyn's Annals, p. 2, 3, etc.
* Kennet, p. 693. State Trials, vol. i. p. 233, 234, etc.
296 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. C.H. XLVII.
ing in his own court, surrounded by his own friends and do-
mestics, could be exposed to Somerset's attempts, and be
taken off by so subtle a poison, if such a one exist, as could
elude the skill of the most experienced physicians?
The ablest minister that James ever possessed, the Earl of
Salisbury, was dead;" Suffolk, a man of slender capacity, had
succeeded him in his office; and it was now his task to Sup-
ply, from an exhausted treasury, the profusion of James and
of his young favorite. The title of baronet, invented by Salis-
bury, was sold, and two hundred patents of that, species of
knighthood were disposed of for so many thousand pounds.
Each rank of nobility had also its price affixed to it;" privy
seals were circulated to the amount of two hundred thousand
pounds, benevolences were exacted to the amount of fifty-two
thousand pounds,” and some monopolies of no great value
were erected. But all these expedients proved insufficient to
supply the king's necessities, even though he began to enter
into some schemes for retrenching his expenses.” However
small the hopes of success, a new Parliament must be sum-
moned, and this dangerous expedient (for such it was now
become) once more be put to trial. -
When the Commons were assembled, they discovered an
extraordinary alarm on account of the rumor which was
1614. an 5. spread abroad concerning undertakers.” It was Të-
A Faii: "" ported that several persons attached to the king had
In Cht. entered into a confederacy, and, having laid a regu-
lar plan for the new elections, had distributed their interest
all over England, and had undertaken to secure a majority for
the court. So ignorant were the Commons that they knew
not this incident to be the first infallible symptom of any
regular or established liberty. Had they been contented to
follow the maxims of their predecessors, who, as the Earl of
Salisbury said to the last Parliament, never but thrice in six
* May 14, 1612. * Franklyn, p. 11, 33. * Franklyn, p. 10.
* Franklyn, p. 49.
* Parliamentary History, vol. v. p. 286. Kennet, p. 696. Journal, April 12,
May 2, 1614, etc. Franklyn, p. 48. -
CH. XLVII. s. JAMES I. - 297
hundred years refused a supply,” they needed not dread that
the crown should ever interest itself in their elections. For-
merly the kings even insisted that none of their household
should be elected members; and though the charter was after-
wards declared void, Henry VI., from his great favor to the
city of York, conferred a peculiar privilege on its citizens,
that they should be exempted from this trouble.” It is well
known that in ancient times, a seat in the House being con-
sidered as a burden, attended neither with honor nor profit, it
was requisite for the counties and boroughs to pay fees to
their representatives. About this time a seat began to be re-
garded as an honor, and the country gentlemen contended for
it; though the practice of levying wages for the Parliament-
men was not altogether discontinued. It was not till long
after, when liberty was thoroughly established, and popular
assemblies entered into every branch of public business, that
the members began to join profit to honor, and the crown
found it necessary to distribute among them all the consider-
able offices of the kingdom.
So little skill or so small means had the courtiers in James's
reign for managing elections that this House of Commons
showed rather a stronger spirit of liberty than the foregoing,
and instead of entering upon the business of supply, as urged
by the king, who made them several liberal offers of grace,"
they immediately resumed the subject which had been opened
last Parliament, and disputed his majesty’s power of levying
new customs and impositions by the mere authority of his
prerogative. It is remarkable that in their debates on this
subject the courtiers frequently pleaded, as a precedent, the
example of all the other hereditary monarchs in Europe, and
particularly mentioned the Kings of France and Spain; nor
” Journal, February 17, 1609. It appears, however, that Salisbury was some-
what mistaken in this fact; and if the kings were not oftener refused supply by the
Parliament, it was only because they would not often expose themselves to the haz-
ard of being refused; but it is certain that English parliaments did anciently carry
their frugality to an extreme, and seldom could be prevailed on to give the neces-
sary support to government. -
* Coke's Institutes, pt. iv. ch. 1 of Charters of Exemption.
* Journal, April 11, 1614. -
298 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. CH. XLVII.
was this reasoning received by the House either with surprise
or indignation.” The members of the opposite party either
contented themselves with denying the justness of the infer-
ence, or they disputed the truth of the observation;” and a
patriot member in particular, Sir Roger Owen, even in argu-
ing against the impositions, frankly allowed that the King of
England was endowed with as ample a power and prerogative
as any prince in Christendom.” The nations on the Conti-
nent, we may observe, enjoyed still, in that age, some small
remains of liberty, and the English were possessed of little
II] Ol’O. -
The Commons applied to the Lords for a conference with
regard to the new impositions. A speech of Neile, Bishop of
Lincoln, reflecting on the Lower House, begat some alterca-
tion with the Peers;” and the king seized the op-
portunity of dissolving, immediately, with great in-
dignation, a Parliament which had shown so firm a resolution
of retrenching his prerogative without communicating in re-
turn the smallest supply to his necessities. He carried his
resentment so far as even to throw into prison some of the
members who had been the most forward in their opposition
to his measures.” In vain did he plead, in excuse for this
violence, the example of Elizabeth and other princes of the
line of Tudor, as well as Plantagenet. The people and the
Parliament, without abandoming forever all their liberties
and privileges, could acquiesce in none of these precedents,
how ancient and frequent soever; and were the authority of
such precedents admitted, the utmost that could be inferred
is that the constitution of England was, at that time, an in-
consistent fabric, whose jarring and discordant parts must
soon destroy each other, and, from the dissolution of the old,
beget some new form of civil government more uniform and
consistent.
In the public and avowed conduct of the king and the
June 6.
* Journal, May 21, 1614. * Journal, May 12, 21, 1614.
*Journal, April 18, 1614. * See note [II] at the end of the volume.
* Kennet, p. 696.
CII. XLVII. JAMES I. 299
House of Commons, throughout this whole reign, there ap-
pears sufficient cause of quarrel and mutual disgust; yet we
are not to imagine that this was the sole foundation of that
jealousy which prevailed between them. During debates in
the House it often happened that a particular member, more
ardent and zealous than the rest, would display the highest
sentiments of liberty, which the Commons contented them-
selves to hear with silence and Seeming approbation ; and
the king, informed of these harangues, concluded the whole
IHouse to be infected with the same principles, and to be en-
gaged in a combination against his prerogative. The king,
on the other hand, though he valued himself extremely on
his kingcraft, and perhaps was not altogether incapable of
dissimulation, seems to have been very little endowed with
the gift of secrecy; but openly, at his table, in all companies,
inculcated those monarchical tenets which he had so strongly
imbibed. Before a numerous audience he had expressed him-
self with great disparagement of the common law of England,
and had given the preference in the strongest terms to the
civil law; and for this indiscretion he found himself obliged
to apologize in a speech to the former Parliament.” As a
specimen of his usual liberty of talk, we may mention a story,
though it passed some time after, which we meet with in the
life of Waller, and which that poet used frequently to repeat.
When Waller was young he had the curiosity to go to court;
and he stood in the circle and saw James dine, where, among
other company, there sat at table two bishops, Neile and An-
drews. The king proposed aloud this question, whether he
might not take his subjects’ money when he needed it with-
out all this formality of Parliament? Neile replied, “God
forbid you should not, for you are the breath of our nostrils.”
Andrews declined answering, and said he was not skilled in
parliamentary cases; but upon the king's urging him, and
saying he would admit of no evasion, the bishop replied pleas-
antly, “Why, then, I think your majesty may lawfully take
my brother Neile's money; for he offers it.”
* King James's Works, p. 532. * Preface to Waller's Works.
300 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. CH. XLVII.
The favorite had hitherto escaped the inquiry of justice;
but he had not escaped that still voice which can make itself
1st; someº be heard amid all the hurry and flattery of a court,
** and astonishes the criminal with a just representa-
tion of his most Secret enormities. Conscious of the murder
of his friend, Somerset received small consolation from the
enjoyments of love or the utmost kindness and indulgence
of his sovereign. The graces of his youth gradually disap-
peared, the gayety of his manners was obscured, his polite-
ness and obliging behavior were changed into Sullenness and
silence. And the king, whose affections had been engaged
by these superficial accomplishments, began to estrange him-
self from a man who no longer contributed to his amuse-
ment.
The sagacious courtiers observed the first symptoms of this
disgust. Somerset's enemies seized the opportunity and offer-
ed a new minion to the king. George Williers, a youth of
one-and-twenty, younger brother of a good family, returned
at this time from his travels, and was remarked for the advan-
tages of a handsome person, genteel air, and fashionable ap-
parel. At a comedy, he was purposely placed full in James's
eye, and immediately engaged the attention, and in the same
instant the affections, of that monarch.” Ashamed of his Sud-
den attachment, the king endeavored, but in vain, to conceal
the partiality which he felt for the handsome stranger; and
he employed all his profound politics to fix him in his ser-
vice without seeming to desire it. He declared his resolution
not to confer any office on him unless entreated by the queen;
and he pretended that it should only be in complaisance to
her choice he would agree to admit him near his person. The
queen was immediately applied to ; but she, well knowing the
extreme to which the king carried these attachments, refused,
at first, to lend her countenance to this new passion. It was
not till entreated by Abbot, Archbishop of Canterbury, a de-
cent prelate, and one much prejudiced against Somerset, that
she would condescend to oblige her husband by asking this
* Franklyn, p. 50. Kennet, vol. ii. p. 698.
CH. XLVII. JAMES I. - 301.
favor of him.” And the king, thinking now that all appear-
ances were fully saved, no longer constrained his affection,
but immediately bestowed the office of cup-bearer on young
Williers. *
The whole court was thrown into parties between the two
minions; while some endeavored to advance the rising fort-
unes of Williers, others deemed it safer to adhere to the estab-
lished credit of Somerset. The king himself, divided between
inclination and decorum, increased the doubt and ambiguity
of the courtiers; and the stern jealousy of the old favorite,
who refused every advance of friendship from his rival, begat
perpetual quarrels between their several partisans. But the
discovery of Somerset's guilt in the murder of Overbury at
last decided the controversy, and exposed him to the ruin and
infamy which he so well merited.
An apothecary’s prentice who had been employed in mak-
ing up the poisons, having retired to Flushing, began to talk
very freely of the whole secret; and the affair at last came to
the ears of Trumbal, the king's envoy in the Low Countries.
By his means, Sir Ralph Winwood, secretary of state, was
informed, and he immediately carried the intelligence to
James. The king, alarmed and astonished to find such enor-
mous guilt in a man whom he had admitted into his bosom,
sent for Sir Edward Coke, chief-justice, and earnestly recom-
mended to him the most rigorous and unbiassed scrutiny. This
injunction was executed with great industry and severity.
The whole labyrinth of guilt was carefully unravelled. The
lesser criminals—Sir Jervis Elvis (lieutenant of the Tower),
Franklin, Weston, Mrs. Turner—were first tried and condemn-
ed. Somerset and his countess were afterwards found guilty.
Northampton's death, a little before, had saved him from a
like fate.
It may not be unworthy of remark that Coke, in the trial
of Mrs. Turner, told her that she was guilty of the seven
deadly sins. She was a whore, a bawd, a sorcerer, a witch, a
papist, a felon, and a murderer.” And what may more sur-
* Coke, p. 46, 47. Rushworth, vol. i. p. 456. * State Trials, vol. i. p. 230.
302 EHISTORY OF ENGLAND. CH. XLVII.
prise us, Bacon, then attorney-general, took care to observe
that poisoning was a popish trick.” Such were the bigoted
prejudices which prevailed. Poisoning was not, of itself,
sufficiently odious if it were not represented as a branch of
popery. Stowe tells us that when the king came to Newcas-
tle, on his first entry into England, he gave liberty to all the
prisoners except those who were confined for treason, mur-
der, and papistry. When one considers these circumstances,
that furious bigotry of the Catholics which broke out in the
gunpowder conspiracy appears the less surprising.
All the accomplices in Overbury’s murder received the
punishment due to their crime; but the king bestowed a par-
don on the principals, Somerset and the countess. It must
be confessed that James's fortitude had been highly laudable
had he persisted in his first intention of consigning over to
severe justice all the criminals; but let us still beware of blam-
ing him too harshly if, on the approach of the fatal hour, he
scrupled to deliver into the hands of the executioner persons
whom he had once favored with his most tender affections.
To soften the rigor of their fate, after some years' imprison-
ment, he restored them to their liberty, and conferred on them
a pension, with which they retired, and languished out old age
in infamy and obscurity. Their guilty loves were turned into
the most deadly hatred; and they passed many years together
in the same house without any intercourse or correspondence
with each other.” §
Several historians,” in relating these events, have insisted
much on the dissimulation of James's behavior when he de-
livered Somerset into the hands of the chief-justice; on the
insolent menaces of that criminal; on his peremptory refusal
to stand a trial; and on the extreme anxiety of the king dur-
ing the whole progress of this affair. Allowing all these cir-
cumstances to be true, of which some are suspicious, if not
palpably false,” the great remains of tenderness which James
still felt for Somerset may, perhaps, be sufficient to account
* State Trials, vol. i. p. 242. * Kennet, p. 699.
* Coke, Weldon, etc. * See Biogr. Brit. article Coke, p. 1384.
CH. XLVII. JAMES I. 303
for them. That favorite was high-spirited, and resolute rather
to perish than live under the infamy to which he was exposed.
James was sensible that the pardoning of so great a criminal,
which was of itself invidious, would become still more un-
popular if his obstinate and stubborn behavior on his trial
should augment the public hatred against him.” At least, the
unreserved confidence in which the king had indulged his
favorite for several years might render Somerset master of so
many secrets that it is impossible, without further light, to
assign the particular reason of that superiority which, it is
said, he appeared so much to assume. -
The fall of Somerset, and his banishment from court, open-
ed the way for Williers to mount up at once to the full height
Rise of Buck of favor, of honors, and of riches. Had James's
**, passion been governed by common rules of pru-
dence, the office of cup-bearer would have attached Williers to
his person, and might well have contented one of his age and
family; nor would any one, who was not cynically austere,
have much censured the singularity of the king's choice in his
friends and favorites. But such advancement was far infe-
rior to the fortune which he intended for his minion. In the
course of a few years he created him Wiscount Williers; Earl,
Marquis, and Duke of Buckingham; knight of the garter; mas-
ter of the horse; chief-justice in eyre; warden of the Cinque
Ports; master of the king’s-bench office; steward of Westmin-
ster; constable of Windsor; andlord high admiral of England.”
His mother obtained the title of Countess of Buckingham;
his brother was created Wiscount Purbeck; and a numerous
train of needy relations were all pushed up into credit and
authority. And thus the fond prince, while he meant to play
the tutor to his favorite, and to train him up in the rules of
prudence and politics, took an infallible method, by loading
him with premature and exorbitant honors, to render him
forever rash, precipitate, and insolent.
A young minion to gratify with pleasure, a necessitous fam-
* Bacon, vol. iv. p. 617.
* Franklyn, p. 30. Clarendon, 8vo edit. vol. i. p. 10.
304 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. CH. XLVII.
ily to supply with riches, were enterprises too great for the
empty exchequer of James. In order to obtain a little money,
the cautionary towns must be delivered up to the Dutch—a
measure which has been severely blamed by almost all histo-
rians; and I may venture to affirm that it has been censured
much beyond its real weight and importance.
When Queen Elizabeth advanced money for the support
of the infant republic, besides the view of securing herself
in c. against the power and ambition of Spain, she still
ºwns reserved the prospect of reimbursement; and she
got consigned into her hands the three important
fortresses of Flushing, the Brille, and Tammekins, as pledges
for the money due to her. Indulgent to the necessitous con-
dition of the States, she agreed that the debt should bear no
interest ; and she stipulated that if ever England should
make a separate peace with Spain, she should pay the troops
which garrisoned those fortresses.” -
After the truce was concluded between Spain and the Unit-
ed Provinces, the States made an agreement with the king
that the debt, which then amounted to eight hundred thou-
Sand pounds, should be discharged by yearly payments of
forty thousand pounds; and as five years had elapsed, the
debt was now reduced to six hundred thousand pounds; and
in fifteen years more, if the truce were renewed, it would be
finally extinguished.” But of this sum, twenty-six thousand
pounds a year were expended on the pay of the garrisons;
the remainder alone accrued to the king; and the States,
weighing these circumstances, thought that they made James
a very advantageous offer when they expressed their willing-
ness, on the surrender of the cautionary towns, to pay him
immediately two hundred and fifty thousand pounds, and to
incorporate the English garrisons in their army. It occurred
also to the king that even the payment of the forty thousand
pounds a year was precarious, and depended on the accident
that the truce should be renewed between Spain and the re-
* Rymer, vol. xvi. p. 341. Winwood, vol. ii. p. 351.
* Sir Dudley Carleton's Letters, p. 27, 28.
CH. XLVII. JAMES I. 305
public. If war broke out, the maintenance of the garrisons
lay upon England alone—a burden very useless, and too heavy
for the slender revenues of that kingdom; that even during
the truce, the Dutch, straitened by other expenses, were far
from being regular in their payments; and the garrisons were
at present in danger of mutinying for want of subsistence;
that the annual sum of fourteen thousand pounds, the whole
saving on the Dutch payments, amounted, in fifteen years,
to no more than two hundred and ten thousand pounds;
whereas two hundred and fifty thousand pounds were offered
immediately—a larger sum, and, if money be computed at ten
per cent. (the current interest), more than double the sum, to
which England was entitled;" that if James waited till the
whole debt were discharged, the troops which composed the
garrisons remained a burden upon him, and could not be
broken without receiving some consideration for their past
services; that the cautionary towns were only a temporary
restraint upon the Hollanders, and, in the present emergence,
the conjunction of interest between England and the republic
was so intimate as to render all other ties superfluous; and no
reasonable measures for mutual support would be wanting
from the Dutch, even though freed from the dependence of
these garrisons; that the exchequer of the republic was at
present very low, insomuch that they found difficulty, now
that the aids of France were withdrawn, to maintain them-
selves in that posture of defence which was requisite during
the truce with Spain; and that the Spaniards were perpetu-
ally insisting with the king on the restitution of these towns
as belonging to their crown; and no cordial alliance could ever
be made with that nation while they remained in the hands
of the English.” These reasons, together with his
June 6. e º - 5
urgent wants, induced the king to accept of Caron's
* An annuity of fourteen thousand pounds during fifteen years, money being at
ten per cent., is worth on computation only one hundred and six thousand five
hundred pounds, whereas the king received two hundred and fifty thousand. Yet
the bargain was good for the Dutch as well as the king, because they were both
of them freed from the maintenance of useless garrisons.
* Rushworth, vol. i. p. 3.
IV.-20
306 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. CII. XLVII.
|
offer; and he evacuated the cautionary towns, which held
the States in a degree of subjection, and which an ambitious
and enterprising prince would have regarded as his most val-
uable possessions. This is the date of the full liberty of the
Dutch commonwealth.
When the crown of England devolved on James, it might
have been foreseen by the Scottish nation that the indepen-
Igºr Affairs dence of their kingdom, the object for which their
** ancestors had shed so much blood, would now be
lost; and that if both states persevered in maintaining sep-
arate laws and parliaments, the weaker would more sensibly
feel the subjection than if it had been totally subdued by force
of arms. But these views did not generally occur. The glory
of having given a sovereign to their powerful enemy, the ad-
vantages of present peace and tranquillity, the riches acquired
from the munificence of their master; these considerations
secured their dutiful obedience to a prince who daily gave
such sensible proofs of his friendship and partiality towards
them. Never had the authority of any king who resided
among them been so firmly established as was that of James,
even when absent; and as the administration had been hither-
to conducted with great order and tranquillity, there had hap-
pened no occurrence to draw thither our attention. But this
summer the king was resolved to pay a visit to his
native country, in order to renew his ancient friend-
ships and connections, and to introduce that change of eccle-
siastical discipline and government on which he was extreme-
ly intent. The three chief points of this kind which James
proposed to accomplish by his journey to Scotland were, the
enlarging of episcopal authority, the establishing of a few
ceremonies in public worship, and the fixing of a superiority
in the civil above the ecclesiastical jurisdiction.
But it is an observation suggested by all history, and by
none more than by that of James and his successor, that the
religious spirit, when it mingles with faction, contains in it
Something supernatural and unaccountable; and that, in its
operations upon society, effects correspond less to their known
causes than is found in any other circumstance of government.
May.
CH. XLVII. JAMES I. 307
A reflection which may at once afford a source of blame
against Such sovereigns as lightly innovate in so dangerous an
article, and of apology for such as, being engaged in an enter-
prise of that nature, are disappointed of the expected event,
and fail in their undertakings. -
When the Scottish nation was first seized with that zeal for
reformation which, though it caused such disturbance during
the time, has proved so Salutary in the consequences, the
preachers, assuming a character little inferior to the prophetic
or apostolical, disdained all subjection to the spiritual rulers
of the Church by whom their innovations were punished and
opposed. The revenues of the dignified clergy; no longer
considered as Sacred, were either appropriated by the present
possessors or seized by the more powerful barons; and what
remained, after mighty dilapidations, was, by act of Parlia-
ment, annexed to the crown. The prelates, however, and ab-
bots maintained their temporal jurisdictions and their seats
in Parliament; and though laymen were sometimes endowed
with ecclesiastical titles, the Church, notwithstanding its fre-
quent protestations to the contrary, was still supposed to be
represented by those spiritual lords in the states of the king-
dom. After many struggles, the king, even before his acces-
sion to the throne of England, had acquired sufficient influ-
ence over the Scottish clergy to extort from them an acknowl-
edgment of the parliamentary jurisdiction of bishops; though
attended with many precautions, in order to secure themselves
against the spiritual encroachments of that order." When
King of England, he engaged them, though still with great
reluctance on their part, to advance a step further, and to re-
ceive the bishops as perpetual presidents or moderators in their
ecclesiastical synods, reiterating their protestations against all
spiritual jurisdiction of the prelates and all controlling power
over the Presbyterians.” And by such gradual innovations
the king flattered himself that he should quietly introduce
episcopal authority; but as his final scope was fully seen from
the beginning, every new advance gave fresh occasion of dis-
40 1598. ** 1606.
308 HISTORY OF ENGLAND CH. XLVII.
content, and aggravated, instead of softening, the abhorrence
entertained against the prelacy. *
What rendered the king's aim more apparent were the en-
deavors which, at the same time, he used to introduce into
Scotland some of the ceremonies of the Church of England:
the rest, it was easily foreseen, would soon follow. The fire
of devotion, excited by novelty and inflamed by opposition,
had so possessed the minds of the Scottish reformers that all
rites and ornaments, and even order of worship, were disdain-
fully rejected as useless burdens; retarding the imagination
in its rapturous ecstasies, and cramping the operations of that
divine spirit by which they supposed themselves to be ani-
mated. A mode of worship was established, the most naked
and most simple imaginable—one that borrowed nothing from
the senses, but reposed itself entirely on the contemplation of
that divine essence which discovers itself to the understanding
only. This species of devotion, so worthy of the Supreme
Deing, but so little suitable to human frailty, was observed to
occasion great disturbances in the breast, and in many respects
to confound all rational principles of conduct and behavior.
The mind, straining for these extraordinary raptures, reaching
them by short glances, sinking again under its own weakness,
rejecting all exterior aid of pomp and ceremony, was so occu-
pied in this inward life that it fled from every intercourse of
society, and from every cheerful amusement which could soften
or humanize the character. It was obvious to all discerning
eyes, and had not escaped the king's, that, by the prevalence
of famaticism, a gloomy and sullen disposition established it-
Self among the people—a spirit obstinate and dangerous, in-
dependent and disorderly, animated equally with a contempt
of authority and a hatred to every other mode of religion,
particularly to the Catholic. In order to mellow these hu-
mors, James endeavored to infuse a small tincture of cere-
mony into the national worship, and to introduce such rites as
might, in Some degree, occupy the mind and please the senses,
without departing too far from that simplicity by which the
Reformation was distinguished. The finer arts, too, though
still rude in these northern kingdoms, were employed to adorn
CH. XLVII. JAMES I. - 309
the churches; and the king's chapel, in which an Organ was
erected, and some pictures and statues displayed, was pro-
posed as a model to the rest of the nation. But music was
grating to the prejudiced ears of the Scottish clergy; sculpt-
ure and painting appeared instruments of idolatry; the Sur-
plice was a rag of popery; and every motion or gesture pre-
scribed by the liturgy was a step towards that spiritual Baby-
lon so much the object of their horror and aversion. Every-
thing was deemed impious but their own mystical comments
on the Scriptures, which they idolized, and whôse Eastern
prophetic style they employed in every common occurrence.
It will not be necessary to give a particular account of the
ceremonies which the king was so intent to establish. Such
institutions, for a time, are esteemed either too divine to have
proceeded from any other being than the Supreme Creator of
the universe, or too diabolical to have been derived from any
but an infernal demon. But no sooner is the mode of the
controversy past than they are universally discovered to be of
so little importance as scarcely to be mentioned with decency
amid the ordinary course of human transactions. It suffices
here to remark that the rites introduced by James regarded
the kneeling at the Sacrament, private communion, private
baptism, confirmation of children, and the observance of Christ-
mas and other festivals.” The acts establishing these cere-
monies were afterwards known by the name of the Articles
of Perth, from the place where they were ratified by the as-
Sembly. -
A conformity of discipline and worship between the church-
es of England and Scotland, which was James's aim, he never
could hope to establish but by first procuring an acknowl-
edgment of his own authority in all spiritual causes; and
nothing could be more contrary to the practice as well as prin-
ciples of the Presbyterian clergy. The ecclesiastical courts
possessed the power of pronouncing excommunication; and
that sentence, besides the spiritual consequences supposed to
follow from it, was attended with immediate effects of the
* Franklyn, p. 25. Spotswood.
310 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. • CII, XLVII.
most important nature. . The person excommunicated was
shunned by every one as profane and impious; and his whole
estate during his lifetime, and all his movables forever, were
forfeited to the crown. Nor were the previous steps requi-
site before pronouncing this sentence, formal or regular, in
proportion to the weight of it. Without accuser, without
summons, without trial, any ecclesiastical court, however in-
ferior, sometimes pretended in a summary manner to de-
nounce excommunication for any cause, and against any per-
son, even though he lived not within the bounds of their
jurisdiction.” And by this means the whole tyranny of the
Inquisition, though without its order, was introduced into
the kingdom.
But the clergy were not content with the unlimited juris-
diction which they exercised in ecclesiastical matters. They
assumed a censorial power over every part of administration;
and in all their Sermons, and even prayers, mingling politics
with religion, they inculcated the most seditious and most
turbulent principles. Black, minister of St. Andrew’s, went
So far,” in a sermon, as to pronounce all kings the devil's
children. He gave the Queen of England the appellation of
atheist; he said that the treachery of the king's heart was now
fully discovered; and, in his prayers for the queen, he used
these words: “We must pray for her for the fashion’s sake,
but we have no cause; she will never do us any good.” When
summoned before the privy council, he refused to answer to
a civil court for anything delivered from the pulpit, even
though the crime of which he was accused was of a civil nat-
ure. The Church adopted his cause. They raised a sedition
in Edinburgh.” The king, during some time, was in the hands
of the enraged populace; and it was not without courage as
well as dexterity that he was able to extricate himself." A
few days after, a minister, preaching in the principal church
of that capital, said that the king was possessed with a devil;
and that one devil being expelled, seven worse had entered in
his place." To which he added that the subjects might lawfully
*Spotswood. 44 I596. * Dec. 17, 1596. *Spotswood. "Ibid.
CH. XLVII. JAMES I. 311
rise and take the sword out of his hand. Scarcely, even dur-
ing the darkest night of papal superstition, are there found
such instances of priestly encroachments as the annals of Scot-
land present to us during that period.
By these extravagant stretches of power, and by the patient
conduct of James, the Church began to lose ground, even be-
fore the king's accession to the throne of England; but no
Sooner had that event taken place than he made the Scottish
clergy sensible that he had become the sovereign of a great
Kingdom, which he governed with great authority.’ Though
formerly he would have thought himself happy to have made
a fair partition with them of the civil and ecclesiastical au-
thority, he was now resolved to exert a supreme jurisdiction
in Church as well as State, and to put an end to their seditious
practices. An assembly had been summoned at Aberdeen;"
but, on account of his journey to London, he prorogued it to
the year following. Some of the clergy, disavowing his eccle-
siastical Supremacy, met at the time first appointed, notwith-
standing his prohibition. He threw them into prison. Such
of them as submitted and acknowledged their error were par-
doned. The rest were brought to their trial. They were con-
} demned for high treason. The king gave them their lives,
but banished them the kingdom. Six of them suffered this
penalty.”
The general assembly was afterwards induced" to acknowl-
edge the king's authority in summoning ecclesiastical courts,
and to submit to the jurisdiction and visitation of the bishops.
Even their favorite sentence of excommunication was declared
invalid unless confirmed by the ordinary. The king recom-
mended to the inferior courts the members whom they should
elect to this assembly; and everything was conducted in it
with little appearance of choice and liberty.”
By his own prerogative, likewise, which he seems to have
stretched on this occasion, the king erected a court of high
commission,” in imitation of that which was established in
* July, 1604. * Spotswood. * June 6, 1610.
61 Spotswood. 52 February 15, 1610.
312 PHISTORY OF ENGLAND. - CH. XLVII.
England. The bishops, and a few of the clergy who had been
Summoned, willingly acknowledged this court; and it proceed-
ed immediately upon business as if its authority had been
grounded on the full consent of the whole legislature.
But James reserved the final blow for the time when he
should himself pay a visit to Scotland. He proposed to the
Parliament, which was then assembled, that they
should enact that “whatever his majesty should
determine, in the external government of the Church, with
the consent of the archbishops, bishops, and a competent
number of the ministry, should have the force of law.”
What number should be deemed competent was not deter-
mined; and their nomination was left entirely to the king;
so that his ecclesiastical authority, had this bill passed, would
have been established in its full extent. Some of the clergy
protested. They apprehended, they said, that the purity of
their Church would, by means of this new authority, be pol-
luted with all the rites and liturgy of the Church of England.
James, dreading clamor and opposition, dropped the bill which
had already passed the lords of articles, and asserted that the
inherent prerogative of the crown contained more power than
was recognized by it. Some time after, he called at St. An-
drew’s a meeting of the bishops and thirty-six of
the most eminent clergy. He there declared his
resolution of exerting his prerogative, and of establishing by
his own authority the few ceremonies which he had recom-
mended to them. They entreated him rather to summon a
general assembly and to gain their assent. An assembly was
accordingly summoned to meet on the 25th of November en-
suing.
Yet this assembly, which met after the king's departure
from Scotland, eluded all his applications; and it was not till
the subsequent year that he was able to procure a vote for re-
ceiving his ceremonies. And through every step of this af-
fair, in the Parliament, as well as in all the general assemblies,
the nation betrayed the utmost reluctance to all these innova-
June 13.
July 10.
*Spotswood. Franklyn, p. 29.
CH. XLVII. JAMES I. 313
tions; and nothing but James's importunity and authority had
extorted a seeming consent, which was belied by the inward
sentiments of all ranks of people. Even the few over whom
religious prejudices were not prevalent thought national honor
sacrificed by a servile imitation of the modes of worship prag-
tised in England; and every prudent man agreed in condemn-
ing the measures of the king, who, by an ill-timed zeal for
insignificant ceremonies, had betrayed, though in an opposite
manner, equal narrowness of mind with the persons whom he
treated with such contempt. It was judged that, had not these
dangerous humors been irritated by opposition—had they been
allowed peaceably to evaporate—they would at last have sub-
sided within the limits of law and civil authority; and that
as all fanatical religions naturally circumscribe to very narrow
bounds the numbers and riches of the ecclesiastics, no sooner
is their first fire spent than they lose their credit over the peo-
ple, and leave them under the natural and beneficent influence
of their civil and moral obligations.
At the same time that James shocked, in so violent a man-
ner, the religious principles of his Scottish subjects, he acted
in opposition to those of his English. He had observed, in
his progress through England, that a Judaical observance of
the Sunday, chiefly by means of the Puritans, was every day
gaining ground throughout the kingdom, and that the people,
under color of religion, were, contrary to former practice, de-
barred such sports and recreations as contributed both to their
health and their amusement.” Festivals, which in other na-
tions and ages are partly dedicated to public worship, partly
to mirth and society, were here totally appropriated to the
offices of religion, and served to mourish those sullen and
gloomy contemplations to which the people were of them-
selves so unfortunately subject. The king imagined that it
would be easy to infuse cheerfulness into this dark spirit of
devotion. He issued a proclamation to allow and encourage,
after divine service, all kinds of lawful games and exercises;
and, by his authority, he endeavored to give Sanction to a prac-
* Rennet, p. 709.
314 - HISTORY OF ENGLAND. CH. XLVII.
tice, which his subjects regarded as the utmost instance of
profaneness and impiety.” - -
* Franklyn, p. 31. To show how rigid the English, chiefly the Puritans, were
become in this particular, a bill was introduced into the House of Commons, in the
eighteenth of the king, for the more strict observance of the Sunday, which they aſ-
fected to call the Sabbath. One Shepherd opposed this bill, objected to the appel-
lation of Sabbath as Puritanical, defended dancing by the example of David, and
seems even to have justified sports on that day. For this profaneness he was ex-
pelled the House, by the suggestion of Mr. Pym. The House of Lords opposed so
far this Puritanical spirit of the Commons that they proposed that the appellation of
Sabbath should be changed into that of the JLord's Day. Journal, 15th, 16th Feb-
ruary, 1620; 28th May, 1621. In Shepherd's sentence, his offence is said by the
House to be great, exorbitant, unparalleled.
Ch. XLVIII. JAMES I. 315
CHAPTER XLVIII.
Sir Walter Raleigh's IExpedition.—His Execution.—Insurrections in Bohemia.-
Loss of the Palatinate.—Negotiations with Spain.—A Parliament.—Parties.—
Eall of Bacon.—Rupture between the King and the Commons.—Protestation
of the Commons. -
At the time when Sir Walter Raleigh was first confined in
the Tower, his violent and haughty temper had rendered him
jois, sit the most unpopular man in England; and his con-
Y. demnation was chiefly owing to that public odium
dition. under which he labored. During the thirteen years'
imprisonment which he suffered, the sentiments of the nation
were much changed with regard to him. Men had leisure to
reflect on the hardship, not to say injustice, of his sentence;
they pitied his active and enterprising spirit, which languished
in the rigors of confinement; they were struck with the ex-
tensive genius of the man, who, being educated amid naval
and military enterprises, had surpassed, in the pursuits of lit-
erature, even those of the most recluse and sedentary lives;
and they admired his unbroken magnanimity, which, at his
age and under his circumstances, could engage him to under-
take and execute so great a work as his History of the World.
To increase these favorable dispositions, on which he built
the hopes of recovering his liberty, he spread the report of a
golden mine which he had discovered in Guiana, and which
was sufficient, according to his representation, not only to en-
rich all the adventurers, but to afford immense treasures to the
nation. The king gave little credit to these mighty promises,
both because he believed that no such mine as the one de-
scribed was anywhere in nature, and because he considered
Raleigh as a man of desperate fortunes, whose business it was,
by any means, to procure his freedom, and to reinstate him-
self in credit and authority. Thinking, however, that he had
316 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. CH. XLVIII.
already undergone sufficient punishment, he released him from
the Tower; and when his vaunts of the golden mine had in-
duced multitudes to engage with him, the king gave them
permission to try the adventure, and, at their desire, he confer-
red on Raleigh authority over his fellow-adventurers. Though
strongly solicited, he still refused to grant him a pardon, which
seemed a natural consequence when he was intrusted with
power and command. But James declared himself still diffi-
dent of Raleigh's intentions; and he meant, he said, to reserve
the former sentence as a check upon his future behavior.
Raleigh well knew that it was far from the king's purpose
to invade any of the Spanish settlements: he therefore firmly
denied that Spain had planted any colonies on that part of the
coast where his mine lay. When Gondomar, the ambassador
of that nation, alarmed at his preparations, carried complaints
to the king, Raleigh still protested the innocence of his inten-
tions; and James assured Gondomar that he durst not form
any hostile attempt, but should pay with his head for so auda-
cious an enterprise. The minister, however, concluding that
twelve armed vessels were not fitted out without some pur-
pose of invasion, conveyed the intelligence to the court of
Madrid, who immediately gave orders for arming and fortify-
ing all their settlements, particularly those along the coast of
Guiana.
When the courage and avarice of the Spaniards and Portu-
guese had discovered so many new worlds, they were resolved
to show themselves superior to the barbarous heathens whom
they invaded, not only in arts and arms, but also in the justice
of the quarrel: they applied to Alexander VI., who then filled
the papal chair, and he generously bestowed on the Spaniards
the whole western, and on the Portuguese the whole eastern
part of the globe. The more scrupulous Protestants, who ac-
knowledged not the authority of the Roman pontiff; estab-
lished the first discovery as the foundation of their title; and
if a pirate or sea-adventurer of their nation had but erected a
stick or a stone on the coast, as a memorial of his taking pos-
session, they concluded the whole continent to belong to them,
and thought themselves entitled to expel or exterminate, as
CH. XLVIII. & JAMES I. 317
usurpers, the ancient possessors and inhabitants. It was in
this manner that Sir Walter Raleigh, about twenty-three years
before, had acquired to the crown of England a claim to the
continent of Guiana, a region as large as the half of Europe;
and though he had immediately left the coast, yet he pretend-
ed that the English title to the whole remained certain and
indefeasible. But it had happened in the meantime that the
Spaniards, not knowing, or not acknowledging, this imaginary
claim, had taken possession of a part of Guiana, had formed a
settlement on the river Orinoco, had built a little town called
St. Thomas, and were there working some mines of small
value.
To this place Taleigh directly bent his course ; and, re-
maining himself at the mouth of the river with five of the
largest ships, he sent up the rest to St. Thomas under the
command of his son and a Captain Reymis, a person entirely
devoted to him. The Spaniards, who had expected this inva-
sion, fired on the English at their landing, were repulsed, and
pursued into the town. Young Raleigh, to encourage his
men, called out that this was the true mine, and none but fools
looked for any other ; and, advancing upon the Spaniards, re-
ceived a shot, of which he immediately expired. This dis-
mayed not Keymis and the others. They carried on the at-
tack, got possession of the town, which they afterwards re-
duced to ashes, and found not in it anything of value.
Taleigh did not pretend that he had himself seen the mine
which he had engaged so many people to go in quest of ; it
was Keymis, he said, who had formerly discovered it, and had
brought him that lump of ore which promised such immense
treasures; yet Keymis, who owned that he was within two
hours' march of the place, refused, on the most absurd pre-
tences, to take any effectual step towards finding it; and he
returned immediately to Raleigh with the melancholy news
of his son's death and the ill-success of the enterprise. Sensi-
ble to reproach, and dreading punishment for his behavior,
Reymis, in despair, retired into his cabin and put an end to
his own life.
The other adventurers now concluded that they were de.
318 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. CH. XLVIII.
ceived by Raleigh ; that he never had known of any such
mine as he pretended to go in search of ; that his intention
had ever been to plunder St. Thomas, and, having encouraged
his company by the spoils of that place, to have thence pro-
ceeded to the invasion of the other Spanish settlements; that
he expected to repair his ruined fortunes by Such daring en-
terprises, and that he trusted to the money he should acquire
for making his peace with England; or, if that view failed
him, that he purposed to retire into some other country
where his riches would secure his retreat.
The small acquisitions gained by the sack of St. Thomas
discouraged Raleigh's companions from entering into these
views, though there were many circumstances in the treaty
and late transactions between the nations which might invite
them to engage in such a piratical war against the Span-
iards.
When England made peace with Spain, the example of
Henry IV. was imitated, who, at the treaty of Vervins, finding
a difficulty in adjusting all questions with regard to the Indian
trade, had agreed to pass over that article in total silence.
The Spaniards, having all along published severe edicts
against the intercourse of any European nation with their
colonies, interpreted this silence in their own favor, and con-
sidered it as a tacit acquiescence of England in the established
laws of Spain. The English, on the contrary, pretended that,
as they had never been excluded by any treaty from com-
merce with any part of the King of Spain's dominions, it was
still as lawful for them to trade with his settlements in either
Indies as with his European territories. In consequence of
this ambiguity, many adventurers from England sailed to the
Spanish Indies, and met with severe punishment when caught;
as they, on the other hand, often stole, and, when superior in
power, forced a trade with the inhabitants, and resisted—nay,
sometimes plundered—the Spanish governors. Violences of
this nature, which had been carried to a great height on both
sides, it was agreed to bury in total oblivion, because of the
difficulty which was found in remedying them upon any fixed
principles.
CH. XLVIII. - JAMES I. 319
But as there appeared a great difference between private
adventurers in single ships and a fleet acting under a royal
commission, Raleigh’s companions thought it safest to return
immediately to England, and carry him along with them to
answer for his conduct. It appears that he employed many
artifices, first to engage them to attack the Spanish settle-
ments, and, failing of that, to make his escape into France;
but all these proving unsuccessful, he was delivered into the
king's hands and strictly examined, as well as his fellow-
adventurers, before the privy council. The council, upon in-
quiry, found no difficulty in pronouncing that the former sus-
picions with regard to Raleigh's intentions had been well
grounded; that he had abused the king in the representations
which he had made of his projected adventure; that, contrary
to his instructions, he had acted in an offensive and hostile
manner against his majesty’s allies, and that he had wilfully
burned and destroyed a town belonging to the King of Spain.
He might have been tried either by common law for this act
of violence and piracy or by martial law for breach of orders;
but it was an established principle among lawyers' that as he
lay under an actual attainder for high treason, he could not
be brought to a new trial for any other crime. To satisfy,
therefore, the court of Spain, which raised the loudest com-
plaints against him, the king made use of that power which
he had purposely reserved in his own hands, and signed the
warrant for his execution upon his former sentence.”
Raleigh, finding his fate inevitable, collected all his cour-
age; and though he had formerly made use of many mean
artifices, such as feigning madness, sickness, and a variety of
diseases in order to protract his examination and procure his
escape, he now resolved to act his part with bravery and reso-
lution. “’Tis a sharp remedy,” he said, “but a sure one for
all ills,” when he felt the edge of the axe by which he was to
be beheaded.” His harangue to the people was calm and
eloquent, and he endeavored to revenge himself and to load
* See this matter discussed in Bacon's Letters, published by Dr. Birch, p. 181.
* See note [KK] at the end of the volume. * Franklyn, p. 32.
320 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. CH. XLVIII.
his enemies with the public hatred by strong asseverations of
facts which, to say the least, may be esteemed very doubtful."
October 29 With the utmost indifference, he laid his head upon
#ijºs” the block and received the fatal blow ; and in his
“” death there appeared the same great but ill-regu-
lated mind which during his life had displayed itself in all
his conduct and behavior. -
No measure of James's reign was attended with more pub-
lic dissatisfaction than the punishment of Sir Walter Raleigh.
To execute a sentence which was originally so hard, which had
been so long suspended, and which seemed to have been tacit-
ly pardoned by conferring on him a new trust and commis-
sion, was deemed an instance of cruelty and injustice. To
sacrifice to a concealed enemy of England the life of the only
man in the nation who had a high reputation for valor and
military experience was regarded as meanness and indiscre-
tion, and the intimate connections which the king was now
entering into with Spain, being universally distasteful, ren-
dered this proof of his complaisance still more invidious and
unpopular.
James had entertained an opinion, which was peculiar to
himself, and which had been adopted by none of his pred-
ecessors, that any alliance below that of a great king was un-
worthy of a Prince of Wales; and he would never allow any
princess but a daughter of France or Spain to be mentioned
as a match for his son." This instance of pride, which really
implies meanness, as if he could receive honor from any alli-
ance, was so well known that Spain had founded on it the
hopes of governing, in the most important transactions, this
monarch, so little celebrated for politics or prudence. During
the life of Henry, the King of Spain had dropped some hints
of bestowing on that prince his eldest daughter, whom he af-
terwards disposed of in marriage to the young King of France,
* He asserted, in the most solemn manner, that he had nowise contributed to
Essex's death; but the last letter in Murden's Collection contains the strongest
proof of the contrary.
* Kennet, p. 703, 748.
CH. XLVIII. JAMES I. . 321
Louis XIII. At that time the views of the Spaniards were
to engage James into a neutrality with regard to the succes-
sion of Cleves, which was disputed between the Protestant
and popish line;" but the bait did not then take, and James,
in consequence of his alliance with the Dutch and with Henry
IV. of France, marched' four thousand men, under the com-
mand of Sir Edward Cecil, who joined these two powers, and
put the Marquis of Brandenburg and the Palatine of Neu-
burg in possession of that duchy.
Gondomar was at this time the Spanish ambassador in
England, a man whose flattery was the more artful because
covered with the appearance of frankness and sincerity—
whose politics were the more dangerous because disguised
under the mask of mirth and pleasantry. He now made offer
of the second daughter of Spain to Prince Charles; and, that
he might render the temptation irresistible to the necessitous
monarch, he gave hopes of an immense fortune which should
attend the princess. The court of Spain, though determined
to contract no alliance with a heretic,” entered into negotia-
tions with James, which they artfully protracted, and, amid
every disappointment, they still redoubled his hopes of suc-
cess." The transactions in Germany, so important to the
Austrian greatness, became every day a new motive for this
duplicity of conduct.
In that great revolution of manners which happened dur-
ing the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, the only nations
Insurrections who had the honorable, though often melancholy,
** advantage of making an effort for their expiring
privileges were such as, together with the principles of civil
liberty, were animated with a zeal for religious parties and
opinions. Besides the irresistible force of standing armies,
the European princes possessed this advantage, that they
were descended from the ancient royal families; that they
continued the same appellations of magistrates, the same ap-
pearance of civil government, and, restraining themselves by
* Rushworth, vol. i. p. 2. * 1610.
* La Boderie, vol. ii. p. 30. - * Franklyn, p. 71.
IV.—21
322 }HISTORY OF ENGLAND. CH. XLVIII.
all the forms of legal administration, could insensibly impose
the yoke on their unguarded subjects. Even the German na-
tions, who formerly broke the Roman chains and restored lib-
erty to mankind, now lost their own liberty, and saw with
grief the absolute authority of their princes firmly established
among them. In their circumstances, nothing but a pious
zeal, which disregards all motives of human prudence, could
have made them entertain hopes of preserving any longer
those privileges which their ancestors through so many ages
had transmitted to them.
As the house of Austria, throughout all her extensive do-
minions, had ever made religion the pretence for her usurpa-
tions, she now met with resistance from a like principle;
and the Catholic religion, as usual, had ranged itself on the
side of monarchy; the Protestant, on that of liberty. The
states of Bohemia, having taken arms against the Emperor
Matthias, continued their revolt against his successor Ferdi-
mand, and claimed the observance of all the edicts enacted in
favor of the new religion, together with the restoration of
their ancient laws and constitution. The neighboring princi-
palities—Silesia, Moravia, Lusatia, Austria, even the kingdom
of Hungary—took part in the quarrel, and throughout all
these populous and martial provinces the spirit of discord and
civil war had universally diffused itself.”
Ferdinand II., who possessed more vigor and greater abili-
ties, though not more lenity and moderation, than are usual
with the Austrian princes, strongly armed himself
for the recovery of his authority; and besides em-
ploying the assistance of his subjects, who professed the an-
cient religion, he engaged on his side a powerful alliance of
the neighboring potentates. All the Catholic princes of the
empire had embraced his defence—even Saxony, the most
powerful of the Protestant; Poland had declared itself in his
favor;" and, above all, the Spanish monarch, deeming”his own
interest closely connected with that of the younger branch of
his family, prepared powerful succors from Italy and from
1619.
* Rushworth, vol. i. p. 7, 8. * Rushworth, vol. i. p. 13, 14.
Ch. XLVIII. JAMES I. 323
the Low Countries; and he also advanced large sums for the
support of Ferdinand and of the Catholic religion.
The states of Bohemia, alarmed at these mighty prepara-
tions, began also to Solicit foreign assistance; and, together
with that support which they obtained from the evangelical
union in Germany, they endeavored to establish connections
with greater princes. They cast their eyes on Frederick,
Elector-Palatine. They considered that, besides commanding
no despicable force of his own, he was son-in-law to the King
of England and nephew to Prince Maurice, whose authority
was become almost absolute in the United Provinces. They
hoped that these princes, moved by the connections of blood
as well as by the tie of their common religion, would inter-
est themselves in all the fortunes of Frederick, and would
promote his greatness. They therefore made him a tender
of their crown, which they considered as elective ; and the
young Palatine, stimulated by ambition, without consulting
either James” or Maurice, whose opposition he foresaw, im-
mediately accepted the offer, and marched all his forces into
Bohemia in support of his new subjects.
The news of these events no sooner reached England than
the whole kingdom was on fire to engage in the quarrel.
Scarcely was the ardor greater with which all the states of
Europe, in former ages, flew to rescue the Holy Land from
the dominion of infidels. The nation was as yet sincerely
attached to the blood of their monarchs, and they considered
their connection with the Palatine, who had married a daugh-
ter of England, as very close and intimate; and when they
heard of Catholics carrying on wars and persecutions against
Protestants, they thought their own interest deeply concerned,
and regarded their neutrality as a base desertion of the cause
of God and of his holy religion. In such a quarrel, they
would gladly have marched to the opposite extremity of Eu-
rope, have plunged themselves into a chaos of German poli-
tics, and have expended all the blood and treasure of the na-
tion by maintaining a contest with the whole house of Aus-
* Franklyn, p. 49.
324 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. CH. XLVIII.
tria, at the very time and in the very place in which it was
the most potent, and almost irresistible.
But James, besides that his temper was too little enterpris-
ing for Such vast undertakings, was restrained by another
motive which had a mighty influence over him : he refused
to patronize the revolt of subjects against their sovereign.
From the very first he denied to his son-in-law the title of
Ring of Bohemia;” he forbade him to be prayed for in the
churches under that appellation ; and though he owned that
he had nowise examined the pretensions, privileges, and con-
stitution of the revolted states,” So exalted was his idea of the
rights of kings that he concluded subjects must ever be in
the wrong when they stood in opposition to those who had
acquired or assumed that majestic title. Thus, even in meas-
ures founded on true politics, James intermixed so many nar-
row prejudices as diminished his authority and exposed him
to the imputation of weakness and of error.
Meanwhile affairs everywhere hastened to a crisis. Ferdi-
nand levied a great force, under the command of the Duke
of Bavaria and the Count of Bucquoy, and ad-
vanced upon his enemy in Bohemia. In the Low
Countries, Spinola collected a veteran army of thirty thousand
men. When Edmonds, the king's resident at Brussels, made
remonstrances to the Archduke Albert, he was answered that
the orders for this armament had been transmitted to Spinola
from Madrid, and that he alone knew the secret destination
of it. Spinola again told the minister that his orders were
still sealed, but if Edmonds would accompany him in his
march to Coblentz, he would there open them and give him
full satisfaction.” It was more easy to see his intentions than
to prevent their success. Almost at one time it was known
in England that Frederick, being defeated in the great and
decisive battle of Prague, had fled with his family into Hol-
Loss of the land, and that Spinola had invaded the Palatinate,
** and, meeting with no resistance, except from some
1620.
* Rushworth, vol. i. p. 12, 13. * Franklyn, p. 48.
* Franklyn, p. 44. Rushworth, vol. i. p. 14.
CH. XLVIII. JAMES I. 325
princes of the union, and from one English regiment of two
thousand four hundred men, commanded by the brave Sir
Horace Vere," had, in a little time, reduced the greater part
of that principality. . .
High were now the murmurs and complaints against the
king's neutrality and inactive disposition. The happiness
and tranquillity of their own country became distasteful to
the English, when they reflected on the grievances and dis-
tresses of their Protestant brethren in Germany. They con-
sidered not that their interposition in the wars of the Conti-
nent, though agreeable to religious zeal, could not, at that
time, be justified by any sound maxims of politics; that, how-
ever exorbitant the Austrian greatness, the danger was still
too distant to give any just alarm to England; that mighty
resistance would yet be made by so many potent and warlike
princes and states in Germany ere they would yield their
neck to the yoke; that France, now engaged to contract a
double alliance with the Austrian family, must necessarily be
soon roused from her lethargy, and oppose the progress of so
hated a rival; that in the further advance of conquests even
the interests of the two branches of that ambitious family
must interfere and beget mutual jealousy and opposition;
that a land-war carried on at Such a distance would waste the
blood and treasure of the English nation, without any hopes
of success; that a sea-war, indeed, might be both safe and suc-
cessful against Spain, but would not affect the enemy in such
vital parts as to make them stop their career of success in
Germany, and abandon all their acquisitions; and that the
prospect of recovering the Palatinate being at present desper-
ate, the affair was reduced to this simple question, Whether
peace and commerce with Spain, or the uncertain hopes of
plunder and of conquest in the Indies, were preferable —a
question which, at the beginning of the king's reign, had al-
ready been decided, and perhaps with reason, in favor of the
former advantages.
James might have defended his pacific measures by such
* Franklyn, p. 42, 43. Rushworth, vol. i. p. 15. Kennet, p. 723.
326 IIISTORY OF ENGLAND. CH. XLVIII.
plausible arguments; but these, though the chief, seem not to
Negotiations have been the sole motives which swayed him. He
** had entertained the notion that, as his own justice
and moderation had shone out so conspicuously throughout
all these transactions, the whole house of Austria, though not
awed by the power of England, would willingly, from mere
respect to his virtue, submit themselves to so equitable an ar-
bitration. He flattered himself that after he had formed an
intimate connection with the Spanish monarch by means of
his son's marriage, the restitution of the Palatinate might be
procured from the motive alone of friendship and personal
attachment. He perceived not that his inactive virtue, the
more it was extolled, the greater disregard was it exposed to.
Pſe was not sensible that the Spanish match was itself attend-
ed with such difficulties that all his art of negotiation would
scarcely be able to surmount them; much less that this match
could, in good policy, be depended on as the means of procur-
ing such extraordinary advantages. His unwarlike disposi-
tion, increased by age, riveted him still faster in his errors,
and determined him to seek the restoration of his son-in-
law, by remonstrances and entreaties, by arguments and em-
bassies, rather than by blood and violence. And the same
defect of courage which held him in awe of foreign nations
made him likewise afraid of shocking the prejudices of his
own subjects, and kept him from openly avowing the meas-
ures which he was determined to pursue. Or, perhaps, he
hoped to turn these prejudices to account, and by their
means engage his people to furnish him with supplies, of
which their excessive frugality had hitherto made them so
sparing and reserved."
He first tried the expedient of a benevolence or free gift
from individuals; pretending the urgency of the case, which
would not admit of leisure for any other measure; but the
jealousy of liberty was now roused, and the nation regarded
these pretended benevolences as real extortions, contrary to
law and dangerous to freedom, however authorized by ancient
* Franklyn, p. 47. Rushworth, vol. i. p. 21.
CH. XLVIII. JAMES I. 327
precedent. A Parliament was found to be the only resource
Aparliament which could furnish any large supplies, and writs
were accordingly issued for Summoning that great
council of the nation.” - -
In this Parliament there appeared, at first, nothing but duty
and submission on the part of the Commous; and they seem-
ed determined to sacrifice everything in order to maintain a
good correspondence with their prince. They would allow
no mention to be made of the new customs or impositions
which had been so eagerly disputed in the former Parlia-
ment;" the imprisonment of the members of that Parliament
was here, by some, complained of; but, by the authority of the
graver and more prudent part of the House, that grievance
was buried in oblivion;” and, being informed that the king
had remitted several considerable sums to the Palatine, the
Commons, without a negative, voted him two subsidies,” and
that, too, at the very beginning of the session, contrary to the
maxims frequently adopted by their predecessors.
Afterwards they proceeded, but in a very temperate manner,
to the examination of grievances. They found that patents had
been granted to Sir Giles Mompesson and Sir Francis Michel
for licensing inns and ale-houses; that great sums of money
had been exacted under pretext of these licenses; and that
such innkeepers as presumed to continue their business with-
out satisfying the rapacity of the patentees had been severely
punished by fine, imprisonment, and vexatious prosecutions.
The same persons had also procured a patent, which they
shared with Sir Edward Williers, brother to Buckingham, for.
the sole making of gold and silver thread and lace, and had
obtained very extraordinary powers for preventing any rival-
ship in these manufactures: they were armed with authority
to search for all goods which might interfere with their pat-
ent, and even to punish, at their own will and discretion, the
makers, importers, and venders of such commodities. Many
had grievously suffered by this exorbitant jurisdiction; and
1621. June 6.
*
* See note [LL] at the end of the volume. * Journal, December 5, 1621.
* Journal, February 12, 16, 1620. * Journal, February 16, 1620.
328 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. CH, XLVIII.
the lace which had been manufactured by the patentees was
universally found to be adulterated, and to be composed more
of copper than of the precious metals.
These grievances the Commons represented to the king;
and they met with a very gracious and very cordial reception.
He seemed even thankful for the information given him, and
declared himself ashamed that such abuses, unknowingly to
him, had crept into his administration. “I assure you,” said
he, “had I before heard these things complained of, I would
have done the office of a just king, and out of Parliament
have punished them as severely, and peradventure more than
you now intend to do.” A sentence was passed for the pun-
ishment of Michel and Mompesson.” It was executed on the
former. The latter broke prison and escaped. Williers was
at that time sent purposely on a foreign employment; and his
guilt, being less enormous or less apparent than that of the
others, he was the more easily protected by the credit of his
brother, Buckingham.”
Encouraged by this success, the Commons carried their scru-
tiny, and still with a respectful hand, into other abuses of im-
portance. The great seal was at that time in the
hands of the celebrated Bacon, created Wiscount St.
Alban's—a man universally admired for the greatness of his
genius, and beloved for the courteousness and humanity of his
behavior. He was the great Ornament of his age and nation,
and naught was wanting to render him the Ornament of human
nature itself but that strength of mind which might check his
intemperate desire of preferment, that could add nothing to
his dignity and might restrain his profuse inclination to ex-
pense, that could be requisite neither for his honor nor enter-
Eacon's fall.
* Franklyn, p. 51. Rushworth, vol. i. p. 25.
* Franklyn, p. 52. Rushworth, vol. i. p. 27.
* Yelverton, the attorney-general, was accused by the Commons for drawing the
patents for these monopolies, and for supporting them. He apologized for him-
self that he was forced by Buckingham, and that he supposed it to be the king's
pleasure. The Lords were so offended at these articles of defence, though neces-
sary to the attorney-general, that they fined him ten thousand pounds to the king,
five thousand to the duke. The fines, however, were afterwards remitted. Frank-
lyn, p. 55. Rushworth, vol. i. p. 31, 32, etc.
Cit. XLVIII. JAMES I. - 329
tainment. His want of economy and his indulgence to ser-
vants had involved him in necessities, and, in order to supply
his prodigality, he had been tempted to take bribes by the title
of presents, and that in a yery open manner, from suitors in
chancery. It appears that it had been usual for former chancel-
lors to take presents, and it is pretended that Bacon, who fol-
lowed the same dangerous practice, had still, in the seat of jus-
tice, preserved the integrity of a judge, and had given just de-
crees against those very persons from whom he had received the
wages of iniquity. Complaints rose the louder on that account,
and at last reached the House of Commons, who sent up an im-
peachment against him to the Peers. The chancellor, conscious
of guilt, deprecated the vengeance of his judges, and endeavor-
ed, by a general avowal, to escape the confusion of a stricter
inquiry. The Lords insisted on a particular confession of all
his corruptions. He acknowledged twenty-eight articles, and
was sentenced to pay a fine of forty thousand pounds, to be im-
prisoned in the Tower during the king's pleasure, to be forever
incapable of any office, place, or employment, and never again
to sit in Parliament or come within the verge of the court.
This dreadful sentence—dreadful to a man of nice sensibility
to honor—he survived five years; and, being released in a little
time from the Tower, his genius, yet unbroken, supported it-
self amid involved circumstances and a depressed spirit, and
shone out in literary productions which have made his guilt
or weaknesses be forgotten or overlooked by posterity. In
consideration of his great merit the king remitted his fine as
well as all the other parts of his sentence, conferred on him a
large pension of eighteen hundred pounds a year, and employ-
ed every expedient to alleviate the weight of his age and mis-
fortunes. And that great philosopher at last acknowledged
with regret that he had too long neglected the true ambition
of a fine genius, and, by plunging into business and affairs
which require much less capacity, but greater firmness of mind,
than the pursuits of learning, had exposed himself to such
grievous calamities.”
* It is thought that appeals from chancery to the House of Peers first came into
330 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. CH. XLVIII.
The Commons had entertained the idea that they were the
great patrons of the people, and that the redress of all griev-
ances must proceed from them; and to this principle they
were chiefly beholden for the regard and consideration of the
public. In the execution of this office they now kept their
ears open to complaints of every kind; and they carried their
researches into many grievances, which, though of no great
importance, could not be touched on without sensibly affect-
ing the king and his ministers. The prerogative seemed
every moment to be invaded; the king's authority, in every
article, was disputed; and James, who was willing to correct
the abuses of his power, would not submit to have his power
itself questioned and denied. After the House, therefore, had
sitten near six months, and had as yet brought no considerable
business to a full conclusion, the king resolved, under pretence
of the advanced season, to interrupt their proceedings; and
he sent them word that he was determined in a little time to
adjourn them till next winter. The Commons made applica-
tion to the Lords, and desired them to join in a petition for
delaying the adjournment, which was refused by the Upper
Bouse. The king regarded this project of a joint petition as
an attempt to force him from his measures; he thanked the
Peers for their refusal to concur in it, and told them that, if
it were their desire, he would delay the adjournment, but
would not so far comply with the request of the Lower
House.” And thus, in these great national affairs, the same
peewishness which in private altercations often raises a quar-
rel from the smallest beginnings produced a mutual coldness
and disgust between the king and the Commons.
During the recess of Parliament, the king used every meas-
ure to render himself popular with the nation, and to ap-
Rupture be pease the rising ill-humor of its representatives.
i...ºne He had voluntarily offered the Parliament to cir-
king and the •
* cumscribe his own prerogative, and to abrogate for
practice while Bacon held the great seal. Appeals under the form of writs of
error had long before lain against the courts of law. Blackstone's Comm. vol. iii.
p. 454. * Rushworth, vol. i. p. 35.
CH. XLVIII. JAMES I. - 331
the future his power of granting monopolies. He now recall-
ed all the patents of that kind, and redressed every article of
grievance, to the number of thirty-seven, which had ever been
complained of in the House of Commons.” But he gained
not the end which he proposed. The disgust, which had ap-
peared at parting, could not so suddenly be dispelled. He
had likewise been so imprudent as to commit to prison Sir
Edwin Sandys,” without any known cause besides his activity
and vigor in discharging his duty as a member of Parliament.
And, above all, the transactions in Germany were sufficient,
when joined to the king's cautions, negotiations, and delays,
to inflame that jealousy of honor and religion which prevailed
throughout the nation.” This summer, the ban of the em-
pire had been published against the Elector-Palatine; and the
execution of it was committed to the Duke of Bavaria.” The
Upper Palatinate was in a little time conquered by that prince,
and measures were taken in the empire for bestowing on him
the electoral dignity, of which the Palatine was then despoil-
ed. Frederick now lived with his numerous family in pov-
erty and distress, either in Holland or at Sedan, with his uncle
the Duke of Bouillon; and throughout all the new conquests,
in both the palatinates as well as in Bohemia, Austria, and
Lusatia, the progress of the Austrian arms was attended with
rigors and severities, exercised against the professors of the
reformed religion.
The zeal of the Commons immediately moved them, upon
* Rushworth, vol. i. p. 36. Kennet, p. 733. * Journal, 1st December, 1621.
*To show to what degree the nation was inflamed with regard to the Palatinate,
there occurs a remarkable story this session. One Floyd, a prisoner in the Fleet,
a Catholic, had dropped some expressions, in private conversation, as if he were
pleased with the misfortunes of the Palatine and his wife. The Commons were
in a flame, and, pretending to be a court of judicature and of record, proceeded to
condemn him to a severe punishment. The House of Lords checked this en-
croachment; and, what was extraordinary, considering the present humor of the
Iower House, the latter acquiesced in the sentiments of the Peers. This is almost
the only pretension of the English Commons in which they have not prevailed.
Happily for the nation, they have been successful in almost all their other claims.
See Parliamentary History, vol. v. p. 428,429, etc. Journal, 4th, 8th, 12th May,
1621. * Franklyn, p. 73.
332 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. CH. XLVIII.
their assembling, to take all these transactions into considera-
tion. They framed a remonstrance, which they in-
tended to carry to the king. They represented that
the enormous growth of the Austrian power threatened the
liberties of Europe; that the progress of the Catholic religion
in England bred the most melancholy apprehensions lest it
should again acquire an ascendant in the kingdom; that the
indulgence of his majesty towards the professors of that relig-
ion had encouraged their insolence and temerity; that the un-
controlled conquests made by the Austrian family in Ger-
many raised mighty expectations in the English papists; but,
above all, that the prospect of the Spanish match elevated
them so far as to hope for an entire toleration, if not the final
re-establishment, of their religion. The Commons, therefore,
entreated his majesty that he would immediately undertake
the defence of the Palatinate, and maintain it by force of arms;
that he would turn his sword against Spain, whose armies and
treasures were the chief support of the Catholic interest in
Europe; that he would enter into no negotiation for the
marriage of his son but with a Protestant princess; that the
children of popish recusants should be taken from their par-
ents, and be committed to the care of Protestant teachers and
schoolmasters; and that the fines and confiscations to which
the Catholics were by law liable should be levied with the ut-
most severity.” -
By this bold step, unprecedented in England for many years,
and scarcely ever heard of in peaceable times, the Commons
attacked at once all the king's favorite maxims of govern-
ment, his cautious and pacific measures, his lenity towards the
Romish religion, and his attachment to the Spanish alliance,
from which he promised himself such mighty advantages.
But what most disgusted him was their seeming invasion of
his prerogative, and their pretending, under color of advice,
to direct his conduct in such points as had ever been acknowl-
edged to belong solely to the management and direction of the
sovereign. He was at that time absent at Newmarket; but
November 14,
* Franklyn, p. 58, 59. Rushworth, vol. i. p. 40, 41. Rennet, p. 737.
CH. XLVIII. JAMES I. 333
as soon as he heard of the intended remonstrance of the Com-
mons, he wrote a letter to the speaker, in which he sharply
rebuked the House for openly debating matters far above
their reach and capacity, and he strictly forbade them to med-
dle with anything that regarded his government or deep mat-
ters of state, and especially not to touch on his son’s marriage
with the daughter of Spain, nor to attack the honor of that
king, or any other of his friends and confederates. In order
the more to intimidate them, he mentioned the imprisonment
of Sir Edwin Sandys; and though he denied that the confine-
ment of that member had been owing to any offence commit-
ted in the House, he plainly told them that he thought him-
self fully entitled to punish every misdemeanor in Parliament,
as well during its sitting as after its dissolution; and that he
intended thenceforward to chastise any man whose insolent
behavior there should minister occasion of offence.”
This violent letter, in which the king, though he here imi-
tated former precedents, may be thought not to have acted
altogether on the defensive, had the effect which might natu-
rally have been expected from it—the Commons were in-
flamed, not terrified. Secure of their own popularity, and of
the bent of the nation towards a war with the Catholics abroad,
and the persecution of popery at home, they little dreaded the
menaces of a prince who was unsupported by military force,
and whose gentle temper would of itself so soon disarm his
severity. In a new remonstrance, therefore, they still insist-
ed on their former remonstrance and advice, and they main-
tained, though in respectful terms, that they were entitled to
interpose with their counsel in all matters of government;
that to possess entire freedom of speech, in their debates on
public business, was their ancient and undoubted right, and
an inheritance transmitted to them from their ancestors; and
“that if any member abused this liberty, it belonged to the
House alone, who were witnesses of his offence, to inflict a
proper censure upon him.”
* Franklyn, p. 60. Rushworth, vol. i. p. 43. Kennet, p. 741.
* Franklyn, p. 60. Tushworth, vol. i. p. 44. Kennet, p. 741.
334 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. Ch. XLVIII.
So vigorous an answer was nowise calculated to appease the
king. It is said, when the approach of the committee who
were to present it was notified to him, he ordered twelve
chairs to be brought, for that there were so many kings a-com-
ing.” His answer was prompt and sharp. He told the House
that their remonstrance was more like a denunciation of war
than an address of dutiful subjects; that their pretensions to
inquire into all state affairs, without exception, was such a ple-
nipotence as none of their ancestors, even during the reign of
the weakest princes, had ever pretended to ; that public trans-
actions depended on a complication of views and intelligence
with which they were entirely unacquainted; that they could
not better show their wisdom as well as duty than by keeping
within their proper sphere;” and that in any business which
depended on his prerogative they had no title to interpose
with their advice, except when he was pleased to desire it; and
he concluded with these memorable words: “And though we
cannot allow of your style in mentioning your ancient and
undoubted right and inheritance, but would rather have wish-
ed that ye had said that your privileges were derived from the
grace and permission of our ancestors, and us (for the most
of them grew from precedents, which shows rather a tolera-
tion than inheritance), yet we are pleased to give you our roy-
al assurance that as long as you contain yourselves within the
limits of your duty we will be as careful to maintain and pre-
serve your lawful liberties and privileges as ever any of our
predecessors were—nay, as to preserve our own royal prerog-
ative.”” $º -
This open pretension of the king naturally gave great
alarm to the House of Commons. They saw their title to
every privilege, if not plainly denied, yet considered at least
December is as precarious. It might be forfeited by abuse, and
Protestation they had already abused it. They thought prop-
f th 4-º º e t
.* er, therefore, immediately to oppose pretension to
* Kennet, p. 43.
* Ne Sutor ultra crepidam. This expression is imagined to be insolent and
disobliging; but it was a Latin proverb familiarly used on all occasions.
* Franklyn, p. 62, 63, 64. Rushworth, vol. i. p. 46, 47, etc. Kennet, p. 743.
CH. XLVIII. t JAMES I. - 335
pretension; they framed a protestation in which they repeat-
ed all their former claims for freedom of speech, and an un-
bounded authority to interpose with their advice and coun-
sel; and they asserted that “the liberties, franchises, priv-
ileges, and jurisdictions of Parliament are the ancient and
undoubted birthright and inheritance of the subjects of Eng-
land.” “” - - -
The king, informed of these increasing heats and jealousies
in the House, hurried to town. He sent immediately for the
journals of the Commons; and, with his own hand, before
the council, he tore out this protestation,” and ordered his
reasons to be inserted in the council book. He was doubly
displeased, he said, with the protestation of the Lower House,
on account of the manner of framing it, as well as of the
matter which it contained. It was tumultuously voted at
a late hour, and in a thin House, and it was expressed in
such general and ambiguous terms as might serve for a
foundation to the most enormous claims and to the most
unwarrantable usurpations upon his prerogative.”
The meeting of the House might have proved dangerous
after so violent a breach. It was no longer possible, while
men were in such a temper, to finish any business. The
king, therefore, prorogued the Parliament, and soon after
dissolved it by proclamation, in which he also made an
apology to the public for his whole conduct.
The leading members of the House, Sir Edward Coke and
Sir Robert Philips, were committed to the Tower; Selden,
Pym, and Mallory, to other prisons." As a lighter punish-
ment, Sir Dudley Digges, Sir Thomas Carew, Sir Nathaniel
Rich, Sir James Perrot, joined in commission with others,
were sent to Ireland, in order to execute some business.”
The king, at that time, enjoyed, at least exercised, the pre-
rogative of employing any man, even without his consent,
in any branch of public service.
* See note [MM) at the end of the volume. *Journal, December 18, 1621.
* Franklyn, p. 65. * Franklyn, p. 66, Rushworth, vol. i. p. 55.
* Franklyn, p. 66. Rushworth, vol. i. p. 55.
336 HISTORY OF ENGLAND, Ch. XLVIII.
Sir John Savile, a powerful man in the House of Com-
mons, and a zealous opponent of the court, was made comp-
troller of the household, a privy-councillor, and soon after a
baron.” This event is memorable, as being the first instance,
perhaps, in the whole history of England, of any king's ad-
vancing a man on account of parliamentary interest and of
opposition to his measures. However irregular this practice,
it will be regarded by political reasoners as one of the most
early and most infallible symptoms of a regular established
liberty.
The king having thus, with so rash and indiscreet a hand,
torn off that sacred veil which had hitherto covered the
English constitution, and which threw an obscurity upon
it so advantageous to royal prerogative, every man began
to indulge himself in political reasonings and inquiries; and
the same factions which commenced in Parliament were prop-
agated throughout the nation. In vain did James by reit-
erated proclamations forbid the discoursing of state affairs.”
Such proclamations, if they had any effect, served rather to
inflame the curiosity of the public ; and, in every company
or society, the late transactions became the subject of argu-
ment and debate.
All history, said the partisans of the court, as well as the
history of England, justify the king's position with regard
to the origin of popular privileges; and every reasonable
man must allow that as monarchy is the most simple form
of government, it must first have occurred to rude and unin-
structed mankind. The other complicated and artificial ad-
ditions were the successive invention of sovereigns and leg-
islators; or, if they were obtruded on the prince by sedi-
tious subjects, their origin must appear, on that very account,
still more precarious and unfavorable. In England, the au-
thority of the king, in all the exterior forms of government,
* Kennet, p. 749. -
* Franklyn, p. 56. Rushworth, vol. i. p. 21, 36, 55. The king also, in imita-
tion of his predecessors, gave rules to preachers. Franklyn, p. 70. The pulpit
was at that time much more dangerous than the press. Few people could read,
and still fewer were in the practice of reading.
CH. XLVIII. JAMES I. 337
and in the common style of law, appears totally absolute and
sovereign ; nor does the real spirit of the constitution, as it
has ever discovered itself in practice, fall much short of these
appearances. The Parliament is created by his will; by his
will it is dissolved. It is his will alone, though at the desire
of both Houses, which gives authority to laws. To all for-
eign nations the majesty of the monarch seems to merit sole
attention and regard ; and no subject who has exposed him.
self to royal indignation can hope to live with safety in the
kingdom; nor can he even leave it, according to law, without
the consent of his master. If a magistrate, environed with
such power and splendor, should consider his authority as
Sacred, and regard himself as the anointed of Heaven, his
pretensions may bear a very favorable construction; or, al-
lowing them to be merely pious frauds, we need not be sur-
prised that the same stratagem which was practised by
Minos, Numa, and the most celebrated legislators of an-
tiquity, should now, in these restless and inquisitive times,
be employed by the King of England. Subjects are not
raised above that quality, though assembled in Parliament.
The same humble respect and deference is still due to their
prince. Though he indulges them in the privilege of lay-
ing before him their domestic grievances, with which they
are supposed to be best acquainted, this warrants not their
bold intrusion into every province of government. And to
all judicious examiners it must appear “that the lines of
duty are as much transgressed by a more independent and
less respectful exercise of acknowledged powers as by the
usurpation of such as are new and unusual.”
The lovers of liberty throughout the nation reasoned after
a different manner. It is in vain, said they, that the king
traces up the English government to its first origin, in order
to represent the privileges of Parliament as dependent and
precarious; prescription, and the practice of so many ages,
must, long ere this time, have given a sanction to these as-
semblies, even though they had been derived from an origin
no more dignified than that which he assigns them. If the
written records of the English nation, as asserted, represent
IV.—22
338 - HISTORY OF ENGLAND. CII. XLVIII.
parliaments to have arisen from the consent of monarchs,
the principles of human nature, when we trace government
a step higher, must show us that monarchs themselves owe
all their authority to the voluntary submission of the people.
But, in fact, no age can be shown when the English govern-
ment was altogether an unmixed monarchy; and if the priv-
ileges of the nation have, at any period, been overpowered by
violent irruptions of foreign force or domestic usurpation,
the generous spirit of the people has ever seized the first op-
portunity of re-establishing the ancient government and con-
stitution. Though in the style of the laws, and in the usual
forms of administration, royal authority may be represented
as sacred and Supreme, whatever is essential to the exercise
of sovereign and legislative power must still be regarded as
equally divine and inviolable ; or if any distinction be made
in this respect, the preference is Surely due to those national
councils by whose interposition the exorbitances of tyrannical
power are restrained, and that Sacred liberty is preserved
which heroic spirits, in all ages, have deemed more precious
than life itself. Nor is it sufficient to say that the mild and
equitable administration of James affords little occasion, or
no occasion, of complaint. How moderate soever the exer-
cise of his prerogative, how exact soever his observance of
the laws and constitution, “if he founds his authority on
arbitrary and dangerous principles, it is requisite to watch
him with the same care, and to oppose him with the same
vigor, as if he had indulged himself in all the excesses of
cruelty and tyranny.”
Amid these disputes, the wise and moderate in the nation
endeavored to preserve, as much as possible, an equitable
neutrality between the opposite parties; and the more they
reflected on the course of public affairs, the greater difficulty
they found in fixing just sentiments with regard to them.
On the one hand, they regarded the very rise of parties as a
happy prognostic of the establishment of liberty; nor could
they ever expect to enjoy, in a mixed government, so valua-
ble a blessing without suffering that inconvenience which,
in such governments, has ever attended it. But when they
CH. XLVIII. : JAMES I. 339
considered on the other hand, the necessary aims and pursuits
of both parties, they were struck with apprehension of the
consequences, and could discover no feasible plan of accom-
modation between them. From long practice, the crown
was now possessed of So exorbitant a prerogative that it
was not sufficient for liberty to remain on the defensive, or
endeavor to secure the little ground which was left her; it
was become necessary to carry on an offensive war, and to
circumscribe within more narrow as well as more exact
bounds the authority of the sovereign. Upon such provo-
cation, it could not but happen that the prince, however just
and moderate, would endeavor to repress his opponents; and,
as he stood upon the very brink of arbitrary power, it was to
be feared that he would hastily and unknowingly pass those
limits which were not precisely marked by the constitution.
The turbulent government of England, ever fluctuating be-
tween privilege and prerogative, would afford a variety of
precedents, which might be pleaded on both sides. In such
delicaté questions, the people must be divided ; the arms of
the state were still in their hands; a civil war must ensue—
a civil war where no party or both parties would justly bear
the blame, and where the good and virtuous would scarcely
know what vows to form, were it not that liberty, so neces-
sary to the perfection of human society, would be sufficient
to bias their affections towards the side of its defenders.
340 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. CH. XLIX.
CHAPTER XLIX.
Negotiations with regard to the Marriage and the Palatinate.—Character of
Buckingham.—Prince's Journey to Spain.—Marriage Treaty Broken.—A Par-
liament.—Return of Bristol.—Rupture with Spain.-Treaty with France.—
Mansfeldt's Expedition.—Death of the King.—His Character.
To wrest the Palatinate from the hands of the emperor and
the Duke of Bavaria must always have been regarded as a
1892. Nego difficult task for the power of England, conducted
i.º.º. by so unwarlike a prince as James: it was plainly
jº" impossible while the breach subsisted between him
Inate. and the Commons. The king's negotiations, there-
fore, had they been managed with ever so great dexterity,
must now carry less weight with them; and it was easy to
elude all his applications. When Lord Digby, his ambassador
to the emperor, had desired a cessation of hostilities, he was
referred to the Duke of Bavaria, who commanded the Aus-
trian armies. The Duke of Bavaria told him that it was en-
tirely superfluous to form any treaty for that purpose. “EIos-
tilities are already ceased,” said he ; “and I doubt not but I
shall be able to prevent their revival by keeping firm pos-
Session of the Palatinate till a final agreement shall be con-
cluded between the contending parties.” Notwithstanding
this insult, James endeavored to resume with the emperor a
treaty of accommodation; and he opened the negotiations at
Brussels, under the mediation of Archduke Albert; and after
his death, which happened about this time, under that of the in-
fanta. When the conferences were entered upon, it was found
that the powers of these princes to determine in the contro-
versy were not sufficient or satisfactory. Schwartzenbourg,
the imperial minister, was expected at London, and it was
* Franklyn, p. 57. Rushworth, vol. i. p. 38.
CII. XLIX. JAMES I. - 341
hoped that he would bring more ample authority: his com-
mission referred entirely to the negotiation at Brussels. It
was not difficult for the king to perceive that his applications
were neglected by the emperor; but as he had no choice of
any other expedient, and it seemed the interest of his son-in-
law to keep alive his pretensions, he was still content to fol-
low Ferdinand through all his shifts and evasions. Nor was
he entirely discouraged, even when the imperial diet at Ratis-
bon, by the influence, or rather authority, of the emperor,
though contrary to the protestation of Saxony and of all the
Protestant princes and cities, had transferred the electoral dig-
nity from the Palatine to the Duke of Bavaria. -
Meanwhile, the efforts made by Frederick for the recovery
of his dominions were vigorous. Three armies were levied
in Germany by his authority, under three commanders—Duke
Christian of Brunswick, the Prince of Baden-Dourlach, and
Count Mansfeldt. The two former generals were defeated
by Count Tilly and the imperialists; the third, though much
inferior in force to his enemies, still maintained the war, but
with no equal supplies of money either from the Palatine or
the King of England. It was chiefly by pillage and free
quarters in the Palatinate that he subsisted his army. As the
Austrians were regularly paid, they were kept in more exact
discipline; and James justly became apprehensive lest so un-
equal a contest, besides ravaging the Palatine's hereditary
dominions, would end in the total alienation of the people's
affections from their ancient sovereign, by whom they were
plundered, and in an attachment to their new masters, by
whom they were protected.” He persuaded, therefore, his son-
in-law to disarm, under color of duty and submission to the
emperor; and, accordingly, Mansfeldt was dismissed from the
Palatine's service, and that famous general withdrew his
army into the Low Countries, and there received a commis-
sion from the States of the United Provinces.
To show how little account was made of James's negotia-
tions abroad, there is a pleasantry mentioned by all historians,
* Parliamentary History, vol. v. p. 484.
342 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. CII. XLIX.
which for that reason shall have place here. In a farce acted
at Brussels, a courier was introduced carrying the doleful news
that the Palatinate would be soon wrested from the house of
Austria, so powerful were the succors which, from all quar-
ters, were hastening to the relief of the despoiled Elector: the
King of Denmark had agreed to contribute to his assistance
a hundred thousand pickled herrings, the Dutch a hundred
thousand butter-boxes, and the King of England a hundred
thousand ambassadors. On other occasions he was painted
with a scabbard, but without a sword, or with a sword which
nobody could draw, though several were pulling at it.”
It was not from his negotiations with the emperor or the
Duke of Bavaria that James expected any success in his proj-
ect of restoring the Palatine: his eyes were entirely turned
towards Spain; and if he could effect his son's marriage with
the infanta, he doubted not but that, after so intimate a con-
junction, this other point could easily be obtained. The ne-
gotiations of that court being commonly dilatory, it was not
easy for a prince of so little penetration in business to distin-
guish whether the difficulties which occurred were real or af.
fected ; and he was surprised, after negotiating five years on
so simple a demand, that he was not more advanced than at
the beginning. A dispensation from Rome was requisite for
the marriage of the infanta with a Protestant prince; and the
King of Spain, having undertaken to procure that dispensa-
tion, had thereby acquired the means of retarding at pleasure
or of forwarding the marriage, and at the same time of con-
cealing entirely his artifices from the court of England.
In order to remove all obstacles, James despatched Digby,
soon after created Earl of Bristol, as his ambassador to Philip
IV., who had lately succeeded his father in the crown of Spain.
He secretly employed Gage as his agent at Tome; and find-
ing that the difference of religion was the principal, if not the
sole, difficulty which retarded the marriage, he resolved to
soften that objection as much as possible. He issued public
orders for discharging all popish recusants who were impris-
* IXennet, p. 749.
CII. XLIX. JAMES I. . . . 343
oned; and it was daily apprehended that he would forbid, for
the future, the execution of the penal laws enacted against
them. For this step, so opposite to the rigid spirit of his sub-
jects, he took care to apologize; and he even endeavored to
ascribe it to his great zeal for the reformed religion. He had
been making applications, he said, to all foreign princes for
some indulgence to the distressed Protestants; and he was
still anwered by objections derived from the severity of the
English laws against Catholics." It might indeed occur to him
that if the extremity of religious zeal were ever to abate
among Christian sects, one of them must begin ; and nothing
would be more honorable for England than to have led the
way in sentiments so wise and moderate.
Not only the religious Puritans murmured at this tolerating
measure of the king; the lovers of civil liberty were alarmed
at so important an exertion of prerogative. But, among other
dangerous articles of authority, the Kings of England were at
that time possessed of the dispensing power; at least, were in
the constant practice of exercising it. Besides, though the
royal prerogative in civil matters was then extensive, the
princes, during some late reigns, had been accustomed to as-
sume a still greater in ecclesiastical; and the king failed not
to represent the toleration of Catholics as a measure entirely
of that nature. -
By James's concession in favor of the Catholics, he attained
his end. The same religious motives which had hitherto ren-
dered the court of Madrid insincere in all the steps taken with
regard to the marriage were now the chief cause of promot-
ing it. By its means it was there hoped the English Cath-
olics would for the future enjoy ease and indulgence, and the
infanta would be the happy instrument of procuring to the
Church some tranquillity, after the many severe persecutions
which it had hitherto undergone. The Earl of Bristol, a min-
ister of vigilance and penetration, and who had formerly op-
posed all alliance with Catholics," was now fully convinced of
the sincerity of Spain; and he was ready to congratulate the
“Franklyn, p. 69. Rushworth, vol. i. p. 63. * Rushworth, vol. i. p. 292.
344 re IIISTORY OF ENGLAND. CII. XIIX.
king on the entire completion of his views and projects." A
daughter of Spain, whom he represents as extremely accom-
plished, would soon, he said, arrive in England, and bring with
her an immense fortune of two millions of pieces of eight, or
six hundred thousand pounds sterling—a sum four times
greater than Spain had ever before given with any princess,
and almost equal to all the money which the Parliament, dur-
ing the whole course of this reign, had hitherto granted to the
king. T3ut what was of more importance to James's honor
and happiness, Bristol considered this match as an infallible
prognostic of the Palatine’s restoration; nor would Philip, he
thought, ever have bestowed his sister and so large a fortune
under the prospect of entering next day into a war with Eng.
land. So exact was his intelligence that the most secret coun-
sels of the Spaniards, he boasts, had never escaped him;’ and
he found that they had all along considered the marriage of
the infanta and the restitution of the Palatinate as measures
closely connected or altogether inseparable.” IIowever little
calculated James's character to extort so vast a concession,
however improper the measures which he had pursued for at-
taining that end, the ambassador could not withstand the plain
evidence of facts by which Philip now demonstrated his
sincerity. Perhaps, too, like a wise man, he considered that
reasons of state, which are supposed solely to influence the
councils of monarchs, are not always the motives which there
predominate; that the milder views of gratitude, honor, friend-
ship, generosity, are frequently able, among princes as well as
private persons, to counterbalance these selfish considerations;
that the justice and moderation of James had been so con-
spicuous in all these transactions, his reliance on Spain, his
confidence in her friendship, that he had at last obtained the
cordial alliance of that nation, so celebrated for honor and
fidelity: or if politics must still be supposed the ruling motive
" Rushworth, vol. i. p. 69. " Rushworth, vol. i. p. 272.
* We find by private letters between l’hilip IV. and the Conde Olivarez, shown
by the latter to Buckingham, that the marriage and the restitution of the Palati-
nate were always considered by the court of Spain as inseparable. See Franklyn,
p. 71, 72. Rushworth, vol. i. p. 71, 280, 299, 300. Parl. Hist. vol. vi. p. 66.
CII. XLIX, r JAMES I. . 345
of all public measures, the maritime power of England was so
considerable, and the Spanish dominions so divided, as might
well induce the council of Philip to think that a sincere friend-
ship with the masters of the Sea could not be purchased by too
great concessions." And as James, during so many years, had
been allured and Seduced by hopes and protestations, his peo-
ple enraged by delays and disappointments, it would probably
occur that there was now no medium left between the most
in veterate hatred and the most intimate alliance between the
nations; not to mention that, as a new spirit began about this
time to animate the councils of France, the friendship of Eng-
land became every day more necessary to the greatness and
security of the Spanish monarch.
All measures being, therefore, agreed on between the par-
ties, naught was wanting but the dispensation from Rome,
which might be considered as a mere formality." The
king, justified by success, now exulted in his pacific coun-
Sels, and boasted of his Superior Sagacity and penetration,
when all these flattering prospects were blasted by the te-
merity of a man whom he had fondly exalted from a private
condition to be the bane of himself, of his family, and of his
people.
Ever since the fall of Somerset, Buckingham had governed,
with an uncontrolled sway, both the court and nation; and
character of could James's eyes have been opened, he had now
* full opportunity of observing how unfit his favorite
was for the high station to which he was raised. Some ac-
complishments of a courtier he possessed—of every talent of
a minister he was utterly destitute. Iſeadstrong in his pas-
sions, and incapable equally of prudence and of dissimulation;
sincere from violence rather than candor; expensive from
profusion more than generosity; a warm friend, a furious
enemy, but without any choice or discernment in either: with
these qualities he had early and quickly mounted to the high-
est rank, and partook at once of the insolence which attends
a fortune newly acquired and the impetuosity which belongs
" Franklyn, p. 72. * Rushworth, vol. i. p. 66.
346 - HISTORY OF ENGLAND. CH. XLIX.
to persons born in high stations and unacquainted with oppo-
sition. *
Among those who had experienced the arrogance of this
overgrown favorite, the Prince of Wales himself had not been
entirely spared ; and a great coldness, if not an en-
mity, had, for that reason, taken place between
them. Buckingham, desirous of an opportunity which might
connect him with the prince and overcome his aversion, and
at the same time envious of the great credit acquired by Bris-
tol in the Spanish negotiation, bethought him of an expedient
by which he might at once gratify both these inclinations.
He represented to Charles that persons of his exalted station
were peculiarly unfortunate in their marriage, the chief cir-
cumstance in life, and commonly received into their arms a
bride unknown to them, to whom they were unknown ; not
endeared by sympathy, not obliged by service; wooed by
treaties alone, by negotiations, by political interest; that, how-
ever accomplished the infanta, she must still consider herself
as a melancholy victim of state, and could not but think with
aversion of that day when she was to enter the bed of a stran-
ger, and, passing into a foreign country and a new family, bid
adieu forever to her father's house and to her native land;
that it was in the prince's power to soften all these rigors,
and lay such an obligation on her as would attach the most in-
different temper, as would warm the coldest affections; that
his journey to Madrid would be an unexpected gallantry
which would equal all the fictions of Spanish romance, and,
suiting the amorous and enterprising character of that nation,
must immediately introduce him to the princess under the
agreeable character of a devoted lover and daring adventurer;
that the negotiations with regard to the Palatinate, which had
hitherto languished in the hands of ministers, would quickly
be terminated by so illustrious an agent, seconded by the me-
diation and entreaties of the grateful infanta; that Spanish
generosity, moved by that unexampled trust and confidence,
would make concessions beyond what could be expected from
political views and considerations; and that he would quickly
return to the king with the glory of having re-established the
1623.
CH. XLIX, JAMES I. . 347
unhappy Palatine by the same enterprise which procured him
the affections and the person of the Spanish princess.”
The mind of the young prince, replete with candor, was in-
flamed by these generous and romantic ideas, suggested by
Buckingham. He agreed to make application to the king
for his approbation. They chose the moment of his kindest
and most jovial humor, and, more by the Carnestness which
they expressed than by the force of their reasons, they ob-
tained a hasty and unguarded consent to their undertaking;
and, having engaged his promise to keep their purpose Secret,
they left him in order to make preparations for the journey.
No sooner was the king alone than his temper, more cau-
tious than sanguine, suggested very different views of the
matter, and represented every difficulty and danger which
could occur. He reflected that, however the world might
pardon this sally of youth in the prince, they would never for-
give himself, who, at his years and after his experience, could
intrust his only son, the heir of his crown, the prop of his age,
to the discretion of foreigners, without so much as provid-
ing the frail security of a safe-conduct in his favor; that if
the Spanish monarch were sincere in his professions, a few
months must finish the treaty of marriage and bring the in-
fanta into England; if he were not sincere, the folly was still
more egregious of committing the prince into his hands; that
Philip, when possessed of so invaluable a pledge, might well
rise in his demands and impose harder conditions of treaty;
and that the temerity of the enterprise was so apparent that
the event, how prosperous soever, could not justify it ; and if
disastrous, it would render himself infamous to his people and
ridiculous to all posterity.”
Tormented with these reflections, as soon as the prince and
Buckingham returned for their despatches, he informed them
of all the reasons which had determined him to change his
resolution, and he begged them to desist from so foolish an
adventure. The prince received the disappointment with
sorrowful submission and silent tears; Buckingham presumed
* Clarendon, vol. i. p. 11, 12. * Clarendon, vol. i. p. 14.
348 IIISTORY OF ENGLAND. CH. XLIX.
to speak in an imperious tone, which he had ever experienced
to be prevalent over his too easy master. He told the king
that nobody for the future would believe anything he said
when he retracted so soon the promise so solemnly given ;
that he plainly discerned this change of resolution to proceed
from another breach of his word in communicating the matter
to some rascal who had furnished him with those pitiful rea-
sons which he had alleged, and he doubted not but he should
hereafter know who his counsellor had been ; and that if he
receded from what he had promised, it would be such a dis-
obligation to the prince, who had now set his heart upon the
journey after his majesty's approbation, that he could never
forget it, nor forgive any man who had been the cause of it.”
The king, with great earnestness, fortified by many oaths,
made his apology by denying that he had communicated the
matter to any ; and, finding himself assailed as well by the
boisterous importunities of Buckingham as by the warm en-
treaties of his son, whose applications had hitherto on other
occasions been always dutiful, never earnest, he had again the
weakness to assent to their purposed journey. It was agreed
that Sir Francis Cottington alone, the prince's secretary, and
Endymion Porter, gentleman of his bedchamber, should ac-
company them; and the former being at that time in the an-
techamber, he was immediately called in by the king's orders.
James told Cottington that he had always been an honest
man, and therefore he was now to trust him in an affair of
the highest importance, which he was not, upon his life, to
disclose to any man whatever. “Cottington,” added he,
“here is baby Charles and Stenny” (these ridiculous appella-
tions he usually gave to the prince and Buckingham), “who
have a great mind to go post into Spain and fetch home the
infanta: they will have but two more in their company, and
have chosen you for one. What think you of the journey ’’
Sir Francis, who was a prudent man, and had resided some
years in Spain as the king's agent, was struck with all the
obvious objections to such an enterprise, and scrupled not to
* Clarendon, vol. i. p. 16.
CH. XLIX. - JAMES I. . 349
declare them. The king threw himself upon his bed, and
cried, “I told you this before;” and fell into a new passion
and new lamentations, complaining that he was undone, and
should lose baby Charles. -
The prince showed by his countenance that he was ex-
tremely dissatisfied with Cottington's discourse, but Bucking-
ham broke into an open passion against him. The king, he
told him, asked him only of the journey, and of the manner
of travelling, particulars of which he might be a competent
judge, having gone the road so often by post; but that he,
without being called to it, had the presumption to give his
advice upon matters of state and against his master, which
he should repent as long as he lived. A thousand other re-
proaches he added, which put the poor king into a new agony
in behalf of a servant who, he foresaw, would suffer for answer-
ing him honestly. Upon which he said, with some emotion,
“Nay, by God, Stenny, you are much to blame for using him
so: he answered me directly to the question which I asked
him, and very honestly and wisely; and yet, you know, he
said no more than I told you before he was called in.” How-
ever, after all this passion on both sides, James renewed his
consent, and proper directions were given for the journey;
nor was he now at any loss to discover that the whole in-
trigue was originally contrived by Buckingham, as well as
pursued violently by his spirit and impetuosity.
These circumstances, which so well characterize the per-
Sons, seem to have been related by Cottington to Lord Claren-
don, from whom they are here transcribed; and, though mi-
nute, are not undeserving of a place in history.
The prince and Buckingham, with their two attendants,
and Sir Richard Graham, master of horse to Buckingham,
passed disguised and undiscovered through France; and they
even ventured into a court ball at Paris, where Charles saw
March 7. The the Princess Henrietta, whom he afterwards es-
łºś. poused, and who was at that time in the bloom of
youth and beauty: In eleven days after their de-
parture from London they arrived at Madrid, and surprised
everybody by a step so unusual among great princes. The
350 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. CH. XLIX.
Spanish monarch immediately paid Charles a visit, expressed
the utmost gratitude for the confidence reposed in him, and
made warm protestations of a correspondent confidence and
friendship. By the most studious civilities, he showed the
respect which he bore to his royal guest. He gave him a
golden key which opened all his apartments, that the prince
might, without any introduction, have access to him at all
hours; he took the left hand of him on every occasion, except
in the apartments assigned to Charles—for there, he said, the
prince was at home; Charles was introduced into the palace
with the same pomp and ceremony that attends the Kings of
Spain on their coronation; the council received public orders
to obey him as the king himself; Olivarez, too, though a
grandee of Spain, who has the right of being covered before
his own king, would not put on his hat in the prince's pres-
ence;” all the prisons of Spain were thrown open, and all the
prisoners received their freedom, as if the event the most hon-
orable and most fortunate had happened to the monarchy;”
and every sumptuary law with regard to apparel was suspend-
ed during Charles's residence in Spain. The infanta, how-
ever, was only shown to her lover in public, the Spanish ideas
of decency being so strict as not to allow of any further inter-
course till the arrival of the dispensation." . -
The point of honor was carried so far by that generous peo-
ple that no attempt was made, on account of the advantage
which they had acquired, of imposing any harder conditions
of treaty. Their pious zeal only prompted them, on one occa-
sion, to desire more concessions in the religious articles; but,
upon the opposition of Bristol, accompanied with some re-
proaches, they immediately desisted. The pope, however,
hearing of the prince's arrival in Madrid, tacked some new
clauses to the dispensation;" and it became necessary to trans-
mit the articles to London, that the king might ratify them.
This treaty, which was made public, consisted of several arti-
cles, chiefly regarding the exercise of the Catholic religion by
* Franklyn, p. 73. . * * Franklyn, p. 74.
* Rushworth, vol. i. p. 77. * Rushworth, vol. i. p. 84.
CH. XLIX. JAMES I. . . 351
the infanta and her household. Nothing could reasonably be
found fault with, except one article, in which the king prom-
ised that the children should be educated by the princess till
ten years of age. This condition could not be insisted on but
with a view of seasoning their minds with Catholic princi-
ples; and though so tender an age seemed a sufficient secu-
rity against theological prejudices, yet the same reason which
made the pope insert that article should have induced the
king to reject it. -
Besides the public treaty, there were separate articles, pri-
vately sworn to by the king, in which he promised to suspend
the penal laws enacted against Catholics, to procure a repeal
of them in Parliament, and to grant a toleration for the exer-
cise of the Catholic religion in private houses.” Great mur-
murs, we may believe, would have arisen against these arti-
cles, had they been made known to the public ; since we
find it to have been imputed as an enormous crime to the
prince that, having received, about this time, a very civil let-
ter from the pope, he was induced to return a very civil an-
Swer.” +
Meanwhile Gregory XV., who granted the dispensation,
died, and Urban VIII. was chosen in his place. Upon this
event the nuncio refused to deliver the dispensation till it
should be renewed by Urban ; and that crafty pontiff delayed
sending a new dispensation, in hopes that, during the prince's
residence in Spain, some expedient might be fallen upon to
effect his conversion. The King of England, as well as the
prince, became impatient. On the first hint, Charles obtained
permission to return, and Philip graced his departure with all
the circumstances of elaborate civility and respect which had
attended his reception. He even erected a pillar on the spot
where they took leave of each other, as a monument of mut-
ual friendship ; and the prince, having sworn to the observ-
ance of all the articles, entered on his journey, and embarked
on board the English fleet at St. Andero.
* Franklyn, p. 80. Rushworth, vol. i. p. 89. ICennet, p. 769.
* Rushworth, vol. i. p. 82. Franklyn, p. 77.
352 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. CH. XLIX.
The character of Charles, composed of decency, reserve,
modesty, sobriety—virtues so agreeable to the manners of the
Spaniards; the unparalleled confidence which he had reposed
in their nation; the romantic gallantry which he had prac-
tised towards their princess; all these circumstances, joined
to his youth and advantageous figure, had endeared him to
the whole court of Madrid, and had impressed the most favor-
able ideas of him.” But in the same proportion that the
prince was beloved and esteemed was Buckingham despised
and hated. His behavior, composed of English familiarity
and French vivacity; his Sallies of passion; his indecent free-
doms with the prince; his dissolute pleasures; his arrogant, im-
petuous temper, which he neither could nor cared to disguise—
qualities like these could, most of them, be esteemed nowhere,
but to the Spaniards were the objects of peculiar aversion.”
They could not conceal their surprise that such a youth could
intrude into a negotiation now conducted to a period by so
accomplished a minister as Bristol, and could assume to him-
self all the merit of it; they lamented the infanta’s fate, who
must be approached by a man whose temerity seemed to re-
spect no laws, divine or human;” and when they observed
that he had the imprudence to insult the Conde Duke of Oli-
varez, their prime minister, every one who was ambitious of
paying court to the Spanish became desirous of showing a
contempt for the English favorite.
The Duke of Buckingham told Olivarez that his own at-
tachment to the Spanish nation and to the King of Spain was
extreme, that he would contribute to every measure which
could cement the friendship between England and them, and
that his peculiar ambition would be to facilitate the prince's
marriage with the infanta; but he added, with a sincerity
equally insolent and indiscreet, “With regard to you, sir, in
particular, you must not consider me as your friend, but must
ever expect from me all possible enmity and opposition.”
The Conde Duke replied, with a becoming dignity, that he
* Franklyn, p. 80. Rushworth, vol. i. p. 103. "Rushworth, vol. i. p. 101.
* Clarendon, vol. i. p. 36. -
Cº. KLIX. - JAMES I. 353
very willingly accepted of what was proffered him; and on
these terms the favorites parted.”
Buckingham, sensible how odious he was become to the
Spaniards, and dreading the influence which that nation
would naturally acquire after the arrival of the infanta, re-
solved to employ all his credit in order to prevent the mar-
riage. By what arguments he could engage the prince to of-
fer such an insult to the Spanish nation, from whom he had
met with such generous treatment; by what colors he could
disguise the ingratitude and imprudence of such a measure—
these are totally unknown to us. We may only conjecture
that the many unavoidable causes of delay which had so long
prevented the arrival of the dispensation had afforded to
Buckingham a pretence for throwing on the Spaniards the
imputation of insincerity in the whole treaty. It also ap-
pears that his impetuous and domineering character had ac-
quired, what it ever after maintained, a total ascendant over
the gentle and modest temper of Charles; and when the
prince left Madrid he was firmly determined, notwithstand-
ing all his professions, to break off the treaty with Spain.
It is not likely that Buckingham prevailed so easily with
James to abandon a project which, during so many years, had
been the object of all his wishes, and which he had now un-
expectedly conducted to a happy period.” A rupture with
Spain, the loss of two millions, were prospects little agreeable
to this pacific and indigent monarch; but, finding his only son
bent against a match which had always been opposed by his
people and his Parliament, he yielded to difficulties which he
had not courage or strength of mind sufficient to overcome.
The prince, therefore, and Buckingham, on their arrival at
London, assumed entirely the direction of the negotiation,
and it was their business to seek for pretences, by which they
could give a color to their intended breach of treaty.
Though the restitution of the Palatinate had ever been con-
sidered by James as a natural or necessary consequence of the
* Rushworth, vol. i. p. 103. Clarendon, vol. i. p. 37.
* Hacket's Life of Williams.
IV.-23
354- HISTORY OF ENGLAND. Ch. XLIX.
Spanish alliance, he had always forbidden his ministers to in-
sist on it as a preliminary article to the conclusion of the mar-
riage treaty. He considered that this principality was now in
the hands of the emperor and the Duke of Bavaria; and that
it was no longer in the King of Spain's power, by a single
stroke of his pen, to restore it to its ancient master. The
strict alliance of Spain with these princes would engage Phil-
ip, he thought, to soften so disagreeable a demand by every
art of negotiation; and many articles must of necessity be ad-
justed before such an important point could be effected. It
was sufficient, in James's opinion, if the sincerity of the Span-
ish court could for the present be ascertained; and, dreading
further delays of the marriage so long wished for, he was re-
solved to trust the Palatine's full restoration to the event of
future counsels and deliberations.” -
This whole system of negotiation Buckingham now reversed,
and he overturned every supposition upon which the treaty
had hitherto been conducted. After many fruitless artifices
were employed to delay or prevent the espousals, Bristol re-
ceived positive orders not to deliver the proxy, which had
been left in his hands, or to finish the marriage till security
were given for the full restitution of the Palatinate.” Philip
understood this language. He had been acquainted with the
disgust received by Buckingham ; and deeming him a man
capable of Sacrificing to his own ungovernable passions the
greatest interests of his master and of his country, he had ex-
pected that the unbounded credit of that favorite would be
employed to embroil the two nations. Determined, however,
wº, to throw the blame of the rupture entirely on the
sº. English, he delivered into Bristol's hand a written
- promise by which he bound himself to procure the
restoration of the Palatinate, either by persuasion or by every
other possible means; and when he found that this concession
gave no satisfaction, he ordered the infanta to lay aside the
title of Princess of Wales, which she bore after the arrival of
* Parliamentary History, vol. vi. p. 57.
* Rushworth, vol. i. p. 105. Rennet, p. 776.
ºw
CH. XLIX. JAMES I. 355
the dispensation from Rome, and to drop the study of the
English language;” and, thinking that such rash counsels as
now governed the court of England would not stop at the
breach of the marriage treaty, he ordered preparations for
war immediately to be made throughout all his dominions.”
Thus James, having by means inexplicable from the ordi-
nary rules of politics, conducted so near an honorable period
the marriage of his son and the restoration of his son-in-law,
failed at last of his purpose by means equally unaccountable.
But though the expedients already used by Buckingham
were sufficiently inglorious both for himself and for the na-
tion, it was necessary for him, ere he could fully effect his
purpose, to employ artifices still more dishonorable.
The king, having broken with Spain, was obliged to concert
new measures; and, without the assistance of Parliament, no
effectual step of any kind could be taken. The
benevolence which, during the interval, had been
rigorously exacted for recovering the Palatinate, though levied
for so popular an end, had procured to the king less money
than ill-will from his subjects.” Whatever discouragements,
therefore, he might receive from his ill agreement with for-
mer parliaments, there was a necessity of Summoning once
A pania more this assembly; and it might be hoped that the
ment. Spanish alliance, which gave such umbrage, being
abandoned, the Commons would now be better satisfied with
the king's administration. In his speech to the Houses, James
- dropped some hints of his cause of complaint against
Spain; and he graciously condescended to ask the
advice of Parliament, which he had ever before rejected, with
regard to the conduct of so important an affair as his son’s
1624.
Feb. 29.
* Franklyn, p. 80. Rushworth, vol. i. p. 112. * Rushworth, vol. i. p. 114.
*To show by what violent measures benevolences were usually raised, John-
stone tells us, in his Rerum Britannicarum Historia, that Barnes, a citizen of Lon-
don, was the first who refused to contribute anything; upon which the treasure:
sent him word that he must immediately prepare himself to carry by post a de-
spatch into Ireland. The citizen was glad to make his peace by paying a hundred
pounds, and no one durst afterwards refuse the benevolence required. See, fur-
ther, Coke, p. 80.
356 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. Cº. XLIX,
marriage.” Buckingham delivered to a committee of Lords
and Commons a long narrative, which he pretended to be true
and complete, of every step taken in the negotiations with
Philip; but, partly by the suppression of some facts, partly by
the false coloring laid on others, this narrative was calculated
entirely to mislead the Parliament, and to throw on the court
of Spain the reproach of artifice and insincerity. He said
that, after many years' negotiation, the king found not him-
self any nearer his purpose, and that Bristol had never brought
the treaty beyond general professions and declarations; that
the prince, doubting the good intentions of Spain, resolved at
last to take a journey to Madrid, and put the matter to the
utmost trial; that he there found such artificial dealings as
made him conclude all the steps taken towards the marriage
to be false and deceitful; that the restitution of the Palatinate,
which had ever been regarded by the king as an essential pre-
liminary, was not seriously intended by Spain; and that, after
enduring much bad usage, the prince was obliged to return to
England without any hopes either of obtaining the infanta or
of restoring the Elector-Palatine.”
This narrative, which, considering the importance of the
occasion and the Solemnity of that assembly to which it was
delivered, descrves great blame, was yet vouched for truth by
the Prince of Wales, who was present; and the king himself
lent it indirectly his authority by telling the Parliament that
it was by his orders Buckingham laid the whole affair before
them. The conduct of these princes it is difficult fully to
excuse. It is in vain to plead the youth and inexperience
of Charles, unless his inexperience and youth, as is probable,”
if not certain, really led him into error and made him swallow
all the falsities of Buckingham ; and though the king was
here hurried from his own measures by the impetuosity of
others, nothing should have induced him to prostitute his char-
acter and seem to vouch the impostures, at least false color-
* Franklyn, p. 79. Rushworth, vol. i. p. 115. Kennet, p. 778.
* Franklyn, p. 89, 90, 91, etc. Rushworth, vol. i. p. 119, 120, etc. Parlia-
mentary History, vol. vi. p. 20, 21, etc.
* See note [NN] at the end of the volume.
§
CH. XLIX. - JAMES I. 357
&
ings, of his favorite, of which he had so good reason to enter-
tain a suspicion.” -
Buckingham's narrative, however artfully disguised, con-
tained so many contradictory circumstances as were sufficient
to open the eyes of all reasonable men; but it concurred so
well with the passions and prejudices of the Parliament that
no scruple was made of immediately adopting it.” Charmed
with having obtained at length the opportunity so long wish-
ed for of going to war with papists, they little thought of
future consequences; but immediately advised the king to
break off both treaties with Spain, as well as that which re-
garded the marriage as that for the restitution of the Palat-
inate.” The people, ever greedy of war till they suffer by
it, displayed their triumph at these violent measures by public
bonfires and rejoicings, and by insults on the Spanish minis-
ters. Buckingham was now the favorite of the public and of
the Parliament; Sir Edward Coke, in the House of Commons,
called him the savior of the nation;” every place resounded
with his praises; and he himself, intoxicated by a popularity
which he enjoyed so little time, and which he so ill deserved,
violated all duty to his indulgent master, and entered into
cabals with the Puritanical members who had ever opposed
the royal authority. He even encouraged schemes for abol-
ishing the order of bishops and selling the dean and chapter
lands, in order to defray the expenses of a Spanish war; and
the king, though he still entertained projects for temporizing
and for forming an accommodation with Spain, was so borne
down by the torrent of popular prejudices, conducted and in-
creased by Buckingham, that he was at last obliged, in a speech
to Parliament, to declare in favor of hostile measures if they
would engage to support him.” Doubts of their sincerity in
* It must, however, be confessed that the king afterwards warned the House
not to take Buckingham's narrative for his, though it was laid before them by his
order. Parliamentary History, vol. vi. p. 104. James was probably ashamed to
have been carried so far by his favorite. -
* Parliamentary History, vol. vi. p. 75.
* Franklyn, p. 98. Rushworth, vol. i. p. 128. Parliamentary History, vol. vi.
p. 103. * Clarendon, vol. i. p. 6.
* Franklyn, p. 94, 95. Rushworth, vol. i. p. 129, 130.
358 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. CII. XLIX.
º
this respect—doubts which the event showed not to be ill-
grounded—had probably been one cause of his former pacific
and dilatory measures. *
In his speech on this occasion, the king began with lament-
ing his own unhappiness; that, having so long valued himself
on the epithet of the pacific monarch, he should now, in his
old age, be obliged to exchange the blessings of peace for the
inevitable calamities of war. He represented to them the im-
mense and continued expense requisite for military arma-
ments; and, besides supplies from time to time as they should
become necessary, he demanded a vote of six subsidies and
twelve fifteenths as a proper stock before the commencement
of hostilities. He told them of his intolerable debts, chiefly
contracted by the sums remitted to the Palatinate;” but he
added that he did not insist on any supply for his own relief,
and that it was sufficient for him if the honor and security
of the public were provided for. To remove all suspicion, he
who had ever strenuously maintained his prerogative, and
who had even extended it into Some points esteemed doubt-
ful, now made an imprudent concession of which the conse-
quences might have proved fatal to royal authority. He vol-
untarily offered that the money voted should be paid to a
committee of Parliament, and should be issued by them with-
out being intrusted to his management.” The Commons will-
ingly accepted of this concession so unusual in an English
monarch: they voted him only three subsidies and three fif-
teenths,” and they took no notice of the complaints which he
made of his own wants and necessities. . -
Advantage was also taken of the present good agreement
between the king and Parliament in order to pass the bill
against monopolies, which had formerly been encouraged by
the king, but which had failed by the rupture between him
and the last House of Commons. This bill was conceived in
such terms as to render it merely declaratory; and all monop-
olies were condemned as contrary to law and to the known
*See note [OO) at the end of the volume. * Rushworth, vol. i. p. 137.
* Less than three hundred thousand pounds. §,
C.H. XLIX. - - JAMES I. . . 359
liberties of the people. It was there supposed that every Sub-
ject of England had entire power to dispose of his own ac-
tions, provided he did no injury to any of his fellow-subjects;
and that no prerogative of the king, no power of any magis-
trate, nothing but the authority alone of laws, could restrain
that unlimited freedom. The full prosecution of this noble
principle into all its natural consequences has at last, through
many contests, produced that singular and happy government
which we enjoy at present."
The House of Commons also corroborated, by a new prec-
edent, the important power of impeachment, which, two years'
before, they had exercised in the case of Chancellor Bacon,
and which had lain dormant for near two centuries, except
when they served as instruments of royal vengeance. The
Earl of Middlesex had been raised, by Buckingham’s interest,
from the rank of a London merchant to be treasurer of Eng-
land; and, by his activity and address, seemed not unworthy
of that preferment. But as he incurred the displeasure of his
patron by scrupling or refusing some demands of money dur-
ing the prince's residence in Spain, that favorite vowed re-
venge, and employed all his credit among the Commons to
procure an impeachment of the treasurer. The king was ex-
tremely dissatisfied with this measure, and prophesied to the
prince and duke that they would live to have their fill of par.
liamentary prosecutions.” In a speech to the Parliament, he en-
deavored to apologize for Middlesex, and to soften the accu-
sation against him.” The charge, however, was still maintain-
ed by the Commons; and the treasurer was found guilty by the
Peers, though the misdemeanors proved against him were nei-
ther numerous nor important. The accepting of two presents
of five hundred pounds apiece, for passing two patents, was
the article of greatest weight. His sentence was to be fined
fifty thousand pounds for the king's use, and to suffer all the
other penalties formerly inflicted upon Bacon. The fine was af.
terwards remitted by the prince when he mounted the throne.
* See note [PP] at the end of the volume. * Clarendon, vol. i. p. 23.
* Parliamentary History, vol. vi. p. 19. • . *
360 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. Ch. XLIX,
This session an address was also made, very disagreeable to
the king, craving the severe execution of the laws against
Catholics. His answer was gracious and condescending;”
though he declared against persecution as being an improper
measure for the suppression of any religion, according to the
received maxim “that the blood of the martys was the seed of
the Church.” He also condemned an entire indulgence of the
Catholics, and seemed to represent a middle course as the
most humane and most politic. He went so far as even to af-
firm, with an oath, that he never had entertained any thoughts
of granting a toleration to these religionists." The liberty of
exercising their worship in private houses, which he had se-
cretly agreed to in the Spanish treaty, did not appear to him
deserving that name, and it was probably by means of this
explication he thought that he had saved his honor; and as
Buckingham, in his narrative," confessed that the king had
agreed to a temporary suspension of the penal laws against
the Catholics, which he distinguished from a toleration, a term
at that time extremely odious, James naturally deemed his
meaning to be sufficiently explained, and feared not any re-
proach of falsehood or duplicity on account of this assevera-
tion. After all these transactions, the Parliament
was prorogued by the king, who let fall some hints,
though in gentle terms, of the sense which he entertained of
their unkindness in not supplying his necessities."
James, unable to resist so strong a combination as that of
his people, his Parliament, his son, and his favorite, had been
compelled to embrace measures for which, from temper as
well as judgment, he had ever entertained a most settled
aversion. Though he dissembled his resentment, he began to
estrange himself from Buckingham, to whom he ascribed all
those violent counsels, and whom he considered as the author
both of the prince's journey to Spain and of the breach of the
marriage treaty. The arrival of Bristol he impatiently longed
for; and it was by the assistance of that minister, whose wis-
May 29.
* Franklyn, p. 101,102. e * See, further, Franklyn, p. 87.
“Parliamentary History, vol. vi. p. 37. * Franklyn, p. 103.
CH. XLIX, - JAMES I. - 361.
dom he respected and whose views he approved, that he hoped
in time to extricate himself from his present difficulties.
During the prince's abode in Spain, that able negotiator
had ever opposed, though unsuccessfully, to the impetuous
Return of measures suggested by Buckingham his own wise
Bristol. and well-tempered counsels. After Charles's de-
parture he still, upon the first appearance of a change of reso-
lution, interposed his advice, anti strenuously insisted on the
sincerity of the Spaniards in the conduct of the treaty as well
as the advantages which England must reap from the comple-
tion of it. Enraged to find that his successful labors should
be rendered abortive by the levities and caprices of an inso-
lent minion, he would understand no hints; and nothing but
express orders from his master could engage him to make that
demand which he was sensible must put a final period to the
treaty. He was not therefore surprised to hear that Bucking-
ham had declared himself his open enemy, and, on all occa-
sions, had thrown out many violent reflections against him.
Nothing could be of greater consequence to Buckingham
than to keep Bristol at a distance, both from the king and the
Parliament, lest the power of truth enforced by so well-in-
formed a speaker should open scenes which were but suspect-
ed by the former, and of which the latter had as yet enter-
tained no manner of jealousy. He applied, therefore, to
James, whose weakness, disguised to himself under the appear-
ance of finesse and dissimulation, was now become absolutely
incurable. A warrant for sending Bristol to the Tower was
issued immediately upon his arrival in England;" and though
he was soon released from confinement, yet orders were car-
ried him from the king to retire to his country-seat and to ab-
stain from all attendance in Parliament. He obeyed; but
loudly demanded an opportunity of justifying himself, and of
laying his whole conduct before his master. On all occasions
he protested his innocence, and threw on his enemy the blame
of every miscarriage. Buckingham, and at his instigation the
prince, declared that they would be reconciled to Bristol if he
* Rushworth, vol. i. p. 145.
362 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. CH. XLIX.
would but acknowledge his errors and ill conduct; but the
spirited nobleman, jealous of his honor, refused to buy favor
at so high a price. James had the equity to say that the in-
sisting on that condition was a strain of unexampled tyranny;
but Buckingham scrupled not to assert, with his usual pre-
sumption, that neither the king, the prince, nor himself, was .
as yet satisfied of Bristol’s innocence." - -
While the attachment of the prince to Buckingham, while
the timidity of James, or the shame of changing his favorite,
kept the whole court in awe, the Spanish ambassador, Inoiosa,
endeavored to open the king's eyes, and to cure his fears by
instilling greater fears into him. He privately slipped into
his hand a paper, and gave him a signal to read it alone. He
there told him that he was as much a prisoner at London as
ever Francis I. was at Madrid; that the prince and Bucking-
ham had conspired together and had the whole court at their
devotion; that cabals among the popular leaders in Parlia-
ment were carrying on to the extreme prejudice of his author-
ity; that the project was to confine him to some of his hunt-
ing-seats, and to commit the whole administration to Charles;
and that it was necessary for him by one vigorous effort to
vindicate his authority and to punish those who had so long
and so much abused his friendship and beneficence."
What credit James gave to this representation does not ap-
pear. He only discovered some faint symptoms, which he
Rupture with instantly retracted, of dissatisfaction with Bucking-
Spain. ham. All his public measures, and all the alliances
into which he entered, were founded on the system of enmity
to the Austrian family and of war to be carried on for the re-
covery of the Palatinate.
The States of the United Provinces were at this time gov-
erned by Maurice; and that aspiring prince, sensible that his
credit would languish during peace, had, on the expiration of
the twelve years’ truce, renewed the war with the Spanish
monarchy. His great capacity in the military art would have
compensated the inferiority of his forces, had not the Span-
" Rushworth, vol. i. p. 259. -
" Rushworth, vol. i. p. 144. Hacket's Life of Williams. Coke, p. 107.
CH. XLIX, . . . JAMES I. - º 363
ish armies been commanded by Spinola, a general equally re-
nowned for conduct and more celebrated for enterprise and ,
activity. In such a situation nothing could be more welcome
to the republic than the prospect of a rupture between James
and the Catholic king; and they flattered themselves, as well
from the natural union of interests between them and Eng-
land as from the influence of the present conjuncture, that
powerful succors would soon march to their relief. Accord-
ingly, an army of six thousand men was levied in England.
and sent over to Holland, commanded by four young noble-
men—Essex, Oxford, Southampton, and Willoughby – who
were ambitious of distinguishing themselves in so popular a
cause, and of acquiring military experience under so renown-
ed a captain as Maurice.
It might have been reasonably expected that as religious
zeal had made the recovery of the Palatinate appear a point
Treaty with of such vast importance in England, the same effect
* must have been produced in France by the force
merely of political views and considerations. While that prin-
cipality remained in the hands of the house of Austria, the
French dominions were surrounded on all sides by the posses-
sions of that ambitious family, and might be invaded by su-
perior forces from every quarter. It concerned the King of
France, therefore, to prevent the peaceable establishment of
the emperor in his new conquests; and both by the situation
and greater power of his state he was much better enabled
than James to give succor to the distressed Palatine." But
though these views escaped not Louis, nor Cardinal Richelieu,
who now began to acquire an ascendant in the French court,
that minister was determined to pave the way for his enter-
prises by first subduing the Huguenots, and thence to proceed
by mature counsels to humble the house of Austria. The
prospect, however, of a conjunction with England was pres-
ently embraced, and all imaginable encouragement was given
to every proposal for conciliating a marriage between Charles
and the Princess Henrietta. -
* See Collection of State Papers by the Earl of Clarendon, p. 393.
364 - ‘BISTORY OF ENGLAND. CH. XLIX,
Notwithstanding the sensible experience which James might
have acquired of the insurmountable antipathy entertained by
his subjects against an alliance with Catholics, he still perse-
vered in the opinion that his son would be degraded by re-
ceiving into his bed a princess of less than royal extraction.
After the rupture, therefore, with Spain, nothing remained
but an alliance with France; and to that court he immediate-
ly applied himself.” The same allurements had not here
place which had so long entangled him in the Spanish nego-
tiation. The portion promised was much inferior, and the
peaceable restoration of the Palatine could not thence be ex-
pected. But James was afraid lest his son should be alto-
gether disappointed of a bride; and, therefore, as soon as the
French king demanded, for the honor of his crown, the same
terms which had been granted to the Spanish, he was pre-
vailed with to comply. And as the prince, during his abode
in Spain, had given a verbal promise to allow the infanta the
education of her children till the age of thirteen, this article
was here inserted in the treaty; and to that imprudence is
generally imputed the present distressed condition of his pos-
terity. The court of England, however, it must be confessed,
always pretended, even in their memorials to the French
court, that all the favorable conditions granted to the Catho-
lics were inserted in the marriage treaty merely to please the
pope, and that their strict execution was, by an agreement
with France, secretly dispensed with.”
As much as the conclusion of the marriage treaty was ac-
ceptable to the king, as much were all the military enterprises
disagreeable, both from the extreme difficulty of the under-
taking in which he was engaged and from his own incapacity
for such a scene of action.
During the Spanish negotiation, Heidelberg and Manheim
had been taken by the imperial forces; and Frankendale,
though the garrison was entirely English, was closely besieged
by them. After reiterated remonstrances from James, Spain
interposed and procured a suspension of arms during eighteen
* Rushworth, vol. i. p. 152. . * See note [QQj at the end of the volume.
CH. XLIX. - JAMES I. 365
months. But as Frankendale was the only place of Frederick's
ancient dominions which was still in his hands, Ferdinand,
desirous of withdrawing his forces from the Palatinate, and
of leaving that state in Security, was unwilling that so impor-
tant a fortress should remain in the possession of his enemy.
To compromise all differences, it was agreed to sequestrate it
into the hands of the infanta as a neutral person; upon con-
dition that, after the expiration of the truce, it should be de-
livered to Frederick, though peace should not at that time be
concluded between him and Ferdinand.” After the unex-
pected rupture with Spain, the infanta, when James demand-
ed the execution of the treaty, offered him peaceable posses-
sion of Frankendale, and even promised a safe-conduct for the
garrison through the Spanish Netherlands. But there was
some territory of the empire interposed between her state and
the Palatinate; and for passage over that territory no terms
were stipulated.” By this chicane, which certainly had not
been employed if amity with Spain had been preserved, the
Palatine was totally dispossessed of his patrimonial dominions.
The English nation, however, and James’s warlike council
were not discouraged. It was still determined to reconquer
the Palatinate—a state lying in the midst of Germany, pos-
sessed entirely by the emperor and Duke of Bavaria, surround-
ed by potent enemies, and cut off from all communication
Mansfeldes with England. Count Mansfeldt was taken into
*P* pay, and an English army of twelve thousand foot
and two hundred horse was levied by a general press through-
out the kingdom. During the negotiation with France vast
promises had been made, though in general terms, by the
French ministry, not only that a free passage should be grant-
ed to the English troops, but that powerful succors should also
join them in their march towards the Palatinate. In England,
all these professions were hastily interpreted to be positive
engagements. The troops under Mansfeldt's command were
embarked at Dover; but, upon sailing over to Calais, found
no orders yet arrived for their admission. After waiting
* Rushworth, vol. i. p. 74. - * Rushworth, vol. i. p. 151.
366 IIISTORY OF ENGLAND. CH. XLIX.
in vain during some time, they were obliged to sail towards
Zealand, where it had also been neglected to con-
. cert proper measures for their disembarkation; and
Some scruples arose among the states on account of the scar-
city of provisions. Meanwhile a pestilential distemper crept
in among the English forces, so long cooped up in narrow
vessels. Half the army died while on board; and the other
half, weakened by sickness, appeared too small a body to
march into the Palatinate.” And thus ended this
ill-concerted and fruitless expedition, the only dis-
aster which happened to England during the prosperous and
pacific reign of James. $
That reign was now drawing towards a conclusion. With
peace, so successfully cultivated and so passionately loved by
this monarch, his life also terminated. This spring he was
seized with a tertian ague; and when encouraged by his court-
iers with the common proverb that such a distemper, during
that season, was health for a king, he replied that the proverb
was meant of a young king. After some fits he found him-
self extremely weakened, and sent for the prince, whom he ex-
horted to bear a tender affection for his wife, but to preserve
a constancy in religion, to protect the Church of England,
and to extend his care towards the unhappy family of the
peath of the Palatine.” With decency and courage he prepared
king. himself for his end; and he expired on the 27th of
March, after a reign over England of twenty-two years and
some days, and in the fifty-ninth year of his age. His reign
over Scotland was almost of equal duration.with his life. In
all history it would be difficult to find a reign less illustrious,
yet more unspotted and unblemished, than that of James in
both kingdoms.
No prince, so little enterprising and so inoffensive, was ever
So much exposed to the opposite extremes of calumny and
His charac flattery, of Satire and panegyric ; and the factions
tel'. which began in his time, being still continued, have
December.
I625.
* Franklyn, p. 104. Rushworth, vol. i. p. 154. Dugdale, p. 24.
" Rushworth, vol. i. p. 155.
CH. XLIX. JAMES I. - 367
made his character be as much disputed to this day as is com-
monly that of princes who are our contemporaries. Many
virtues, however, it must be owned, he was possessed of; but
scarce any of them pure or free from the contagion of the
neighboring vices. His generosity bordered on profusion, his
learning on pedantry, his pacific disposition on pusillanimity,
his wisdom on cunning, his friendship on light fancy and boy-
ish fondness. While he imagined that he was only maintain-
ing his own authority, he may perhaps be suspected, in a few
of his actions, and still more of his pretensions, to have some-
what encroached on the liberties of his people; while he en-
deavored, by an exact neutrality, to acquire the good-will of
all his neighbors, he was able to preserve fully the esteem and
regard of none. His capacity was considerable, but fitter to
discourse on general maxims than to conduct any intricate
business; his intentions were just, but more adapted to the
conduct of private life than to the government of kingdoms.
Awkward in his person and ungainly in his manners, he was
ill qualified to command respect; partial and undiscerning in
his affections, he was little fitted to acquire general love. Of
a feeble temper more than of a frail judgment; exposed to
our ridicule from his vanity, but exempt from our hatred by
his freedom from pride and arrogance. And, upon the whole,
it may be pronounced of his character that all his qualities
were sullied with weakness and embellished by humanity. Of
political courage he certainly was destitute; and thence chiefly
is derived the strong prejudice which prevails against his per-
sonal bravery—an inference, however, which must be owned,
from general experience, to be extremely fallacious. -
He was only once married, to Anne of Denmark, who died
on the 3d of March, 1619, in the forty-fifth year of her age:
a woman eminent neither for her vices nor her virtues. She
loved shows and expensive amusements, but possessed little
taste in her pleasures. A great comet appeared about the
time of her death, and the vulgar esteemed it the prognostic
of that event. So considerable in their eyes are even the
most insignificant princes.
IIe left only one son, Charles, then in the twenty-fifth year
368 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. CH. XLIX.
of his age, and one daughter, Elizabeth, married to the Elector-
Palatine. She was aged twenty-nine years. Those alone re-
mained of six legitimate children born to him. He never
had any illegitimate; and he never discovered any tendency,
even the smallest, towards a passion for any mistress.
The archbishops of Canterbury, during this reign, were
Whitgift, who died in 1604; Bancroft, in 1610; Abbot, who
survived the king. The chancellors, Lord Ellesmore, who re-
signed in 1617; Bacon was first lord keeper till 1619; then
was created chancellor, and was displaced in 1621; Williams,
Bishop of Lincoln, was created lord keeper in his place. The
high treasurers were the Earl of Dorset, who died in 1609;
the Earl of Salisbury, in 1612; the Earl of Suffolk, fined and
displaced for bribery in 1618; Lord Mandeville, resigned in
1621; the Earl of Middlesex, displaced in 1624; the Earl of
Marlborough succeeded. The lord admirals were the Earl of
Nottingham, who resigned in 1618; the Earl, afterwards Duke,
of Buckingham. The secretaries of state were the Earl of
Salisbury, Sir Ralph Winwood, Nanton, Calvert, Lord Conway,
Sir Albertus Moreton.
The numbers of the House of Lords in the first Parliament
of this reign were seventy-eight temporal peers. The num-
bers in the first Parliament of Charles were ninety-seven.
Consequently James, during that period, created nineteen new
peerages above those that expired.
The House of Commons, in the first Parliament of this
reign, consisted of four hundred and sixty-seven members.
It appears that four boroughs revived their charters, which
they had formerly neglected. And as the first Parliament of
Charles consisted of four hundred and ninety-four members,
we may infer that James created ten new boroughs.
JAMES I. - 369
APPENDIX TO THE REIGN OF JAMES I."
Civil Government of England during this Period.—Ecclesiastical Government.—
Manners. — Finances. – Navy. — Commerce. — Manufactures. – Colonies. –
Learning and Arts.
IT may not be improper, at this period, to make a pause,
and to take a survey of the state of the kingdom with re-
gard to government, manners, finances, arms, trade, learn-
ing. Where a just notion is not formed of these particulars,
history can be little instructive, and often will not be intelli-
gible. -
We may safely pronounce that the English government, at
the accession of the Scottish line, was much more arbitrary
Civil govern- than it is at present; the prerogative less limited,
ºf Eng the liberties of the subject less accurately defined
and secured. Without mentioning other particu-
lars, the courts alone of high commission and Star-chamber
were sufficient to lay the whole kingdom at the mercy of the
prince. - -
The court of high commission had been erected by Eliza-
beth, in consequence of an act of Parliament passed in the
beginning of her reign. By this act it was thought proper,
during the great revolution of religion, to arm the sovereign
with full powers, in order to discourage and suppress opposi-
tion. All appeals from the inferior ecclesiastical courts were
carried before the high commission, and, of consequence, the
whole life and doctrine of the clergy lay directly under its in-
* This history of the house of Stuart was written and published by the author
before the history of the house of Tudor. Hence it happens that some passages,
particularly in the present Appendix, may seem to be repetitions of what was for-
merly delivered in the reign of Elizabeth. The author, in order to obviate this
objection, has cancelled some few passages in the foregoing chapters.
IV.-24
370 HISTORY OF ENGLAND.
spection. Every breach of the act of uniformity, every refusal
of the ceremonies, was cognizable in this court, and during
the reign of Elizabeth had been punished by deprivation, by
fine, confiscation, and imprisonment. James contented him-
self with the gentler penalty of deprivation; nor was that
punishment inflicted with rigor on every offender. Arch-
bishop Spotswood tells us that he was informed by Bancroft,
the primate, several years after the king's accession, that not
above forty-five clergymen had then been deprived. All the
Catholics, too, were liable to be punished by this court if they
exercised any act of their religion, or sent abroad their chil-
dren or other relations to receive that education which they
could not procure them in their own country. Popish priests
were thrown into prison, and might be delivered over to the
law, which punished them with death, though that severity
had been sparingly exercised by Elizabeth, and never almost
by James. In a word, that liberty of conscience which we so
highly and so justly value at present was totally suppressed;
and no exercise of any religion but the established was per-
mitted throughout the kingdom. Any word or writing which
tended towards heresy or schism was punishable by the high
commissioners, or any three of them : they alone were judges
what expressions had that tendency. They proceeded not by
information, but upon rumor, suspicion, or according to their
discretion; they administered an oath by which the party
cited before them was bound to answer any question which
should be propounded to him. Whoever refused this oath,
though he pleaded ever so justly that he might thereby be
brought to accuse himself, or his dearest friend, was punish-
able by imprisonment; and, in short, an inquisitorial tribunal,
with all its terrors and iniquities, was erected in the kingdom.
Full discretionary powers were bestowed with regard to the
inquiry, trial, sentence, and penalty inflicted; excepting only
that corporal punishments were restrained by that patent of
the prince which erected the court, not by the act of Parlia-
ment which empowered him. By reason of the uncertain
limits which separate ecclesiastical from civil causes, all accu-
sations of adultery and incest were tried by the court of high
JAMES I. 371
commission, and every complaint of wives against their hus-
bands was there examined and discussed.” On like pretences,
every cause which regarded conscience—that is, every cause—
could have been brought under their jurisdiction.
But there was a sufficient reason why the king would not
be solicitous to stretch the jurisdiction of this court: the Star-
chamber possessed the same authority in civil matters, and its
methods of proceeding were equally arbitrary and unlimited.
The origin of this court was derived from the most remote
antiquity,” though it is pretended that its power had first been
carried to the greatest height by Henry VII. In all times,
however, it is confessed, it enjoyed authority, and at no time
was its authority circumscribed or method of proceeding di-
rected by any law or statute. -
We have had already, or shall have, sufficient occasion,
during the course of this history, to mention the dispensing
power, the power of imprisonment, of exacting loans" and
benevolence, of pressing and quartering soldiers, of altering
the customs, of erecting monopolies. These branches of
power, if not directly opposite to the principles of all free
government, must at least be acknowledged dangerous to
freedom in a monarchical constitution, where an eternal jeal-
ousy must be preserved against the sovereign, and no discre-
tionary powers must ever be intrusted to him by which the
property or personal liberty of any subject can be affected.
The Kings of England, however, had almost constantly exer-
cised these powers; and if on any occasion the prince had
been obliged to submit to laws enacted against them, he had
ever in practice eluded these laws and returned to the same
arbitrary administration. During almost three centuries be-
* Rymer, vol. xvii. p. 200. - -
* Rushworth, vol. ii. p. 473. In Chambers's case, it was the unanimous opinion
of the court of King's Bench that the court of Star-chamber was not derived from
the statute of Henry VII., but was a court many years before, and one of the most
high and honorable courts of justice. See Coke's Rep. term Mich. 5 Car. I. See,
further, Camden's Brit. vol. i. Introd. p. 254, edit. of Gibson. -
* During several centuries, no reign had passed without some forced loans from
the subject.
372 HISTORY OF ENGLAND.
fore the accession of James, the regal authority in all these
particulars had never once been called in question.
We may also observe that the principles in general which
prevailed during that age were so favorable to monarchy that
they bestowed on it an authority almost absolute and unlimit-
ed, sacred and indefeasible.
The meetings of Parliament were so precarious, their ses-
sions so short compared to the vacations, that, when men's
eyes were turned upwards in search of sovereign power, the
prince alone was apt to strike them as the only permanent
magistrate invested with the whole majesty and authority of
the state. The great complaisance, too, of parliaments during
so long a period had extremely degraded and obscured those
assemblies; and as all instances of opposition to prerogative
must have been drawn from a remote age, they were un-
known to a great many, and had the less authority even with
those who were acquainted with them. These examples, be-
sides, of liberty had commonly, in ancient times, been accom-
panied with such circumstances of violence, convulsion, civil
war, and disorder that they presented but a disagreeable idea
to the inquisitive part of the people, and afforded small in-
ducement to renew such dismal scenes. By a great many,
therefore, monarchy, simple and unmixed, was conceived to
be the government of England; and those popular assemblies
were supposed to form only the ornament of the fabric, with-
out being in any degree essential to its being and existence.”
The prerogative of the crown was represented by lawyers as
something real and durable; like those eternal essences of the
schools which no time or force could alter. The sanction of
religion was by divines called in aid, and the Monarch of
heaven was supposed to be interested in supporting the au-
thority of his earthly vicegerent. And though it is pretend-
ed that these doctrines were more openly inculcated and more
strenuously insisted on during the reign of the Stuarts, they
were not then invented; and were only found by the court
to be more necessary at that period, by reason of the opposite
* See note [RR] at the end of the volume,
JAMES I. 373
doctrines which began to be promulgated by the Puritanical
party." * -
In consequence of these exalted ideas of kingly authority,
the prerogative, besides the articles of jurisdiction founded on
precedent, was by many supposed to possess an inexhaustible
fund of latent powers which might be exerted on any emer-
gence. In every government, necessity, when real, super-
sedes all laws and levels all limitations; but in the English
government, convenience alone was conceived to authorize
any extraordinary act of regal power, and to render it obliga-
tory on the people. Hence the strict obedience required to
proclamations during all periods of the English history; and
if James has incurred blame on account of his edicts, it is
only because he too frequently issued them at a time when
they began to be less regarded, not because he first assumed
or extended to an unusual degree that exercise of authority.
Of his maxims in a parallel case, the following is a pretty re-
markable instance:
Queen Elizabeth had appointed commissioners for the in-
spection of prisons, and had bestowed on them full discretion-
ary powers to adjust all differences between prisoners and
their creditors, to compound debts, and to give liberty to such
debtors as they found honest and insolvent. From the uncer-
tain and undefined nature of the English constitution, doubts
sprang up in many that this commission was contrary to law,
and it was represented in that light to James. He forebore,
therefore, renewing the commission till the fifteenth of his
reign, when complaints rose so high with regard to the abuses
practised in prisons that he thought himself obliged to over-
come his scruples, and to appoint new commissioners invested
with the same discretionary powers which Elizabeth had for-
merly conferred."
Upon the whole, we must conceive that monarchy, on the
accession of the house of Stuart, was possessed of a very ex-
tensive authority—an authority, in the judgment of all, not
exactly limited; in the judgment of some, not limitable.
* See note [SS] at the end of the volume. " Rymer, vol. xviii. p. 117, 594.
374. HISTORY OF ENGLAND.
But, at the same time, this authority was founded merely on
the opinion of the people, influenced by ancient precedent
and example. It was not supported either by money or by
force of arms. And, for this reason, we need not wonder
that the princes of that line were so extremely jealous of their
prerogative, being sensible that when those claims were rav-
ished from them they possessed no influence by which they
could maintain their dignity or support the laws. By the
changes which have since been introduced, the liberty and
independence of individuals have been rendered much more
full, entire, and secure; those of the public more uncertain
and precarious. And it seems a necessary though perhaps a
melancholy truth, that in every government the magistrate
must either possess a large revenue and a military force, or
enjoy some discretionary powers, in Order to execute the laws
and support his own authority.
We have had occasion to remark, in so many instances, the
bigotry which prevailed in that age that we can look for no
rºlesiastical toleration among the different sects. Two Arians,
* under the title of heretics, were punished by fire
during this period, and no one reign since the Reformation
had been free from like barbarities. Stowe says that these
Arians were offered their pardon at the stake if they would
merit it by a recantation. A madman who called himself the
Holy Ghost was, without any indulgence for his frenzy, con-
demned to the same punishment. Twenty pounds a month
could by law be levied on every one who frequented not the
established worship. This rigorous law, however, had one in-
dulgent clause, that the fines exacted should not exceed two
thirds of the yearly income of the person. It had been usual
for Elizabeth to allow those penalties to run on for several
years, and to levy them all at once, to the utter ruin of such
Catholics as had incurred her displeasure. James was more
humane in this, as in every other respect. The Puritans
formed a sect which secretly lurked in the Church, but pre-
tended not to any separate; worship or discipline. An at-
tempt of that kind would have been universally regarded as
the most unpardonable enormity. , And had the king been
JAMES I. 375
disposed to grant the Puritans a full toleration for a separate
exercise of their religion, it is certain, from the spirit of the
times, that this sect itself would have despised and hated him
for it, and would have reproached him with lukewarmness
and indifference in the cause of religion. They maintained
that they themselves were the only pure Church, that their
principles and practices ought to be established by law, and
that no others ought to be tolerated. It may be questioned,
therefore, whether the administration at this time could with
propriety deserve the appellation of persecutors with regard
to the Puritans. Such of the clergy, indeed, as refused to
comply with the legal ceremonies were deprived of their
livings, and sometimes, in Elizabeth's reign, were otherwise
punished; and ought any man to accept of an office or
benefice in an establishment while he declines compliance
with the fixed and known rules of that establishment But
Puritans were never punished for frequenting separate con-
gregations, because there were none such in the kingdom,
and no Protestant ever assumed or pretended to the right of
erecting them. The greatest well-wishers of the Puritanical
sect would have condemned a practice which in that age was
universally, by statesmen and ecclesiastics, philosophers and
zealots, regarded as subversive of civil society. Even so great
a reasoner as Lord Bacon thought that uniformity in religion
was absolutely necessary to the support of government, and
that no toleration could with safety be given to sectaries.”
Nothing but the imputation of idolatry which was thrown on
the Catholic religion could justify, in the eyes of the Puritans
themselves, the schism made by the Huguenots and other
Protestants who lived in popish countries.
In all former ages, not wholly excepting even those of
Greece and Rome, religious sects and heresies and schisms
had been esteemed dangerous, if not pernicious, to civil gov-
ernment, and were regarded as the source of faction and pri-
vate combination and opposition to the laws." The magis-
trate, therefore, applied himself directly to the cure of this
–4
* See his essay De Unitate Ecclesiae. * See Cicero de Legibus.
376 HISTORY OF ENGIAND.
evil as of every other, and very naturally attempted by penal
statutes to suppress those separate communities and punish
the obstinate innovators. But it was found by fatal experi-
ence, and after spilling an ocean of blood in those theological
quarrels, that the evil was of a peculiar nature, and was both
inflamed by violent remedies and diffused itself more rapidly
throughout the whole Society. Hence, though late, arose the
paradoxical principle and Salutary practice of toleration.
The liberty of the press was incompatible with such maxims
and such principles of government as then prevailed, and was
therefore quite unknown in that age. Besides employing the
two terrible courts of Star-chamber and high commission,
whose powers were unlimited, Queen Elizabeth exerted her
authority by restraints upon the press. She passed a decree
in her court of Star-chamber—that is, by her own will and
jpleasure—forbidding any book to be printed in any place but
in London, Oxford, and Cambridge;" and another, in which
she prohibited, under severe penalties, the publishing of any
book or pamphlet “against the form or meaning of any re-
straints or ordinance, contained, or to be contained, in any
statute or laws of this realm, or in any injunction made or set
forth by her majesty or her privy council, or against the true
sense or meaning of any letters patent, commissions, or prohi-
bitions under the great seal of England.” James extend-
ed the same penalties to the importing of such books from
abroad.” And to render these edicts more effectual, he after-
wards inhibited the printing of any book without a license
from the Archbishop of Canterbury, the Archbishop of York,
the Bishop of London, or the vice-chancellor of one of the
universities, or of some person appointed by them.”
In tracing the coherence among the systems of modern
theology, we may observe that the doctrine of absolute de-
crees has ever been intimately connected with the enthusiastic
spirit, as that doctrine affords the highest subject of joy, tri-
umph, and security to the supposed elect, and exalts them by
* 28th of Elizabeth. See State Trials. Sir Robert Knightly, vol. vii. first ed.
* Rymer, vol. xvii. p. 522. * Ibid. . .” Rymer, vol. xvii. p. 616.
JAMES I. 377
infinite degrees above the rest of mankind. All the first re-
formers adopted these principles; and the Jansenists, too, a
fanatical sect in France, not to mention the Mahometans
in Asia, have ever embraced them. As the Lutheran estab-
lishments were subjected to episcºpal jurisdiction, their en-
thusiastic genius gradually decayed, and men had leisure to
perceive the absurdity of supposing God to punish by infinite
torments what he himself from all eternity had unchangeably
decreed. The king, though at this time his Calvinistic edu-
cation had riveted him in the doctrine of absolute decrees,
yet, being a zealous partisan of episcopacy, was insensibly en-
gaged, towards the end of his reign, to favor the milder the-
ology of Arminius. Even in so great a doctor, the genius of
the religion prevailed over its speculative tenets, and with
him the whole clergy gradually dropped the more rigid prin-
ciples of absolute reprobation and unconditional decrees.
Some noise was at first made about these innovations, but
being drowned in the fury of factions and civil wars which
ensued, the scholastic arguments made an insignificant figure
amid those violent disputes about civil and ecclesiastical pow-
er with which the nation was agitated. And at the Restora-
tion, the Church, though she still retained her old subscrip-
tions and articles of faith, was found to have totally changed
her speculative doctrines, and to have embraced tenets more
suitable to the genius of her discipline and worship, without
its being possible to assign the precise period in which the
alteration was produced.
It may be worth observing that James, from his great de-
sire to promote controversial divinity, erected a college at
Chelsea for the entertainment of twenty persons, who should
be entirely employed in refuting the Papists and Puritans.”
All the efforts of the great Bacon could not procure an es-
tablishment for the cultivation of natural philosophy: even
to this day no society has been instituted for the polishing
and fixing of our language. The only encouragement which
the sovereign in England has ever given to anything that
* Kennet, p. 665. Camden's Brit. vol. i. p. 370, Gibson's edit.
378 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. .
has the appearance of science was this short-lived establish-
ment of James—an institution quite Superfluous, considering
the unhappy propension which at that time so universally
possessed the nation for polemical theology.
The manners of the nation were agreeable to the monarch-
ical government which prevailed, and contained not that
strange mixture which at present distinguishes
England from all other countries. Such violent
extremes were then unknown of industry and debauchery,
frugality and profusion, civility and rusticity, fanaticism and
scepticism. Candor, sincerity, modesty, are the only qualities
which the English of that age possessed in common with the
present. -
High pride of family then prevailed ; and it was by a dig-
nity and stateliness of behavior that the gentry and mobility
distinguished themselves from the common people. Great
riches acquired by commerce were more rare, and had not
as yet been able to confound all ranks of men, and render
money the chief foundation of distinction. Much ceremony
took place in the common intercourse of life, and little famil-
iarity was indulged by the great. The advantages which
result from opulence are so solid and real that those who
are possessed of them need not dread the near approaches
of their inferiors. The distinctions of birth and title being
more empty and imaginary, soon vanish upon familiar access
and acquaintance. -
The expenses of the great consisted in pomp and show
and a numerous retinue rather than in convenience and true
pleasure. The Earl of Nottingham, in his embassy to Spain,
was attended by five hundred persons. The Earl of Hert-
ford, in that to Brussels, carried three hundred gentlemen
along with him. Lord Bacon has remarked that the English
nobility in his time maintained a larger retinue of servants
than the nobility of any other nation, except, perhaps, the
Polanders.” -
Civil honors, which now hold the first place, were at that
Manners.
* Essays, De Profer. Fin. Imp.
JAMES I. 379
gº
time subordinate to the military. The young gentry and
nobility were fond of distinguishing themselves by arms.
The fury of duels, too, prevailed more than at any time be-
fore or since.” This was the turn that the romantic chivalry
for which the nation was formerly so renowned had lately
taken. º
Liberty of commerce between the sexes was indulged, but
without any licentiousness of manners. The court was very
little an exception to this observation. James had rather
entertained an aversion and contempt for the females, nor
were those young courtiers of whom he was so fond able
to break through the established manners of the nation.
The first sedan-chair seen in England was in this reign,
and was used by the Duke of Buckingham, to the great in-
dignation of the people, who exclaimed that he was employ-
ing his fellow-creatures to do the service of beasts.
The country life prevails at present in England beyond
any cultivated nation of Europe; but it was then much
more generally embraced by all the gentry. The increase of
arts, pleasures, and Social commerce was just beginning to
produce an inclination for the softer and more civilized life
of the city. James discouraged, as much as possible, this
alteration of manners. “He was wont to be very earnest,”
as Lord Bacon tells us, “with the country gentlemen to go
from London to their country-seats. And sometimes he
would say thus to them, ‘Gentlemen, at London you are like
ships in a sea, which show like nothing; but in your country
villages you are like ships in a river, which look like great
things.””
He was not content with reproof and exhortation. As
Queen Elizabeth had perceived with regret the increase of
London, and had restrained all new buildings by proclama-
tion, James, who found that these edicts were not exactly
obeyed, frequently renewed them, though a strict execution
seems still to have been wanting. He also issued reiterated
proclamations, in imitation of his predecessor, containing
* Franklyn, p. 5. See also Lord Herbert's Memoirs. *" Apophthegms.
380 HISTORY OF ENGLAND.
severe menaces against the gentry who lived in town.” This
policy is contrary to that which has ever been practised by
all princes who studied the increase of their authority. To
allure the nobility to court; to engage them in expensive
pleasures or employments which dissipate their fortune; to
increase their subjection to ministers by attendance; to weak-
en their authority in the provinces by absence—these have
been the common arts of arbitrary government. But James,
besides that he had certainly laid no plan for extending his
power, had no money to support a splendid court or bestow
on a numerous retinue of gentry and nobility. He thought,
too, that by their living together they became more sensible
of their own strength, and were apt to indulge too curious re-
searches into matters of government. To remedy the present
evil, he was desirous of dispersing them into their country-
seats, where he hoped they would bear a more submissive rev-
erence to his authority, and receive less support from each
other. But the contrary effect soon followed. The riches
amassed during their residence at home rendered them in-
dependent. The influence acquired by hospitality made
them formidable. They would not be led by the court;
they could not be driven ; and thus the system of the Eng-
lish government received a total and a sudden alteration in
the course of less than forty years.
The first rise of commerce and the arts had contributed, in
preceding reigns, to scatter those immense fortunes of the
barons which rendered them so formidable both to king and
people. The further progress of these advantages began
during this reign to ruin the Small proprietors of land;"
and, by both events, the gentry, or that rank which composed
the House of Commons, enlarged their power and authority.
The early improvements in luxury were seized by the greater
nobles, whose fortunes, placing them above frugality or even
calculation, were soon dissipated in expensive pleasures.
These improvements reached, at last, all men of property;
and those of slender fortunes, who at that time were often
* Rymer, vol. xvii. p. 632. * Cabala, p. 224, first edit.
JAMES I. 381
men of family, imitating those of a rank immediately above
them, reduced themselves to poverty. Their lands, coming
to sale, swelled the estates of those who possessed riches suf-
ficient for the fashionable expenses, but who were not ex-
empted from some care and attention to their domestic econ-
omy. -
The gentry, also, of that age were engaged in no expense,
except that of country hospitality. No taxes were levied,
no wars waged, no attendance at court expected, no bribery.
or profusion required at elections.” Could human nature
ever reach happiness, the condition of the English gentry,
under so mild and benign a prince, might merit that appel-
lation.
The amount of the king's revenue, as it stood in 1617, is
thus stated : * of crown lands, eighty thousand pounds a
year; by customs and new impositions, near one
hundred and ninety thousand; by wards and other
various branches of revenue, besides purveyance, one hundred
and eighty thousand—the whole amounting to four hundred
and fifty thousand. The king's ordinary disbursements, by
the same account, are said to exceed this sum thirty-six thou-
sand pounds.” All the extraordinary sums which James had
raised by subsidies, loans, sale of lands, sale of the title of
baronet, money paid by the states and by the King of France,
benevolences, etc., were, in the whole, about two millions two
hundred thousand pounds, of which the sale of lands afforded
seven hundred and seventy-five thousand pounds. The ex-
traordinary disbursements of the king amounted to two mill-
ions, besides above four hundred thousand pounds given in
Finances.
* Men seem then to have been ambitious of representing the counties, but care-
less of the boroughs. A seat in the House was, in itself, of small importance.
But the former became a point of honor among the gentlemen.—Journal, Febru-
ary 10, 1620. Towns which had formerly neglected their right of sending mem-
bers now began to claim it.—Journal, February 26, 1623.
* An Abstract or Brief Declaration of his Majesty's Revenue, with the Assigna-
tions and Defalcations upon the same.
* The excess was formerly greater, as appears by Salisbury's account. See
ch. ii.
*
382 HISTORY OF ENGLAND.
presents. Upon the whole, a sufficient reason appears, partly
from necessary expenses, partly for want of a rigid economy,
why the king, even early in his reign, was deeply involved
in debt, and found great difficulty to support the govern-
ment. - -
Earmers, not commissioners, levied the customs. It seems,
indeed, requisite, that the former method should always be
tried before the latter, though a preferable one. When men's
own interest is concerned, they fall upon a hundred expedi-
ents to prevent frauds in the merchants; and these the pub-
lic may afterwards imitate in establishing proper rules for its
officers. - - - |
The customs were supposed to amount to five per cent.
of the value, and were levied upon exports as well as im-
ports. Nay, the imposition upon exports by James's addi-
tions is said to amount, in some few instances, to twenty-five
per cent. This practice, so hurtful to industry, prevails still
in France, Spain, and most countries of Europe. The cus-
toms, in 1604, yielded one hundred and twenty-seven thou-
Sand pounds a year.” They rose to one hundred and ninety
thousand towards the end of the reign.
Interest during this reign was at ten per cent. till 1624,
when it was reduced to eight. This high interest is an indi-
cation of the great profits and small progress of commerce.
The extraordinary supplies granted by Parliament during
this whole reign amounted not to more than six hundred
and thirty thousand pounds, which, divided among twenty-
one years, makes thirty thousand pounds a year. I do not
include those supplies, amounting to three hundred thousand
pounds, which were given to the king by his last Parliament.
These were paid in to their own commissioners, and the ex-
penses of the Spanish war were much more than sufficient
to exhaust them. The distressed family of the Palatine was
a great burden on James during part of his reign. The king,
it is pretended, possessed not frugality proportioned to the
extreme narrowness of his revenue. Splendid equipages,
* Journal, May 21, 1604.
JAMES I. - 383
however, he did not affect, nor costly furniture, nor a luxuri-
ous table, nor prodigal mistresses. His buildings, too, were
not sumptuous; though the Banqueting-house must not be
forgotten, as a monument which does honor to his reign.
Hunting was his chief amusement, the cheapest pleasure in
which a king can indulge himself. His expenses were the
effects of liberality rather than of luxury.
One day, it is said, while he was standing amid some of
his courtiers, a porter passed by, loaded with money, which
he was carrying to the treasury. The king observed that
Rich, afterwards Earl of Holland, one of his handsome, agree-
able favorites, whispered something to one standing near him.
Upon inquiry, he found that Rich had said, “How happy
would that money make me !” Without hesitation James
bestowed it all upon him, though it amounted to three thou-
sand pounds. He added, “You think yourself very happy
in obtaining so large a sum, but I am more happy in having
an opportunity of obliging a worthy man, whom I love.”
The generosity of James was more the result of a benign
humor or light fancy than of reason or judgment. The ob-
jects of it were such as could render themselves agreeable
to him in his loose hours, not such as were endowed with
great merit, or who possessed talents or popularity which
could strengthen his interest with the public.
The same advantage, we may remark, over the people
which the crown formerly reaped from that interval between
the fall of the Peers and the rise of the Commons was now
possessed by the people against the crown during the contin-
uance of a like interval. The sovereign had already lost that
independent revenue by which he could subsist without reg-
ular supplies from Parliament, and he had not yet acquired
the means of influencing those assemblies. The effects of
this situation, which commenced with the accession of the
house of Stuart, soon rose to a great height, and were more
or less propagated throughout all the reigns of that unhappy
family.
Subsidies and fifteenths are frequently mentioned by his-
torians, but neither the amount of these taxes nor the method
384 IHISTORY OF ENGLAND.
of levying them has been well explained. It appears that
the fifteenths formerly corresponded to the name, and were
that proportionable part of the movables.” But a valuation
having been made in the reign of Edward III., that valuation
was always adhered to, and each town paid unalterably a par-
ticular sum, which the inhabitants themselves assessed upon
their fellow-citizens. The same tax in corporate towns was
called a tenth, because there it was at first a tenth of the
movables. The whole amount of a tenth and a fifteenth
throughout the kingdom, or a fifteenth, as it is often more
concisely called, was about twenty-nine thousand pounds.”
The amount of a subsidy was not invariable, like that of a
fifteenth. In the eighth of Elizabeth a subsidy amounted to
one hundred and twenty thousand pounds; in the fortieth it
was not above seventy-eight thousand.” It afterwards fell to
seventy thousand, and was continually decreasing.” The rea-
son is easily collected from the method of levying it. We
may learn from the subsidy bills” that one subsidy was given
for four shillings in the pound on land, and two shillings and
eightpence on movables throughout the counties—a consider-
able tax had it been strictly levied. But this was only the
ancient state of a subsidy. During the reign of James there
was not paid the twentieth part of that sum. The tax was so
far personal that a man paid only in the county where he
lived, though he should possess estates in other counties; and
the assessors formed a loose estimation of his property and
rated him accordingly. To preserve, however, some rule in
the estimation, it seems to have been the practice to keep an
eye to former assessments, and to rate every man according
as his ancestors, or men of such an estimated property were
accustomed to pay. This was a sufficient reason why subsi-
dies could not increase, notwithstanding the great increase of
money and rise of rents. But there was an evident reason
* Coke's Inst. bk. iv. ch. 1, of fifteenths, quinzins.
* Coke's Inst. bk. iv. ch. 1, subsidies temporary.
* Journal, July 11, 1610.
* Coke's Inst. bk. iv. ch. 1, subsidies temporary.
* See Statutes at Large.
JAMES I. - 385
why they continually decreased. The favor, as is natural to
suppose, ran always against the crown; especially during the
latter end of Elizabeth, when subsidies became numerous and
frequent, and the sums levied were considerable compared to
former supplies. The assessors, though accustomed to have
an eye to ancient estimations, were not bound to observe any
such rule, but might rate anew any person according to his
present income. When rents fell or part of an estate was
sold off, the proprietor was sure to represent these losses and
obtain a diminution of his subsidy; but where rents rose or
new lands were purchased, he kept his own secret, and paid
no more than formerly. The advantage, therefore, of every
change was taken against the crown, and the crown could ob-
tain the advantage of none. And, to make the matter worse,
the alterations which happened in property during this age
were generally unfavorable to the crown. The small propri-
etors, or twenty-pound men, went continually to decay; and
when their estates were swallowed up by greater, the new pur-
chaser increased not his subsidy. So loose, indeed, is the whole
method of rating subsidies that the wonder was, not how the
tax should continually diminish, but how it yielded any reve-
nue at all. It became at last so unequal and uncertain that
the Parliament was obliged to change it into a land tax.
The price of corn during this reign, and that of the other
necessaries of life, was no lower, or was rather higher, than at
present. By a proclamation of James establishing public
magazines, whenever wheat fell below thirty-two shillings a
quarter, rye below eighteen, barley below sixteen, the commis-
sioners were empowered to purchase corn for the magazines.”
These prices, then, are to be regarded as low, though they
would rather pass for high by our present estimation. The
usual bread of the poor was at this time made of barley.”
The best wool, during the greater part of James's reign, was
at thirty-three shillings a tod.” At present it is not above
* Rymer, vol. xvii. p. 526. To the same purpose, see also 21 Jac. I. cap. 18.
* Rymer, vol. xx. p. 15.
* See a compendium or dialogue inserted in the Memoirs of Wool, ch. 23.
IV.—25
386 HISTORY OF ENGLAND,
two thirds of that value, though it is to be presumed that
our exports in woollen goods are somewhat increased. The
finer manufactures, too, by the progress of arts and industry,
have rather diminished in price, notwithstanding the great in-
crease of money. In Shakspeare the hostess tells Falstaff that
the shirts she bought him were holland, at eight shillings a
yard—a high price at this day, even supposing, what is not
probable, that the best holland at that time was equal in
goodness to the best that can now be purchased. In like
manner, a yard of velvet about the middle of Elizabeth’s
reign was valued at two-and-twenty shillings. It appears
from Dr. Birch's Life of Prince Henry” that that prince, by
contract with his butcher, paid near a groat a pound through-
out the year for all the beef and mutton used in his family.
Besides, we must consider that the general turn of that age,
which no laws could prevent, was the converting of arable
land into pasture—a certain proof that the latter was found
more profitable, and, consequently, that all butcher's meat, as
well as bread, was rather higher than at present. We have a
regulation of the market, with regard to poultry and some
other articles, very early in Charles I.’s reign,” and the prices
are high. A turkey-cock four shillings and sixpence, a tur-
key-hen three shillings, a pheasant-cock six, a pheasant-hen
five, a partridge one shilling, a goose two, a capon two and
sixpence, a pullet one and sixpence, a rabbit eightpence, a
dozen of pigeons six shillings.” We must consider that Lon-
don at present is more than three times more populous than
it was at that time—a circumstance which much increases the
price of poultry, and of everything that cannot conveniently
be brought from a distance; not to mention that these regu-
lations by authority are always calculated to diminish, never
to increase, the market prices. The contractors for victual-
ling the navy were allowed by government eightpence a day
9° EP. 449. * Rymer, vol. xix. p. 511.
* We may judge of the great grievance of purveyance by this circumstance, that
the purveyors often gave but sixpence for a dozen of pigeons and twopence for a
fowl. Journal, May 25, 1626. -
JAMES I. 387
for the diet of each man when in harbor, sevenpence half-
penny when at sea,” which would suffice at present. The
chief difference in expense between that age and the present
consists in the imaginary wants of men, which have since ex-
tremely multiplied. These" are the principal reasons why
James's revenue would go further than the same money in
our time, though the difference is not near so great as is
usually imagined.
The public was entirely free from the danger and expense
of a standing army. While James was vaunting his divine
vicegerency, and boasting of his high prerogative,
he possessed not so much as a single regiment of
guards to maintain his extensive claims—a sufficient proof
that he sincerely believed his pretensions to be well ground-
ed, and a strong presumption that they were at least built on
what were then deemed plausible arguments. The militia of
England, amounting to one hundred and sixty thousand men,”
was the sole defence of the kingdom. It is pretended that
they were kept in good order during this reign.” The city
of London procured officers who had served abroad, and who
taught the trained bands their exercises in Artillery-garden—
a practice which had been discontinued since 1588. All the
counties of England, in emulation of the capital, were fond of
showing a well-ordered and well-appointed militia. It ap-
pears that the natural propensity of men towards military
shows and exercises will go far, with a little attention in the
sovereign, towards exciting and Supporting this spirit in any
nation. The very boys, at that time, in mimicry of their el-
ders, enlisted themselves voluntarily into companies, elected
officers, and practised the discipline, of which the models were
every day exposed to their view.” Sir Edward Harwood, in
Arms.
* Rymer, vol. xvii. p. 441 et seq.
* This volume was written above twenty-eight years before the edition of 1786.
In that short period prices have, perhaps, risen more than during the preceding
hundred and fifty. .
*7 Journal, March 1, 1623.
* Stowe. See also Sir Walter Raleigh of the Prerogatives of Parliament, and
Johnston, Hist. lib. 18. * Stowe.
388 HISTORY OF ENGLAND.
a memorial composed at the beginning of the Subsequent
reign, says that England was so unprovided with horses fit
for war that two thousand men could not possibly be mount-
ed throughout the whole kingdom.” At present the breed
of horses is so much improved that almost all those which are
employed either in the plough, wagon, or coach would be fit
for that purpose. - -
The disorders of Ireland obliged James to keep up some
forces there, and put him to great expense. The common
pay of a private man in the infantry was eightpence a day, a
lieutenant two shillings, an ensign eighteenpence.” The ar-
mies in Europe were not near so numerous during that age;
and the private men, we may observe, were drawn from a bet-
ter rank than at present, and approaching nearer to that of
the officers.
In the year 1583 there was a general review made of all
the men in England capable of bearing arms; and these were
found to amount to one million one hundred and seventy-two
thousand men, according to Raleigh.” It is impossible to
warrant the exactness of this computation, or, rather, we may
fairly presume it to be somewhat inaccurate. But if it ap-
proached near the truth, England has probably since that time
increased in populousness. The growth of London, in riches
and beauty as well as in numbers of inhabitants, has been pro-
digious. From 1600 it doubled every forty years;” and, con-
sequently, in 1680 it contained four times as many inhabi-
tants as at the beginning of the century. It has ever been the
centre of all the trade in the kingdom, and almost the only
town that affords society and amusement. The affection which
the English bear to a country life makes the provincial towns
be little frequented by the gentry. Nothing but the allure-
ments of the capital, which is favored by the residence of the
* In the Harleian Miscellamy, vol. iv. p. 255.
* Rymer, vol. xvi. p. 717.
* Of the Invention of Shipping. This number is much superior to that con-
tained in Murden, and that delivered by Sir Edward Coke to the House of Com-
mons, and is more likely. -
*Sir William Fetty.
JAMES I. 389
king, and by being the seat of government and of all the courts
of justice, can prevail over their passion for their rural villas.
London at this time was almost entirely built of wood, and
in every respect was certainly a very ugly city. The Earl of
Arundel first introduced the general practice of brick build-
ings.” -
The navy of England was esteemed formidable in Eliza-
beth's time, yet it consisted only of thirty-three ships, besides
pinnaces;" and the largest of these would not equal
our fourth-rates at present. Raleigh advises never
to build a ship-of-war above six hundred tons." James was
not negligent of the navy. In five years preceding 1623, he
built ten new ships, and expended fifty thousand pounds a
year on the fleet, besides the value of thirty-six thousand
pounds in timber which he annually gave from the royal for-
ests.” The largest ship that had ever come from the English
docks was built during this reign. She was only fourteen
hundred tons, and carried sixty-four guns.” The merchant-
ships, in cases of necessity, were instantly converted into ships-
of-war. The king affirmed to the Parliament that the navy
had never before been in so good a condition."
Every session of Parliament during this reign we meet with
grievous lamentations concerning the decay of trade and the
growth of popery. Such violent propensity have
men to complain of the present times, and to en-
tertain discontent against their fortune and condition. The
king himself was deceived by these popular complaints, and
was at a loss to account for the total want of money which he
heard so much exaggerated." It may, however, be affirmed
Navy.
Commerce.
*Sir Edward Walker's Political Discourses, p. 270.
* Coke's Inst. bk. iv. ch. i. Consultation in Parliament for the Navy.
* By Raleigh's account, in his Discourse on the First Invention of Shipping, the
fleet, in the twenty-fourth of the queen, consisted only of thirteen ships, and was .
augmented afterwards eleven. He probably reckoned some to be pinnaces which
Coke called ships. -
* Journal, 11th March, 1623. Sir William Monson makes the number amount
only to nine new ships, p. 253.
* Stowe. * Parliamentary History, vol. vi. p. 94.
* Rymer, vol. xvii. p. 413.
390 HISTORY OF ENGLAND.
that during no preceding period of English history was there
a more sensible increase than during the reign of this mon-
arch of all the advantages which distinguish a flourishing peo-
ple. Not only the peace which he maintained was favorable
to industry and commerce; his turn of mind inclined him to
promote the peaceful arts; and trade being yet in its infancy,
all additions to it must have been the more evident to every
eye which was not blinded by melancholy prejudices.”
By an account,” which seems judicious and accurate, it ap-
pears that all the seamen employed in the merchant service
amounted to ten thousand men, which probably exceeds not
the fifth part of their present number. Sir Thomas Overbury
says that the Dutch possessed three times more shipping than
the English, but that their ships were of inferior burden to
those of the latter.” Sir William Monson computed the Eng-
lish naval power to be little or nothing inferior to the Dutch,”
which is surely an exaggeration. The Dutch at this time
traded to England with six hundred ships; England to Hol-
land with sixty only."
A catalogue of the manufactures for which the English
were then eminent would appear very contemptible in com-
Mannhe. parison of those which flourish among them at
Ull'CŞ. present. Almost all the more elaborate and curi-
ous arts were only cultivated abroad, particularly in Italy,
Holland, and the Netherlands. Ship-building and the found-
ing of iron cannon were the sole in which the English excelled.
They seem indeed to have possessed alone the secret of the lat-
ter, and great complaints were made every Parliament against
the exportation of English ordnance.
Nine tenths of the commerce of the kingdom consisted in
woollen goods." Wool, however, was allowed to be exported
till the nineteenth of the king. Its exportation was then for-
bidden by proclamation, though that edict was never strictly
* See note [TT] at the end of the volume.
* The Trade's Increase, in the Harleian Miscellamy, vol. iii.
* Remarks on his Travels, Harleian Miscellamy, vol. ii. p. 349.
* Naval Tracts, p. 329, 350. * Raleigh's Observations.
* Journal, 26th May, 1621.
JAMES I. 391
executed. Most of the cloth was exported raw, and was dyed
and dressed by the Dutch, who gained, it is pretended, seven
hundred thousand pounds a year by this manufacture.” A
proclamation issued by the king against exporting cloth in
that condition had succeeded so ill during one year by the
refusal of the Dutch to buy the dressed cloth that great mur-
murs arose against it; and this measure was retracted by the
king and complained of by the nation as if it had been the
most impolitic in the world. It seems, indeed, to have been
premature. *
In so little credit was the fine English cloth, even at home,
that the king was obliged to seek expedients by which he
might engage the people of fashion to wear it.” The manu-
facture of fine linen was totally unknown in the kingdom.”
The company of merchant adventurers by their patent pos-
sessed the sole commerce of woollen goods, though the staple
commodity of the kingdom. An attempt made during the
reign of Elizabeth to lay open this important trade had been
attended with bad consequences for a time by a conspiracy of
the merchant adventurers not to make any purchases of cloth,
and the queen immediately restored them their patent.
It was the groundless fear of a like accident that enslaved
the nation to those exclusive companies which confined so
much every branch of commerce and industry. The Parlia-
ment, however, annulled, in the third of the king, the patent
of the Spanish Company; and the trade to Spain, which was
at first very insignificant, soon became the most considerable
in the kingdom. It is strange that they were not thence en-
couraged to abolish all the other companies, and that they
went no further than obliging them to enlarge their bottom
and to facilitate the admission of new adventurers.
* Journal, 20th May, 1614. Raleigh, in his Observations, computes the loss at
four hundred thousand pounds to the nation. There are about eighty thousand
undressed cloths, says he, exported yearly. He computes, besides, that about one
hundred thousand pounds a year had been lost by l;erseys, not to mention other
articles. The account of two hundred thousand cloths a year exported in Eliza-
beth's reign seems to be exaggerated.
* Rymer, vol. xvii. p. 415. +. - * Ibid.
392 - HISTORY OF ENGLAND.
A board of trade was erected by the king in 1622.” One
of the reasons assigned in the commission is to remedy the
low price of wool, which begat complaints of the decay of the
woollen manufactory. It is more probable, however, that this
fall of prices proceeded from the increase of wool. The king
likewise recommends it to the commissioners to inquire and
examine whether a greater freedom of trade and an exemption
from the restraint of exclusive companies would not be bene-
ficial. Men were then fettered by their own prejudices; and
the king was justly afraid of embracing a bold measure whose
consequences might be uncertain. The digesting of a navi-
gation act, of a like nature with the famous one executed
afterwards by the republican Parliament, is likewise recom-
mended to the commissioners. The arbitrary powers then
commonly assumed by the privy council appear evidently
through the whole tenor of the commission.
The silk manufacture had no footing in England; but by
James's direction mulberry-trees were planted, and silkworms
introduced." The climate seems unfavorable to the success
of this project. The planting of hops increased much in Eng-
land during this reign.
Greenland is thought to have been discovered about this
period, and the whale-fishery was carried on with success; but
the industry of the Dutch, in spite of all opposition, soon de-
prived the English of this source of riches. A company was
erected for the discovery of the northwest passage, and many
fruitless attempts were made for that purpose. In such noble
projects despair ought never to be admitted till the absolute
impossibility of success be fully ascertained. .
The passage to the East Indies had been opened to the Eng-
lish during the reign of Elizabeth; but the trade to those parts
was not entirely established till this reign, when the East India
Company received a new patent, enlarged their stock to one
million five hundred thousand pounds,” and fitted out several
ships on these adventures. In 1609, they built a vessel of
twelve hundred tons, the largest merchant-ship that England
* Rymer, vol. xvii. p. 410. * Stowe. * Journal, 26th Nov. 1621.
JAMES I. 393
had ever known. She was unfortunate, and perished by ship-
wreck. In 1611, a large ship of the company, assisted by a
pinnace, maintained five several engagements with a squadron
of Portuguese, and gained a complete victory over forces much
superior. During the following years, the Dutch company was
guilty of great injuries towards the English in expelling many
of their factors and destroying their settlements; but these
violences were resented with a proper spirit by the court of
England. A naval force was equipped under the Earl of Ox-
ford,” and lay in wait for the return of the Dutch East India
fleet. By reason of cross winds Oxford failed of his purpose,
and the Dutch escaped. Some time after, one rich ship was
taken by Vice-Admiral Merwin; and it was stipulated by the
Dutch to pay seventy thousand pounds to the English com-
pany, in consideration of the losses which that company had
sustained." But neither this stipulation, nor the fear of re-
prisals, nor the sense of that friendship which subsisted be-
tween England and the states, could restrain the avidity of the
Dutch company, or render them equitable in their proceed-
ings towards their allies. Impatient to have the sole posses-
sion of the spice trade, which the English then shared with
them, they assumed a jurisdiction over a factory of the latter
in the island of Amboyna ; and, on very improbable and even
absurd pretences, seized all their factors, with their families,
and put them to death with the most inhuman tortures. This
dismal news arrived in England at the time when James, by
the prejudices of his subjects and the intrigues of his favorite,
was constrained to make a breach with Spain; and he was
obliged, after some remonstrances, to acquiesce in this indig-
nity from a state whose alliance was now become necessary to
him. It is remarkable that the nation, almost without a mur-
mur, submitted to this injury, from their Protestant confeder-
ates—an injury which, besides the horrid enormity of the ac-
tion, was of much deeper importance to national interest than
all those which they were so impatient to resent from the
house of Austria.
98 In 1622. * Johnston, Hist, lib. 19.
394. HISTORY OF ENGLAND.
The exports of England from Christmas, 1612, to Christmas,
1613, are computed at two million four hundred and eighty-
seven thousand four hundred and thirty-five pounds; the im-
ports, at two million one hundred and forty-one thousand one
hundred and fifty-one; so that the balance in favor of Eng-
land was three hundred and forty-six thousand two hundred
and eighty-four." But in 1622 the exports were two million
three hundred and twenty thousand four hundred and thirty-
six pounds; the imports, two million six hundred and nineteen
thousand three hundred and fifteen—which makes a balance
of two hundred and ninety-eight thousand eight hundred and
seventy-nine pounds against England." The coinage of Eng-
land from 1599 to 1619 amounted to four million seven hun-
dred and seventy-nine thousand three hundred and fourteen
pounds thirteen shillings and fourpence"—a proof that the
balance, in the main, was considerably in favor of the king-
dom. As the annual imports and exports together rose to
near five millions, and the customs never yielded so much as
two hundred thousand pounds a year, of which tonnage made
a part, it appears that the new rates affixed by James did not,
On the whole, amount to one shilling in the pound, and, con-
sequently, were still inferior to the intention of the original
grant of Parliament. The East India Company usually car-
ried out a third of their cargo in commodities.” The trade to
Turkey was one of the most gainful to the nation." It appears
that copper half-pence and farthings began to be coined in this
reign.” Tradesmen had commonly carried on their retail busi-
ness chiefly by means of leaden tokens. The small silver pen-
my was soon lost, and at this time was nowhere to be found.
What chiefly renders the reign of James memorable is the
commencement of the English colonies in America—colonies
established on the noblest footing that has been
known in any age or nation. The Spaniards, being
Colonies.
gº
* Misselden's Circle of Commerce, p. 121. 09 Ibid.
" Happy Future State of England, p. 78.
* Munn's Discourse on the East India Trade.
* Munn's Discourse on the East India Trade, p. 17.
"" Anderson, vol. i. p. 477.
. - . • -- * & *
º
*
JAMES I. 395
the first discoverers of the New World, immediately took pos-
session of the precious mines which they found there; and,
by the allurement of great riches, they were tempted to de-
populate their own country as well as that which they con-
quered; and added the vice of sloth to those of avidity and
barbarity, which had attended their adventurers in those re-
nowned enterprises. That fine coast was entirely neglected
which reaches from St. Augustine to Cape Breton, and which
lies in all the temperate climates, is watered by noble rivers,
and offers a fertile soil, but nothing more, to the industrious
planter. Peopled gradually from England by the necessitous
and indigent, who at home increased neither wealth nor popu-
lousness, the colonies which were planted along that tract have
promoted the navigation, encouraged the industry, and even
perhaps multiplied the inhabitants of their mother country.
The spirit of independency, which was reviving in England,
here shone forth in its full lustre, and received new accession
from the aspiring character of those who, being discontented
with the established church and monarchy, had sought for
freedom amid those Savage deserts.
Queen Elizabeth had done little more than given a name to
the continent of Virginia; and after her planting one feeble
colony, which quickly decayed, that country was entirely aban-
doned. But when peace put an end to the military enterprises
against Spain, and left ambitious spirits no hopes of making
any longer such rapid advances towards honor and fortune,
the nation began to second the pacific intentions of its mon-
arch, and to seek a surer though slower expedient for acquir-
ing riches and glory. In 1606, Newport carried over a colony,
and began a settlement, which the company, erected by patent
for that purpose in London and Bristol, took care to supply
with yearly recruits of provisions, utensils, and new inhabi-
tants. About 1609, Argal discovered a more direct and shorter
passage to Virginia, and left the track of the ancient naviga-
tors, who had first directed their course southwards to the
tropic, sailed westward by means of the trade-winds, and then
turned northwards, till they reached the English settlements.
The same year five hundred persons, under Sir Thomas Gates
396 HISTORY OF ENGILAND.
and Sir George Somers, were embarked for Virginia. Somers's
ship, meeting with a tempest, was driven into the Bermudas,
and laid the foundation of a settlement in those islands. Lord
Delawar afterwards undertook the government of the English
colonies; but, notwithstanding all his care, seconded by Sup-
plies from James and by money raised from the first lottery
ever known in the kingdom, such difficulties attended the set-
tlement of these countries that in 1614 there were not alive
more than four hundred men of all that had been sent thither.
After supplying themselves with provisions more immediately
necessary for the support of life, the new planters began the
cultivating of tobacco; and James, notwithstanding his antip-
athy to that drug, which he affirmed to be pernicious to men's
morals as well as their health,” gave them permission to enter
it in England; and he inhibited by proclamation all importa-
tion of it from Spain.” By degrees new colonies were estab-
lished in that continent, and gave new names to the places
where they settled, leaving that of Virginia to the province
first planted. The island of Barbadoes was also planted in
this reign.
Speculative reasoners, during that age, raised many objec-
tions to the planting of those remote colonies; and foretold
that, after draining their mother country of inhabitants, they
would soon shake off her yoke and erect an independent gov-
ernment in America; but time has shown that the views en-
tertained by those who encouraged such generous undertak-
ings were more just and solid. A mild government and great
naval force have preserved, and may still preserve during some
time, the dominion of England over her colonies; and such
advantages have commerce and navigation reaped from these
establishments that more than a fourth of the English ship-
ping is at present computed to be employed in carrying on
the traffic with the American settlements.
Agriculture was anciently very imperfect in England. The
sudden transitions, so often mentioned by historians, from the
lowest to the highest price of grain, and the prodigious ine-
* Rymer, vol. xvii. p. 621. * Rymer, vol. xviii. p. 621, 633.
JAMES I. 397
quality of its value in different years, are sufficient proofs that
the produce depended entirely on the seasons, and that art
had as yet done nothing to fence against the injuries of the
heavens. During this reign considerable improvements were
made, as in most arts, so in this, the most beneficial of any.
A numerous catalogue might be formed of books and pamph-
lets treating of husbandry which were written about this time.
The nation, however, was still dependent on foreigners for
daily bread; and though its exportation of grain now forms a
considerable branch of its commerce, notwithstanding its prob-
able increase of people, there was in that period a regular im-
portation from the Baltic, as well as from France; and if it
ever stopped, the bad consequences were sensibly felt by the
nation. Sir Walter Raleigh, in his Observations, computes
that two millions went out at one time for corn. It was not
till the fifth of Elizabeth that the exportation of corn had been
allowed in England; and Camden observes that agriculture
from that moment received new life and vigor.
The endeavors of James, or, more properly speaking, those
of the nation, for promoting trade were attended with greater
Success than those for the encouragement of learning. Though
the age was by no means destitute of eminent writers, a very
bad taste in general prevailed during that period, and the
monarch himself was not a little infected with it.
On the origin of letters among the Greeks, the genius of
poets and orators, as might naturally be expected, was distin-
Leaming and guished by an amiable simplicity, which, whatever
artS. rudeness may sometimes attend it, is so fitted to
express the genuine movements of nature and passion that
the compositions possessed of it must ever appear valuable to
the discerning part of mankind. The glaring figures of dis-
course, the pointed antithesis, the unnatural conceit, the jingle
of words—such false ornaments were not employed by early
writers; not because they were rejected, but because they
scarcely ever occurred to them. An easy, unforced strain of
sentiment runs through their compositions; though at the
Same time we may observe that, amid the most elegant sim-
plicity of thought and expression, one is sometimes surprised
398. HISTORY OF ENGLAND. *
. Jºe
**
to meet with a poor conceit, which had presented itself un-
sought for, and which the adthor had not acquired critical
observation enough to condemn.” A bad taste seizes with
avidity these frivolous beauties, and even perhaps a good taste,
ere surfeited by them; they multiply every day more and
more in the fashionable compositions; nature and good sense
are neglected, labored ornaments studied and admired, and a
total degeneracy of style and language prepares the way for
barbarism and ignorance. Hence the Asiatic manner was
found to depart so much from the simple purity of Athens;
hence that timsel eloquence which is observable in many of the
Roman writers, from which Cicero himself is not wholly ex-
empted, and which so much prevails in Ovid, Seneca, Lucan,
Martial, and the Plinys. . . .
On the revival of letters, when the judgment of the public
is yet raw and uninformed, this false glitter catches the eye,
and leaves no room, either in eloquence or poetry, for the du-
rable beauties of solid sense and lively passion. The reigning
genius is then diametrically opposite to that which prevails on
the first origin of arts. The Italian writers, it is evident, even
the most celebrated, have not reached the proper simplicity of
thought and composition; and in Petrarch, Tasso, Guarini,
frivolous witticisms and forced conceits are but too predom-
inant. The period during which letters were cultivated in
Italy was so short as scarcely to allow leisure for correcting
this adulterated relish.
The more early French writers are liable to the same re-
proach. Voiture, Balzac, even Corneille, have too much af-
fected those ambitious ornaments of which the Italians in
general, and the least pure of the ancients, supplied them with
J.'
” The name of Polynices, one of GEdipus's sons, means in the original much
quarrelling. In the altercations between the two brothers, in AEschylus, Sophocles,
and Euripides, this conceit is employed; and it is remarkable that so poor a co-
nundrum could not be rejected by any of these three poets, so justly celebrated for
their taste and simplicity. What could Shakspeare have done worse? Terence
has his “inceptio estamentium, non amantium.” Many similar instances will oc-
cur to the learned. It is well known that Aristotle treats very seriously of puns,
divides them into several classes, and recommends the use of them to orators.
JAMES I. 399
so many models; and it was not till late that observation and
reflection gave rise to a more natural turn of thought and
composition among that elegant people.
A like character may be extended to the first English
writers; such as flourished during the reigns of Elizabeth and
James, and even till long afterwards. Learning, on its revi-
val in this island, was attired in the same unnatural garb
which it wore at the time of its decay among the Greeks and
Romans; and, what may be regarded as a misfortune, the
English writers were possessed of great genius before they
were endowed with any degree of taste, and by that means
gave a kind of sanction to those forced turns and sentiments
which they so much affected. Their distorted conceptions
and expressions are attended with such vigor of mind that we
admire the imagination which produced them as much as we
blame the want of judgment which gave them admittance.
To enter into an exact criticism of the writers of that age
would exceed our present purpose. A short character of
the most eminent, delivered with the same freedom which
history exercises over kings and ministers, may not be im-
proper. The national prepossessions which prevail will, per-
haps, render the former liberty not the least perilous for an
author. tº
If Shakspeare be considered as a MAN born in a rude age
and educated in the lowest manner, without any instruction
either from the world or from books, he may be regarded as
a prodigy; if represented as a POET. capable of furnishing a
proper entertainment to a refined or intelligent audience, we
must abate much of this eulogy. In his compositions, we re-
gret that many irregularities, and even absurdities, should so
frequently disfigure the animated and passionate scenes inter-
mixed with them; and, at the same time, we perhaps admire
the more those beauties on account of their being surrounded
with such deformities. A striking peculiarity of sentiment,
adapted to a single character, he frequently hits, as it were, by
inspiration; but a reasonable propriety of thought he cannot
for any time uphold. Nervous and picturesque expressions
as well as descriptions abound in him; but it is in vain we
400 HISTORY OF ENGLAND.
look either for purity or simplicity of diction. His total ig.
norance of all theatrical art and conduct, however material a
defect, yet, as it affects the spectator rather than the reader,
we can more easily excuse than that want of taste which often
prevails in his productions, and which gives way only by in-
tervals to the irradiations of genius. A great and fertile
genius he certainly possessed, and one enriched equally with
a tragic and comic vein; but he ought to be cited as a
proof how dangerous it is to rely on these advantages alone
for attaining an excellence in the finer arts.” And there
may even remain a suspicion that we overrate, if possible,
the greatness of his genius; in the same mainer as bodies
often appear more gigantic on account of their being dis-
proportioned and misshapen. He died in 1616, aged fifty-
three years. - -
Jonson possessed all the learning which was wanting to
Shakspeare, and wanted all the genius of which the other was
possessed. Both of them were equally deficient in taste and
elegance, in harmony and correctness. A servile copyist of
the ancients, Jonson translated into bad English the beautiful
passages of the Greek and Roman authors, without accommo-
dating them to the manners of his age and country. His
merit has been totally eclipsed by that of Shakspeare, whose
rude genius prevailed over the rude art of his contemporary.
The English theatre has ever since taken a strong tincture of
Shakspeare's spirit and character; and thence it has proceed-
ed that the nation has undergone from all its neighbors the
reproach of barbarism, from which its valuable productions in
some other parts of learning would otherwise have exempted
it. Jonson had a pension of a hundred marks from the king,
which Charles afterwards augmented to a hundred pounds.
He died in 1637, aged sixty-three.
T'airfax has translated Tasso with an elegance and ease, and
at the same time with an exactness, which for that age are sur-
prising. Each line in the original is faithfully rendered by a
* “Invenire etiam barbari solent, disponere et ornare non nisi eruditus.”—
PLINY.
JAMES I. 401
correspondent line in the translation. Harrington's transla-
tion of Ariosto is not likewise without its merit. It is to be
regretted that these poets should have imitated the Italians in
their stanza, which has a prolixity and uniformity in it that
displease in long performances. They had otherwise, as well
as Spenser, who went before them, contributed much to the
polishing and refining of English versification.
In Donne’s satires, when carefully inspected, there appear
some flashes of wit and ingenuity; but these totally Suffocated
and buried by the hardest and most uncouth expression that
is anywhere to be met with.
If the poetry of the English was so rude and imperfect dur-
ing that age, we may reasonably expect that their prose would
be liable to still greater objections. Though the latter ap-
pears the more easy, as it is the more natural method of com-
position, it has ever in practice been found the more rare and
difficult; and there scarcely is an instance, in any language,
that it has reached a degree of perfection before the refine-
ment of poetical numbers and expression. English prose dur-
ing the reign of James was written with little regard to the
rules of grammar, and with a total disregard to the elegance
and harmony of the period. Stuffed with Latin sentences and
quotations, it likewise imitated those inversions which, how-
ever forcible and graceful in the ancient languages, are entire-
ly contrary to the idiom of the English. I shall, indeed, vent-
ure to affirm that whatever uncouth phrases and expressions
occur in old books, they were chiefly owing to the unformed
taste of the author; and that the language spoken in the
courts of Elizabeth and James was very little different from
that which we meet with at present in good company. Of
this opinion the little scraps of speeches which are found in
the parliamentary journals, and which carry an air so opposite
to the labored orations, seem to be a sufficient proof; and
there want not productions of that age which, being written
by men who were not authors by profession, retain a very
natural manner, and may give us some idea of the language
which prevailed among men of the world. I shall particular-
ly mention Sir John Davis's Discovery; Throgmorton’s, Es-
IV.—26
402 HISTORY OF ENGLAND.
sex’s, and Nevil’s Letters. In a more early period, Caven-
dish’s Life of Cardinal Wolsey, the pieces that remain of
Bishop Gardiner, and Anne Boleyn's letter to the king differ
little or nothing from the language of our time.
The great glory of literature in this island during the reign
of James was Lord Bacon. Most of his performances were
composed in Latin; though he possessed neither the elegance
of that nor of his native tongue. If we consider the variety
of talents displayed by this man—as a public speaker, a man
of business, a wit, a courtier, a companion, an author, a phi-
losopher—he is justly the object of great admiration. If we
consider him merely as an author and philosopher, the light
in which we view him at present, though very estimable, he
was yet inferior to his contemporary Galileo, perhaps even to
Repler. Bacon pointed out at a distance the road to true phi-
losophy. Galileo both pointed it out to others and made him-
self considerable advances in it. The Englishman was igno-
rant of geometry. The Florentine revived that science, ex-
celled in it, and was the first that applied it, together with ex-
periment, to natural philosophy. The former rejected, with
the most positive disdain, the system of Copernicus; the lat-
ter fortified it with new proofs, derived both from reason and
the senses. Bacon’s style is stiff and rigid; his wit, though
often brilliant, is also often unnatural and far-fetched; and
he seems to be the original of those pointed similes and long-
spun allegories which so much distinguish the English au-
thors; Galileo is a lively and agreeable, though somewhat a
prolix writer. But Italy, not united in any single govern-
ment, and perhaps satiated with that literary glory which it
has possessed both in ancient and modern times, has too much
neglected the renown which it has acquired by giving birth
to so great a man. That national spirit which prevails among
the English, and which forms their great happiness, is the
cause why they bestow on all their eminent writers, and on
Bacon among the rest, such praises and acclamations as may
often appear partial and excessive. He died in 1626, in the
sixty-sixth year of his age. -
If the reader of Raleigh's History can have the patience to
JAMES I. º 403
wade through the Jewish and rabbinical learning which com-
pose the half of the volume, he will find, when he comes to
the Greek and Roman story, that his pains are not unreward-
ed. Raleigh is the best model of that ancient style which
some writers would affect to revive at present. He was be-
headed in 1618, aged sixty-six years. -
Camden’s History of Queen Elizabeth may be esteemed
good composition, both for style and matter. It is written
with simplicity of expression, very rare in that age, and with .
a regard to truth. It would not, perhaps, be too much to af-
firm that it is among the best historical productions which
have yet been composed by any Englishman. It is well known
that the English have not much excelled in that kind of liter-
ature. He died in 1623, aged seventy-three years.
We shall mention the king himself at the end of these
English writers; because that is his place, when considered as
an author. It may safely be affirmed that the mediocrity of
James's talents in literature, joined to the great change in na-
tional taste, is one cause of that contempt under which his
memory labors, and which is often carried by party writers to
a great extreme. It is remarkable how different from ours
were the sentiments of the ancients with regard to learn-
ing. Of the first twenty Roman emperors, counting from
Caesar to Severus, above the half were authors; and though
few of them seem to have been eminent in that profession,
it is always remarked to their praise that by their exam-
ple they encouraged literature. Not to mention Germani-
cus, and his daughter Agrippina, persons so nearly allied to
the throne, the greater part of the classic writers whose
works remain were men of the highest quality. As every
human advantage is attended with inconveniences, the change
of men's ideas in this particular may probably be ascribed
to the invention of printing, which has rendered books so
common that even men of slender fortunes can have access
to them.
That James was but a middling writer may be allowed;
that he was a contemptible one can by no means be admitted.
Whoever will read his Basilicon Doron, particularly the two
404 HISTORY OF ENGLAND.
last books, the True Law of Free Monarchies, his answer to
Cardinal Perron, and almost all his speeches and messages to
Parliament, will confess him to have possessed no mean gen-
ius. If he wrote concerning witches and apparitions, who in
that age did not admit the reality of these fictitious beings?
If he has composed a commentary on the Revelations, and
proved the pope to be antichrist, may not a similar reproach
be extended to the famous Napier, and even to Newton, at
a time when learning was much more advanced than during
the reign of James? From the grossness of its superstitions
we may infer the ignorance of an age, but never should
pronounce concerning the folly of an individual from his ad-
mitting popular errors consecrated by the appearance of re-
ligion.
Such a Superiority do the pursuits of literature possess
above every other occupation that even he who attains but a
mediocrity in them merits the pre-eminence above those that
excel the most in the common and vulgar professions. The
speaker of the House of Commons is usually an eminent law-
yer; yet the harangue of his majesty will always be found
much superior to that of the speaker in every Parliament dur-
ing his reign.
Every Science, as well as polite literature, must be consid-
ered as being yet in its infancy. Scholastic learning and po-
lemical divinity retarded the growth of all true knowledge.
Sir Henry Saville, in the preamble of that deed by which he
annexed a Salary to the mathematical and astronomical pro-
fessors in Oxford, says that geometry was almost totally aban-
doned and unknown in England.” The best learning of that
age was the study of the ancients. Casaubon, eminent for this
species of knowledge, was invited over from France by James,
and encouraged by a pension of three hundred pounds a year,
as well as by church preferments." The famous Antonio di
Dominis, Archbishop of Spalatro, no despicable philosopher,
came likewise into England, and afforded great triumph to
the nation by their gaining so considerable a proselyte from
* Rymer, vol. xvii. p. 217. * Rymer, vol. xvii. p. 709.
JAMES I. 405
the papists. But the mortification followed soon after. The
archbishop, though advanced to some ecclesiastical prefer-
ments," received not encouragement sufficient to satisfy his
ambition; he made his escape into Italy, where he died in
confinement.
" Rymer, vol. xvii. p. 95.
406 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. CH. L.
CHAPTER L.
CHARLES I.
f
h
A Parliament at Westminster.—At Oxford.—Naval Expedition against Spain.—
Second Parliament.—Impeachment of Buckingham.—Violent Measures of the
Court.—War with France.—Expedition to the Isle of Rhé.
No Sooner had Charles taken into his hands the reins of
government than he showed an impatience to assemble the
1625. great council of the nation; and he would gladly,
** for the sake of despatch, have called together the
Same Parliament which had sitten under his father, and which
lay at that time under prorogation. But being told that this
measure would appear unusual, he issued writs for summon-
A Parliament ing a new Parliament on the 7th of May; and
º°" it was not without regret that the arrival of the
June is Princess Henrietta, whom he had espoused by
proxy, obliged him to delay, by repeated prorogations, their
meeting till the 18th of June, when they assembled at West-
minster for the despatch of business. The young prince, in-
experienced and impolitic, regarded as sincere all the praises
and caresses with which he had been loaded while active in
procuring the rupture with the house of Austria; and, besides
that he labored under great necessities, he hastened with alac-
rity to a period when he might receive the most undoubted
testimony of the dutiful attachment of his subjects. His dis-
course to the Parliament was full of simplicity and cordiality.
He lightly mentioned the occasion which he had for supply."
He employed no intrigue to influence the suffrages of the
* Rushworth, vol. i. p. 171. I?arliamentary History, vol. vi. p. 346. Franklyn,
p. 108.
CII. L. CHARLES I. 407
members. He would not even allow the officers of the crown
who had seats in the House to mention any particular sum
which might be expected by him. Secure of the affections
of the Commons, he was resolved that their bounty should be
entirely their own deed—unasked, unsolicited—the genuine
fruit of sincere confidence and regard.
The House of Commons accordingly took into considera-
tion the business of supply. They knew that all the money
granted by the last Parliament had been expended on naval
and military armaments, and that great anticipations were
likewise made on the revenues of the crown. They were not
ignorant that Charles was loaded with a large debt, contract-
ed by his father, who had borrowed money both from his
own subjects and from foreign princes. They had learned
by experience that the public revenue could with difficulty
maintain the dignity of the crown, even under the ordinary
charges of government. They were sensible that the present
war was very lately the result of their own importunate appli-
cations and entreaties, and that they had solemnly engaged
to support their sovereign in the management of it. They
were acquainted with the difficulty of military enterprises
directed against the whole house of Austria; against the King
of Spain, possessed of the greatest riches and most extensive
dominions of any prince in Europe; against the Emperor
Ferdinand, hitherto the most fortunate monarch of his age,
who had subdued and astonished Germany by the rapidity of
his victories. TJeep impressions, they saw, must be made by
the English sword, and a vigorous offensive war be waged
against these mighty potentates, ere they would resign a
principality which they had now fully subdued, and which
they held in secure possession, by its being surrounded with
all their other territories.
To answer, therefore, all these great and important ends;
to satisfy their young king in the first request which he made
them ; to prove their sense of the many royal virtues, particu-
larly economy, with which Charles was endowed, the House
of Commons, conducted by the wisest and ablest senators that
had ever flourished in England, thought proper to confer on
40S HISTORY OF ENGLAND. CH. L.
the king a supply of two Subsidies, amounting to one hundred
and twelve thousand pounds.” -
This measure, which discovers rather a cruel mockery of
Charles than any serious design of supporting him, appears so
extraordinary, when considered in all its circumstances, that
it naturally summons up our attention and raises an inquiry
concerning the causes of a conduct unprecedented in an Eng-
lish Parliament. So numerous an assembly, composed of
persons of various dispositions, was not, it is probable, wholly
influenced by the same motives, and few declared openly their
true reason. We shall, therefore, approach nearer to the truth
if we mention all the views which the present conjuncture
could suggest to them.
It is not to be doubted but spleen and ill-will against the
Duke of Buckingham had an influence with many. So vast
and rapid a fortune, so little merited, could not fail to excite
public envy; and however men's hatred might have been
suspended for a moment, while the duke's conduct seemed to
gratify their passions and their prejudices, it was impossible
for him long to preserve the affections of the people. His in-
fluence over the modesty of Charles exceeded even that which
he had acquired over the weakness of James; nor was any
public measure conducted but by his counsel and direction.
His vehement temper prompted him to raise suddenly to the
highest elevation his flatterers and dependents, and upon the
least occasion of displeasure he threw them down with equal
impetuosity and violence. Implacable in his hatred, fickle
in his friendships, all men were either regarded as his enemies
or dreaded soon to become such. The whole power of the
kingdom was grasped by his insatiable hand, while he both
engrossed the entire confidence of his master and held, invest-
ed in his single person, the most considerable offices of the
Cl’OWI). .
However the ill-humor of the Commons might have been
increased by these considerations, we are not to suppose them
* A subsidy was now fallen to about fifty-six thousand pounds.-Cabala, p. 224,
first edit. -
CH. L. - , CHARLES I. - 409
the sole motives. The last Parliament of James, amid all their
joy and festivity, had given him a supply very disproportioned
to his demand and to the occasion ; and, as every House of
Commons which was elected during forty years succeeded to
all the passions and principles of their predecessors, we ought
rather to account for this obstinacy from the general situation
of the kingdom during that whole period than from any cir-
cumstances which attended this particular conjuncture.
The nation was very little accustomed at that time to the
burden of taxes, and had never opened their purses in any
degree for supporting their sovereign. Even Elizabeth, not-
withstanding her vigor and frugality, and the necessary wars
in which she was engaged, had reason to complain of the Com-
mons in this particular ; nor could the authority of that prin-
cess, which "was otherwise almost absolute, ever extort from
them the requisite supplies. Habits, more than reason, we
find in everything to be the governing principle of mankind.
In this view, likewise, the sinking of the value of subsidies
must be considered as a loss to the king. The Parliament,
Swayed by custom, would not augment their number in the
Same proportion. -
The Puritanical party, though disguised, had a great au-
thority over the kingdom, and many of the leaders among
the Commons had secretly embraced the rigid tenets of that
Sect. All these were disgusted with the court, both by the
prevalence of the principles of civil liberty essential to their
party, and on account of the restraint under which they were
held by the established hierarchy. In order to fortify himself
against the resentment of James, Buckingham had affected
popularity, and entered into the cabals of the Puritans; but,
being secure of the confidence of Charles, he had since aban-
doned this party, and on that account was the more exposed to
their hatred and resentment. Though the religious schemes
of many of the Puritans, when explained, appeared pretty
frivolous, we are not thence to imagine that they were pursued
by none but persons of weak understandings. Some men of
the greatest parts and most extensive knowledge that the na-
tion at this time produced could not enjoy any peace of mind
410 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. CH. L.
because obliged to hear prayers offered up to the Divinity by
a priest covered with a white linen vestment.
The match with France, and the articles in favor of Catho-
lics, which were suspected to be in the treaty, were likewise
causes of disgust to this whole party; though it must be re-
marked that the connections with that crown were much less
obnoxious to the Protestants and less agreeable to the Catho-
lics than the alliance formerly projected with Spain, and were
therefore received rather with pleasure than dissatisfaction.
To all these causes we must yet add another of considera-
ble moment. The House of Commons, we may observe, was
almost entirely governed by a set of men of the most un-
common capacity and the largest views—men who were now
formed into a regular party, and united, as well by fixed aims
and projects as by the hardships which some of them had un-
dergone in prosecution of them. Among these we may men-
tion the names of Sir Edward Coke, Sir Edwin Sandys, Sir
Robert Philips, Sir Francis Seymour, Sir Dudley Digges, Sir
John Elliot, Sir Thomas Wentworth, Mr. Selden, and Mr.
Pym. Animated with a warm regard to liberty, these gen-
erous patriots saw with regret an unbounded power exercised
by the crown, and were resolved to seize the opportunity
which the king's necessities offered them of reducing the pre-
rogative within more reasonable compass. Though their an-
cestors had blindly given way to practices and precedents fa-
vorable to kingly power, and had been able, notwithstanding,
to preserve some small remains of liberty, it would be impos-
sible, they thought, when all these pretensions were method-
ized and prosecuted by the increasing knowledge of the age,
to maintain any shadow of popular government in opposition
to such unlimited authority in the sovereign. It was neces-
sary to fix a choice: either to abandon entirely the privileges
of the people or to secure them by firmer and more precise
barriers than the constitution had hitherto provided for them.
In this dilemma men of such aspiring geniuses and such inde-
pendent fortunes could not long deliberate : they boldly em-
braced the side of freedom, and resolved to grant no supplies
to their necessitous prince without extorting concessions in
CH. L. CHARLES I. 411
favor of civil liberty. The end they esteemed beneficent and
noble, the means regular and constitutional. To grant or re-
fuse supplies was the undoubted privilege of the Commons;
and as all human governments, particularly those of a mixed
frame, are in continual fluctuation, it was as natural, in their
opinion, and allowable, for popular assemblies to take advan-
tage of favorable incidents in order to secure the subject as
for monarchs in order to extend their own authority. With
pleasure they beheld the king involved in a foreign war which
rendered him every day more dependent on the Parliament,
while at the same time the situation of the kingdom, even
without any military preparations, gave it sufficient security
against all invasion from foreigners. Perhaps, too, it had
partly proceeded from expectations of this nature that the
popular leaders had been so urgent for a rupture with Spain;
nor is it credible that religious zeal could so far have blinded
all of them as to make them discover in such a measure any
appearance of necessity or any hope of Success.
But however natural all these sentiments might appear to
the country party, it is not to be imagined that Charles would
entertain the same idea. Strongly prejudiced in favor of the
duke, whom he had heard so highly extolled in Parliament,
he could not conjecture the cause of So sudden an alteration
in their opinions; and when the war which they themselves
had so earnestly solicited was at last commenced, the immedi-
ate desertion of their sovereign could not but seem very un-
accountable. Even though no further motive had been sus-
pected, the refusal of supply in such circumstances would
naturally to him appear cruel and deceitful; but when he
perceived that this measure proceeded from an intention of
encroaching on his authority, he failed not to regard these
claims as highly criminal and traitorous. Those lofty ideas
of monarchical power which were very commonly adopted
during that age, and to which the ambiguous nature of the
English constitution gave so plausible an appearance, were
firmly riveted in Charles; and however moderate his temper,
the natural and unavoidable prepossessions of self-love, joined
to the late uniform precedents in favor of prerogative, had
412 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. CH. L.
made him regard his political tenets as certain and uncontro-
verted. Taught to consider even the ancient laws and consti-
tution more as lines to direct his conduct than barriers to
withstand his power, a conspiracy to erect new ramparts in
order to straiten his authority appeared but one degree re-
moved from open sedition and rebellion. So atrocious in his
eyes was such a design that he seems even unwilling to im-
pute it to the Commons; and though he was constrained to
adjourn the Parliament by reason of the plague,
which at that time raged in London, he immediate-
,..., ly reassembled them at Oxford, and made a new
§ºntal attempt to gain from them some Supplies in such
an urgent necessity.
Charles now found himself obliged to depart from that del-
icacy which he had formerly maintained. By himself or his
ministers, he entered into a particular detail both of the alli-
ances which he had formed and of the military operations
which he had projected.” He told the Parliament that by a
promise of subsidies he had engaged the Ring of Denmark to
take part in the war; that this monarch intended to enter
Germany by the north, and to rouse to arms those princes
who impatiently longed for an opportunity of asserting the
liberty of the empire; that Mansfeldt had undertaken to pene-
trate with an English army into the Palatinate, and by that
quarter to excite the members of the evangelical union; that
the states must be supported in the unequal warfare which
they maintained with Spain; that no less a sum than seven
hundred thousand pounds a year had been found, by compu-
tation, requisite for all these purposes; that the maintenance
of the fleet and the defence of Ireland demanded an annual
expense of four hundred thousand pounds; that he himself
had already exhausted and anticipated in the public service
his whole revenue, and had scarcely left sufficient for the
daily subsistence of himself and his family;” that on his ac-
cession to the crown he found a debt of above three hundred
thousand pounds, contracted by his father in support of the
July 11.
t
* Dugdale, p. 25, 26. * Parliamentary History, vol. vi. p. 396.
CH. L. CHARLES I. 413
Palatine; and that, while Prince of Wales, he had himself
contracted debts, notwithstanding his great frugality, to the
amount of seventy thousand pounds, which he had expended
entirely on naval and military armaments. After mentioning
all these facts, the king even condescended to use entreaties.
He said that this request was the first that he had ever made
them; that he was young, and in the commencement of his
reign; and if he now met with kind and dutiful usage, it
would endear to him the use of parliaments, and would for-
ever preserve an entire harmony between him and his people."
To these reasons the Commons remained inexorable. Not-
withstanding that the king's measures, on the supposition of
a foreign war, which they had constantly demanded, were al-
together unexceptionable, they obstimately refused any further
aid. Some members, favorable to the court, having insisted
on an addition of two fifteenths to the former Supply, even
this pittance was refused," though it was known that a fleet
and army were lying at Portsmouth in great want of pay and
provisions, and that Buckingham, the admiral, and the treas-
urer of the navy, had advanced on their own credit near a
hundred thousand pounds for the sea-service.' Besides all
their other motives, the House of Commons had made a dis-
covery which, as they wanted but a pretence for their refusal,
inflamed them against the court and against the Duke of
Buckingham.
When James deserted the Spanish alliance, and courted that
of France, he had promised to furnish Louis, who was entirely
destitute of naval force, with one ship-of-war, together with
seven armed vessels hired from the merchants. These the
French court had pretended they would employ against the
Genoese, who, being firm and useful allies to the Spanish
monarchy, were naturally regarded with an evil eye both by
the King of France and of England. When these vessels by
Charles's orders arrived at Dieppe, there arose a strong sus-
* Rushworth, vol. i. p. 177, 178, etc. Parliamentary History, vol. vi. p. 399.
Franklyn, p. 108, 109. Journal, August 10, 1625.
* Rushworth, vol. i. p. 190. " Parliamentary History, vol. vi. p. 390.
414 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. CH. L.
picion that they were to serve against Rochelle. The sailors
were inflamed. That race of men, who are at present both
careless and ignorant in all matters of religion, were at that
time only ignorant. They drew up a remonstrance to Pen-
nington, their commander; and, signing all their names in a
circle, lest he should discover the ringleaders, they laid it un-
der his prayer-book. Pennington declared that he would
rather be hanged in England for disobedience than fight
against his brother Protestants in France. The whole squad-
ron sailed immediately to the Downs. There they received
new orders from Buckingham, lord admiral, to return to
Dieppe. As the duke knew that authority alone would not
suffice, he employed much art and many subtleties to engage
them to obedience, and a rumor which was spread that peace
had been concluded between the French king and the Hu-
guenots assisted him in his purpose. When they arrived at
Dieppe, they found that they had been deceived. Sir Ferdi-
nando Gorges, who commanded one of the vessels, broke
through and returned to England. All the officers and sail-
ors of all the other ships, notwithstanding great offers made
them by the French, immediately deserted. One gunner alone
preferred duty towards his king to the cause of religion, and
he was afterwards killed in charging a cannon before Ro-
chelle.” The care which historians have taken to record this
frivolous event proves with what pleasure the news was re-
ceived by the nation. -
The House of Commons, when informed of these transac-
tions, showed the same attachment with the Sailors for the
Protestant religion; nor was their zeal much better guided by
reason and sound policy. It was not considered that it was
highly probable the king and the duke themselves had here
been deceived by the artifices of France, nor had they any
hostile intention against the Huguenots; that were it other-
wise, yet might their measures be justified by the most obvi-
ous and most received maxims of civil policy; that if the
force of Spain were really so exorbitant as the Commons im-
* Franklyn, p. 109. Tushworth, vol. i. p. 175, 176, etc., 325, 326, etc.
CH. L. CHARLES I. - 415
agined, the French monarch was the only prince that could
oppose its progress and preserve the balance of Europe; that
his power was at present fettered by the Huguenots, who, be-
ing possessed of many privileges, and even of fortified towns,
formed an empire within his empire, and kept him in per-
petual jealousy and inquietude; that an insurrection had been
at that time wantonly and voluntarily formed by their leaders,
who, being disgusted in some court intrigue, took advantage
of the never-failing pretence of religion in order to cover
their rebellion; that the Dutch, influenced by these views, had
ordered a squadron of twenty ships to join the French fleet
employed against the inhabitants of Rochelle;" that the Span-
ish monarch, sensible of the same consequences, secretly sup-
ported the Protestants in France; and that all princes had
ever sacrificed to reasons of state the interests of their religion
in foreign countries. All these obvious considerations had no
influence. Great murmurs and discontents still prevailed in
Parliament. The Huguenots, though they had no ground of
complaint against the French court, were thought to be as
much entitled to assistance from England as if they had taken
arms in defence of their liberties and religion against the
persecuting rage of the Catholics. And it plainly appears
from this incident, as well as from many others, that of all
European nations the British were at that time, and till long
after, the most under the influence of that religious spirit
which tends rather to inflame bigotry than increase peace and
mutual charity.
On this occasion the Commons renewed their eternal com-
plaints against the growth of popery, which was ever the chief
of their grievances, and now their only one.” They demand-
ed a strict execution of the penal laws against the Catholics,
and remonstrated against Some late pardons granted to priests."
They attacked Montague, one of the king’s chaplains, on ac-
count of a moderate book which he had lately published,
and which, to their great disgust, saved virtuous Catholics as
"Journal, April 18, 1626. * Franklyn, p. 3, etc.
* IParliamentary IIistory, vol. vi. p. 374. Journal, August 1, 1625.
416. HISTORY OF ENGLAND. CH. L.
well as other Christians from eternal torments.” Charles gave
them a gracious and compliant answer to all their remon-
strances. Hé was, however, in his heart extremely averse to
these furious measures. Though a determined Protestant by
principle as well as inclination, he had entertained no vio-
lent horror against popery, and a little humanity, he thought,
was due by the nation to the religion of their ancestors. That
degree of liberty which is now indulged to Catholics, though
a party much more obnoxious than during the reign of the
Stuarts, it suited neither with Charles's sentiments nor the
humor of the age to allow them. An abatement of the more
rigorous laws was all he intended, and his engagements with
France, notwithstanding that their regular execution had never
been promised or expected, required of him some indulgence.
But so unfortunate was this prince that no measure embraced
during his whole reign was ever attended with more unhappy
and more fatal consequences.
The extreme rage against popery was a sure characteristic
of puritanism. The House of Commons discovered other in-
fallible symptoms of the prevalence of that party. They pe-
titioned the king for replacing such able clergy as had been
silenced for want of conformity to the ceremonies.” They
also enacted laws for the strict observance of Sunday, which
the Puritans affected to call the Sabbath, and which they sanc-
tified by the most melancholy indolence.” It is to be remark-
ed that the different appellations of this festival were at that
time known symbols of the different parties.
The king, finding that the Parliament was resolved to grant
him no supply, and would furnish him with nothing but empty
protestations of duty" or disagreeable complaints of grievances,
took advantage of the plague," which began to appear at Ox-
* Parliamentary History, vol. vi. p. 353. Journal, July 7, 1625.
* Rushworth, vol. i. p. 281. *1 Car. I. cap. 1. Journal, June 21, 1625.
* Franklyn, p. 113. Rushworth, vol. i. p. 190. -
* The plague was really so violent that it had been moved in the House, at the
beginning of the session, to petition the king to adjourn them.—Journal, June 21,
1625. So it was impossible to enter upon grievances, even if there had been any.
The only business of the Parliament was to give supply, which was so much want-
ed by the king in order to carry on the war in which they had engaged him.
CH. L. . . CHARLES I. -- 417
ford, and on that pretence immediately dissolved them. By
finishing the session with a dissolution, instead of a proroga-
tion, he sufficiently expressed his displeasure of their conduct.
To supply the want of parliamentary aids, Charles issued
privy Seals for borrowing money from his subjects.” The ad-
vantage reaped by this expedient was a small com-
pensation for the disgust which it occasioned; by
means, however, of that supply, and by other expedients, he
was, though with difficulty, enabled to equip his
fleet. It consisted of eighty vessels, great and small,
and carried on board an army of ten thousand men. Sir Ed-
ward Cecil, lately created Wiscount Wimbleton, was intrusted
Naval expe- with the command. He sailed immediately for
gºals: Cadiz, and found the bay full of Spanish ships of
great value. He either neglected to attack these
ships, or attempted it preposterously. The army was landed
and a fort taken; but the undisciplined soldiers, finding store
of wine, could not be restrained from the utmost excesses.
Further stay appearing fruitless, they were re-embarked, and
the fleet put to sea with an intention of intercepting the Span-
ish galleons. But the plague having seized the seamen and
Soldiers, they were obliged to abandon all hopes of this prize
and return to England. Loud complaints were made against
the court for intrusting so important a command to
a man like Cecil, whom, though he possessed great
experience, the people, judging by the event, esteemed of
slender capacity.” g -
Charles, having failed of So rich a prize, was obliged again
to have recourse to a Parliament. Though the ill success of
j626. his enterprises diminished his authority, and showed
iºrat every day more plainly the imprudence of the Span.
ish war; though the increase of his necessities ren-
dered him more dependent, and more exposed to the en-
croachments of the Commons, he was resolved to try once
more that regular and constitutional expedient for supply.
August 12.
October 1.
November.
*7 Rushworth, vol. i. p. 192. Parliamentary History, vol. vi. p. 407.
* Franklyn, p. 113. Rushworth, vol. i. p. 196.
IV. 27
418 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. CH. L.
Perhaps, too, a little political art which at that time he prac-
tised was much trusted to. He had named four popular
leaders sheriffs of counties—Sir Edward Coke, Sir Robert
Philips, Sir Thomas Wentworth, and Sir Francis Seymour;
and though the question had been formerly much contested,”
he thought that he had by that means incapacitated them
from being elected members. But his intention being so ev-
ident rather put the Commons more upon their guard. Enow
of patriots still remained to keep up the ill-humor of the
IHouse, and men needed but little instruction or rhetoric to
recommend to them practices which increased their own im-
portance and consideration. The weakness of the court, also,
could not more evidently appear than by its being reduced
to use so ineffectual an expedient in order to obtain an influ-
ence over the Commons.
The views, therefore, of the last Parliament were immedi-
ately adopted; as if the same men had been everywhere
elected, and no time had intervened since their
meeting. When the king laid before the House
his necessities, and asked for supply, they immediately voted
him three subsidies and three fifteenths; and though they
afterwards added one subsidy more, the sum was little pro-
portioned to the greatness of the occasion, and ill fitted to
promote those views of success and glory for which the young
prince, in his first enterprise, so ardently longed. But this
circumstance was not the most disagreeable one. The supply
was only voted by the Commons. The passing of that vote
into a law was reserved till the end of the session.” A con-
'dition was thereby made, in a very tindisguised manner, with
their sovereign. Under color of redressing grievances which,
during this short reign, could not be very numerous, they
were to proceed in regulating and controlling every part of
government which displeased them; and if the king either cut
February 6.
* It is always an express clause in the writ of summons that no sheriff shall be
chosen; but the contrary practice had often prevailed.—D'Ewes, p. 38. Yet still
great doubts were entertained on this head. See Journal, April 9, 1614.
*"...Journal, March 27, 1626.
CH. L. CHARLES I. 419
them short in this undertaking, or refused compliance with
their demands, he must not expect any supply from the Com-
mons. Great dissatisfaction was expressed by Charles at a
treatment which he deemed so harsh and undutiful;" but his
urgent necessities obliged him to submit, and he waited with
patience, observing to what side they would turn themselves.
The Duke of Buckingham, formerly obnoxious to the pub-
lic, became every day more unpopular, by the symptoms which
tº appeared both of his want of temper and prudence
ºking and of the uncontrolled ascendant which he had ac-
quired over his master.” Two violent attacks he
was obliged this session to sustain—one from the Earl of
IBristol, another from the House of Commons. -
As long as James lived, Bristol, Secure of the concealed fa-
vor of that monarch, had expressed all duty and obedience, in
expectation that an opportunity would offer of reinstating
himself in his former credit and authority. Even after
Charles's accession, he despaired not. He submitted to the
king's commands of remaining at his country-seat and of ab-
senting himself from Parliament. Many trials he made to
regain the good opinion of his master; but, finding them all
fruitless, and observing Charles to be entirely governed by
Buckingham, his implacable enemy, he resolved no longer to
keep any measures with the court. A new spirit, he saw, and
a new power, arising in the nation, and to these he was deter-
mined for the future to trust for his security and protection.
When the Parliament was summoned, Charles, by a stretch
of prerogative, had given orders that no writ, as is customary,
should be sent to Bristol.” That nobleman applied to the
IIouse of Lords by petition, and craved their good offices with
the king for obtaining what was his due as a peer of the
realm. His writ was sent him, but accompanied with a letter
* Parliamentary History, vol. vi. p. 449. Itushworth, vol. i. p. 224.
* His credit with the king had given him such influence that he had no less than
twenty proxies granted him this Parliament by so many peers, which occasioned
a vote that no peer should have above two proxies. The Earl of Leicester, in 1585,
had once ten proxies.—D'Ewes, p. 314.
* Rushworth, vol. i. p. 236. -
420 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. .C.H. L.
from the lord keeper, Coventry, commanding him, in the
king's name, to absent himself from Parliament. This letter
Bristol conveyed to the Lords, and asked advice how to pro-
ceed in so delicate a situation.” The king's prohibition was
withdrawn, and Bristol took his seat. Provoked at these re-
peated instances of vigor, which the court denominated con-
tumacy, Charles ordered his attorney-general to enter an ac-
cusation of high treason against him. By way of recrimina-
tion, Bristol accused Buckingham of high treason. Both the
earl’s defence of himself and accusation of the duke remain ;”
and, together with some original letters still extant, contain
the fullest and most authentic account of all the negotiations
with the house of Austria. From the whole, the great impru-
dence of the duke evidently appears, and the sway of his un-
governable passions; but it would be difficult to collect thence
any action which, in the eye of the law, could be deemed a
crime, much less could subject him to the penalty of treason. .
The impeachment of the Commons was still less dangerous
to the duke, were it estimated by the standard of law and eq-
uity. The House, after having voted upon Some queries of
Dr. Turner's, that common fame was a sufficient ground of ac-
cusation by the Commons,” proceeded to frame regular articles
against Buckingham. They accused him of having united
many offices in his person; of having bought two of them;
of neglecting to guard the Seas, insomuch that many mer-
chant-ships had fallen into the hands of the enemy; of deliv-
ering ships to the French king in order to serve against the
Huguenots; of being employed in the sale of honors and of-
fices; of accepting extensive grants from the crown; of pro-
curing many titles of honor for his kindred; and of adminis-
tering physic to the late king without acquainting his physi-
cians. All these articles appear, from comparing the accusa-
ition and reply, to be either frivolous or false, or both.” The
* Rushworth, vol. i. p. 237. Franklyn, p. 120, etc.
* Rushworth, vol. i. p. 256, 262, 263, etc. Franklyn, p. 123, etc.
* Rushworth, vol. i. p. 217. Whitlocke, p. 5. n
* Rushworth, vol. i. p. 306, etc., 375, etc. Journal, March 25, 1626.
CH. L. CHARLES I. - - 421.
only charge which could be regarded as important was, that
he had extorted a sum of ten thousand pounds from the East
India Company, and that he had confiscated some goods be-
longing to French merchants, on pretence of their being the
property of Spanish. The impeachment never came to a full
determination, so that it is difficult for us to give a decisive
opinion with regard to these articles. But it must be confess-
ed that the duke's answer in these particulars, as in all the
rest, is so clear and Satisfactory that it is impossible to refuse
our assent to it.” His faults and blemishes were in many
respects very great; but rapacity and avarice were vices
with which he was entirely unacquainted.
It is remarkable that the Commons, though so much at a
loss to find articles of charge against Buckingham, never
adopted Bristol’s accusation, or impeached the duke for his
conduct in the Spanish treaty, the most blamable circum-
stance in his whole life. He had reason to believe the Span-
iards sincere in their professions; yet, in order to gratify his
private passions, he had hurried his master and his country
into a war pernicious to the interests of both. But so riveted
throughout the nation were the prejudices with regard to
Spanish deceit and falsehood that very few of the Commons
seem as yet to have been convinced that they had been se-
duced by Buckingham's narrative—a certain proof that a dis-
covery of this nature was not, as is imagined by several histo-
rians, the cause of so sudden and surprising a variation in the
measures of the Parliament.” -
While the Commons were thus warmly engaged against
Buckingham, the king seemed desirous of embracing every
opportunity by which he could express a contempt and disre-
gard for them. No one was at that time sufficiently sensible
of the great weight which the Commons bore in the balance
of the constitution. The history of England had never hith-
erto afforded one instance where any great movement or rev-
olution had proceeded from the Lower House. And as their
rank, both considered in a body and as individuals, was but
* Whitlocke, p. 7. * See note [UU] at the end of the volume.
422 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. CH. L.
the second in the kingdom, nothing less than fatal experience
could engage the English princes to pay a due regard to the
inclinations of that formidable assembly.
The Earl of Suffolk, chancellor of the University of Cam-
bridge, dying about this time, Buckingham, though lying un-
der impeachment, was yet, by means of court interest, chosen
in his place. The Commons resented and loudly complained
of this affront; and, the more to enrage them, the king him-
self wrote a letter to the university, extolling the duke, and
giving them thanks for his election.”
The lord keeper, in the king's name, expressly commanded
the House not to meddle with his minister and servant, IBuck-
ingham ; and ordered them to finish, in a few days, the bill
which they had begun for the subsidies, and to make some
addition to them, otherwise they must not expect to sit any
longer;” and though these harsh commands were endeavored
to be explained and mollified, a few days after, by a speech of
Buckingham's,” they failed not to leave a disagreeable im-
pression behind them.
Besides a more stately style which Charles in general af-
fected to this Parliament than to the last, he went so far, in a
message, as to threaten the Commons that if they did not fur-
nish him with supplies, he should be obliged to try new coun-
sels. This language was sufficiently clear; yet, lest any ambi-
guity should remain, Sir Dudley Carleton, vice-chamberlain,
took care to explain it. “I pray you consider,” said he, “what
these new counsels are, or may be. I fear to declare those
that I conceive. In all Christian kingdoms, you know that
parliaments were in use anciently, by which those kingdoms
were governed in a most flourishing manner, until the mon-
archs began to know their own strength, and, seeing the tur-
bulent spirit of their parliaments, at length they, by little and
little, began to stand on their prerogatives, and at last over-
threw the parliaments throughout Christendom, except here
* Rushworth, vol. i. p. 371. * Parliamentary History, vol. vi. p. 444.
* Parliamentary History, vol. vi. p. 451. Rushworth, vol. i. p. 225. Franklyn,
p. 118.
CH. L. CHARLES I. 423
only with us. Let us be careful, then, to preserve the king's
good opinion of parliaments, which bringeth such happiness
to this nation, and makes us envied of all others, while there
is this sweetness between his majesty and the Commons, lest
we lose the repute of a free people by our turbulency in Par-
liament.”” These imprudent suggestions rather gave warn-
ing than struck terror. A precarious liberty, the Commons
thought, which was to be preserved by unlimited complai-
sance, was no liberty at all; and it was necessary, while yet in
their power, to secure the constitution by such invincible bar-
riers that no king or minister should ever, for the future, dare
to speak such a language to any Parliament, or even entertain
such a project against them. *
Two members of the House, Sir Dudley Digges and Sir
John Elliot, who had been employed as managers of the im-
peachment against the duke, were thrown into prison.” The
Commons immediately declared that they would proceed no
further upon business till they had satisfaction in their priv-
ileges. Charles alleged as the reason of this measure certain
seditious expressions which, he said, had, in their accusation
of the duke, dropped from these members. Upon inquiry,
it appeared that no such expressions had been used.” The
members were released, and the king reaped no other benefit
from this attempt than to exasperate the House still further,
and to show some degree of precipitancy and indiscretion.
Moved by this example, the House of Peers were roused
from their inactivity; and claimed liberty for the Earl of
Arundel, who had been lately confined in the Tower. After
many fruitless evasions, the king, though somewhat ungrace-
fully, was at last obliged to comply;” and in this incident it
sufficiently appeared that the Lords, how little soever inclined
to popular courses, were not wanting in a just sense of their
own dignity.
* Rushworth, vol. i. p. 359. Whitlocke, p. 6.
* Rushworth, vol. i. p. 35 -
* Rushworth, vol. i. p. 3
3
6.
8, 361. Franklyn, p. 180.
* Rushworth, vol. i. p. 363
5
63,364, etc. Franklyn, p. 181.
424 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. Cº.L.
The ill-humor of the Commons, thus wantonly irritated by
the court, and finding no gratification in the legal impeach-
ment of Buckingham, sought other objects on which it might
exert itself. The never-failing cry of popery here served
them instead. They again claimed the execution of the pe-
mal laws against Catholics; and they presented to the king a
list of persons intrusted with offices, most of them insignifi-
cant, who were either convicted or suspected recusants.” In
this particular they had, perhaps, some reason to blame the
king's conduct. He had promised to the last House of Com-
mons a redress of this religious grievance; but he was apt, in
imitation of his father, to imagine that the Parliament, when
they failed of supplying his necessities, had, on their part,
freed him from the obligation of a strict performance. A
new odium, likewise, by these representations, was attempted
to be thrown upon Buckingham. His mother, who had great
influence over him, was a professed Catholic; his wife was
not free from suspicion; and the indulgence given to Catho-
lics was, of course, Supposed to proceed entirely from his cred-
it and authority. So violent was the bigotry of the times
that it was thought a sufficient reason for disqualifying any
one from holding an office that his wife, or relations, or com-
panions were papists, though he himself was a conformist.”
It is remarkable that persecution was here chiefly pushed
on by laymen; and that the Church was willing to have
granted more liberty than would be allowed by the Commons.
The reconciling doctrines likewise of Montague failed not
anew to meet with severe censures from that zealous assem-
bly."
The next attack made by the Commons, had it prevailed,
would have proved decisive. They were preparing a remon-
strance against the levying of tonnage and poundage without
consent of Parliament. This article, together with new im-
positions laid on merchandise by James, constituted near half
of the crown revenues; and by depriving the king of these
* Franklyn, p. 195. Rushworth.
* See the list in Franklyn and Rushworth, * Rushworth, vol. i. p. 200.
CII. L. CHARLEs I. . 425
resources they would have reduced him to total subjection
and dependence. While they retained such a pledge, besides
the supply already promised, they were sure that nothing
could be refused them. Though after canvassing the matter
near three months, they found themselves utterly incapable
of fixing any, legal crime upon the duke, they regarded him
as an unable and perhaps a dangerous minister; and they in-
tended to present a petition, which would then have been
equivalent to a command, for removing him from his majes-
ty’s person and councils." -
The king was alarmed at the yoke which he saw prepared
for him. Buckingham’s sole guilt, he thought, was the being
his friend and favorite." All the other complaints against
him were mere pretences. A little before he was the idol of
the people. No new crime had since been discovered. After
the most diligent inquiry, prompted by the greatest malice,
the smallest appearance of guilt could not be fixed upon him.
What idea, he asked, must all mankind entertain of his honor,
should he sacrifice his innocent friend to pecuniary considera-
tions ? What further authority should he retain in the nation
were he capable, in the beginning of his reign, to give, in so
signal an instance, such matter of triumph to his enemies and
discouragement to his adherents? To-day the Commons pre-
tend to wrest his minister from him; to-morrow they will at-
tack some branch of his prerogative. By their remonstrances
and promises and protestations, they had engaged the crown
in a war. As soon as they saw a retreat impossible, without
waiting for new incidents, without covering themselves with
new pretences, they immediately deserted him and refused
him all reasonable supply. It was evident that they desired
nothing so much as to see him plunged in inextricable difficul-
ties, of which they intended to take advantage. To such deep
perfidy, to such unbounded usurpations, it was necessary to
oppose a proper firmness and resolution. All encroachments
on Supreme power could only be resisted successfully on the
first attempt. The sovereign authority was, with some diffi-
40 Rushworth, vol. i. p. 400. Franklyn, p. 199. , 41. Franklyn, p. 178.
426 • HISTORY OF ENGLAND. CH. L.
culty, reduced from its ancient and legal height; but when
once pushed downwards it soon became contemptible, and
would easily, by the continuance of the same effort, now en-
couraged by success, be carried to the lowest extremity.
Prompted by these plausible motives, Charles was deter-
mined immediately to dissolve the Parliament. When this
resolution was known, the House of Peers, whose compliant
behavior entitled them to some authority with him, endeav-
ored to interpose;” and they petitioned him that he would
allow the Parliament to sit some time longer. “Not a mo-
ment longer,” cried the king, hastily;” and he soon after end-
ed the session by a dissolution. . .
As this measure was foreseen, the Commons took care to
finish and disperse their remonstrance, which they intended
as a justification of their conduct to the people. The king
likewise, on his part, published a declaration, in
which he gave the reasons of his disagreement with
the Parliament, and of their sudden dissolution, before they
had time to conclude any one act.” These papers furnished
the partisans on both sides with ample matter of apology or
of recrimination. But all impartial men judged “that the
Commons, though they had not as yet violated any law, yet,
by their unpliableness and independence, were insensibly
changing, perhaps improving, the spirit and genius, while
they preserved the form, of the constitution; and that the
king was acting altogether without any plan, running on in
a road surrounded on all sides with the most dangerous preci-
pices, and concerting no proper measures either for submit-
ting to the obstinacy of the Commons or for subduing it.”
After a breach with the Parliament which seemed so diffi-
cult to repair, the only rational counsel which Charles could
pursue was immediately to conclude a peace with Spain, and
to render himself, as far as possible, independent of his peo-
ple, who discovered so little inclination to support him, or,
rather, who seem to have formed a determined resolution to
June 15.
* Rushworth, vol. i. p. 398. * Sanderson's Life of Charles I. p. 58.
* Franklyn, p. 203, etc. Parliamentary History, vol. vii. p. 300.
Ch L. CHARLES I. 427
abridge his authority. Nothing could be more easy in the
execution than this measure, nor more agreeable to his own
and to national interest. But, besides the treaties and engage-
ments which he had entered into with Holland and Denmark,
the king's thoughts were at this time averse to pacific coun-
sels. There are two circumstances in Charles's character
seemingly incompatible, which attended him during the whole
course of his reign, and were in part the cause of his misfort-
unes. He was very steady, and even obstinate, in his pur-
pose; and he was easily governed, by reason of his facility
and of his deference to men much inferior to himself both in
morals and understanding. His great ends he inflexibly main-
tained; but the means of attaining them he readily received
from his ministers and favorites, though not always fortunate
in his choice. The violent, impetuous Buckingham, inflamed
with a desire of revenge for injuries which he himself had
committed, and animated with a love of glory which he had
not talents to merit, had at this time, notwithstanding his pro-
fuse licentious life, acquired an invincible ascendant over the
virtuous and gentle temper of the king.
The new counsels which Charles had mentioned to the Par-
liament were now to be tried, in order to supply his neces-
yº, sities. Had he possessed any military force on
ºne which he could rely, it is not improbable that he
had at once taken off the mask and governed with-
out any regard to parliamentary privileges: So high an idea
had he received of kingly prerogative, and so contemptible a
notion of the rights of those popular assemblies from which
he very naturally thought he had met with such ill usage.
But his army was new levied, ill paid, and worse disciplined;
nowise superior to the militia, who were much more numer-
ous, and who were in a great measure under the influence of
the country gentlemen. It behooved him, therefore, to pro-
ceed cautiously, and to cover his enterprises under the pre-
tence of ancient precedents, which, considering the great au-
thority commonly enjoyed by his predecessors, could not be
wanting to himself.
A commission was openly granted to compound with the
428 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. CH. L.
Catholics, and agree for dispensing with the penal laws enact-
ed against them.” By this expedient the king both filled his
coffers and gratified his inclination of giving indulgence to
these religionists; but he could not have employed any branch
of prerogative which would have been more disagreeable or
would have appeared more exceptionable to his Protestant
subjects. - • .
From the nobility he desired assistance. From the city he
required a loan of one hundred thousand pounds. The for-
mer contributed slowly; but the latter, covering themselves
under many pretences and excuses, gave him at last a flat re-
fusal.” 3.
In order to equip a fleet, a distribution, by order of coun-
cil, was made to all the maritime towns; and each of them was
required, with the assistance of the adjacent counties, to arm
so many vessels as were appointed them.” The city of Lon-
don was rated at twenty ships. This is the first appearance in
Charles's reign of ship - money—a taxation which had once
been imposed by Elizabeth, but which afterwards, when car-
ried some steps further by Charles, created such violent dis-
COntents. -
Of Some, loans were required;” to others, the way of be-
nevolence was proposed: methods supported by precedent,
but always invidious, even in times more submissive and com-
pliant. In the most absolute governments such expedients
would be regarded as irregular and unequal. -
These counsels for supply were conducted with some mod-
eration till news arrived that a great battle was fought be.
tween the King of Denmark and Count Tilly, the
imperial general, in which the former was totally
defeated. Money now, more than ever, became necessary, in
order to repair so great a breach in the alliance, and to sup-
port a prince who was so nearly allied to Charles, and who
had been engaged in the war, chiefly by the intrigues, solicita-
Au gust 25.
* Rushworth, vol. i. p. 413. Whitlocke, p. 7.
“Rushworth, vol. i. p. 415. Franklyn, p. 206. * Rushworth, ut supra.
* Rushworth, vol. i. p. 416. . - - -
CH. L. - CHARLES I. . 429
*
tions, and promises of the English monarch. After some de-
liberation, an act of council was passed, importing that as the
urgency of affairs admitted not the way of Parliament, the
most speedy, equal, and convenient method of supply was by
a GENERAL LOAN from the subject, according as every man
was assessed in the rolls of the last subsidy. That precise
sum was required which each would have paid had the vote
of four subsidies passed into a law; but care was taken to in-
form the people that the sums exacted were not to be called
subsidies, but loans.” Had any doubt remained whether forced
loans, however authorized by precedent, and even by statute,
were a violation of liberty, and must, by necessary conse-
quence, render all parliaments Superfluous, this was the proper
expedient for opening the eyes of the whole nation. The ex-
ample of Henry VIII., who had once in his arbitrary reign
practised a like method of levying a regular supply, was gen-
erally deemed a very insufficient authority. -
The commissioners appointed to levy these loans, among
other articles of secret instruction, were enjoined, “If any
shall refuse to lend, and shall make delays or excuses, and
persist in his obstinacy, that they examine him upon oath
whether he has been dealt with to deny or refuse to lend, or
make an excuse for not lending; who has dealt with him,
and what speeches or persuasions were used to that purpose;
and that they also shall charge every such person, in his maj-
esty’s name, upon his allegiance, not to disclose to any one
what his answer was.” So violent an inquisitorial power, so
impracticable an attempt at secrecy, were the objects of indig-
nation, and even, in some degree, of ridicule.
That religious prejudices might support civil authority, Ser-
mons were preached by Sibthorpe and Manwaring in favor
of the general loan, and the court industriously spread them
over the kingdom. Passive obedience was there recommend-
ed in its full extent, the whole authority of the state was rep-
resented as belonging to the king alone, and all limitations of
—&
* Rushworth, vol. i. p. 418. Whitlocke, p. 8.
* Rushworth, vol. i. p. 419. Franklyn, p. 207.
430 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. CH. L.
law and a constitution were rejected as seditious and im-
pious.” So openly was this doctrine espoused by the court
that Archbishop Abbot, a popular and virtuous prelate, was,
because he refused to license Sibthorpe's sermon, Suspended
from the exercise of his office, banished from London, and
confined to one of his country-seats.” Abbot's principles of
liberty and his opposition to Buckingham had always ren-
dered him very ungracious at court, and had acquired him the
character of a Puritan. For it is remarkable that this party
made the privileges of the nation as much a part of their re-
ligion as the Church party did the prerogatives of the crown;
and nothing tended further to recommend among the people,
who always take opinions in the lump, the whole system and
all the principles of the former sect. The king soon found
by fatal experience that this engine of religion which with so
little necessity was introduced into politics, falling under more
fortunate management, was played with the most terrible suc-
cess against him. - w
While the king, instigated by anger and necessity, thus em-
ployed the whole extent of his prerogative, the spirit of the
people was far from being subdued. Throughout England
many refused these loans. Some were even active in encour-
aging their neighbors to insist upon their common rights and
privileges. By warrant of the council these were thrown into
prison.” Most of them with patience submitted to confine-
ment, or applied by petition to the king, who commonly re-
leased them. Five gentlemen alone—Sir Thomas Darnel, Sir
John Corbet, Sir Walter Earl, Sir John Heveningham, and Sir
Edmond Hambden—had spirit enough, at their own hazard
and expense, to defend the public liberties, and to demand
releasement, not as a favor from the court, but as their due
by the laws of their country.” No particular cause was as-
signed of their commitment. The special command alone of
* Rushworth, vol. i. p. 422. Franklyn, p. 208.
* Rushworth, vol. i. p. 431.
* Rushworth, vol. i. p. 429. Franklyn, p. 210.
“Rushworth, vol. i. p. 458. Franklyn, p. 224. Whitlocke, p. 8,
CH. L. CHARLES I. - 431
the king and council was pleaded; and it was asserted that,
by law, this was not sufficient reason for refusing bail or re-
leasement to the prisoners.
This question was brought to a solemn trial before the
Ring’s Bench; and the whole kingdom was atten-
tive to the issue of a cause which was of much great-
er consequence than the event of many battles. -
Dy the debates on this subject it appeared, beyond contro-
versy, to the nation that their ancestors had been so jealous
of personal liberty as to Secure it against arbitrary power in
the crown by six several statutes," and by an article" of the
GREAT CHARTER itself, the most Sacred foundation of the laws
and constitution. But the Kings of England who had not
been able to prevent the enacting of these laws had sufficient
authority, when the tide of liberty was spent, to obstruct their
regular execution; and they deemed it superfluous to attempt
the formal repeal of statutes which they found so many expe-
dients and pretences to elude. Turbulent and seditious times
frequently occurred when the safety of the people absolutely
required the confinement of factious leaders; and by the genius
of the whole constitution, the prince, of himself, was accus-
tomed to assume every branch of prerogative which was found
necessary for the preservation of public peace and of his own
authority. Expediency at other times would cover itself under
the appearance of necessity; and, in proportion as precedents
multiplied, the will alone of the sovereign was sufficient to
supply the place of expediency, of which he constituted him-
self the sole judge. In an age and nation where the power of
a turbulent nobility prevailed, and where the king had no set-
tled military force, the only means that could maintain pub-
lic peace was the exertion of such prompt and discretionary
powers in the crown; and the public itself had become so
sensible of the necessity that those ancient laws in favor of
personal liberty, while often violated, had never been chal-
lenged or revived during the course of near three centuries.
November.
* 25 Edw. III. cap. 4. 28 Edw. III. cap. 3. 37 Edw. III. cap. 18. 38 Edw.
III, cap. 9. 42 Edw. III. cap. 3. 1 Rich. II. cap. 12. * Ch. xxix.
432 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. CH. L.
Though rebellious subjects had frequently in the open field
resisted the king's authority, no person had been found so
bold when confined and at mercy, as to set himself in oppo-
sition to regal power, and to claim the protection of the con-
stitution against the will of the sovereign. It was not till this
age—when the spirit of liberty was universally diffused; when
the principles of government were nearly reduced to a system;
when the tempers of men, more civilized, seemed less to re-
quire those violent exertions of prerogative—that these five
gentlemen above mentioned, by a noble effort, ventured, in this
national cause, to bring the question to a final determination.
And the king was astonished to observe that a power exer-
cised by his predecessors, almost without interruption, was
found upon trial to be directly opposite to the clearest laws,
and supported by few undoubted precedents in courts of judi-
cature. These had scarcely, in any instance, refused bail upon
commitments by special command of the king, because the
persons committed had seldom or never dared to demand it,
at least to insist on their demand. -
Sir Randolf Crew, chief-justice, had been displaced as unfit
for the purposes of the court. Sir Nicholas Hyde, esteemed
more obsequious, had obtained that high office; yet
the judges by his direction went no further than to
remand the gentlemen to prison and refuse the bail which
was offered.” Heathe, the attorney-general, insisted that the
court, in imitation of the judges in the thirty-fourth of Eliza-
beth,” should enter a general judgment that no bail could be
granted upon a commitment by the king or council.” But
the judges wisely declined complying. The nation, they saw,
was already to the last degree exasperated. In the present
disposition of men’s minds, universal complaints prevailed as
if the kingdom were reduced to slavery. And the most in-
vidious prerogative of the crown, it was said, that of imprison-
ing the subject, is here openly and solemnly, and in numerous
instances, exercised for the most invidious purpose—in order
1627,
* Rushworth, vol. i. p. 462. . * State Trials, vol. vii. p. 147.
* State Trials, vol. vii. p. 161, s •
CII. L. . CHARLES. I. 433
to extort loans, or, rather, subsidies, without consent of Parlia-
Iment. - - - -
But this was not the only hardship of which the nation then
thought they had reason to complain. The army, which had
made the fruitless expedition to Cadiz, was dispersed through-
out the kingdom, and money was levied upon the counties for
the payment of their quarters." -
The soldiers were billeted upon private houses, contrary to
custom, which required that in all ordinary cases they should
be quartered in inns and public-houses."
Those who had refused or delayed the loan were sure to be
loaded with a great number of these dangerous and disorderly
guests. - -
Many, too, of low condition, who had shown a refractory
disposition, were pressed into the service and enlisted in the
fleet or army.” Sir Peter Hayman, for the same reason, was
despatched on an errand to the Palatinate." Glanville, an
eminent lawyer, had been obliged during the former interval
of Parliament to accept of an office in the navy.”
The soldiers, ill paid and undisciplined, committed many
crimes and outrages, and much increased the public discon-
tents. To prevent these disorders, martial law, so requisite to
the support of discipline, was exercised upon the soldiers. By
a contradiction, which is natural when the people are exas-
perated, the outrages of the army were complained of. The
remedy was thought still more intolerable." Though the ex-
pediency, if we are not rather to say the necessity, of martial
law had formerly been deemed, of itself, a sufficient ground for
establishing it, men, now become more jealous of liberty and
more refined reasoners in questions of government, regarded
as illegal and arbitrary every exercise of authority which was
not supported by express statute or uninterrupted precedent.
It may safely be affirmed that, except a few courtiers or
ecclesiastics, all men were displeased with this high exertion
" Rushworth, vol. i. p. 419. 91 Ibid. * Rushworth, vol. i. p. 422.
"Rushworth, vol. i. p. 431. * Parliamentary History, vol. vii. p. 310.
* Rushworth, vol. i. p. 419. Whitlocke, p. 7.
IV.-28
434 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. - CH. L.
of prerogative and this new spirit of administration. Though
ancient precedents were pleaded in favor of the king's meas-
ures, a considerable difference, upon comparison, was observed
between the cases. Acts of power, however irregular, might
casually and at intervals be exercised by a prince for the sake
of despatch or expediency, and yet liberty still subsist in some
tolerable degree under his administration. But where all these
were reduced into a system—were exerted without interrup-
tion, were studiously sought for in order to supply the place
of laws and subdue the refractory spirit of the nation—it was
necessary to find some speedy remedy, or finally to abandon
all hopes of preserving the freedom of the constitution. Nor
did moderate men esteem the provocation which the king had
received, though great, sufficient to warrant all these violent
measures. The Commons as yet had nowise invaded his au-
thority; they had only exercised, as best pleased them, their
own privileges. Was he justifiable, because from one House
of Parliament he had met with harsh and unkind treatment,
to make in revenge an invasion on the rights and liberties of
the whole nation ? *
Dut great was at this time the surprise of all men when
Charles, baffled in every attempt against the Austrian domin-
ions, embroiled with his own subjects, unsupplied with any
treasure but what he extorted by the most invidious and most
dangerous measures—as if the half of Europe, now his enemy,
were not sufficient for the exercise of military prowess—wan-
war with tomly attacked France, the other great kingdom in
France. his neighborhood, and engaged at once in war against
these two powers, whose interests were hitherto deemed so in-
compatible that they could never, it was thought, agree either
in the same friendships or enmities. All authentic memoirs,
both foreign and domestic, ascribe to Buckingham's counsels
this war with France, and represent him as actuated by mo-
tives which would appear incredible were we not acquainted
with the violence and temerity of his character.
The three great monarchies of Europe were at this time
ruled by young princes—Philip, Louis, and Charles—who were
nearly of the same age, and who had resigned the government
Cº. L. CHARLES I. 435
of themselves and of their kingdoms to their creatures and
ministers, Olivarez, Richelieu, and Buckingham. The people,
whom the moderate temper or narrow genius of their princes
would have allowed to remain forever in tranquillity, were
strongly agitated by the emulation and jealousy of the minis-
ters. Above all, the towering spirit of Richelieu, incapable of
rest, promised an active age, and gave indications of great
revolutions throughout all Europe.
This man had no sooner, by Suppleness and intrigue, gotten
possession of the reins of government than he formed at once
three mighty projects—to subdue the turbulent spirits of the
great, to reduce the rebellious Huguenots, and to curb the en-
croaching power of the house of Austria. Undaunted and
implacable, prudent and active, he braved all the opposition
of the French princes and nobles in the prosecution of his
vengeance. He discovered and dissipated all their secret ca-
bals and conspiracies. His sovereign himself he held in sub-
jection, while he exalted the throne. The people, while they
lost their liberties, acquired, by means of his administration,
learning, order, discipline, and renown. That confused and
inaccurate genius of government, of which France partook in
common with other European kingdoms, he changed into a
simple monarchy, at the very time when the incapacity of
Buckingham encouraged the free spirit of the Commons to
establish in England a regular system of liberty.
However unequal the comparison between these ministers,
Buckingham had entertained a mighty jealousy against Riche-
lieu-a jealousy not founded on rivalship of power and politics,
but of love and gallantry—where the duke was as much supe-
rior to the cardinal as he was inferior in every other particular.
At the time when Charles married by proxy the Princess
Henrietta, the Duke of Buckingham had been sent to France,
in order to grace the nuptials and conduct the new queen into
England. The eyes of the French court were directed by
curiosity towards that man who had enjoyed the unlimited
favor of two successive monarchs, and who, from a private
station, had mounted in the earliest youth to the absolute
government of three kingdoms. The beauty of his person,
436 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. CH. L.
the gracefulness of his air, the splendor of his equipage, his
fine taste in dress, festivals, and carousals, corresponded to the
prepossessions entertained in his favor. The affability of his
behavior, the gayety of his manners, the magnificence of his
expense, increased still further the general admiration which
was paid him. All business being already concerted, the time
was entirely spent in mirth and entertainments; and, during
those splendid scenes among that gay people, the duke found
Thimself in a situation where he was perfectly qualified to ex-
cel." But his great success at Paris proved as fatal as his
former failure at Madrid. Encouraged by the smiles of the
court, he dared to carry his ambitious addresses to the queen
herself; and he failed not to make impression on a heart not
undisposed to the tender passions. That attachment, at least
of the mind, which appears so delicious and is so dangerous,
seems to have been encouraged by the princess; and the duke
presumed so far on her good graces that, after his departure,
he secretly returned upon some pretence, and, paying a visit
to the queen, was dismissed with a reproof which savored
more of kindness than of anger."
Information of this correspondence was soon carried to
Richelieu. The vigilance of that minister was here further
roused by jealousy. He, too, either from vanity or politics,
had ventured to pay his addresses to the queen. But a priest
past middle age, of a severe character and occupied in the
most extensive plans of ambition or vengeance, was but an un-
equal match in that contest for a young courtier entirely dis-
posed to gayety and gallantry. The cardinal’s disappointment
strongly inclined him to counterwork the amorous projects of
his rival. When the duke was making preparations for a new
embassy to Paris, a message was sent him from Louis that
he must not think of such a journey. In a romantic passion,
he swore “that he would see the queen in spite of all the
power of France;” and, from that moment, he determined to
engage England in a war with that kingdom." ;
" Clarendon, vol. i. p. 38. * Mémoires de Mme. de Motteville.
* Clarendon, vol. i. p. 38. -
CH. L. - CHARLES I. 437
He first took advantage of some quarrels excited by the
Queen of England’s attendants; and he persuaded Charles to
dismiss at once all her French servants, contrary to the articles
of the marriage treaty." He encouraged the English ships-of-
war and privateers to seize vessels belonging to French mer-
chants; and these he forthwith condemned as prizes by a sen-
tence of the court of admiralty. But, finding that all these
injuries produced only remonstrances and embassies, or at
most reprisals, on the part of France, he resolved to second
the intrigues of the Duke of Soubise, and to undertake at once
a military expedition against that kingdom. .
Soubise, who, with his brother the Duke of Rohan, was the
leader of the Huguenot faction, was at that time in London,
and strongly solicited Charles to embrace the protection of
these distressed religionists. He represented that, after the
inhabitants of Rochelle had been repressed by the combined
squadrons of England and Holland, after peace was concluded
with the French king, under Charles's mediation, the ambi-
tious cardinal was still meditating the destruction of the Hu-
guenots; that preparations were silently making in every prov-
ince of France for the suppression of their religion; that forts
were erected in order to bridle Rochelle, the most consider-
able bulwark of the Protestants; that the reformed in France
cast their eyes on Charles as the head of their faith, and con-
sidered him as a prince engaged by interest as well as inclina-
tion to support them; that, so long as their party subsisted,
Charles might rely on their attachment as much as on that of
his own subjects; but if their liberties were once ravished
from them, the power of France, freed from this impediment,
would soon become formidable to England and to all the
neighboring nations. - -
Though Charles probably bore but small favor to the Hu-
guenots, who so much resembled the Puritans in discipline and
worship, in religion and politics, he yet allowed himself to be
gained by these arguments, enforced by the solicitations of
Buckingham. A fleet of a hundred sail and an army of seven
* Rushworth, vol. i. p. 423, 424.
4.38 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. CH. L.
thousand men were fitted out for the invasion of France, and
both of them intrusted to the command of the duke, who was
altogether unacquainted both with land and sea service. The
fleet appeared before Rochelle; but so ill concerted were Buck-
ingham’s measures that the inhabitants of that city shut their
gates, and refused to admit allies of whose coming they were
not previously informed.” All his military operations showed
J equal incapacity and inexperience. Instead of at-
uly 9. Expe- tº º e
§§." tacking Oleron, a fertile island and defenceless, he
bent his course to the isle of Rhé, which was well
garrisoned and fortified. Having landed his men, though with
some loss, he followed not the blow, but allowed Toiras, the
French governor, five days’ respite, during which St. Martin
was victualled and provided for a siege.” He left behind him
the small fort of Prie, which could at first have made no man-
ner of resistance. Though resolved to starve St. Martin, he
guarded the sea negligently, and allowed provisions and am-
munition to be thrown into it: despairing to reduce it by
famine, he attacked it without having made any breach, and
rashly threw away the lives of the soldiers. Having found
that a French army had stolen over in small divisions and
had landed at Prie, the fort which he had first overlooked, he
began to think of a retreat, but made it so unskil-
fully that it was equivalent to a total rout. IIe was
the last of the army that embarked; and he returned to Eng-
land, having lost two thirds of his land forces, totally discred-
ited both as an admiral and a general, and bringing no praise
with him but the vulgar one of courage and personal bravery.
The Duke of Rohan, who had taken arms as soon as Buck-
ingham appeared upon the coast, discovered the dangerous
spirit of the sect, without being able to do any mischief: the
inhabitants of Rochelle, who had at last been induced to join
the English, hastened the vengeance of their master, exhausted
their provisions in Supplying their allies, and were threatened
with an immediate siege. Such were the fruits of Bucking-
ham’s expedition against France.
October 28.
70 Rushworth, vol. i. p. 426. * Whitlocke, p. 8. Sir Philip Warwick, p. 25.
Cº. LI. CHARLES I. 439
CHAPTER LI.
; e te D. * i. & $º-º-º: _Y e & e * s w Or & —D l f B ki gl *se
e & C tº
Third Parliament.—Petition of Right.—Prorogation. eath of Buckingham
New Session of Parliament.—Tonnage and Poundage.—Arminianism. —Dis-
solution of the Parliament. --
THERE was reason to apprehend Some disorder or insurrec-
tion, from the discontents which prevailed among the people
in England. Their liberties, they believed, were
ravished from them; illegal taxes extorted; their
commerce, which had met with a severe check from the Span-
ish, was totally annihilated by the French war; those military
honors transmitted to them from their ancestors had received
a grievous stain by two unsuccessful and ill-conducted expe-
ditions; scarce an illustrious family but mourned, from the
last of them, the loss of a Son or brother; greater calamities
were dreaded from the war with these powerful monarchies,
concurring with the internal disorders under which the nation
labored. And these ills were ascribed, not to the refractory dis-
position of the two former parliaments, to which they were
partly owing, but solely to Charles's obstinacy in adhering to
the counsels of Buckingham—a man nowise entitled by his
birth, age, services, or merit to that unlimited confidence re-
posed in him. To be sacrificed to the interest, policy, and
ambition of the great is so much the common lot of the peo-
ple that they may appear unreasonable who would pretend to
complain of it; but to be the victim of the frivolous gallantry
of a favorite, and of his boyish caprices, seemed the object of
peculiar indignation.
In this situation, it may be imagined, the king and the duke
dreaded, above all things, the assembling of a Parliament; but
so little foresight had they possessed in their enterprising
schemes that they found themselves under an absolute neces-
sity of embracing that expedient. The money levied, or rather
1628.
440 - HISTORY OF ENGLAND. CH.L.I.
extorted, under color of prerogative, had come in very slowly,
and had left such ill-humor in the nation that it appeared
dangerous to renew the experiment. The absolute necessity
of supply, it was hoped, would engage the Commons to forget
all past injuries; and, having experienced the ill effects of
former obstinacy, they would probably assemble with the reso-
lution of making some reasonable compliances. The more to
soften them, it was concerted, by Sir Robert Cotton’s advice,"
that Buckingham should be the first person that proposed in
Third patia council the calling of a new Parliament. Having
ImCl)t. laid in this stock of merit, he expected that all his
former misdemeanors would be overlooked and forgiven; and
that, instead of a tyrant and oppressor, he should be regarded
as the first patriot in the nation. *
The views of the popular leaders were much more judi-
cious and profound. When the Commons assembled, they
appeared to be men of the same independent spirit
with their predecessors, and possessed of such riches
that their property was computed to surpass three times that
of the House of Peers.” They were deputed by boroughs and
counties, inflamed, all of them, by the late violations of lib-
erty; many of the members themselves had been cast into
prison, and had suffered by the measures of the court; yet,
notwithstanding these circumstances, which might prompt
them to embrace violent resolutions, they entered upon bus-
iness with perfect temper and decorum. They considered
that the king, disgusted at these popular assemblies, and little
prepossessed in favor of their privileges, wanted but a fair
pretence for breaking with them, and would seize the first
opportunity offered by any incident, or any undutiful be-
havior of the members. He fairly told them in his first
speech that if they should not do their duties in contrib-
uting to the necessities of the state, he must, in discharge of
his conscience, use those other means which God had put into
his hands, in order to save that which the follies of some
particular men may otherwise put in danger. “Take not
March 17.
* Franklyn, p. 230. * Sanderson, p. 106, Walker, p. 339.
CH. L.I. . CHARLES I. - 441
this for a threatening,” added the king, “for I scorn to
threaten any but my equals; but as an admonition from
him who, by nature and duty, has most care of your preser-
vation and prosperity.” The lord keeper, by the king's
direction, subjoined, “This way of parliamentary supplies,
as his majesty told you, he hath chosen, not as the only way,
but as the fittest; not because he is destitute of others, but
because it is most agreeable to the goodness of his own most
gracious disposition, and to the desire and weal of his people.
If this be deferred, necessity and the sword of the enemy
make way for the others. Remember his majesty's admo-
inition; I say, remember it.” “ From these avowed maxims,
the Commons foresaw that if the least handle were afforded,
the king would immediately dissolve them, and would thence-
forward deem himself justified for violating, in a manner
still more open, all the ancient forms of the constitution.
No remedy could then be looked for but from insurrections
and civil war, of which the issue would be extremely un-
certain, and which must, in all events, prove calamitous to
the nation. To correct the late disorders in the administra-
tion required some new laws which would, no doubt, appear
harsh to a prince so enamored of his prerogative ; and it was
requisite to temper, by the decency and moderation of their
debates, the rigor which must necessarily attend their deter-
minations. Nothing can give us a higher idea of the capacity
of those men who now guided the Commons, and of the
great authority which they had acquired, than the forming
and executing of so judicious and so difficult a plan of oper-
ations.
The decency, however, which the popular leaders had pre-
scribed to themselves and recommended to others hindered
them not from making the loudest and most vigorous com-
plaints against the grievances under which the nation had
lately labored. Sir Francis Seymour said, “This is the great
council of the kingdom, and here with certainty, if not here
* Rushworth, vol. i. p. 477. Franklyn, p. 233.
“Rushworth, vol. i. p. 470. Franklyn, p. 234.
442 HISTORY OF ENGILAND. CH. L.I.
only, his majesty may see, as in a true glass, the state of the
kingdom. We are called hither by his writs, in order to give
him faithful counsel, such as may stand with his honor; and
this we must do without flattery. We are also sent hither
by the people in order to deliver their just grievances; and
this we must do without fear. Let us not act like Cambyses'
judges, who, when their approbation was demanded by the
prince to some illegal measure, Said that, though there was
a written law, the Persian kings might follow their own will
and pleasure. This was base flattery, fitter for our reproof
than our imitation; and as fear, so flattery taketh away the
judgment. For my part, I shall shun both, and speak my
mind with as much duty as any man to his majesty, without
neglecting the public. .
“But how can we express our affections while we retain
our fears; or speak of giving till we know whether we have
anything to give 3 For if his majesty may be persuaded to
take what he will, what need we give
“That this hath been done, appeareth by the billeting of
soldiers, a thing nowise advantageous to the king's service,
and a burden to the commonwealth ; by the imprisonment
of gentlemen for refusing the loan, who, if they had done the
contrary for fear, had been as blamable as the projectors of
that oppressive measure. To countenance these proceedings,
hath it not been preached in the pulpit, or rather prated, that
‘ all we have is the king's by divine right º' But when
preachers forsake their own calling and turn ignorant states-
men, we see how willing they are to exchange a good con-
science for a bishopric.
“He, I must confess, is no good subject who would not
willingly and cheerfully lay down his life, when that sacri-
fice may promote the interests of his sovereign and the good
of the commonwealth. But he is not a good subject, he is a
slave, who will allow his goods to be taken from him against
his will, and his liberty against the laws of the kingdom.
Dy opposing these practices, we shall but tread in the steps
of our forefathers, who still preferred the public before their
private interest, nay, before their very lives. It will in us be
CH. L.I. CHARIES I. A 443
a wrong done to ourselves, to our posterities, to our con-
sciences, if we forego this claim and pretension.” "
“I read of a custom,” said Sir Robert Philips, “among the
old Romans, that, once every year, they held a Solemn festival
in which their slaves had liberty, without exception, to speak
what they pleased, in order to ease their afflicted minds; and,
on the conclusion of the festival, the slaves severally returned
to their former servitudes. -
“This institution may, with some distinction, well set forth
our present state and condition. After the revolution of
some time, and the grievous Sufferance of many violent op-
pressions, we have now, at last, as those slaves, obtained, for a
day, some liberty of speech ; but shall not, I trust, be here-
after slaves, for we are born free. Yet what new illegal
burdens our estates and persons have groaned under, my
heart yearns to think of, my tongue falters to utter.
“The grievances by which we are oppressed I draw under
two heads—acts of power against law, and the judgments of
lawyers against our liberty.”
Having mentioned three illegal judgments passed within
his memory—that by which the Scots born after James's ac-
cession were admitted to all the privileges of English sub-
jects, that by which the new impositions had been warranted,
and the late one by which arbitrary imprisonments were au-
thorized—he thus proceeded: -
“I can live, though another who has no right be put to
live along with me; nay, I can live, though burdened with
impositions beyond what at present I labor under; but to
have my liberty, which is the soul of my life, ravished from
me; to have my person pent up in a jail, without relief by
law, and to be so adjudged—O improvident ancestors O
unwise forefathers l to be so curious in providing for the
quiet possession of our lands and the liberties of Parliament;
and, at the same time, to neglect our personal liberty, and let
us lie in prison, and that during pleasure, without redress or
remedy If this be law, why do we talk of liberties? Why
* Franklyn, p. 243. Rushworth, vol. i. p. 499.
444 * HISTORY, OF ENGLAND. -CH. L.I.
trouble ourselves with disputes about a constitution, fram-
chises, property of goods, and the like? What may any man
call his own, if not the liberty of his person ?
“I am weary of treading these ways, and therefore con-
clude to have a select committee, in order to frame a petition
to his majesty for redress of these grievances. And this
petition, being read, examined, and approved, may be deliv-
ered to the king, of whose gracious answer we have no cause
to doubt, our desires being so reasonable, our intentions so
loyal, and the manner so dutiful. Neither need we fear
that this is the critical Parliament, as has been insinuated;
or that this is the way to distraction ; but assure ourselves of
a happy issue. Then shall the king, as he calls us his
great council, find us his true council, and own us his good
Council.” "
The same topics were enforced by Sir Thomas Wentworth.
After mentioning projectors and ill ministers of state, “These,”
said he, “ have introduced a privy council, ravishing at once
the spheres of all ancient government, destroying all liberty,
imprisoning us without bail or bond. They have taken from
us—what shall I say? Indeed, what have they left us? By
tearing up the roots of all property, they have taken from us
every means of Supplying the king, and of ingratiating our-
Selves by voluntary proofs of our duty and attachment
towards him. -
“To the making whole all these breaches I shall apply
myself; and to all these diseases shall propound a remedy.
By one and the same thing have the king and the people
been hurt, and by the same must they be cured. We must
vindicate—what? new things? No; our ancient, legal, and
vital liberties—by reinforcing the laws enacted by our an-
cestors; by Setting such a stamp upon them that no licentious
spirit shall dare henceforth to invade them. And shall we
think this a way to break a Parliament 3 No ; our desires
are modest and just. I speak both for the interest of king
6 Franklyn, p. 245. Parliamentary History, vol. vii. p. 363. Rushworth, vol.
i. p. 502.
CH. L.I. * CHARLES I. 445.
and people. If we enjoy not these rights, it will be impos-
sible for us to relieve him. Let us never, therefore, doubt of
a favorable reception from his goodness.” "
These sentiments were unanimously embraced by the whole
IHouse. Even the court party pretended not to plead in de-
fence of the late measures anything but the necessity to
which the king had been reduced by the obstinacy of the
two former parliaments. A vote, therefore, was passed, with-
out opposition, against arbitrary imprisonments and forced
loans.” And the spirit of liberty having obtained some con-
tentment by this exertion, the reiterated messages of the
king, who pressed for supply, were attended to with more
temper. Five subsidies were voted him, with which, though
much inferior to his wants, he declared himself well satisfied;
and even tears of affection started in his eye when he was
informed of this concession. The duke's approbation too
was mentioned by Secretary Coke; but the conjunction of a
subject with the sovereign was ill received by the House.”
Though disgusted with the king, the jealousy which they
felt for his honor was more sensible than that which his un-
bounded confidence in the duke would allow even himself
to entertain. -
The supply, though voted, was not, as yet, passed into a
law; and the Commons resolved to employ the interval in
providing some barriers to their rights and liberties so lately
violated. They knew that their own vote, declaring the il-
legality of the former measures, had not, of itself, sufficient
authority to secure the constitution against future invasion.
Some act to that purpose must receive the sanction of the
whole legislature; and they appointed a committee to prepare
a model of so important a law. By collecting into one effort
all the dangerous and oppressive claims of his prerogative,
Charles had exposed them to the hazard of one assault; and
had further, by presenting a nearer view of the consequences
* Franklyn, p. 243. Rushworth, vol. i. p. 500.
* Franklyn, p. 251. Tushworth, vol. i. p. 513. Whitlocke, p. 9.
" Rushworth, Vol. i. p. 526. Whitlocke, p. 9.
446 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. CH. L.I.
attending them, roused the independent genius of the Com-
mons. Forced loans, benevolences, taxes without consent of
Barliament, arbitrary imprisonments, the billeting of soldiers,
martial law—these were the grievances complained of, and
against these an eternal remedy was to be provided. The
Commons pretended not, as they affirmed, to any unusual
powers or privileges; they aimed only at Securing those which
had been transmitted from their ancestors; and their law
petition of they resolved to call a PETITION OF RIGHT ; as im-
Ičight. plying that it contained a corroboration or ex-
planation of the ancient constitution, not any infringement
of royal prerogative, or acquisition of new liberties.
While the committee was employed in framing the Petition
of Right, the favorers of each party, both in Parliament and
throughout the nation, were engaged in disputes about this
bill, which, in all likelihood, was to form a memorable era in
the English government.
That the statutes, said the partisans of the Commons, which
secure English liberty are not become obsolete appears
hence, that the English have ever been free, and have ever
been governed by law and a limited constitution. Privileges,
in particular, which are founded on the GREAT CHARTER must
always remain in force, because derived from a source of
never-failing authority, regarded in all ages as the most sacred
contract between king and people. Such attention was paid
to this charter by our generous ancestors that they got the
confirmation of it reiterated thirty several times; and even
Secured it by a rule, which, though vulgarly received, seems
in the execution impracticable. They have established it as
a maxim, that even a statute which should be enacted in
contradiction to any article of that charter cannot have force
or validity. But with regard to that important article which
secures personal liberty, so far from attempting, at any time,
any illegal infringement of it, they have corroborated it by
six statutes, and put it out of all doubt and controversy. If
in practice it has often been violated, abuses can never come
in the place of rules; nor can any rights or legal powers be
derived from injury and injustice. But the title of the sub-
CH. L.I. CHARLES I. 447
ject to personal liberty not only is founded on ancient, and
therefore the most sacred laws, it is confirmed by the whole
ANALOGY of the government and constitution. A free mon-
archy in which every individual is a slave is a glaring con-
tradiction ; and it is requisite, where the laws assign privi-
leges to the different orders of the state, that it likewise Se-
cure the independence of the members. If any difference
could be made in this particular, it were better to abandon
even life or property to the arbitrary will of the prince ; nor
would such immediate danger ensue, from that concession,
to the laws and to the privileges of the people. To bereave
of his life a man not condemned by any legal trial is so
egregious an exercise of tyranny that it must at once shock
the natural humanity of princes, and convey an alarm through-
out the whole commonwealth. To confiscate a man’s fortune,
besides its being a most atrocious act of violence, exposes the
monarch so much to the imputation of avarice and rapacity
that it will seldom be attempted in any civilized government.
But confinement, though a less striking, is no less severe a
punishment; nor is there any spirit so erect and independ-
ent as not to be broken by the long continuance of the silent
and inglorious sufferings of a jail. The power of imprison-
ment, therefore, being the most natural and potent engine of
arbitrary government, it is absolutely necessary to remove it
from a government which is free and legal.
The partisans of the court reasoned after a different man-
ner. The true rule of government, said they, during any pe-
riod, is that to which the people, from time immemorial, have
been accustomed and to which they naturally pay a prompt
obedience. A practice which has ever struck their senses,
and of which they have seen and heard innumerable prec-
edents, has an authority with them much superior to that
which attends maxims derived from antiquated statutes and
mouldy records. In vain do the lawyers establish it as a
principle that a statute can never be abrogated by opposite
custom, but requires to be expressly repealed by a contrary
statute; while they pretend to inculcate an axiom peculiar to
English jurisprudence, they violate the most established prin-
448. IIISTORY OF ENGLAND. CH. L.I.
*
ciples of human nature; and even, by necessary consequence,
reason in contradiction to law itself, which they would repre-
sent as so sacred and inviolable. A law, to have any authori-
ty, must be derived from a legislature which has right. And
whence do all legislatures derive their right but from long
custom and established practice 2 If a statute contrary to
public good has at any time been rashly voted and assented
to, either from the violence of faction or the inexperience of
Senates and princes, it cannot be more effectually abrogated
than by a train of contrary precedents, which prove that, by
common consent, it has tacitly been set aside as inconvenient.
and impracticable. Such has been the case with all those
statutes enacted during turbulent times in order to limit royal
prerogative and cramp the sovereign in his protection of the
public and his execution of the laws. But above all branches
of prerogative, that which is most necessary to be preserved
is the power of imprisonment. Faction and discontent, like
diseases, frequently arise in every political body; and, during
these disorders, it is by the Salutary exercise alone of this dis-
cretionary power that rebellions and civil wars can be pre-
vented. To circumscribe this power is to destroy its nature,
entirely to abrogate it is impracticable, and the attempt itself
must prove dangerous, if not pernicious, to the public. The
supreme magistrate, in critical and turbulent times, will never,
agreeably either to prudence or duty, allow the state to perish,
while there remains a remedy which, how irregular Soever, it
is still in his power to apply. And if, moved by a regard to
public good, he employs any exercise of power condemned by
recent and express statute, how greedily, in Such dangerous
times, will factious leaders seize this pretence of throwing on
his government the imputation of tyranny and despotism 2.
Were the alternative quite necessary, it were surely much
better for human society to be deprived of liberty than to be
destitute of government. - •
Impartial reasoners will confess that this subject is not, on
both sides, without its difficulties. Where a general and rigid.
law is enacted against arbitrary imprisonment, it would appear
that government cannot, in times of sedition and faction, be
CH. L.I. CHARLES I. 449
conducted but by temporary suspensions of the law; and such
an expedient was never thought of during the age of Charles.
The meetings of Parliament were too precarious, and their
determinations might be too dilatory, to serve in cases of ur-
gent necessity. Nor was it then conceived that the king did
not possess of himself sufficient power for the security and
protection of his people, or that the authority of these popu-
lar assemblies was ever to become so absolute that the prince
must always conform himself to it, and could never have any
occasion to guard against their practices as well as against
those of his other subjects.
Though the House of Lords was not insensible to the rea-
sons urged in favor of the pretensions of the Commons, they
deemed the arguments pleaded in favor of the crown still
more cogent and convincing. That assembly seems, during
this whole period, to have acted, in the main, a reasonable
and a moderate part; and if their bias inclined a little too
much, as is natural, to the side of monarchy; they were far
from entertaining any design of Sacrificing to arbitrary will
the liberties and privileges of the nation. Ashley, the king's
sergeant, having asserted, in a pleading before the Peers, that
the king must sometimes govern by acts of state as well as by
law, this position gave such offence that he was immediately
committed to prison, and was not released but upon his recan-
tation and submission." Being, however, afraidlest the Com-
mons should go too far in their projected petition, the Peers
proposed a plan of one more moderate, which they recom-
mended to the consideration of the other House. It consist-
ed merely in a general declaration that the great charter, and
the six statutes conceived to be explanations of it, stand still
in force, to all intents and purposes; that, in consequence of
the charter and the statutes, and by the tenor of the ancient
customs and laws of the realm, every subject has a funda-
mental property in his goods and a fundamental liberty of
his person; that this property and liberty are as entire at pres-
ent as during any former period of the English government;
” Whitlocke, p. 10.
IV.—29
450 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. CH. L.I.
that in all common cases the common law oright to be the
standard of proceedings; “and in case that, for the security of
his majesty’s person, the general Safety of his people, or the
peaceable government of the kingdom, the king shall find just
cause, for reasons of state, to imprison or restrain any man’s
person, he was petitioned graciously to declare that, within a
convenient time, he shall and will express the cause of the
commitment or restraint, either general or special, and, upon
a cause so expressed, will leave the prisoner immediately to be
tried according to the common law of the land.”” -
Archbishop Abbot was employed by the Lords to recom-
mend, in a conference, this plan of a petition to the House of
Commons. The prelate, as was, no doubt, foreseen from his
known principles, was not extremely urgent in his applica-
tions; and the Lower House was fully convinced that the
general declarations signified nothing, but that the latter
clause left their liberties rather in a worse condition than be-
fore. They proceeded, therefore, with great zeal in framing
the model of a petition which should contain expressions
more precise and more favorable to public freedom.
The king could easily see the consequence of these proceed-
ings. Though he had offered at the beginning of the session
to give his consent to any law for the security of the rights
and liberties of the people, he had not expected that such in-
roads would be made on his prerogative. In order, therefore,
to divert the Commons from their intention, he sent a mes-
Sage, wherein he acknowledged past errors and promised that
hereafter there should be no just cause of complaint ; and he
added “that the affairs of the kingdom press him so that he
could not continue the session above a week or two longer;
and if the House be not ready by that time to do what is fit for
themselves, it shall be their own fault.” On a subsequent
occasion he asked them, “Why demand explanations, if you
doubt not the performance of the statutes according to their
true meaning ? Explanations will hazard an encroachment
aº
* State Trials, vol. vii. p. 187. Rushworth, vol. i. p. 546.
* State Trials, vol. vii. p. 103.
CH, L.I. CHARLES I. 451
upon the prerogative; and it may well be said, What need a
new law to confirm an old, if you repose confidence in the
declarations which his majesty made to both Houses?” The
truth is, the great charter and the old statutes were sufficient-
ly clear in favor of personal liberty; but as all Kings of Eng-
land had ever, in cases of necessity or expediency, been accus-
tomed at intervals to elude them, and as Charles, in a compli-
cation of instances, had lately violated them, the Commons
judged it requisite to enact a new law, which might not be
eluded or violated by any interpretation, construction, or con-
trary precedent. Nor was it sufficient, they thought, that the
king promised to return into the way of his predecessors.
His predecessors in all times had enjoyed too much discre-
tionary power; and by his recent abuse of it, the whole world
had reason to see the necessity of entirely retrenching it.
The king still persevered in his endeavors to elude the pe-
tition. He sent a letter to the House of Lords, in which he
went so far as to make a particular declaration “that neither
he nor his privy council shall or will, at any time hereafter,
commit or command to prison, or otherwise restrain, any man
for not lending money, or for any other cause which in his
conscience he thought not to concern the public good and the
safety of king and people.” And he further declared “that
he never would be guilty of so base an action as to pretend
any cause of whose truth he was not fully satisfied.” “ But
this promise, though enforced to the Commons by the recom-
mendation of the Upper House, made no more impression
than all the former messages. - - -
Among the other evasions of the king, we may reckon the
proposal of the House of Peers to subjoin to the intended
Petition of Right the following clause: “We humbly present
this petition to your majesty, not only with a care of preserv-
ing our own liberties, but with due regard to leave entire that
sovereign power with which your majesty is intrusted for the
*State Trials, vol. vii. p. 196. Rushworth, vol. i. p. 556.
* State Trials, vol. vii. p. 198. Rushworth, vol. i. p. 560. Parliamentary His-
tory, vol. viii. p. 111.
452 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. CH. L.I.
protection, safety, and happiness of your people.”” Less pene-
tration than was possessed by the leaders of the House of Com-
mons could easily discover how captious this clause was, and how
much it was calculated to elude the whole force of the petition.
These obstacles, therefore, being surmounted, the Petition
of Right passed the Commons and was sent to the Upper
House.” The Peers, who were probably well pleased in se-
cret that all their solicitations had been eluded by the Com-
mons, quickly passed the petition without any material altera-
tion, and nothing but the royal assent was wanting to give it
the force of a law. The king accordingly came to the House
of Peers, sent for the Commons, and, being seated in his chair
of state, the petition was read to him. Great was now the
astonishment of all men, when, instead of the usual concise
and clear form by which a bill is either confirmed or rejected,
Charles said, in answer to the petition, “The king willeth that
right be done according to the laws and customs of the realm,
and that the statutes be put into execution that his subjects
may have no cause to complain of any wrong or oppression
contrary to their just rights and liberties, to the preservation
whereof he holds himself in conscience as much obliged as of
his own prerogative.”" e
It is surprising that Charles, who had seen so many in-
stances of the jealousy of the Commons, who had himself so
much roused that jealousy by his frequent evasive messages
during this session, could imagine that they would rest sat-
isfied with an answer so vague and undeterminate. It was
evident that the unusual form alone of the answer must ex-
cite their attention ; that the disappointment must inflame
their anger; and that therefore it was necessary, as the peti-
tion seemed to bear hard on royal prerogative, to come early
to some fixed resolution—either gracefully to comply with it
or courageously to reject it.
* State Trials, vol. vii. p. 199. Rushworth, vol. i. p. 561. Parliamentary His-
tory, vol. viii. p. 116. Whitlocke, p. 10. -
* See mote [XX] at the end of the volume.
* State Trials, vol. vii. p. 212. Rushworth, vol. i. p. 590.
CH. L.I. - CHARLES I. 453
*
It happened as might have been foreseen. The Commons
returned in very ill humor. Usually, when in that disposition,
their zeal for religion and their enmity against the unfortunate
Catholics ran extremely high. But they had already, in the
beginning of the session, presented their petition of religion,
and had received a satisfactory answer, though they expected
that the execution of the laws against papists would for the
future be no more exact and rigid than they had hitherto
found it. To give vent to their present indignation, they fell
with their utmost force on Dr. Manwaring.
There is nothing which tends more to excuse—if not jus-
tify—the extreme rigor of the Commons towards Charles than
his open encouragement and avowal of such general principles
as were altogether incompatible with a limited government.
Manwaring had preached a sermon which the Commons found,
upon inquiry, to be printed by special command of the king;”
and when this sermon was looked into, it contained doctrines
subversive of all civil liberty. It taught that though property
was commonly lodged in the subject, yet whenever any exi-
gence required supply, all property was transferred to the
sovereign; that the consent of Parliament was not necessary
for the imposition of taxes; and that the divine laws required
compliance with every demand, how irregular soever, which
the prince should make upon his subjects.” For these doc-
trines the Commons impeached Manwaring. The sentence
pronounced upon him by the Peers was that he should be im-
prisoned during the pleasure of the House, be fined a thousand
pounds to the king, make submission and acknowledgment of
his offence, be suspended during three years, be incapable of
holding any ecclesiastical dignity or secular office, and that his
book be called in and burned.”
It may be worthy of notice that no sooner was the session
ended than this man, So justly obnoxious to both Houses, re-
* Parliamentary History, vol. viii. p. 206.
* Rushworth, vol. i. p. 585, 594. Parliamentary History, vol. viii. p. 168, 169,
170, etc. Welwood, p. 44.
* Rushworth, vol. i. p. 65. Parliamentary History, vol. viii. p. 212.
454 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. CH. L.I.
ceived a pardon and was promoted to a living of considerable
value.” Some years after, he was raised to the see of St.
Asaph. If the republican spirit of the Commons increased,
beyond all reasonable bounds, the monarchical spirit of the
court, this latter, carried to so high a pitch, tended still further
to augment the former; and thus extremes were everywhere
affected, and the just medium was gradually deserted by all
Imell.
From Manwaring the House of Commons proceeded to
censure the conduct of Buckingham, whose name hitherto
they had cautiously forborne to mention.” In vain did the
king send them a message in which he told them that the
session was drawing near to a conclusion, and desired that
they would not enter upon new business, nor cast any asper-
sions on his government and ministry.” Though the court
endeavored to explain and soften this message by a subse-
quent message” (as Charles was apt hastily to correct any hasty
step which he had taken), it served rather to inflame than ap-
pease the Commons, as if the method of their proceedings had
here been prescribed to them. It was foreseen that a great
tempest was ready to burst on the duke, and in order to divert
it the king thought proper, upon a joint application of the
Lords and Commons,” to endeavor giving them satisfaction
with regard to the Petition of Right. He came, therefore, to
the House of Peers, and, pronouncing the usual form of words,
“Let it be law as is desired,” gave full sanction and authority
to the petition. The acclamations with which the House re-
sounded, and the universal joy diffused over the nation, showed
how much this petition had been the object of all men's vows
and expectations.” -
It may be affirmed without any exaggeration that the king's
assent to the Petition of Right produced such a change in the
government as was almost equivalent to a revolution; and by
* Rushworth, vol. i. p. 635. Whitlocke, p. 11. -
* Rushworth, vol. i. p. 607. * Rushworth, vol. i. p. 605.
* Rushworth, vol. i. p. 610. Parliamentary History, vol. viii. p. 197.
* Rushworth, vol. i. p. 613. Journal, June 7, 1628. Parliamentary History,
vol. viii. p. 201. * Rushworth, vol. i. p. 613.
CEI. LI. CHARLES I. 455
circumscribing in So many articles the royal prerogative, gave
additional security to the liberties of the subject. Yet were
the Commons far from being Satisfied with this important
concession. Their ill-humor had been so much irritated by
the king's frequent evasions and delays that it could not be
presently appeased by an assent which he allowed to be so re-
luctantly extorted from him. Perhaps, too, the popular lead-
ers, implacable and artful, saw the opportunity favorable, and,
turning against the king those very weapons with which he
had furnished them, resolved to pursue the victory. The bill,
however, for five subsidies, which had been formerly voted,
immediately passed the House, because the granting of that
supply was, in a manner, tacitly contracted for upon the royal
assent to the petition; and had faith been here violated, no
further confidence could have subsisted between king and Par-
liament. Having made this concession, the Commons con-
tinued to carry their scrutiny into every part of government.
In some particulars their industry was laudable, in some it
may be liable to censure. ge
A little after writs were issued for summoning this Parlia-
ment, a commission had been granted to Sir Thomas Coventry,
lord keeper; the Earl of Marlborough, treasurer; the Earl of
Manchester, president of the council; the Earl of Worcester,
privy seal; the Duke of Buckingham, high admiral; and all the
considerable officers of the crown—in the whole thirty-three.
By this commission, which from the number of persons named
in it could be no secret, the commissioners were empowered
to meet and to concert among themselves the methods of
levying money by impositions or otherwise—“where form and
circumstance,” as expressed in the commission, “must be dis-
pensed with, rather than the substance be lost or hazarded.”
In other words, this was a scheme for finding expedients
which might raise the prerogative to the greatest height, and
render parliaments entirely useless. The Commons applied
for cancelling the commission,” and were, no doubt, desirous
* Rushworth, vol. i. p. 614. Parliamentary History, vol. viii. p. 214.
* Journal, June 13, 1628. -
456 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. CH.L.I.
that all the world should conclude the king's principles to be
extremely arbitrary, and should observe what little regard he
was disposed to pay to the liberties and privileges of his
people.
A commission had likewise been granted, and some money
remitted, in order to raise a thousand German horse, and
transport them into England. These were supposed to be
levied in order to support the projected impositions or excises,
though the number seems insufficient for such a purpose.”
The House took notice of this design in severe terms, and no
measure, surely, could be projected more generally odious to
the whole nation. It must, however, be confessed that the
king was so far right that he had now, at last, fallen on the
only effectual method for supporting his prerogative. But, at
the same time, he should have been sensible that, till provided
with a sufficient military force, all his attempts in opposition
to the rising spirit of the nation must in the end prove wholly
fruitless; and that the higher he screwed up the springs of
government, while he had so little real power to retain them
in that forced situation, with more fatal violence must they fly
out when any accident occurred to restore them to their nat-
ural action. -
The Commons next resumed their censure of Buckingham's
conduct and behavior, against whom they were implacable.
They agreed to present a remonstrance to the king, in which
they recapitulated all national grievances and misfortunes, and
omitted no circumstance which could render the whole ad-
ministration despicable and odious. The compositions with
Catholics, they said, amounted to no less than a toleration,
hateful to God, full of dishonor and disprofit to his majesty,
and of extreme scandal and grief to his good people; they
took notice of the violations of liberty above mentioned,
against which the Petition of Right seems to have provided
a sufficient remedy; they mentioned the decay of trade, the
unsuccessful expeditions to Cadiz and the isle of Rhé, the en-
couragement given to Arminians, the commission for trans-
* Rushworth, vol. i. p. 612.
CH. L.I. CHARLES I. 457
porting German horse, that for levying illegal impositions;
and all these grievances they ascribed solely to the ill conduct
of the Duke of Buckingham.” This remonstrance was, per-
haps, not the less provoking to Charles because, joined to the
extreme acrimony of the subject, there were preserved in it,
as in most of the remonstrances of that age, an affected civil-
ity and submission in the language. And as it was the first re-
turn which he met with for his late beneficial concessions, and
for his sacrifices of prerogative—the greatest by far ever made
by an English sovereign—nothing could be more the object of
just and natural indignation.
It was not without good grounds that the Commons were
so fierce and assuming. Though they had already granted
the king the supply of five subsidies, they still retained a
pledge in their hands which, they thought, insured them suc-
cess in all their applications. Tonnage and poundage had not
yet been granted by Parliament, and the Commons had art-
fully, this session, concealed their intention of invading that
branch of the revenue till the royal assent had been obtained
to the Petition of Right, which they justly deemed of such im-
portance. They then openly asserted that the levying of ton-
nage and poundage without consent of Parliament was a pal-
pable violation of the ancient liberties of the people, and an
infringement of the Petition of Right so lately granted.” The
prorogation, king, in order to prevent the finishing and present-
June 26. ing of this remonstrance, came suddenly to the Par-
liament, and ended this session by a prorogation.”
Being freed for some time from the embarrassment of this
assembly, Charles began to look towards foreign wars, where
all his efforts were equally unsuccessful as in his domestic
government. The Earl of Denbigh, brother-in-law to Buck-
ingham, was despatched to the relief of Rochelle, now closely
besieged by land and threatened with a blockade by sea; but
he returned without effecting anything; and, having declined
* Rushworth, vol. i. p. 619. IParliamentary IIistory, vol. viii. p. 219, 220, etc.
* Rushworth, vol. i. p. 628. Journal, June 18, 29, 1628.
* Journal, June 26, 1628.
458 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. CH. L.I.
*
to attack the enemy's fleet, he brought on the English arms
the imputation either of cowardice or ill conduct. In order
to repair this dishonor, the duke went to Portsmouth, where
he had prepared a considerable fleet and army, on which all
the subsidies given by Parliament had been expended. This
supply had very much disappointed the king's expectations.
The same mutinous spirit which prevailed in the House of
Commons had diffused itself over the nation, and the com-
missioners appointed for making the assessments had con-
mived at all frauds which might diminish the supply and re-
duce the crown to still greater necessities. This national dis-
content, communicated to a desperate enthusiast, soon broke
out in an event which may be considered as remarkable.
There was one Felton, of a good family, but of an ardent
and melancholic temper, who had served under the duke in
the station of lieutenant. His captain being killed in the re-
treat of the isle of Rhé, Felton had applied for the company,
and, when disappointed, he threw up his commission and re-
tired in discontent from the army. While private resentment
was boiling in his sullen, unsociable mind, he heard the nation
resound with complaints against the duke; and he met with
the remonstrance of the Commons, in which his enemy was
represented as the cause of every national grievance, and as
the great enemy of the public. Religious fanaticism further
inflamed these vindictive reflections, and he fancied that he
should do Heaven acceptable service if at one blow he de-
spatched this dangerous foe to religion and to his country.”
Full of these dark views, he secretly arrived at Portsmouth at
the same time with the duke, and watched for an opportunity
of effecting his bloody purpose.
Buckingham had been engaged in conversation with Soubise
and other French gentlemen, and, a difference of sentiment
having arisen, the dispute, though conducted with
temper and decency, had produced some of those
vehement gesticulations and lively exertions of voice in which
that nation, more than the English, are apt to indulge them-
August 23.
* May's History of the Parliament, p. 10.
CH. L.I. CHARLES I. 459
selves. The conversation being finished, the duke drew tow-
ards the door; and in that passage, turning himself to speak
to Sir Thomas Fryar, a colonel in the army, he was on the Sud-
den, over Sir Thomas's shoulder, struck upon the breast with
peath of a knife. Without uttering other words than, “The
* villain has killed me,” in the same moment pulling
out the knife, he breathed his last.
No man had seen the blow, nor the person who gave it;
but in the confusion every one made his own conjecture;
and all agreed that the murder had been committed by the
French gentlemen, whose angry tone of voice had been
heard, while their words had not been understood by the
bystanders. In the hurry of revenge they had instantly
been put to death, had they not been saved by some of
more temper and judgment, who, though they had the same
opinion of their guilt, thought proper to reserve them for a
judicial trial and examination.
Near the door there was found a hat, in the inside of which
was sewed a paper containing four or five lines of that re-
monstrance of the Commons which declared Buckingham an
enemy to the kingdom; and under these lines was a short
ejaculation, or attempt towards a prayer. It was easily con-
cluded that this hat belonged to the assassin; but the difficulty
still remained, who that person should be. For the writ-
ing discovered not the name; and whoever he was, it was mat-
ural to believe that he had already fled far enough not to be
found without a hat.
In this hurry, a man without a hat was seen walking very
composedly before the door. One crying out, “Here is the
fellow who killed the duke,” everybody ran to ask, “Which is
he’” The man very sedately answered, “I am he.” The more
furious immediately rushed upon him with drawn swords;
others, more deliberate, defended and protected him : he him-
self, with open arms, calmly and cheerfully exposed his breast
to the swords of the most enraged, being willing to fall a sud-
den sacrifice to their anger rather than be reserved for that
public justice which, he knew, must be executed upon him.
He was now known to be that Felton who had served in
460 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. - CH. L.I.
the army. Being carried into a private room, it was thought
proper so far to dissemble as to tell him that Buckingham was
only grievously wounded, but not without hopes of recovery.
Felton Smiled, and told them that the duke, he knew full well,
had received a blow which had terminated all their hopes.
When asked at whose instigation he had performed the horrid
deed, he replied that they needed not to trouble themselves
in that inquiry; that no man living had credit enough with
him to have disposed him to such an action; that he had not
even intrusted his purpose to any one; that the resolution
proceeded only from himself, and the impulse of his own con-
science; and that his motives would appear if his hat were
found, for that, believing he should perish in the attempt, he
had there taken care to explain them.“ g
When the king was informed of this assassination, he re-
ceived the news in public with an unmoved and undisturbed
countenance; and the courtiers, who studied his looks, con-
cluded that secretly he was not displeased to be rid of a min-
ister so generally odious to the nation.” But Charles's com-
mand of himself proceeded entirely from the gravity and
composure of his temper. He was still, as much as ever, at-
tached to his favorite; and during his whole life he retained
an affection for Buckingham’s friends and a prejudice against
his enemies. He urged, too, that Felton should be put to the
question, in order to extort from him a discovery of his accom-
plices; but the judges declared that, though that practice had
formerly been very usual, it was altogether illegal; so much
more exact reasoners, with regard to law, had they become,
from the jealous scruples of the House of Commons. -
Meanwhile the distress of Rochelle had risen to the utmost
extremity. That vast genius of Richelieu, which made him
form the greatest enterprises, led him to attempt their execu-
tion by means equally great and extraordinary. In order to
deprive Rochelle of all succor, he had dared to project the
throwing across the harbor a mole of a mile's extent in that
boisterous ocean; and having executed his project, he now
* Clarendon, vol. i. p. 27, 28. * * Warwick, p. 34.
CH. L.I. CHARLES I. - 461
&
held the town closely blockaded on all sides. The inhabitants,
though pressed with the greatest rigors of famine, still refused
to submit, being supported partly by the lectures of their
zealous preachers, partly by the daily hopes of relief from Eng-
land. After Buckingham's death, the command of the fleet
and army was conferred on the Earl of Lindesey, who, arriv-
ing before Rochelle, made some attempts to break through
the mole and force his way into the harbor; but, by the de-
lays of the English, that work was now fully finished and
fortified; and the Rochellers, finding their last hopes to fail
them, were reduced to surrender at discretion, even
in sight of the English admiral. Of fifteen thou-
Sand persons shut up in the city, four thousand alone survived
the fatigues and famine which they had undergone.”
This was the first necessary step towards the prosperity of
France. Foreign enemies, as well as domestic factions, being
deprived of this resource, that kingdom began now to shine
forth in its full splendor. By a steady prosecution of wise
plans, both of war and policy, it gradually gained an ascendant
over the rival power of Spain; and every order of the state,
and every sect, was reduced to pay submission to the lawful
authority of the sovereign. The victory, however, over the
IIuguenots was at first pushed by the French king with great
moderation. A toleration was still continued to them—the
only avowed and open toleration which at that time was
granted in any European kingdom.
The failure of an enterprise in which the English nation,
from religious sympathy, so much interested themselves, could
1629. Janu- not but diminish the king's authority in the Parlia-
..., oft" ment during the approaching session; but the Com-
* mons, when assembled, found many other causes of
complaint. Buckingham’s conduct and character with some
had afforded a reason, with others a pretence, for discontent
against public measures; but after his death there wanted not
new reasons and new pretences for general dissatisfaction.
Manwaring's pardon and promotion were taken notice of;
*—
*
October 18.
* Rushworth, vol. i. p. 636.
462 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. CII. L.I.
*
Sibthorpe and Cosins, two clergymen who, for like reasons,
were no less obnoxious to the Commons, had met with like
favor from the king; Montague, who had been censured for
moderation towards the Catholics, the greatest of crimes, had
been created Bishop of Chichester. They found, likewise,
upon inquiry, that all the copies of the Petition of Right, which
were dispersed, had by the king's orders annexed to them the
first answer, which had given so little Satisfaction to the Com-
mons"—an expedient by which Charles endeavored to per-
suade the people that he had nowise receded from his former
claims and pretensions, particularly with regard to the levy-
ing of tonnage and poundage. Selden also complained in the
IHouse that one Savage, contrary to the Petition of Right, had
been punished with the loss of his ears by a discretionary or
arbitrary sentence of the Star-chamber.” So apt were they,
on their part, to stretch the petition into such consequences as
might deprive the crown of powers which, from immemorial
custom, were supposed inherent in it.
But the great article on which the House of Commons
broke with the king, and which finally created in Charles a
Tonnage and disgust to all parliaments, was their claim with re-
* gard to tonnage and poundage. On this occasion,
therefore, it is necessary to give an account of the controversy.
The duty of tonnage and poundage, in more ancient times,
had been commonly a temporary grant of Parliament; but
it had been conferred on Henry V., and all the succeeding
princes, during life, in order to enable them to maintain a
naval force for the defence of the kingdom. The necessity of
levying this duty had been so apparent that each king had
ever claimed it from the moment of his accession ; and the
first Parliament of each reign had usually, by vote, conferred
on the prince what they found him already in possession of.
Agreeably to the inaccurate genius of the old constitution,
this abuse, however considerable, had never been perceived
nor remedied, though nothing could have been easier than
* State Trials, vol. vii. p. 216. Rushworth, vol. i. p. 643.
* State Trials, vol. vii. p. 216. Parliamentary History, vol. viii. p. 246.
CH. L.I. CHARLES I. 463
for the Parliament to have prevented it.” By granting this
duty to each prince during his own life, and, for a year after
his demise, to the successor, all inconveniences had been obvi-
ated; and yet the duty had never for a moment been levied
without proper authority. But contrivances of that nature
were not thought of during those rude ages; and as so com-
plicated and jealous a government as the English cannot subsist
without many such refinements, it is easy to see how favorable
every inaccuracy must formerly have proved to royal author-
ity, which on all emergencies was obliged to supply, by dis-
cretionary power, the great deficiency of the laws.
The Parliament did not grant the duty of tonnage and
poundage to Henry VIII. till the sixth of his reign. Yet this
prince, who had not then raised his power to its greatest
height, continued during that whole time to levy the imposi-
tion. The Parliament, in their very grant, blame the mer-
chants who had neglected to make payment to the crown ;
and though one expression of that bill may seem ambiguous,
they employ the plainest terms in calling tonnage and pound-
age the king's due, even before that duty was conferred on
him by parliamentary authority." Four reigns, and above a
whole century, had since elapsed; and this revenue had still
been levied before it was voted by Parliament. So long had
the inaccuracy continued without being remarked or cor-
rected.
During that short interval which passed between Charles's
accession and his first Parliament, he had followed the exam-
ple of his predecessors; and no fault was found with his con-
duct in this particular. But what was most remarkable in
the proceedings of that House of Commons, and what proved
beyond controversy that they had seriously formed a plan for
reducing their prince to subjection, was, that instead of grant-
ing this supply during the king's lifetime, as it had been en-
joyed by all his immediate predecessors, they voted it only for
a year; and, after that should be elapsed, reserved to them-
selves the power of renewing or refusing the same conces.
* Parliamentary History, vol. viii. p. 339, 340. * 6 Henry VIII. cap. 14.
y tº l * p
464 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. . CH. LI.
sion.” But the House of Peers, who saw that this duty was
now become more necessary than ever to supply the growing
necessities of the crown, and who did not approve of this en-
croaching spirit in the Commons, rejected the bill; and the
dissolution of that Parliament followed so soon after that no
attempt seems to have been made for obtaining tonnage and
poundage in any other form.” -
Charles, meanwhile, continued still to levy this duty by his
own authority, and the nation was so accustomed to that ex-
ertion of royal power that no scruple was at first entertained
of submitting to it. But the succeeding Parliament excited
doubts in every one. The Commons took there some steps
towards declaring it illegal to levy tonnage and poundage
without consent of Parliament; and they openly showed their
intention of employing this engine, in order to extort from
the crown concessions of the most important nature. But
Charles was not yet sufficiently tamed to compliance; and the
abrupt dissolution of that Parliament, as above related, put an
end, for the time, to their further pretensions.
The following interval between the second and third Par-
liament was distinguished by so many exertions of preroga-
tive that men had little leisure to attend to the affair of ton-
nage and poundage, where the abuse of power in the crown
might seem to be of a more disputable nature. But after the
Commons, during the precedent session, had remedied all
these grievances by means of their Petition of Right, which
they deemed so necessary, they afterwards proceeded to take
the matter into consideration; and they showed the same in-
tention as formerly of exacting, in return for the grant of
this revenue, very large compliances on the part of the crown.
Their sudden prorogation prevented them from bringing their
pretensions to a full conclusion.
When Charles opened this session, he had foreseen that the
same controversy would arise; and he therefore took care,
very early, among many mild and reconciling expressions, to
inform the Commons “that he had not taken these duties as
* Journal, July 5th, 1625. * See note [YY] at the end of the volume.
CII. L.I. CHARLES I. - 465
appertaining to his hereditary prerogative, but that it ever
was, and still is, his meaning to enjoy them as the gift of his
people; and that if he had hitherto levied tonnage and pound-
age, he pretended to justify himself only by the necessity of
, so doing, not by any right which he assumed.” “ This con-
cession, which probably arose from the king’s moderate tem-
per, now freed from the impulse of Buckingham’s violent
counsels, might have satisfied the Commons had they enter-
tained no other view than that of ascertaining their own pow-
ers and privileges. But they carried their pretensions much
higher. They insisted, as a necessary preliminary, that the
king should at once entirely desist from levying these duties;
after which they were to take it into consideration how far
they would restore him to the possession of a revenue of
which he had clearly divested himself. But, besides that this
extreme rigor had never been exercised towards any of his
predecessors, and many obvious inconveniences must follow
from the intermission of the customs, there were other rea-
sons which deterred Charles from complying with so hard a
condition. . It was probable that the Commons might renew
their former project of making this revenue only temporary,
and thereby reducing their prince to perpetual dependence;
they certainly would cut off the new impositions which Mary
and Elizabeth, but especially James, had levied, and which
formed no despicable part of the public revenue; and they
openly declared that they had at present many important pre-
tensions chiefly with regard to religion; and if compliance
were refused, no supply must be expected from the Com-
I]] O]].S. *
It is easy to see in what an inextricable labyrinth Charles
was now involved. By his own concessions, by the general
principles of the English government, and by the form of
every bill which had granted this duty, tonnage and pound-
age was derived entirely from the free gift of the people;
and, consequently, might be withdrawn at their pleasure. If
unreasonable in their refusal, they still refused nothing but
* Rushworth, vol. i. p. 644. Parliamentary History, vol. viii. p. 256, 346.
IV.—30
466 - HISTORY OF ENGLAND. CH. L.I.
what was their own. If public necessity required this supply,
it might be thought also to require the king's compliance
with those conditions which were the price of obtaining it.
Though the motive for granting it had been the enabling of
the king to guard the seas, it did not follow that because he
guarded the seas he was therefore entitled to this revenue
without further formality, since the people had still reserved
to themselves the right of judging how far that service mer-
ited such a supply. But Charles, notwithstanding his public
declaration, was far from assenting to this conclusion in its
full extent. The plain consequence, he saw, of all these rig-
ors and refinements and inferences was, that he, without any
public necessity, and without any fault of his own, must, of a
Sudden, even from his accession, become a magistrate of a very
different nature from any of his predecessors, and must fall
into a total dependence on subjects over whom former kings,
especially those immediately preceding, had exercised an au-
thority almost unlimited. Entangled in a chain of conse-
quences which he could not easily break, he was inclined to
go higher, and rather deny the first principle than admit of
conclusions which to him appeared so absurd and unreasona-
ble. Agreeably to the ideas hitherto entertained both by na-
tives and foreigners, the monarch he esteemed the essence and
soul of the English government; and whatever other power
pretended to annihilate, or even abridge, the royal authority,
must necessarily, he thought, either in its nature or exercise,
be deemed no better than a usurpation. Willing to preserve
the ancient harmony of the constitution, he had ever intended
to comply, as far as he easily could, with the ancient forms of
administration. But when these forms appeared to him, by
the inveterate obstimacy of the Commons, to have no other
tendency than to disturb that harmony and to introduce a
new constitution, he concluded that, in this violent situation,
what was subordinate must necessarily yield to what was prin-
cipal, and the privileges of the people for a time give place to,
royal prerogative. From the rank of a monarch, to be de-
graded into a slave of his insolent, ungrateful subjects seem-
ed of all indignities the greatest; and nothing, in his judg-
Cº. LI. CHARLES I. 467
ment, could exceed the humiliation attending such a state
but the meanness of tamely submitting to it without mak-
ing some efforts to preserve the authority transmitted to
him by his predecessors.
Though these were the king's reflections and resolutions
before the Parliament assembled, he did not immediately break
with them upon their delay in voting him this supply. He
thought that he could better justify any strong measure which
he might afterwards be obliged to take if he allowed them to
carry to the utmost extremities their attacks upon his govern-
ment and prerogative.” He contented himself, for the pres-
ent, with soliciting the House by messages and speeches. But
the Commons, instead of hearkening to his solicitations, pro-
ceeded to carry their scrutiny into his management of relig-
ion,” which was the only grievance to which, in their opinion,
they had not as yet, by their Petition of Right, applied a suffi-
cient remedy.
It was not possible that this century, so fertile in religious
sects and disputes, could escape the controversy concerning
fatalism and free-will, which, being strongly inter-
woven both with philosophy and theology, had, in
all ages, thrown every School and every church into such inex-
tricable doubt and perplexity. The first reformers in Eng-
land, as in other European countries, had embraced the most
rigid tenets of predestination and absolute decrees, and had
composed upon that system all the articles of their religious
creed. But these principles having met with opposition from
Arminius and his sectaries, the controversy was soon brought
into this island, and began here to diffuse itself. The Ar-
minians finding more encouragement from the superstitious
spirit of the Church than from the fanaticism of the Puritans,
gradually incorporated themselves with the former; and some
of that sect, by the indulgence of James and Charles, had at-
tained the highest preferments in the hierarchy. But their
success with the public had not been altogether answerable
Arminianism.
* Rushworth, vol. i. p. 640.
* Rushworth, vol. i. p. 651. Whitlocke, p. 12.
46S HISTORY OF ENGLAND. CH. L.I.
to that which they met with in the Church and the court.
Throughout the nation they still lay under the reproach of in-
novation and heresy. The Commons now levelled against
them their formidable censures, and made them the objects
of daily invective and declamation. Their protectors were
stigmatized; their tenets canvassed ; their views represented
as dangerous and pernicious. To impartial spectators Surely,
if any such had been at that time in England, it must have
given great entertainment to see a popular assembly, inflamed
with faction and enthusiasm, pretend to discuss questions to
which the greatest philosophers in the tranquillity of retreat
had never hitherto been able to find any Satisfactory solution.
Amid that complication of disputes in which men were
then involved, we may observe that the appellation Puritan
stood for three parties, which, though commonly united, were
yet actuated by very different views and motives. There were
the political Puritans, who maintained the highest principles
of civil liberty; the Puritans in discipline, who were averse
to the ceremonies and episcopal government of the Church;
and the doctrinal Puritans, who rigidly defended the specula-
tive system of the first reformers. In opposition to all these
stood the court party, the hierarchy, and the Arminians; only
with this distinction, that the latter sect, being introduced a
few years before, did not as yet comprehend all those who
were favorable to the Church and to monarchy. But, as the
controversies on every subject grew daily warmer, men united
themselves more intimately with their friends, and separated
themselves wider from their antagonists; and the distinction
gradually became quite uniform and regular.
This House of Commons, which, like all the preceding dur-
ing the reigns of James and Charles, and even of Elizabeth,
was much governed by the Puritanical party, thought that
they could not better serve their cause than by branding and
punishing the Arminian sect, which, introducing an innova-
tion in the Church, were the least favored and least powerful
of all their antagonists. From this measure it was easily fore-
Seen that, besides gratifying the animosity of the doctrinal
Puritans, both the Puritans in discipline and those in politics
CH. L.I. CHARLES I. 469
would reap considerable advantages. Laud, Neile, Montague,
and other bishops, who were the chief supporters of episcopal
government and the most zealous partisans of the discipline
and ceremonies of the Church, were all supposed to be tainted
with Arminianism. The same men and their disciples were
the strenuous preachers of passive obedience and of entire
submission to princes; and if these could once be censured,
and be expelled the Church and court, it was concluded that
the hierarchy would receive a mortal blow, the ceremonies be
less rigidly insisted on, and the king, deprived of his most
faithful friends, be obliged to abate those high claims of pre-
rogative on which at present he insisted.
But Charles, besides a view of the political consequences
which must result from a compliance with such pretensions,
was strongly determined, from principles of piety and con-
science, to oppose them. Neither the dissipation incident to
youth, nor the pleasures attending a high fortune, had been
able to prevent this virtuous prince from embracing the most
sincere sentiments of religion; and that character which, in
that religious age, should have been of infinite advantage to
him, proved in the end the chief cause of his ruin; merely
because the religion adopted by him was not of that precise
mode and sect which began to prevail among his subjects.”
His piety, though remote from popery, had a tincture of su-
perstition in it; and, being averse to the gloomy spirit of the
Puritans, was represented by them as tending towards the
abominations of antichrist. Laud also had unfortunately ac-
quired a great ascendant over him ; and as all those prelates,
obnoxious to the Commons, were regarded as his chief friends
and most favorite courtiers, he was resolved not to disarm and
dishonor himself by abandoning them to the resentment of
his enemies. Being totally unprovided with military force,
and finding a refractory independent spirit to prevail among
the people, the most solid basis of his authority, he thought,
consisted in the support which he received from the hierar-
chy. -
In the debates of the Commons which are transmitted to
us, it is easy to discern so early some sparks of that enthusias-
470 IHISTORY OF ENGLAND. º CH. L.I.
tic fire which afterwards set the whole nation in combustion.
One Rouse made use of an allusion which, though familiar,
seems to have been borrowed from the writings of Lord Ba-
con.” “If a man meet a dog alone,” said he, “the dog is fear-
ful, though ever so fierce by nature; but if the dog have his
master with him, he will set upon that man from whom he
fled before. This shows that lower natures, being backed by
higher, increase in courage and strength; and certainly man,
being backed with Omnipotency, is a kind of omnipotent
creature. All things are possible to him that believes, and
where all things are possible there is a kind of omnipotency.
Wherefore, let it be the unanimous consent and resolution of
us all to make a vow and covenant henceforth to hold fast our
God and our religion; and then shall we henceforth expect
with certainty happiness in this world.”
Oliver Cromwell, at that time a young man of no account
in the nation, is mentioned in these debates as complaining of
one who, he was told, preached flat popery.” It is amusing
to observe the first words of this fanatical hypocrite corre-
spond so exactly to his character.
The inquiries and debates concerning tonnage and pound-
age went hand in hand with these theological or metaphysical
‘controversies. The Officers of the custom-house were sum-
moned before the Commons to give an account by what au-
thority they had seized the goods of merchants who had re-
fused to pay these duties: the barons of the exchequer were
questioned concerning their decrees on that head.” One of
the sheriffs of London was committed to the Tower for his
activity in supporting the officers of the custom-house; the
goods of Tolles, a merchant and member of the House, being
seized for his refusal to pay the duties, complaints were made
of this violence, as if it were a breach of privilege." Charles
supported his officers in all these measures; and the quarrel
* Essay of Atheism.
* Rushworth, vol. i. p. 646. Parliamentary History, vol. viii. p. 260.
* Rushworth, vol. i. p. 655. Parliamentary History, vol. viii. p. 289.
* Rushworth, vol. i. p. 654. Parliamentary History, vol. viii. p. 301.
* Rushworth, vol. i. p. 653.
CH. L.I. CHARLES I. - 471
grew every day higher between him and the Commons."
Mention was made in the House of impeaching Sir Richard
Weston, the treasurer;” and the king began to entertain
thoughts of finishing the session by a dissolution. -
Sir John Elliot framed a remonstrance against levying ton-
nage and poundage without consent of Parliament, and of-
fered it to the clerk to read. It was refused. He read it
himself. The question being then called for, the speaker, Sir
John Finch, said that “he had a command from the king
to adjourn, and to put no question.” “ Upon which he rose
and left the chair. The whole House was in an uproar. The
speaker was pushed back into the chair, and forcibly held in
it by Hollis and Valentine, till a short remonstrance was
framed, and was passed by acclamation rather than by vote.
Papists and Arminians were there declared capital enemies to
the commonwealth. Those who levied tonnage and pound-
age were branded with the same epithet; and even the mer-
chants who should voluntarily pay these duties were denomi-
nated betrayers of English liberty and public enemies. The
doors being locked, the gentleman usher of the House of
Lords, who was sent by the king, could not get admittance
till this remonstrance was finished. By the king's order, he
pissolution took the mace from the table, which ended their
.** proceedings;” and a few days after the Parlia-
*19. ment was dissolved. -
The discontents of the nation ran high, on account of this
violent rupture between the king and Parliament. These
discontents Charles inflamed by his affectation of a severity
which he had not power, nor probably inclination, to carry
to extremities. Sir Miles Hobart, Sir Peter Heyman, Selden,
* Rushworth, vol. i. p. 658. * Parliamentary History, vol. viii. p. 326.
* The king's power of adjourning as well as proroguing the Parliament was, and
is, never questioned. In the 19th of the late king, the judges determined that the
adjournment by the king kept the Parliament in statu quo until the next sitting;
but that then no committees were to meet; but if the adjournment be by the House,
then the committees and other matters do continue.—Parliamentary History, vol.
v. p. 466. -
* Rushworth, vol. i. p 660. Whitlocke, p. 12.
472 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. CH. L.I.
Coriton, Long, Strode, were committed to prison, on account
of the last tumult in the House, which was called Sedition."
With great difficulty, and after several delays, they were re-
leased; and the law was generally supposed to be wrested, in
order to prolong their imprisonment. Sir John Elliot, Hol-
lis, and Valentine were summoned to their trial in the king's
bench, for seditious speeches and behavior in Parliament;
but refusing to answer before an inferior court for their con-
duct as members of a Superior, they were condemned to be
imprisoned during the king’s pleasure, to find sureties for
their good behavior, and to be fined, the two former in a
thousand pounds apiece, the latter five hundred." This sen-
tence, procured by the influence of the crown, served only to
show the king's disregard to the privileges of Parliament, and
to acquire an immense stock of popularity to the sufferers,
who had so bravely, in opposition to arbitrary power, defend-
ed the liberties of their native country. The Commons of
England, though an immense body, and possessed of the
greater part of national property, were naturally somewhat
defenceless, because of their personal equality and their
want of leaders; but the king’s severity, if these prosecu-
tions deserve the name, here pointed out leaders to them
whose resentment was inflamed, and whose courage was no-
wise daunted by the hardships which they had undergone in
So honorable a cause. g
So much did these prisoners glory in their sufferings that,
though they were promised liberty on that condition, they
would not condescend even to present a petition to the king
expressing their sorrow for having offended him.” They
unanimously refused to find sureties for their good behavior,
and disdained to accept of deliverance on such easy terms.
Nay, Hollis was so industrious to continue his meritorious
distress that, when one offered to bail him he would not yield
to the rule of court and be himself bound with his friend.
* Rushworth, vol. i. p. 661, 681. Parliamentary History, vol. viii. p. 354. May,
p. 13. * Rushworth, vol. i. p. 684, 691.
* Whitlocke, p. 13.
CH. L.I. CHARLES I. 473
Even Long, who had actually found sureties in the chief jus-
tice's chamber, declared in court that his sureties should no
longer continue.” Yet, because Sir John Elliot happened to
die while in custody, a great clamor was raised against the ad-
ministration; and he was universally regarded as a martyr to
the liberties of England."
* Rennet, vol. iii. p. 49. * Rushworth, vol. v. p. 440.
} p |
474 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. CH. LII.
CHAPTER LII.
Peace with France.—Peace with Spain.—State of the Court and Ministry.—
Character of the Queen.—Strafford.—Laud.—Innovations in the Church.-Ir–
regular Levies of Money.—Severities in the Star-chamber and High Commis-
sion.—Ship-money.—Trial of Hambden.
THERE now opens to us a new scene. Charles, naturally
disgusted with parliaments, who, he found, were determined to
proceed against him with unmitigated rigor, both in
invading his prerogative and refusing him all Sup-
ply, resolved not to call any more till he should see greater in-
dications of a compliant disposition in the nation. Having lost
his great favorite, Buckingham, he became his own minister,
and never afterwards reposed in any one such unlimited confi-
dence. As he chiefly follows his own genius and disposition,
his measures are henceforth less rash and hasty; though the
general tenor of his administration still wants somewhat of be-
ing entirely legal, and perhaps more of being entirely prudent.
We shall endeavor to exhibit a just idea of the events
which followed for some years, so far as they regard foreign
affairs, the state of the court, and the government of the na-
tion. The incidents are neither numerous nor illustrious, but
the knowledge of them is necessary for understanding the
subsequent transactions which are so memorable.
Charles, destitute of all supply, was necessarily reduced to
embrace a measure which ought to have been the result of
reason and sound policy: he made peace with the two crowns
against which he had hitherto waged a war, entered into with-
out necessity and conducted without glory. Notwithstanding
the distracted and helpless condition of England, no attempt
was made, either by France or Spain, to invade their enemy;
nor did they entertain any further project than to defend
themselves against the feeble and ill-concerted expeditions of
1629.
CH. LII. - CEIARLES I. 475
that kingdom. Pleased that the jealousies and quarrels be-
tween the king and Parliament had disarmed so formidable a
power, they carefully avoided any enterprise which might
rouse either the terror or anger of the English, and dispose
them to domestic union and submission. The endeavors to
regain the good-will of the nation were carried so far by the
Ring of Spain that he generously released and sent home all
the English prisoners taken in the expedition against Cadiz.
The example was imitated by France, after the retreat of the
English from the isle of Rhé. When princes were in such
peace with dispositions, and had so few pretensions on each
§: "" other, it could not be difficult to conclude a peace.
*** The treaty was first signed with France." The sit-
uation of the king's affairs did not entitle him to demand any
conditions for the Huguenots, and they were abandoned to
the will of their sovereign. Peace was afterwards concluded
1680. with Spain, where no conditions were made in fa-'
** vor of the Palatine, except that Spain promised in
general to use their good offices for his restoration.” The in-
fluence of these two wars on domestic affairs, and on the dis-
positions of king and people, was of the utmost consequence;
but no alteration was made by them on the foreign interests
of the kingdom. -
Nothing more happy can be imagined than the situation in
which England then stood with regard to foreign affairs. Eu-
rope was divided between the rival families of Bourbon and
Austria, whose opposite interests, and still more their mutual
jealousies, secured the tranquillity of this island; their forces
were so nearly counterpoised that no apprehensions were en-
tertained of any event which could suddenly disturb the bal-
ance of power between them. The Spanish monarch, deemed
the most powerful, lay at greatest distance; and the English,
by that means, possessed the advantage of being engaged by
political motives in a more intimate union and confederacy
with the neighboring potentate. The dispersed situation of
the Spanish dominions rendered the naval power of England
* Rushworth, vol. ii. p. 23, 24. * Rushworth, vol. ii. p. 75. Whitlocke, p. 14.
476 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. C.H. LII.
formidable to them, and kept that empire in continual de-
pendence. France, more vigorous and more compact, was
every day rising in policy and discipline, and reached at last
an equality of power with the house of Austria; but her
progress, slow and gradual, left it still in the power of Eng-
land, by a timely interposition, to check her superiority. And
thus Charles, could he have avoided all dissensions with his
own subjects, was in a situation to make himself be courted
and respected by every power in Europe; and, what has
scarcely ever since been attained by the princes of this island,
he could either be active with dignity or neutral with security.
A neutrality was embraced by the king, and during the
rest of his reign he seems to have little regarded foreign af-
fairs, except so far as he was engaged by honor, and by
friendship for his sister and the Palatine, to endeavor the pro-
curing of some relief for that unhappy family. He joined
his good offices to those of France, and mediated a peace be-
tween the Kings of Sweden and Poland, in hopes of engaging
the former to embrace the protection of the oppressed Prot-
estants in the empire. This was the famed Gustavus, whose
heroic genius, seconded by the wisest policy, made him in a
little time the most distinguished monarch of the age, and
rendered his country, formerly unknown and neglected, of
great weight in the balance of Europe. To encourage and
assist him in his projected invasion of Germany, Charles
agreed to furnish him with six thousand men; but that he
might preserve the appearance of neutrality, he made use of
the Marquis of Hamilton's name.” That nobleman entered
into an engagement with Gustavus, and enlisting these troops
in England and Scotland at Charles's expense, he landed them
in the Elbe. The decisive battle of Leipsic was fought soon
after, where the conduct of Tilly and the valor of the impe-
rialists were overcome by the superior conduct of Gustavus
and the superior valor of the Swedes. What remained of
this hero's life was one continued series of victory, for which
he was less beholden to fortune than to those personal endow-
* Rushworth, vol. i. p. 46, 53, 62, 83.
CEI. LII. - CHARLES I. 477
ments which he derived from nature and from industry.
That rapid progress of conquest which we so much admire
in ancient history was here renewed in modern annals, and
without that cause to which in former ages it had ever been
owing. Military nations were not now engaged against an
undisciplined and unwarlike people, nor heroes set in opposi-
tion to cowards. The veteran troops of Ferdinand, conducted
by the most celebrated generals of the age, were foiled in
every encounter, and all Germany was overrun in an instant
by the victorious Swede. But by this extraordinary and un-
expected success of his ally, Charles failed of the purpose for
which he framed the alliance. Gustavus, elated by pros-
perity, began to form more extensive plans of ambition, and
in freeing Germany from the yoke of Ferdinand, he intended
to reduce it to subjection under his own. He refused to re-
store the Palatine to his principality, except on conditions
which would have kept him in total dependence." And thus
the negotiation was protracted till the battle of Lutzen, where
the Swedish monarch perished in the midst of a complete vic-
tory which he obtained over his enemies.
We have carried on these transactions a few years beyond
the present period that we might not be obliged to return to
them, nor be henceforth interrupted in our account of Charles's
court and kingdoms.
When we consider Charles as presiding in his court, as asso-
ciating with his family, it is difficult to imagine a character at
State of the Once more respectable and more amiable. A kind
cºnd husband, an indulgent father, a gentle master, a
""" steadfast friend, to all these eulogies his conduct in
private life fully entitled him. As a monarch, too, in the ex-
iterior qualities he excelled; in the essential, he was not de-
fective. His address and manner, though perhaps inclining
a little towards stateliness and formality, in the main corre-
sponded to his high rank, and gave grace to that reserve and
gravity which were natural to him. The moderation and
equity which shone forth in his temper seemed to secure him
* Franklyn, vol. i. p. 415.
478 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. CH. LII.
against rash and dangerous enterprises; the good sense which
he displayed in his discourse and conversation seemed to war-
rant his success in every reasonable undertaking. Other en-
dowments likewise he had attained, which in a private gen-
tleman would have been highly ornamental, and which in a
great monarch might have proved extremely useful to his
people. He was possessed of an excellent taste in all the fine
arts, and the love of painting was, in Some degree, his favorite
passion. Learned beyond what is common in princes, he wa
a good judge of writing in others, and enjoyed, himself, no
mean talent in composition. In any other age or nation, this
monarch had been secure of a prosperous and a happy reign.
But the high idea of his own authority which he had imbibed
made him incapable of giving way to the spirit of liberty
which began to prevail among his subjects. His politics were
not supported by such vigor and foresight as might enable
him to subdue their pretensions and maintain his prerogative
at the high pitch to which it had been raised by his prede-
cessors; and, above all, the spirit of enthusiasm being univer-
sally diffused, disappointed all the views of human prudence
and disturbed the operation of every motive which usually
influences Society.
But the misfortunes arising from these causes were yet re-
mote. Charles now enjoyed himself in the full exercise of
his authority, in a social intercourse with his friends and
courtiers, and in a moderate use of those pleasures which he
most affected.
After the death of Buckingham, who had somewhat alien-
ated Charles from the queen, she is to be considered as his
character of chief friend and favorite. That rustic contempt of
the queen the fair sex which James affected, and which, ban-
ishing them from his court, made it resemble more a fair or
an exchange than the seat of a great prince, was very wide of
the disposition of this monarch. But though full of complai-
sance to the whole sex, Charles reserved all his passion for his
consort, to whom he attached himself with unshaken fidelity
and confidence. By her sense and spirit as well as by her
beauty she justified the fondness of her husband, though it
CH. LII. - CHARLES I. 479
is allowed that, being somewhat of a passionate temper, she
precipitated him into hasty and imprudent measures. Her
religion, likewise, to which she was much addicted, must be
regarded as a great misfortune, since it augmented the jeal-
ousy which prevailed against the court, and engaged her to
procure for the Catholics some indulgences which were gen-
erally distasteful to the nation." -
In the former situation of the English government, when
the Sovereign was in a great measure independent of his sub-
jects, the king chose his ministers either from personal favor
or from an opinion of their abilities, without any regard to
their parliamentary interest or talents. It has since been the
maxim of princes, wherever popular leaders encroach too
much on royal authority, to confer offices on them, in expec-
tation that they will afterwards become more careful not to
diminish that power which has become their own. These
politics were now embraced by Charles—a Sure proof that a
secret revolution had happened in the constitution and had
necessitated the prince to adopt new maxims of government."
Dut the views of the king were at this time so repugnant to
those of the Puritans that the leaders whom he gained lost
from that moment all interest with their party, and were
even pursued as traitors with implacable hatred and resent-
ment. This was the case with Sir Thomas Went-
worth, whom the king created, first a baron, then a
viscount, and afterwards Earl of Strafford; made him presi-
dent of the Council of York, and deputy of Ireland, and re-
garded him as his chief minister and councillor. By his emi-
nent talents and abilities, Strafford merited all the confidence
which his master reposed in him : his character was stately
and austere, more fitted to procure esteem than love; his
fidelity to the king was unshaken ; but as he now employed
all his counsels to support the prerogative which he had for-
merly bent all his endeavors to diminish, his virtue seems not
to have been entirely pure, but to have been susceptible of
strong impressions from private interest and ambition. Sir
Straſford.
* May, p. 21. * Sir Edward Walker, p. 328.
480 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. CH. LII. .
Dudley Digges was about the same time created master of
the rolls; Noy, attorney-general; Littleton, Solicitor-general.
All these had likewise been parliamentary leaders, and were
men eminent in their profession."
In all ecclesiastical affairs, and even in many civil, Laud,
Bishop of London, had great influence over the king. This
man was virtuous, if severity of manners alone and
abstinence from pleasure could deserve that name.
Eſe was learned, if polemical knowledge could entitle him to
that praise. He was disinterested, but with unceasing industry
he studied to exalt the priestly and prelatical character, which
was his own. His zeal was unrelenting in the cause of religion
—that is, in imposing by rigorous measures his own tenets and
pious ceremonies on the obstinate Puritans who had profanely
dared to oppose him. In prosecution of his holy purposes,
he overlooked every human consideration; or, in other words,
the heat and indiscretion of his temper made him neglect the
views of prudence and rules of good manners. He was in
this respect happy that all his enemies were also imagined by
him the declared enemies to loyalty and true piety, and that
every exercise of his anger by that means became in his eyes
a merit and a virtue. This was the man who acquired so
great an ascendant over Charles, and who led him, by the
facility of his temper, into a conduct which proved so fatal to
himself and to his kingdoms.
The humor of the nation ran at that time into the extreme
opposite to superstition, and it was with difficulty that the
Innovations ancient ceremonies to which men had been accus-
** tomed, and which had been sanctified by the prac-
tice of the first reformers, could be retained in divine service;
yet was this the time which Laud chose for the introduction
of new ceremonies and observances. Besides that these were
sure to displease as innovations, there lay, in the opinion of
the public, another very forcible objection against them.
Laud and the other prelates who embraced his measures were
generally well instructed in Sacred antiquity, and had adopted
Laud.
* Whitlocke, p. 13. May, p. 20.
CH. LII. sº CHARLES I. 481
many of those religious sentiments which prevailed during
the fourth and fifth centuries, when the Christian Church,
as is well known, was already sunk into those superstitions
which were afterwards continued and augmented by the poli-
cy of Rome. The revival, therefore, of the ideas and prac-
tices of that age could not fail of giving the English faith and
liturgy some resemblance to the Catholic superstition, which
the kingdom in general and the Puritans in particular held
in the greatest horror and detestation. Men, also, were apt
to think that, without some Secret purpose, such insignificant
observances would not be imposed with such unrelenting zeal
on the refractory nation; and that Laud's scheme was to lead
back the English by gradual steps to the religion of their an-
cestors. They considered not that the very insignificancy of
these ceremonies recommended them to the Superstitious prel-
ate, and made them appear the more peculiarly sacred and re-
ligious, as they could serve to no other purpose. Nor was the
resemblance to the Romish ritual any objection, but rather a
merit, with Laud and his brethren, who bore a much greater
kindness to the mother Church, as they called her, than to the
sectaries and Presbyterians, and frequently recommended her
as a true Christian Church, an appellation which they refused,
or at least scrupled, to give to the others." So openly were
these tenets espoused that not only the discontented Puritans
believed the Church of England to be relapsing fast into Rom-
ish superstition, the court of Rome itself entertained hopes
of regaining its authority in this island; and in order to for.
ward Laud’s supposed good intentions, an offer was twice
made him, in private, of a cardinal’s hat, which he declined
accepting." His answer was, as he says himself, “that some-
thing dwelt within him which would not suffer his compli.
ance till Rome were other than it is.””
A court lady, daughter of the Earl of Devonshire, having
turned Catholic, was asked by Laud the reason of her conver-
sion. “’Tis chiefly,” said she, “because I hate to travel in a
* May, p. 25. " Rushworth, vol. ii. p. 190. Welwood, p. 61.
* Rushworth, vol. iii. p. 1327. Whitlocke, p. 97.
IV.-31
482 - HISTORY OF ENGLAND. C.H. LII.
crowd.” The meaning of this expression being demanded,
she replied, “I perceive your grace and many others are mak-
ing haste to Rome; and, therefore, in order to prevent my be-
ing crowded, I have gone before you.” It must be confessed
that, though Laud deserved not the appellation of papist, the
genius of his religion was, though in a less degree, the same
with that of the Romish : the same profound respect was ex-
acted to the Sacerdotal character, the same submission re-
quired to the creeds and decrees of synods and councils, the
same pomp and ceremony was affected in worship, and the
same superstitious regard to days, postures, meats, and vest-
ments. No wonder, therefore, that this prelate was every-
where among the Puritans regarded with horror as the fore-
runner of antichrist.
As a specimen of the new ceremonies to which Laud sac-
rificed his own quiet and that of the nation, it may not be
amiss to relate those which he was accused of employing in
the consecration of St. Catherine's Church, and which were
the object of such general Scandal and offence.
On the bishop's approach to the west door of the church, a
loud voice cried, “Open, open, ye everlasting doors, that the
Ring of Glory may enter in ſ” Immediately the doors of the
church flew open, and the bishop entered. Falling upon his
knees, with eyes elevated and arms expanded, he uttered these
words: “This place is holy; the ground is holy: in the name
of the Father, Son, and Holy Ghost, I pronounce it holy.”
Going towards the chancel, he several times took up from
the floor some of the dust and threw it in the air. When he
approached with his attendants near to the communion-table,
he bowed frequently towards it; and, on their return, they
went round the church, repeating, as they marched along,
Some of the Psalms; and then said a form of prayer which
concluded with these words: “We consecrate this church, and
Separate it unto thee as holy ground, not to be profaned any
more to common uses.”
After this the bishop, standing near the communion-table,
Solemnly pronounced many imprecations upon such as should
afterwards pollute that holy place by musters of soldiers, or
CH. LII. CHARLES I. 483
keeping in it profane law-courts, or carrying burdens through
it. On the conclusion of every curse he bowed towards the
east, and cried, “I et all the people Say, Amen.”
The imprecations being all so piously finished, there were
poured out a number of blessings upon such as had any hand
in framing and building that Sacred and beautiful edifice, and
on such as had given, or should hereafter give to it, any chal-
ices, plate, ornaments, or utensils. At every benediction, he
in like manner bowed towards the east, and cried, “Let all
the people Say, Amen.” -
The sermon followed; after which the bishop consecrated
and administered the Sacrament in the following manner:
As he approached the communion-table, he made many
lowly reverences; and coming up to that part of the table
where the bread and wine lay, he bowed seven times. After
the reading of many prayers, he approached the Sacramental
elements, and gently lifted up the corner of the napkin in
which the bread was placed. When he beheld the bread, he
suddenly let fall the napkin, flew back a step or two, bowed
three several times towards the bread; then he drew nigh
again, opened the napkin, and bowed as before.
Next, he laid his hand on the cup, which had a cover upon
it, and was filled with wine. He let go the cup, fell back, and
bowed thrice towards it. He approached again; and, lifting
up the cover, peeped into the cup. Seeing the wine, he let
fall the cover, started back, and bowed as before. Then he
received the Sacrament, and gave it to others. And many
prayers being said, the solemnity of the consecration ended.
The walls and floor and roof of the fabric were then supposed
to be sufficiently holy.” -
Orders were given and rigorously insisted on that the com-
munion-table should be removed from the middle of the area,
where it hitherto stood in all churches, except in cathedrals.”
It was placed at the east end, railed in, and denominated an
ALTAR.—as the clergyman who officiated received commonly
* Rushworth, vol. ii. p. 76, 77. W elwood, p. 275. Franklyn, p. 386.
* Rushworth, vol. ii. p. 207. Whitlocke, p. 24.
484 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. \ CH. LII.
the appellation of PRIEST. It is not easy to imagine the dis.
contents excited by this innovation, and the suspicions which
it gave rise to.
The kneeling at the altar, and the using of copes, a species
of embroidered vestment, in administering the Sacrament, were
also known to be great objects of Scandal as being popish
practices; but the opposition increased rather than abated the
zeal of the prelate for the introduction of these habits and
ceremonies.
All kinds of ornament, especially pictures, were necessary
for supporting that mechanical devotion which was purposed
to be raised in this model of religion; but, as these had been
so much employed by the Church of Rome, and had given
rise to so much superstition, or what the Puritans call idola-
try, it was impossible to introduce them into English churches
without exciting general murmurs and complaints. But Laud,
possessed of present authority, persisted in his purpose, and
made several attempts towards acquiring these ornaments.
Some of the pictures introduced by him were also found, upon
inquiry, to be the very same that might be met with in the
mass-book. The crucifix, too, that eternal consolation of all
pious Catholics, and terror to all sound Protestants, was not
forgotten on this occasion.”
It was much remarked that Sherfield, the recorder of Salis-
bury, was tried in the Star-chamber for having broken, con-
trary to the Bishop of Salisbury’s express injunctions, a paint-
ed window of St. Edmond’s Church in that city. He boasted
that he had destroyed these monuments of idolatry; but for
this effort of his zeal he was fined five hundred pounds, re-
moved from his office, condemned to make a public acknowl-
edgment, and be bound to his good behavior.”
Not only such of the clergy as neglected to observe every
ceremony were suspended and deprived by the high commis-
sion court. Oaths were, by many of the bishops, imposed on
* Rushworth, vol. ii. p. 272,273.
* Rushworth, vol. ii. p. 152. State Trials, vol. v. p. 46. Franklyn, p. 410, 411,
412.
CH. L.II. . CHARLES I. 485
the churchwardens; and they were sworn to inform against
any one who acted contrary to the ecclesiastical canons.” Such
a measure, though practised during the reign of Elizabeth,
gave much offence as resembling too nearly the practice of
the Romish Inquisition.
To show the greater alienation from the churches reformed
after the Presbyterian model, Laud advised that the discipline
and worship of the Church should be imposed on the English
regiments and trading companies abroad." All foreigners of
the Dutch and Walloon congregations were commanded to
attend the Established Church; and indulgence was granted
to none after the children of the first denizens.” Scuda-
more, too, the king's ambassador at Paris, had orders to with-
draw himself from the communion of the Huguenots. Even
men of sense were apt to blame this conduct, not only because
it gave offence in England, but because, in foreign countries,
it lost the crown the advantage of being considered as the
head and support of the Reformation.”
On pretence of pacifying disputes, orders were issued from
the council forbidding on both sides all preaching and print-
ing with regard to the controverted points of predestination
and free-will. But it was complained of, and probably with
reason, that the impartiality was altogether confined to the
orders, and that the execution of them was only meant against
the Calvinists.
In return for Charles's indulgence towards the Church,
Laud and his followers took care to magnify, on every occa-
Sion, the regal authority, and to treat with the utmost disdain
or detestation all Puritanical pretensions to a free and inde-
pendent constitution. But while these prelates were so liberal
in raising the crown at the expense of public liberty, they
made no scruple of encroaching themselves on the royal rights
the most incontestable, in order to exalt the hierarchy and
procure to their own order dominion and independence. All
* Rushworth, vol. ii. p. 186. " Rushworth, vol. ii. p. 249. Franklyn, p. 451.
*" Rushworth, vol. ii. p. 272.
* State Papers collected by the Earl of Clarendon, p. 338.
486 IHISTORY OF ENGLAND. CH. LII.
the doctrines which the Tomish Church had borrowed from
some of the fathers, and which freed the spiritual from sub-
ordination to the civil power, were now adopted by the Church
of England and interwoven with her political and religious
tenets. A divine and apostolical charter was insisted on pref-
erably to a legal and parliamentary one.” The Sacerdotal
character was magnified as Sacred and indefeasible. All right
to spiritual authority, or even to private judgment in spiritual
subjects, was refused to profane laymen; ecclesiastical courts
were held by the bishops in their own name without any no-
tice taken of the king's authority; and Charles, though ex-
tremely jealous of every claim in popular assemblies, seemed
rather to encourage than repress those encroachments of his
clergy. Having felt many sensible inconveniences from the
independent spirit of parliaments, he attached himself entirely
to those who professed a devoted obedience to his crown and
person; nor did he foresee that the ecclesiastical power which
he exalted, not admitting of any precise boundary, might in
time become more dangerous to public peace, and no less fatal
to royal prerogative, than the other.
So early as the coronation, Laud was the person, according
to general opinion, that introduced a novelty, which, though
overlooked by Charles, made a deep impression on many of
the bystanders. After the usual ceremonies, these words were
recited to the king: “Stand and hold fast, from henceforth,
the place to which you have been heir by the succession of
your forefathers, being now delivered to you by the authority
of Almighty God, and by the hands of us and all the bishops
and servants of God. And as you see the clergy to come
nearer the altar than others, so remember that in all places
convenient, you give them greater honor; that the Mediator
of God and man may establish you on the kingly throne to be
a mediator betwixt the clergy and the laity; and that you
may reign forever with Jesus Christ, the King of kings, and
Lord of lords.””
The principles which exalted prerogative were not enter-
” Whitlocke, p. 22. * Franklyn, p. 114. Rushworth, vol. i. p. 201.
CH. LII. . CHARLES I. 487
tained by the king merely as soft and agreeable to his royal
ears. They were also put in practice during the time that he
ruled without parliaments. Though frugal and regular in his
expense, he wanted money for the Support of government; and
he levied it either by the revival of obsolete laws, or by viola-
tions—some more open, Some more disguised—of the privileges
of the nation. Though humane and gentle in his temper, he
gave way to a few severities in the Star-chamber and high com-
mission, which seemed necessary in order to support the pres-
ent mode of administration and repress the rising spirit of lib-
erty throughout the kingdom. Under these two heads may be
reduced all the remarkable transactions of this reign during
Some years; for, in peaceable and prosperous times, where a
neutrality in foreign affairs is observed, scarcely anything is
remarkable but what is, in some degree, blamed or blamable.
And, lest the hope of relief or protection from Parliament
might encourage opposition, Charles issued a proclamation, in
which he declared “that, whereas, for several ill ends, the
calling again of a Parliament is divulged—though his majesty
has shown by frequent meetings with his people his love to
the use of parliaments—yet the late abuse having, for the
present, driven him unwillingly out of that course, he will
account it presumption for any one to prescribe to him any
time for the calling of that assembly.” This was generally
construed as a declaration that during this reign no more par-
liaments were intended to be summoned;" and every meas-
ure of the king's confirmed a suspicion so disagreeable to the
generality of the people.
Tonnage and poundage continued to be levied by the royal
Irregular authority alone. The former additional impositions
º were still exacted. Even new impositions were laid
on several kinds of merchandise.”
The custom-house officers received orders from the council
to enter into any house, warehouse, or cellar; to Search any
* Parliamentary History, vol. viii. p. 389. Rushworth, vol. ii. p. 3.
* Clarendon, vol. i. p. 4. May, p. 14. -
* Rushworth, vol. ii. p. 8. May, p. 16.
488 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. CII, LII.
trunk or chest; and to break any bulk whatever, in default
of the payment of customs.”
In order to exercise the militia and to keep them in good
order, each county, by an edict of the council, was assessed in
a certain sum for maintaining a muster-master appointed for
that service.”
Compositions were openly made with recusants, and the
popish religion became a regular part of the revenue. This
was all the persecution which it underwent during the reign
of Charles.”
A commission was granted for compounding with Such as
were possessed of crown lands upon defective titles; and, on
this pretence, some money was exacted from the people.”
There was a law of Edward II,” that whoever was possessed
of twenty pounds a year in land should be obliged, when sum-
moned, to appear and to receive the order of knighthood.
Twenty pounds at that time, partly by the change of denom-
ination, partly by that in the value of money, were equivalent
to two hundred in the seventeenth century; and it seemed just
that the king should not strictly insist on the letter of the law,
and oblige people of so small revenue to accept of that ex-
pensive honor. Edward VI.” and Queen Elizabeth,” who had
both of them made use of this expedient for raising money,
had summoned only those who were possessed of forty pounds
a year and upwards to receive knighthood, or compound for
their neglect; and Charles imitated their example in granting
the same indulgence. Commissioners were appointed for fix-
ing the rates of composition; and instructions were given to
these commissioners not to accept of a less sum than would
have been due by the party upon a tax of three subsidies and
a half.” Nothing proves more plainly how ill-disposed the
people were to the measures of the crown than to observe that
they loudly complained of an expedient founded on positive
* Rushworth, vol. ii. p. 9. * Rushworth, vol. ii. p. 10.
* Rushworth, vol. ii. p. 11, 12, 13, 247. * Rushworth, vol. ii. p. 49.
* Statutum de Militibus. * Rymer, vol. xv. p. 124.
* Rymer, vol. xv. p. 493, 504. * Rushworth, vol. ii. p. 70, 71,72. May, p. 16.
CH. LII. * CHARLES I. 489
statute and warranted by such recent precedents. The law
was pretended to be obsolete, though only one reign had in-
tervened since the last execution of it.
Barnard, lecturer of St. Sepulchre's, London, used this ex-
pression in his prayer before Sermon : “Lord, open the eyes
sºmeo. " the queen's majesty, that she may see J esus
*śana Christ, whom she has pierced with her infidelity,
high commis superstition, and idolatry.” He was questioned in
Sl Oll. the high-commission court for this insult on the
queen; but, upon his submission, dismissed.* Leighton, who
had written libels against the king, the queen, the bishops, and
the whole administration, was condemned by a very severe, if
not a cruel, sentence; but the execution of it was suspended
for some time in expectation of his submission.” All the se-
verities, indeed, of this reign were exercised against those who
triumphed in their sufferings, who courted persecution, and
braved authority; and on that account their punishment may
be deemed the more just, but the less prudent. To have neg-
lected them entirely (had it been consistent with order and
public Safety) had been the wisest measure that could have
been embraced, as perhaps it had been the most severe pun-
ishment that could have been inflicted on these zealots.
In order to gratify the clergy with a magnificent fabric, sub-
scriptions were set on foot for repairing and rebuilding St.
Paul’s, and the king, by his countenance and ex-
ample, encouraged this laudable undertaking.” By
order of the privy council, St. Gregory’s church was removed,
as an impediment to the project of extending and beautifying
the cathedral. Some houses and shops, likewise, were pulled
down, and compensation was made to the owners.” As there
was no immediate prospect of assembling a Parliament, such
acts of power in the king became necessary; and in no former
age would the people have entertained any scruple with re-
gard to them. It must be remarked that the Puritans were
1631.
* Rushworth, vol. ii. p. 32.
* Kennet's Complete History, vol. iii. p. 60. Whitlocke, p. 15.
* Whitlocke, p. 17. * Rushworth, vol. ii. p. 88, 89,90, 207, 462, 718.
490 IHISTORY OF ENGLAND. * CH. LII.
extremely averse to the raising of this ornament to the capital.
It savored, as they pretended, of popish superstition.
A stamp duty was imposed on cards; a new tax, which of
itself was liable to no objection, but appeared of dangerous
consequence when considered as arbitrary and illegal.”
Monopolies were revived; an oppressive method of levying
money, being unlimited as well as destructive of industry.
The last Parliament of James, which abolished monopolies,
had left an equitable exception in favor of new inventions,
and on pretence of these, and of erecting new companies and
corporations, was this grievance now renewed. The manufact-
ure of soap was given to a company, who paid a sum for their
patent.” Leather, salt, and many other commodities, even
down to linen rags, were put under restrictions.
It is affirmed by Clarendon that so little benefit was reaped
from these projects that of two hundred thousand pounds
thereby levied on the people, scarcely one thousand five hun-
dred came into the king's coffers. Though we ought not to
suspect the noble historian of exaggerations to the disadvan-
tage of Charles's measures, this fact, it must be owned, ap-
pears somewhat incredible. The same author adds that the
king's intention was to teach his subjects how unthrifty a
thing it was to refuse reasonable supplies to the crown. An
imprudent project to offend a whole nation, under the view
of punishment; and to hope, by acts of violence, to break
their refractory spirits, without being possessed of any force
to prevent resistance.
The Council of York had been first erected, after a rebellion;
by a patent from Henry VIII. without any authority of Par-
liament; and this exercise of power, like many
others, was indulged to that arbitrary monarch.
This council had long acted chiefly as a criminal court; but,
besides some innovations introduced by James, Charles thought
proper, some time after Wentworth was made president, to ex-
tend its powers, and to give it a large civil jurisdiction, and
that in some respects discretionary.” It is not improbable
1632.
* Rushworth, vol. ii. p. 103. * Rushworth, vol. ii. p. 136, 142, 189, 252.
* Rushworth, vol. ii. p. 158, 159, etc. Franklyn, p. 412.
CH. LII. - CHARLEs I. 491
that the king's intention was only to prevent inconveniences,
which arose from the bringing of every cause, from the most
distant parts of the kingdom, into Westminster Hall; but the
consequence, in the meantime, of this measure was the put-
ting of all the northern counties out of the protection of or-
dinary law, and subjecting them to an authority somewhat
arbitrary. Some irregular acts of that council were this year
complained of.” -
The court of Star-chamber extended its authority; and it
was a matter of complaint that it encroached upon the juris-
diction of the other courts, imposing heavy fines
and inflicting severe punishment beyond the usual
course of justice. Sir David Foulis was fined five thousand
pounds, chiefly because he had dissuaded a friend from com-
pounding with the commissioners of knighthood."
Prynne, a barrister of Lincoln's Inn, had written an enor-
mous quarto of a thousand pages, which he called “IHistrio-
Mastyx.” Its professed purpose was to decry stage-plays,
comedies, interludes, music, dancing; but the author likewise
took occasion to declaim against hunting, public festivals,
Christmas-keeping, bonfires, and may-poles. His zeal against
all these levities, he says, was first moved by observing that
plays sold better than the choicest sermons, and that they
were frequently printed on finer paper than the Bible itself.
Besides, that the players were often papists, and desperately
wicked; the playhouses, he affirms, are Satan’s chapels, the
play-haunters little better than incarnate devils, and so many
steps in a dance so many paces to hell. The chief crime of
Nero he represents to have been his frequenting and acting
of plays; and those who nobly conspired his death were
principally moved to it, as he affirms, by their indignation at
that enormity. The rest of his thousand pages is of a like
strain. He had obtained a license from Archbishop Abbot’s
chaplain, yet was he indicted in the Star-chamber as a libeller.
It was thought somewhat hard that general invectives against
plays should be interpreted into satires against the king and
1633.
* Rushworth, vol. ii. p. 202, 203. * Rushworth, vol. ii. p. 215, 216, etc.
492 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. CH. LII.
|
queen merely because they frequented these amusements, and
because the queen sometimes acted a part in pastorals and in-
terludes which were represented at court. The author, it
must be owned, had in plainer terms blamed the hierarchy,
the ceremonies, the innovations in religious worship, and the
new Superstitions introduced by Laud;" and this, probably,
together with the obstimacy and petulance of his behavior be-
fore the Star-chamber, was the reason why his sentence was so
severe. He was condemned to be put from the bar; to stand
on the pillory in two places, Westminster and Cheapside; to
lose both his ears, one in each place; to pay five thousand
pounds fine to the king, and to be imprisoned during life.”
This same Prynne was a great hero among the Puritans,
and it was chiefly with a view of mortifying that sect that,
though of an honorable profession, he was condemned by the
Star-chamber to so ignominious a punishment. The thorough-
paced Puritans were distinguishable by the sourness and au-
sterity of their manners, and by their aversion to all pleasure
and society.” To inspire them with better humor was cer-
tainly, both for their own sake and that of the public, a laud-
able intention in the court; but whether pillories, fines, and
prisons were proper expedients for that purpose may admit
of Some question.
Another expedient which the king tried in order to infuse
cheerfulness into the national devotion was not much more
successful. He renewed his father's edict for allowing sports
and recreations on Sunday to such as attended public worship;
and he ordered his proclamation for that purpose to be pub-
licly read by the clergy after divine service.” Those who
* The music in the churches he affirmed not to be the noise of men, but a
bleating of brute beasts; choristers bellow the tenor, as it were oxen; bark a
counterpart, as it were a kennel of dogs; roar out a treble, as it were a sort of
bulls; and grunt out a bass, as it were a number of hogs; Christmas, as it is kept,
is the devil's Christmas; and Prynne employed a great number of pages to per-
suade men to affect the name of Puritan, as if Christ had been a Puritan ; and so
he saith in his Index.-Rushworth, vol. ii. p. 223.
* Rushworth, vol. ii. p. 220, 221, etc. * Dugdale, p. 2.
“Rushworth, vol. ii. p. 193, 459. Whitlocke, p. 16, 17. Franklyn, p. 437.
CII. LII. CHARLES I. - 493
were puritanically affected refused obedience, and were pun-
ished by suspension or deprivation. The differences between
the sects were before sufficiently great; nor was it necessary
to widen them further by these inventions.
Some encouragement and protection, which the king and
the bishops gave to wakes, church-ales, bride-ales, and other
cheerful festivals of the common people, were the objects of
like scandal to the Puritans.”
This year Charles made a journey to Scotland, attended by
the court, in order to hold a Parliament there, and to pass
through the ceremony of his coronation. The no-
bility and gentry of both kingdoms rivalled each
other in expressing all duty and respect to the king, and in
showing mutual friendship and regard to each other. No one
could have suspected, from exterior appearances, that such
dreadful scenes were approaching.
One chief article of business (for it deserves the name)
which the king transacted in this Parliament was, besides ob-
taining some supply, to procure authority for ordering the
habits of clergymen." The act did not pass without opposi-
tion and difficulty. The dreadful surplice was before men’s
eyes; and they apprehended with some reason that, under
sanction of this law, it would soon be introduced among them.
Though the king believed that his prerogative entitled him to
a power in general of directing whatever belonged to the ex-
terior government of the Church, this was deemed a matter of
too great importance to be ordered without the sanction of a
particular statute. -
Immediately after the king's return to England, he heard
of Archbishop Abbot’s death; and, without delay, he confer-
red that dignity on his favorite, Laud, who by this accession
of authority was now enabled to maintain ecclesiastical disci-
pline with greater rigor, and to aggravate the general discon-
content in the nation. -
Laud obtained the bishopric of London for his friend Juxon;
and, about a year after the death of Sir Richard Weston, cre-
June 12.
* Rushworth, vol. ii. p. 191, 192, May, p. 2. “Rushworth, vol. ii. p. 183.
494 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. CH. LII.
ated Earl of Portland, had interest enough to engage the king
to make that prelate high treasurer. Juxon was a person of
great integrity, mildness, and humanity, and endued with a
good understanding.” Yet did this last promotion give gen-
eral offence. His birth and character were deemed too obscure
for a man raised to one of the highest offices of the crown;
and the clergy, it was thought, were already too much elated
by former instances of the king's attachment to them, and
needed not this further encouragement to assume dominion
over the laity.” The Puritans, likewise, were much dissatis-
fied with Juxon, notwithstanding his eminent virtues, because
he was a lover of profane field-sports and hunting.
Ship-money was now introduced. The first writs of this
kind had been directed to seaport towns only; but ship-money
tº ship was at this time levied on the whole kingdom; and
molley. each county was rated at a particular sum, which
was afterwards assessed upon individuals.” The amount of
the whole tax was very moderate, little exceeding two hun-
dred thousand pounds; it was levied upon the people with
equality; the money was entirely expended on the navy, to
the great honor and advantage of the kingdom. As England
had no military force, while all the other powers of Europe
were strongly armed, a fleet seemed absolutely necessary for
her security; and it was obvious that a navy must be built
and equipped at leisure, during peace; nor could it possibly
be fitted out on a sudden emergence, when the danger became
urgent. Yet all these considerations could not reconcile the
people to the imposition. It was entirely arbitrary; by the
same right any other tax might be imposed; and men thought
a powerful fleet, though very desirable both for the credit and
safety of the kingdom, but an unequal recompense for their
liberties, which, they apprehended, were thus sacrificed to the
obtaining of it.
England, it must be owned, was, in this respect, unhappy
* Whitlocke, p. 23. Clarendon, vol. i. p. 99.
* Clarendon, vol. i. p. 97. May, p. 23.
* Rushworth, vol. ii. p. 257, 258, etc.
CH. LII. CHARLES I. 495
in its present situation, that the king had entertained a very.
different idea of the constitution from that which began in
general to prevail among his subjects. He did not regard
national privileges as So Sacred and inviolable that nothing
but the most extreme necessity could justify an infringement
of them. He considered himself as the Supreme magistrate,
to whose care Heaven, by his birthright, had committed his
people, whose duty it was to provide for their security and
happiness, and who was vested with ample discretionary pow-
ers for that salutary purpose. If the observance of ancient
laws and customs was consistent with the present convenience
of government, he thought himself obliged to comply with
that rule, as the easiest, the Safest, and what procured the
most prompt and willing obedience. But when a change of
circumstances, especially if derived from the obstinacy of the
people, required a new plan of administration, national privi-
leges, he thought, must yield to Supreme power; nor could
any order of the state oppose any right to the will of the sov-
ereign directed to the good of the public." That these prin-
ciples of government were derived from the uniform tenor
of the English laws, it would be rash to affirm. The fluctuat-
ing nature of the constitution, the impatient humor of the peo-
ple, and the variety of events had, no doubt, in different ages
produced exceptions and contradictions. These observations
alone may be established on both sides, that the appearances
were sufficiently strong in favor of the king to apologize for
his following such maxims; and that public liberty must be
so precarious under this exorbitant prerogative as to render
an opposition not only excusable, but laudable, in the people.”
Some laws had been enacted during the reign of Henry
VII. against depopulation, or the converting of arable lands
into pasture. By a decree of the Star-chamber, Sir Anthony
Roper was fined four thousand pounds for an offence of that
nature.” This severe sentence was intended to terrify others
* Rushworth, vol. iv. p. 535, 542.
* See note [ZZ] at the end of the volume.
* Rushworth, vol. ii. p. 270. Vol. iii. App. p. 106.
496 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. CH. LII. ,
into composition, and above thirty thousand pounds were
levied by that expedient.” Like compositions, or, in default
of them, heavy fines, were required for encroachments on the
king's forests, whose bounds, by decrees deemed arbitrary,
were extended much beyond what was usual.” The bounds
of one forest, that of Rockingham, were increased from six
miles to sixty.” The same refractory humor which made the
people refuse to the king voluntary supplies disposed them
with better reason to murmur against these irregular methods
of taxation. + -
Morley was fined ten thousand pounds for reviling, chal-
lenging, and striking, in the court of Whitehall, Sir George
Theobald, one of the king's servants." This fine was thought
exorbitant ; but whether it was compounded, as was usual in
fines imposed by the Star-chamber, we are not informed.
Allison had reported that the Archbishop of York had in-
curred the king's displeasure by asking a limited toleration
for the Catholics, and an allowance to build some churches
for the exercise of their religion. For this slander against
the archbishop he was condemned, in the Star-chamber, to be
fined one thousand pounds, to be committed to prison, to be
bound to his good behavior during life, to be whipped, and to
be set on the pillory at Westminster and in three other towns
in England. Robins, who had been an accomplice in the guilt,
was condemned by a sentence equally severe." Such events
are rather to be considered as rare and detached incidents, col-
lected by the severe scrutiny of historians, than as proofs of
the prevailing genius of the king’s administration, which
seems to have been more gentle and equitable than that of
most of his predecessors. There were, on the whole, only
five or six such instances of rigor during the course of fifteen
years which elapsed before the meeting of the Long Parlia-
ment. And it is also certain that Scandal against the great,
though seldom prosecuted at present, is, however, in the eye
* Rushworth, vol. iii. p. 333. Franklyn, p. 478. * May, p. 16.
* Strafford's Iletters and Despatches, vol. ii. p. 117.
* Rushworth, vol. ii. p. 270. " Rushworth, vol. ii. p. 269.
Ch. LII. CHARLES I. 497
of the law, a great crime, and subjects the offender to very
heavy penalties.
There are other instances of the high respect paid to the
nobility and to the great in that age—when the powers of
monarchy, though disputed, still maintained themselves in
their pristine vigor. Clarendon” tells us a pleasant incident
to this purpose: A waterman belonging to a man of quality,
having a squabble with a citizen about his fare, showed his
badge, the crest of his master, which happened to be a swan,
and thence insisted on better treatment from the citizen.
But the other replied carelessly that he did not trouble his
head about that goose. For this offence he was summoned
before the marshal’s court; was fined, as having opprobrious-
ly defamed the nobleman's crest by calling the Swan a goose;
and was, in effect, reduced to beggary.
Sir Richard Granvile had thought himself ill-used by the
|Earl of Suffolk in a lawsuit, and he was accused before the
Star-chamber of having said of that nobleman that he was a
base lord. The evidence against him was somewhat lame;
yet for this slight offence, insufficiently proved, he was con-
demned to pay a fine of eight thousand pounds—one half to
the earl, the other to the king." -
Sir George Markham, following a chase where Lord Darcy’s
huntsman was exercising his hounds, kept closer to the dogs
than was thought proper by the huntsman, who, besides other
rudeness, gave him foul language, which Sir George returned
with a stroke of his whip. The fellow threatened to com-
plain to his master. The knight replied, if his master should
justify such insolence he would serve him in the same man-
ner, or words to that effect. Sir George was summoned be-
fore the Star-chamber, and fined ten thousand pounds. “So
fine a thing was it in those days to be a lord P−a natural re-
flection of Lord Lansdown’s in relating this incident." The
* Life of Clarendon, vol. i. p. 72. * Lord Lansdown, p. 514.
* Lord Lansdown, p. 515. This story is told differently in Hobart's Reports,
p. 120. It there appears that Markham was fined only five hundred pounds, and
very deservedly, for he gave the lie and wrote a challenge to Lord Darcy. James
was anxious to discourage the practice of duelling, which was then prevalent.
IV.-32
498 HISTORY OF ENGLANL). CH. LII.
people, in vindicating their liberties from the authority of the
crown, threw off also the yoke of the nobility. It is proper
to remark that this last incident happened early in the reign
of James. The present practice of the Star-chamber was far
from being an innovation, though the present dispositions of
the people made them repine more at this servitude.
Charles had imitated the example of Elizabeth and James,
and had issued proclamations forbidding the landed gentle-
men and the nobility to live idly in London, and
ordering them to retire to their country-seats."
For disobedience to this edict many were indicted by the at-
torney-general, and were fined in the Star-chamber.” This
occasioned discontents; and the Sentences were complained
of as illegal. But if proclamations had authority, of which
nobody pretended to doubt, must they not be put in execu-
tion? In no instance, I must confess, does it more evidently
appear what confused and uncertain ideas were, during that
age, entertained concerning the English constitution.
Ray, having exported fuller's-earth contrary to the king's
proclamation, was, besides the pillory, condemned in the Star-
chamber to a fine of two thousand pounds.” Like fines were
levied on Terry, Eman, and others for disobeying a proclama-
tion which forbade the exportation of gold." In order to ac-
count for the subsequent convulsions, even these incidents are
not to be overlooked as frivolous or contemptible. Such sever-
ities were afterwards magnified into the greatest enormities.
There remains a proclamation of this year prohibiting hack-
ney-coaches from standing in the street." We are told that
there were not above twenty coaches of that kind in London.
There are at present near eight hundred.
The effect of ship-money began now to appear. A formi-
dable fleet of sixty sail, the greatest that England had ever
known, was equipped under the Earl of Northum-
berland, who had orders to attack the herring-buss-
1635.
1636.
* Rushworth, vol. ii. p. 144. * Rushworth, vol. ii. p. 288.
* Rushworth, vol. ii. p. 348. * Rushworth, vol. ii. p. 350.
* Rushworth, vol. ii. p. 316.
CH. LII. CHARLES I. 499
es of the Dutch, which fished in what were called the British
Seas. The Dutch were content to pay thirty thousand pounds
for a license during this year. They openly denied, however,
the claim of dominion in the seas beyond the friths, bays, and
shores; and it may be questioned whether the laws of nations
warrant any further pretensions.
This year the king sent a squadron against Sallee, and, with
the assistance of the Emperor of Morocco, destroyed that re-
ceptacle of pirates, by whom the English commerce, and even
the English coasts, had long been infested.
Burton, a divine, and Bastwick, a physician, were tried in
the Star-chamber for Seditious and Schismatical libels, and
were condemned to the same punishment that had
been inflicted on Prynne. Prynne himself was
tried for a new offence; and, together with another fine of
five thousand pounds, was condemned to lose what remained
of his ears. Besides that these writers had attacked with
great Severity, and even an intemperate zeal, the ceremonies,
rites, and government of the Church, the very answers which
they gave in to the court were so full of contumacy and of
invectives against the prelates that no lawyer could be pre-
vailed on to sign them." The rigors, however, which they
underwent, being so unworthy men of their profession, gave
general offence; and the patience, or rather alacrity, with
which they suffered increased still further the indignation of
the public." The severity of the Star-chamber, which was
generally ascribed to Laud's passionate disposition, was, per-
haps, in itself somewhat blamable, but will naturally to us
appear enormous who enjoy, in the utmost latitude, that lib-
erty of the press which is esteemed so necessary in every
monarchy confined by strict legal limitations. But as these
limitations were not regularly fixed during the age of Charles,
nor at any time before, so was this liberty totally unknown,
and was generally deemed, as well as religious toleration, in-
compatible with all good government. No age or nation
1637.
" Rushworth, vol. ii. p. 381, 382, etc. State Trials, vol. v. p. 66.
* State Trials, vol. v. p. 80.
500. HISTORY OF ENGLAND. CH. LII.
among the moderns had ever set an example of such an in-
dulgence; and it seems unreasonable to judge of the measures
embraced during one period by the maxims which prevail in
another.
Burton, in his book where he complained of innovations,
mentioned, among others, that a certain Wednesday had been
appointed for a fast, and that the fast was ordered to be cele-
brated without any sermons." The intention, as he pretend-
ed, of that novelty was, by the example of a fast without
sermons, to suppress all the Wednesday’s lectures in London.
It is observable that the Church of Rome and that of Eng-
land, being both of them lovers of form and ceremony and
order, are more friends to prayer than preaching; while the
Puritanical sectaries, who find that the latter method of ad-
dress, being directed to a numerous audience present and visi-
ble, is more inflaming and animating, have always regarded it
as the chief part of divine service. Such circumstances, though
minute, it may not be improper to transmit to posterity, that
those who are curious of tracing the history of the human
mind may remark how far its several singularities coincide in
different ages.
Certain zealots had erected themselves into a society for
buying in of impropriations and transferring them to the
Church; and great sums of money had been bequeathed to
the society for these purposes. But it was soon observed that
the only use which they made of their funds was to establish
lecturers in all the considerable churches—men who, without
being subjected to episcopal authority, employed themselves
entirely in preaching and spreading the fire of Puritanism.
Laud took care, by a decree which was passed in the court of
exchequer, and which was much complained of, to abolish this
society and to stop their progress." It was, however, still ob-
served that throughout England the lecturers were all of them
puritanically affected; and from them the clergymen, who
* State Trials, vol. v. p. 74. Franklyn, p. 839.
* Rushworth, vol. ii. p. 150, 151. Whitlocke, p. 15. History of the Life and
Sufferings of Laud, p. 211, 212. . -
CH. LII. - CHARLES I. 501
contented themselves with reading prayers and homilies to
the people, commonly received the reproachful appellation of
“dumb dogs.” -
The Puritans, restrained in England, shipped themselves off
for America, and laid there the foundations of a government
which possessed all the liberty, both civil and religious, of
which they found themselves bereaved in their native country.
But their enemies, unwilling that they should anywhere enjoy
ease and contentment, and dreading perhaps the dangerous
consequences of So disaffected a colony, prevailed on the king
to issue a proclamation debarring these devotees access even
into those inhospitable deserts.” Eight ships, lying in the
Thames, and ready to sail, were detained by order of the coun-
cil; and in these were embarked Sir Arthur Hazelrig, John
Hambden, John Pym, and Oliver Cromwell,” who had re-
solved forever to abandon their native country and fly to the
other extremity of the globe, where they might enjoy lectures
and discourses of any length or form which pleased them. The
king had afterwards full leisure to repent this exercise of his
authority.
The Bishop of Norwich, by rigorously insisting on uniform-
ity, had banished many industrious tradesmen from that city, .
and chased them into Holland.” The Dutch began to be more
intent on commerce than on Orthodoxy; and thought that the
knowledge of useful arts and obedience to the laws formed a
good citizen, though attended with errors in subjects where it
is not allowable for human nature to expect any positive truth
or certainty.
Complaints about this time were made that the Petition of
Right was in some instances violated, and that, upon a com-
" Rushworth, vol. ii. p. 409, 418.
* Mather's History of New England, bk. i. Dugdale. Bates. Hutchinson's
History of Massachusetts Bay, vol. i. p. 42. This last-quoted author puts the fact
beyond controversy. And it is a curious fact, as well with regard to the charac-
ters of the men as of the times. Can any one doubt that the ensuing quarrel was
almost entirely theological, not political ? What might be expected of the popu-
lace, when such was the character of the most enlightened leaders ?
* May, p. 82, -
502 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. CH. LII.
mitment by the king and council, bail or releasement had been
refused to Jennings, Pargiter, and Danvers.”
Williams, Bishop of Lincoln, a man of spirit and learning,
a popular prelate, and who had been lord keeper, was fined
ten thousand pounds by the Star-chamber, committed to the
Tower during the king's pleasure, and suspended from his
office. This severe sentence was founded on frivolous pre-
tences, and was more ascribed to Laud's vengeance than to any
guilt of the bishop.” Laud, however, had owed his first pro-
motion to the good offices of that prelate with King James.
But so implacable was the haughty primate that he raised up
a new prosecution against Williams on the strangest pretence
imaginable. In order to levy the fine above mentioned, some
officers had been sent to seize all the furniture and books of
his episcopal palace of Lincoln; and, in rummaging the house,
they found in a corner some neglected letters, which had been
thrown by as useless. These letters were written by one
Osbaldistone, a schoolmaster, and were directed to Williams.
Mention was there made of “a little great man;” and in an-
other passage the same person was denominated “a little ul-
chin.” By inferences and constructions, these epithets were
applied to Laud; and on no better foundation was Williams
tried anew, as having received scandalous letters and not dis-
covering that private correspondence. For this offence another
fine of eight thousand pounds was levied on him. Osbaldis-
tone was likewise brought to trial and condemned to pay a
fine of five thousand pounds, and to have his ears nailed to
the pillory before his own school. He saved himself by flight;
and left a note in his study, wherein he said “that he was
gone beyond Canterbury.”
These prosecutions of Williams seem to have been the most
iniquitous measure pursued by the court during the time that
the use of parliaments was suspended. Williams had been in-
debted for all his fortune to the favor of James; but having
quarrelled, first with Buckingham, then with Laud, he threw
7° Rushworth, vol. ii. p. 414. “Rushworth, vol. ii. p. 416, etc.
* Rushworth, vol. ii. p. 803, etc. Whitlocke, p. 25.
C.H. LII. CHARLES I. 503
himself into the country party, and with great firmness and
vigor opposed all the measures of the king. A creature of
the court to become its obstinate enemy, a bishop to counte-
nance Puritans—these circumstances excited indignation, and
engaged the ministers in those severe measures. Not to men-
tion what some writers relate, that, before the Sentence was
pronounced against him, Williams was offered a pardon upon
his submission, which he refused to make. The court was apt
to think that so refractory a spirit must by any expedient be
broken and subdued. -
In a former trial which Williams underwent" (for these
were not the first), there was mentioned, in court, a story
which, as it discovers the genius of parties, may be worth re-
lating. Sir John Lambe, urging him to prosecute the Puri-
tans, the prelate asked what sort of people these same Puritans
were 7 Sir John replied “that to the world they seemed to
be such as would not swear, whore, or be drunk; but they
would lie, cozen, and deceive ; that they would frequently
hear two sermons a day, and repeat them too, and that some-
times they would fast all day long.” This character must be
conceived to be satirical; yet it may be allowed that that sect
was more averse to such irregularities as proceed from the ex-
cess of gayety and pleasure than to those enormities which are
the most destructive of Society. The former were opposite to
the very genius and spirit of their religion; the latter were
only a transgression of its precepts; and it was not difficult
for a gloomy enthusiast to convince himself that a strict ob-
servance of the one would atone for any violation of the
other.
In 1632, the treasurer, Portland, had insisted, with the vint-
ners, that they should submit to a tax of a penny a quart upon
all the wine which they retailed; but they rejected the de-
mand. In order to punish them, a decree suddenly, without
much inquiry or examination, passed in the Star-chamber pro-
hibiting them to sell or dress victuals in their houses." Two
years after, they were questioned for the breach of this de-
"Rushworth, vol. ii. p. 416. " Rushworth, vol. ii. p. 197.
504 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. Cº. LII.
cree; and in order to avoid punishment, they agreed to lend
the king six thousand pounds. Being threatened, during
the subsequent years, with fines and prosecutions, they at
last compounded the matter, and submitted to pay half of
that duty which was at first demanded of them.” It re-
quired little foresight to perceive that the king's right of issu-
ing proclamations must, if prosecuted, draw on a power of
taxation. -
Lilburne was accused before the Star-chamber of publishing
and dispersing seditious pamphlets. He was ordered to be ex-
amined ; but refused to take the oath usual in that court, that
he would answer interrogatories even though they might lead
him to accuse himself. For this contempt, as it was inter-
preted, he was condemned to be whipped, pilloried, and im-
prisoned. While he was whipped at the cart, and stood on
the pillory, he harangued the populace, and declaimed vio-
lently against the tyranny of bishops. From his pockets also
he scattered pamphlets, said to be seditious, because they at-
tacked the hierarchy. The Star-chamber, which was sitting
at that very time, ordered him immediately to be gagged. He
ceased not, however, though both gagged and pilloried, to
stamp with his foot and gesticulate, in order to show the peo-
ple that, if he had it in his power, he would still harangue
them. This behavior gave fresh provocation to the Star-cham-
ber; and they condemned him to be imprisoned in a dungeon,
and to be loaded with irons.” It was found difficult to break
the spirits of men who placed both their honor and their con-
science in suffering.
The jealousy of the Church appeared in another instance
less tragical. Archy, the king's fool, who by his office had the
privilege of jesting on his master and the whole court, hap-
pened unluckily to try his wit upon Laud, who was too sacred
a person to be played with. News having arrived from Scot-
land of the first commotions excited by the liturgy, Archy,
seeing the primate pass by, called to him, “Who’s fool now,
my lord?” For this offence Archy was ordered, by sentence
” Rushworth, vol. ii. p. 451. "Rushworth, vol. ii. p. 465, 466,467.
CH. LII. CHARLES I. 505
of the council, to have his coat pulled over his head, and to be
dismissed the king's service.”
Here is another instance of that rigorous subjection in
which all men were held by Laud. Some young gentlemen
of Lincoln’s-inn, heated by their cups, having drunk confusion
to the archbishop, were, at his instigation, cited before the Star-
chamber. They applied to the Earl of Dorset for protection.
“Who bears witness against you?” said Dorset. “One of the
drawers,” they said. “Where did he stand when you were
supposed to drink this health ?” subjoined the earl. “He was
at the door,” they replied, “going out of the room.” “Tush!”
he cried, “the drawer was mistaken : you drank confusion, to
the Archbishop of Canterbury’s enemies; and the fellow was
gone before you pronounced the last word.” This hint Sup-
plied the young gentlemen with a new method of defence;
and, being advised by Dorset to behave with great humility
and great submission to the primate, the modesty of their car-
riage, the ingenuity of their apology, with the patronage of
that noble lord, saved them from any severer punishment
than a reproof and admonition, with which they were dis-
missed.”
This year John Hambden acquired, by his spirit and cour-
age, universal popularity throughout the nation, and has mer-
Trial of ited great renown with posterity for the bold stand
* which he made in defence of the laws and liberties
of his country. After the imposing of ship-money, Charles,
in order to discourage all opposition, had proposed this ques-
tion to the judges: “Whether in a case of necessity, for the
defence of the kingdom, he might not impose this taxation;
and whether he were not sole judge of the necessity ?” These
guardians of law and liberty replied, with great complaisance,
“that in a case of necessity he might impose that taxation,
and that he was sole judge of the necessity.” Hambden had
been rated at twenty shillings for an estate which he possessed
* Rushworth, vol. ii. p. 470. Welwood, p. 278.
* Rushworth, vol. iii. p. 180.
* Rushworth, vol. ii. p. 355. Whitlocke, p. 24,
506 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. CH. LIH.
in the county of Buckingham; yet, notwithstanding this de-
clared opinion of the judges, notwithstanding the great power
and sometimes rigorous maxims of the crown, notwithstand-
ing the small prospect of relief from Parliament, he resolved,
rather than tamely submit to so illegal an imposition, to stand
a legal prosecution, and expose himself to all the indignation
of the court. The case was argued during twelve days in the
Exchequer chamber before all the judges of England; and the
nation regarded with the utmost anxiety every circumstance
of this celebrated trial. The event was easily foreseen; but
the principles and reasonings and behavior of the parties en-
gaged in the trial were much canvassed and inquired into,
and nothing could equal the favor paid to the one side except
the hatred which attended the other.
It was urged by Hambden's counsel and by his partisans in
the nation that the plea of necessity was in vain introduced
into a trial of law, since it was the nature of necessity to
abolish all law, and, by irresistible violence, to dissolve all the
weaker and more artificial ties of human society. Not only
the prince, in cases of extreme distress, is exempted from the
ordinary rules of administration, all orders of men are then
levelled; and any individual may consult the public safety by
any expedient which his situation enables him to employ.
But to produce so violent an effect, and so hazardous to every
community, an ordinary danger or difficulty is not sufficient,
much less a necessity which is merely fictitious and pretended.
Where the peril is urgent and extreme, it will be palpable to
every member of the Society; and, though all ancient rules
of government are in that case abrogated, men will readily of
themselves submit to that irregular authority which is exerted
for their preservation. But what is there in common be-
tween such suppositions and the present condition of the na-
tion ? England enjoys a profound peace with all her neigh.
bors, and, what is more, all her neighbors are engaged in furi-
ous and bloody wars among themselves, and by their mutual
enmities further insure her tranquillity. The very writs
themselves which are issued for the levying of ship-money
contradict the supposition of necessity, and pretend only that
CH. LII. - CHARLES I. 507
the Seas are infested with pirates—a slight and temporary in-
convenience which may well await a legal supply from Par-
liament. The writs likewise allow several months for equip-
ping the ships, which proves a very calm and deliberate
species of necessity, and one that admits of delay much be-
yond the forty days requisite for summoning that assembly.
It is strange, too, that an extreme necessity which is always
apparent and usually comes to a sudden crisis should now
have continued without interruption for near four years, and
should have remained during so long a time invisible to the
whole kingdom. And as to the pretension that the king is
sole judge of the necessity, what is this but to subject all the
privileges of the nation to his arbitrary will and pleasure?
To expect that the public will be convinced by such reason-
ing must aggravate the general indignation by adding to
violence against men's persons and their property so cruel a
mockery of their understanding.
In vain are precedents of ancient writs produced: these
writs, when examined, are only found to require the seaports,
Sometimes at their own charge, sometimes at the charge of the
counties, to send their ships for the defence of the nation.
Even the prerogative which empowered the crown to issue
such writs is abolished, and its exercise almost entirely dis-
continued from the time of Edward III. ;” and all the author-
ity which remained or was afterwards exercised was to press
ships into the public Service, to be paid for by the public.
How wide are these precedents from a power of obliging the
people, at their own charge, to build new ships, to victual and
pay them for the public—nay, to furnish money to the crown
for that purpose ! What security either against the further
extension of this claim or against diverting to other purposes
the public money so levied ? The plea of necessity would
warrant any other taxation as well as that of ship-money:
wherever any difficulty shall occur, the administration, instead
of endeavoring to elude or overcome it by gentle and pru-
dent measures, will instantly represent it as a reason for in-
* State Trials, vol. v. p. 245, 255.
508 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. Cº. LII.
fringing all ancient laws and institutions; and if such max-
ims and such practices prevail, what has become of national
liberty ?—what authority is left to the great charter, to the
statutes, and to that very Petition of Right which, in the
present reign, had been so solemnly enacted by the concur-
rence of the whole legislature?
The defenceless condition of the kingdom while unprovided
with a navy; the inability of the king, from his established
revenues, with the utmost care and frugality, to equip and
maintain one; the impossibility of obtaining, on reasonable
terms, any voluntary supply from Parliament—all these are
reasons of state, not topics of law. If these reasons appear to
the king so urgent as to dispense with the legal rules of gov-
ernment, let him enforce his edicts by his court of Star-cham-
ber, the proper instrument of irregular and absolute power;
not prostitute the character of his judges by a decree which
is not, and cannot possibly be, legal. By this means the boun-
daries, at least, will be kept more distinct between ordinary
law and extraordinary exertions of prerogative; and men will
know that the national constitution is only suspended during
a present and difficult emergence, but has not undergone a
total and fundamental alteration.
Notwithstanding these reasons, the prejudiced judges, four”
excepted, gave sentence in favor of the crown. Hambden,
however, obtained by the trial the end for which he had so
generously sacrificed his safety and his quiet: the people were
roused from their lethargy, and became sensible of the danger
to which their liberties were exposed. These national questions
were canvassed in every company; and the more they were
examined, the more evidently did it appear to many that
liberty was totally subverted, and an unusual and arbitrary
authority exercised over the kingdom. Slavish principles,
they said, concur with illegal practices; ecclesiastical tyranny
gives aid to civil usurpation; iniquitous taxes are Supported
by arbitrary punishments; and all the privileges of the nation,
* See State Trials, art. Ship-money, which contains the speeches of four judges
in favor of Hambden. -
CFI, LII. CHARLES I. 509
transmitted through so many ages, secured by so many laws,
and purchased by the blood of so many heroes and patriots,
now lie prostrate at the feet of the monarch. What though
public peace and national industry increased the commerce and
opulence of the kingdom ? This advantage was temporary,
and due alone, not to any encouragement given by the crown,
but to the spirit of the English, the remains of their ancient
freedom. What though the personal character of the king,
amid all his misguided counsels, might merit indulgence, or
even praise? He was but one man; and the privileges of the
people, the inheritance of millions, were too valuable to be
sacrificed to his prejudices and mistakes. Such, or more se-
were, were the Sentiments promoted by a great party in the
nation. No excuse on the king’s part, or alleviation, how rea-
sonable soever, could be hearkened to or admitted; and to re-
dress these grievances, a Parliament was impatiently longed
for; or any other incident, however calamitous, that might
Secure the people against those oppressions which they felt, or
the greater ills which they apprehended, from the combined
encroachments of Church and State.
510 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. CH. LIII.
CHAPTER LIII.
Discontents in Scotland.—Introduction of the Canons and Liturgy.—A Tumult
at Edinburgh.-The Covenant.—A General Assembly—lepiscopacy Abolished.
—War.—A Pacification.—Renewal of the War.—Fourth English l’arliament.
—Dissolution.—Discontents in England.—Rout at Newburn.—Treaty of Rip-
pon.—Great Council of the Peers.
THE grievances under which the English labored, when
considered in themselves, without regard to the constitution,
scarcely deserve the name; nor were they either
burdensome on the people's properties or any way
shocking to the natural humanity of mankind. Even the im-
position of ship-money, independent of the consequences, was
a great and evident advantage to the public, by the judicious
use which the king made of the money levied by that expe-
dient. And though it was justly apprehended that such prec-
edents, if patiently submitted to, would end in a total disuse
of parliaments and in the establishment of arbitrary author-
ity, Charles dreaded no opposition from the people, who are
not commonly much affected with consequences, and require
some striking motive to engage them in a resistance of estab-
lished government. All ecclesiastical affairs were settled by
law and uninterrupted precedent ; and the Church was be-
come a considerable barrier to the power, both legal and
illegal, of the crown. Peace too, industry, commerce, opu-
lence—nay, even justice and lenity of administration, not-
withstanding Some very few exceptions—all these were en-
joyed by the people; and every other blessing of government,
except liberty, or rather the present exercise of liberty, and its
proper security.’ It seemed probable, therefore, that affairs
might long have continued on the same footing in England
had it not been for the neighborhood of Scotland, a country
1637.
* Clarendon, p. 74, 75. May, p. 18. Warwick, p. 62.
CH. LIII. CHARLES I. *511
t
more turbulent, and less disposed to submission and obedience.
It was thence the commotions first arose; and it is therefore
time for us to return thither, and to give an account of the
state of affairs in that kingdom.
Though the pacific and not unskilful government of James,
and the great authority which he had acquired, had much
piscontents allayed the feuds among the great families, and had
** established law and order throughout the kingdom,
the Scottish nobility were still possessed of the chief power
and influence over the people. Their property was extensive;
their hereditary jurisdictions and the feudal tenures increased
their authority; and the attachment of the gentry to the heads
of families established a kind of voluntary servitude under
the chieftains. Besides that long absence had much loosened
the king's connections with the nobility, who resided chiefly
at their country-seats, they were in general at this time,
though from slight causes, much disgusted with the court.
Charles, from the natural piety or superstition of his temper,
was extremely attached to the ecclesiastics; and as it is natural
for men to persuade themselves that their interest coincides
with their inclination, he had established it as a fixed maxim
of policy to increase the power and authority of that order.
The prelates, he thought, established regularity and discipline
among the clergy; the clergy inculcated obedience and loyalty
among the people; and as that rank of men had no separate
authority, and no dependence but on the crown, the royal
power, it would seem, might, with the greater safety, be in-
trusted in their hands. Many of the prelates, therefore, were
raised to the chief dignities of the state:* Spotswood, Arch-
bishop of St. Andrew’s, was created chancellor; nine of the
bishops were privy-councillors; the Bishop of Ross aspired to
the office of treasurer; some of the prelates possessed places
in the exchequer; and it was even endeavored to revive the
first institution of the college of justice, and to share equally
between the clergy and laity the whole judicial authority.”
* Rushworth, vol. ii. p. 386. May, p. 29.
* Guthry's Memoirs, p. 14. Burnet's Mem. p. 29, 30.
512 * HISTORY OF ENGLAND. CH. LIII.
<!
These advantages possessed by the Church, and which the
bishops did not always enjoy with suitable modesty, disgusted
the haughty mobility, who, deeming themselves much superior
in rank and quality to this new order of men, were displeased
to find themselves inferior in power and influence. Interest
joined itself to ambition, and begat a jealousy lest the epis-
copal sees, which at the Reformation had been pillaged by the
nobles, should again be enriched at the expense of that order.
By a most useful and beneficial law, the impropriations had
already been ravished from the great men: competent salaries
had been assigned to the impoverished clergy from the tithes
of each parish; and what remained, the proprietor of the land
was empowered to purchase at a low valuation." The king
likewise, warranted by ancient law and practice, had declared
for a general resumption of all crown lands alienated by his
predecessors; and though he took no step towards the exe-
cution of this project, the very pretension to such power had
excited jealousy and discontent."
Notwithstanding the tender regard which Charles bore to
the whole Church, he had been able, in Scotland, to acquire
only the affection of the superior rank among the clergy.
The ministers in general equalled, if not exceeded, the nobil-
ity in their prejudices against the court, against the prelates,
and against episcopal authority." Though the establishment
of the hierarchy might seem advantageous to the inferior
clergy, both as it erected dignities to which all of them might
aspire, and as it bestowed a lustre on the whole body, and al-
lured men of family into it, these views had no influence on
the Scottish ecclesiastics. In the present disposition of men's
minds, there was another circumstance which drew considera-
tion and counterbalanced power and riches, the usual founda-
tions of distinction among men; and that was the fervor of
piety, and the rhetoric, however barbarous, of religious lect-
ures and discourses. Checked by the prelates in the license
of preaching, the clergy regarded episcopal jurisdiction both
* King's Declaration, p. 7. Franklyn, p. 611.
“IXing's Declaration, p. 6. * Burnet's Mem. p. 29, 30.
CH. LIII. . . . CHARLES I. - 513
as a tyranny and a usurpation, and maintained a parity
among ecclesiastics to be a divine privilege which no human
law could alter or infringe. While such ideas prevailed, the
most moderate exercise of authority would have given dis-
gust, much more that extensive power which the king's in-
dulgence encouraged the prelates to assume. The jurisdic-
tion of presbyteries, synods, and other democratical courts
was, in a manner, abolished by the bishops, and the general
assembly itself had not been summoned for several years." A
new oath was arbitrarily imposed on intrants, by which they
swore to observe the articles of Perth, and submit to the litur-
gy and canons. And, in a word, the whole system of Church.
government, during a course of thirty years, had been changed
by means of the innovations introduced by James and Charles.
The people, under the influence of the nobility and clergy,
could not fail to partake of the discontents which prevailed
among these two orders; and where real grounds of com-
plaint were wanting, they greedily laid hold of imaginary
ones. The same horror against popery with which the Eng-
lish Puritans were possessed was observable among the pop-
ulace in Scotland; and among these, as being more unculti-
vated and uncivilized, seemed rather to be inflamed into a
higher degree of ferocity. The genius of religion which pre-
vailed in the court and among the prelates was of an opposite
nature; and, having some affinity to the Romish worship, led
them to mollify, as much as possible, these severe prejudices,
and to speak of the Catholics in more charitable language.
and with more reconciling expressions. From this founda-
tion, a panic fear of popery was easily raised ; and every new
ceremony or ornament introduced into divine service was
part of that great mystery of iniquity which, from the en-
couragement of the king and the bishops, was to overspread
the nation.” The few innovations which James had made
were considered as preparatives to this grand design ; and the
further alterations attempted by Charles were represented as
a plain declaration of his intentions. Through the whole
* May, p. 29. - "Burnet's Mem, p. 29, 30, 31. .
IV.-33
514 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. CH, LIII.
course of this reign nothing had more fatal influence, in both
kingdoms, than this groundless apprehension which with so
much industry was propagated and with so much credulity
was embraced by all ranks of men.
Amid these dangerous complaints and terrors of religious
innovation, the civil and ecclesiastical liberties of the nation
were imagined, and with some reason, not to be altogether
free from invasion.
The establishment of the high commission by James, with-
out any authority of law, seemed a considerable encroachment
of the crown, and erected the most dangerous and arbitrary
of all courts by a method equally dangerous and arbitrary.
All the steps towards the settlement of episcopacy had, in-
deed, been taken with consent of Parliament: the articles of
Perth were confirmed in 1621; in 1633 the king had obtained
a general ratification of every ecclesiastical establishment.
But these laws had less authority with the nation, as they
were known to have passed contrary to the sentiments even
of those who voted for them, and were in reality extorted by
the authority and importunity of the Sovereign. The means,
however, which both James and Charles had employed in or-
der to influence the Parliament were entirely regular; and
no reasonable pretence had been afforded for representing
these laws as null or invalid.
But there prevailed among the greater part of the nation
another principle, of the most important and most dangerous
nature, and which, if admitted, destroyed entirely the validity
of all such statutes. The ecclesiastical authority was supposed
totally independent of the civil; and no act of Parliament,
nothing but the consent of the Church itself, was represent-
ed as sufficient ground for the introduction of any change in
religious worship or discipline. And though James had ob-
tained the vote of assemblies for receiving episcopacy and his
new rites, it must be confessed that such irregularities had
prevailed in constituting these ecclesiastical courts, and such
violence in conducting them, that there were some grounds
for denying the authority of all their acts. Charles, sensible
that an extorted consent, attended with such invidious circum-
CH. LIII. CHARLES I. 515
stances, would rather be prejudicial to his measures, had wholly
laid aside the use of assemblies, and was resolved, in conjunc-
tion with the bishops, to govern the Church by an authority
to which he thought himself fully entitled and which he be-
lieved inherent in the crown.
The king's great aim was to complete the work so happily
begun by his father—to establish discipline upon a regular
system of canons, to introduce a liturgy into public worship,
and to render the ecclesiastical government of all his king-
doms regular and uniform. Some views of policy might
move him to this undertaking; but his chief motives were
derived from principles of zeal and conscience. -
The canons for establishing ecclesiastical jurisdiction were
promulgated in 1635; and were received by the nation, though
Introduction without much appearing opposition, yet with great
ºil.” inward apprehension and discontent. Men felt dis.
” pleasure at seeing the royal authority highly exalt-
ed by them, and represented as absolute and uncontrollable.
They saw these speculative principles reduced to practice, and
a whole body of ecclesiastical laws established without any
previous consent either of Church or State." They dreaded
lest, by a parity of reason, like arbitrary authority, from like
pretences and principles, would be assumed in civil matters;
they remarked that the delicate boundaries which separate
Church and State were already passed, and many civil ordi-
nances established by the canons, under color of ecclesiastical
institutions; and they were apt to deride the negligence with
which these important edicts had been compiled, when they
found that the new liturgy or service-book was everywhere,
under severe penalties, enjoined by them, though it had not
yet been composed or published." It was, however, soon ex-
pected; and in the reception of it, as the people are always
most affected by what is external and exposed to the senses,
it was apprehended that the chief difficulty would consist.
The liturgy which the king, from his own authority, im-
posed on Scotland was copied from that of England; but lest
* Clarendon, vol. i. p. 106. * Clarendon, vol. i. p. 105.
516 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. CH. L.III.
a servile imitation might shock the pride of his ancient king-
dom, a few alterations, in order to save appearances, were
made in it; and in that shape it was transmitted to the bish-
ops at Edinburgh.” But the Scots had universally entertain-
ed a notion that, though riches and worldly glory had been
shared out to them with a sparing hand, they could boast of
spiritual treasures more abundant and more genuine than
were enjoyed by any nation under heaven. Even their
southern neighbors, they thought, though separated from
Rome, still retained a great tincture of the primitive pollu-
tion, and their liturgy was represented as a species of mass,
though with some less show and embroidery.” Great preju-
dices, therefore, were entertained against it, even considered
in itself, much more when regarded as a preparative which
was soon to introduce into Scotland all the abominations of
popery. And as the very few alterations which distinguish
the new liturgy from the English seemed to approach near-
er to the doctrine of the real presence, this circumstance
was deemed an undoubted confirmation of every suspicion
with which the people were possessed.” -
Easter-day was, by proclamation, appointed for the first read-
ing of the service in Edinburgh; but in order to judge more
Surely of men's dispositions, the council delayed the matter
till the 23d of July; and they even gave notice, the Sunday
before, of their intention to commence the use of the new
liturgy. As no considerable symptoms of discontent appeared,
they thought that they might safely proceed in their purpose;”
and, accordingly, in the cathedral church of St. Giles, the
T)ean of Edinburgh, arrayed in his surplice, began the service,
the bishop himself and many of the privy council being pres-
ent. But no sooner had the dean opened the book than a
multitude of the meanest sort, most of them women, clapping
Tumuli at their hands, cursing, and crying out, “A pope 1 a
* popel antichrist! stone him ſ” raised such a tumult
* King's Decl. p. 18. May, p. 32. * King's Decl. p. 20.
* Burnet's Mem. p. 31. Rushworth, vol. ii. p. 396. May, p. 31.
“King's Decl. p. 22. Clarendon, vol. i. p. 108. Tushworth, vol. ii. p. 387.
CH. LIII. CHARLES I. 517
that it was impossible to proceed with the service. The bishop,
mounting the pulpit in order to appease the populace, had a
stool thrown at him; the council was insulted; and it was
with difficulty that the magistrates were able, partly by au-
thority, partly by force, to expel the rabble and to shut the
doors against them. The tumult, however, still continued with-
out; stones were thrown at the doors and windows; and when
the service was ended, the bishop, going home, was attacked,
and narrowly escaped from the hands of the enraged multi-
tude. In the afternoon, the privy Seal, because he carried the
bishop in his coach, was so pelted with stones, and hooted at
with execrations, and pressed upon by the eager populace, that
if his servants, with drawn swords, had not kept them off, the
bishop's life had been exposed to the utmost danger."
Though it was violently suspected that the low populace,
who alone appeared, had been instigated by some of higher
condition, yet no proof of it could be produced; and every
one spake with disapprobation of the licentiousness of the
giddy multitude." It was not thought safe, however, to haz-
ard a new insult by any new attempt to read the liturgy; and
the people seemed for the time to be appeased and satisfied.
But it being known that the king still persevered in his inten-
tions of imposing that mode of worship, men fortified them-
selves still further in their prejudices against it; and great
multitudes resorted to Edinburgh, in order to oppose the in-
troduction of so hated a novelty.” It was not long before
they broke out in the most violent disorder. The Bishop of
Galloway was attacked in the streets and chased into
the chamber where the privy council was sitting.
The council itself was besieged and violently attacked; the
town council met with the same fate; and nothing could have
saved the lives of all of them but their application to some
popular lords, who protected them and dispersed the multi-
tude. In this sedition the actors were of some better condi-
October 18.
* King's Decl. p. 23, 24, 25. Rushworth, vol. ii. p. 388.
* King's Decl. p. 26, 30. Clarendon, vol. i. p. 109.
2
” King's Decl. p. 32. Rushworth, vol. ii. p. 400.
518 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. CH. LIII.
tion than in the former, though nobody of rank seemed as yet
to countenance them.”
All men, however, began to unite and to encourage each
other in opposition to the religious innovations introduced
into the kingdom. Petitions to the council were signed and
presented by persons of the highest quality. The women took
part, and, as was usual, with violence. The clergy everywhere
loudly declaimed against popery and the liturgy, which they
represented as the same. The pulpits resounded with vehe-
ment invectives against antichrist; and the populace who first
opposed the service was often compared to Balaam’s ass, an
animal in itself stupid and senseless, but whose mouth had
been opened by the Lord to the admiration of the whole
world." In short, fanaticism mingling with faction, private
interest with the spirit of liberty, symptoms appeared on all
hands of the most dangerous insurrection and disorder.
The primate, a man of wisdom and prudence, who was all
along averse to the introduction of the liturgy, represented to
the king the state of the nation. The Earl of Traquaire, the
treasurer, set out for London in order to lay the matter more
fully before him. Every circumstance, whether the condition
of England or of Scotland were considered, should have en-
gaged him to desist from so hazardous an attempt; yet was
Charles inflexible. In his whole conduct of this affair there ap-
pear no marks of the good sense with which he was endowed—
a lively instance of that species of character so frequently to be
met with, where there are found parts and judgment in every
discourse and opinion, in many actions indiscretion and im-
prudence. Men's views of things are the result of their un-
derstanding alone. Their conduct is regulated by their un-
derstanding, their temper, and their passions.
To so violent a combination of a whole kingdom Charles
had nothing to oppose but a proclamation, in which he par-
doned all past offences, and exhorted the people to
be more obedient for the future and to submit
peaceably to the use of the liturgy. This proclamation was
1638. Feb. 19.
* King's Decl. p. 35,36. Rushworth, vol. ii. p. 404. * IXing's Decl. p. 31.
CH. LIII. CHARLES I. 519
instantly encountered with a public protestation, presented by
the Earl of Hume and Lord Lindesey; and this was the first
time that men of quality had appeared in any violent act of
opposition.” But this proved a crisis. The insurrection, which
had been advancing by a gradual and slow progress, now blazed
up at once. No disorder, however, attended it. On the con-
trary, a new Order immediately took place. Four tables, as
they were called, were formed in Edinburgh. One consisted
of nobility, another of gentry, a third of ministers, a fourth
of burgesses. The table of gentry was divided into many
subordinate tables, according to their different counties. In
the hands of the four tables the whole authority of the king-
dom was placed. Orders were issued by them and everywhere
obeyed with the utmost regularity.” And among the first acts
of their government was the production of the CovKNANT.
This famous covenant consisted first of a renunciation of
popery, formerly signed by James in his youth, and com-
The cove posed of many invectives fitted to inflame the
l]all G. minds of men against their fellow-creatures, whom
Heaven has enjoined them to cherish and to love. There fol-
lowed a bond of union by which the subscribers obliged them-
selves to resist religious innovations, and to defend each other
against all opposition whatsoever; and all this for the greater
glory of God and the greater honor and advantage of their
king and country.” The people, without distinction of rank
or condition, of age or sex, flocked to the subscription of this
covenant. Few, in their judgment, disapproved of it; and still
fewer durst openly condemn it. The king's ministers and
councillors themselves were, most of them, seized by the gen-
eral contagion. And none but rebels to God and traitors to
their country, it was thought, would withdraw themselves from
So Salutary and so pious a combination. -
The treacherous, the cruel, the unrelenting Philip, accom-
panied with all the terrors of a Spanish Inquisition, was scarce-
* King's Decl. p. 47, 48, etc. Guthry, p. 28. May, p. 37.
* Clarendon, vol. i. p. 111. Rushworth, vol. ii. p. 734.
* King's Decl. p. 57, 58. Rushworth, vol. ii. p. 734. May, p. 38.
52() THISTORY OF ENGLAND. CH. LIII.
ly, during the preceding century, opposed in the Low Coun-
tries with more determined fury than was now, by the Scots,
the mild, the humane Charles, attended with his inoffensive
liturgy. - . -
The king began to apprehend the consequences. He sent
the Marquis of Hamilton as commissioner, with authority to
treat with the Covenanters. He required the cove-
nant to be renounced and recalled; and he thought
that, on his part, he had made very satisfactory concessions
when he offered to suspend the canons and the liturgy till, in
a fair and legal way, they could be received, and so to model
the high commission that it should no longer give offence to
his subjects.” Such general declarations could not well give
content to any, much less to those who carried so much high-
er their pretensions. The Covenanters found themselves sec-
onded by the zeal of the whole nation. Above sixty thousand
people were assembled in a tumultuous manner in Edinburgh
and the neighborhood. Charles possessed no regular forces
in either of his kingdoms. And the discontents in England,
though secret, were believed so violent that the king, it was
thought, would find it very difficult to employ in such a cause
the power of that kingdom. The more, therefore, the popular
leaders in Scotland considered their situation, the less appre-
hension did they entertain of royal power, and the more rig-
orously did they insist on entire satisfaction. In answer to
Hamilton's demand of renouncing the covenant, they plainly
told him that they would sooner renounce their baptism.”
And the clergy invited the commissioner himself to subscribe
it by informing him “with what peace and comfort it had
filled the hearts of all God’s people; what resolutions and be-
ginnings of reformation of manners were sensibly perceived
in all parts of the nation, above any measure they had ever
before found or could have expected; how great glory the
Lord had received thereby; and what confidence they had
that God would make Scotland a blessed kingdom.”
June.
* Rushworth, vol. ii. p. 754, etc. * King's Decl. p. 87.
* King's Decl. p. 88. Rushworth, vol. ii. p. 751. - -
CH. LIII. CHARLES I. 521
Hamilton returned to London; made another fruitless jour-
ney, with new concessions, to Edinburgh; returned again to
London; and was immediately sent back with still
more satisfactory concessions. The king was now
willing entirely to abolish the canons, the liturgy, and the
high-commission court. He was even resolved to limit ex-
tremely the power of the bishops, and was content if on any
terms he could retain that order in the Church of Scotland.”
And, to insure all these gracious offers, he gave Hamilton au-
thority to summon first an assembly, then a Parliament, where
every national grievance might be redressed and remedied.
These successive concessions of the king, which yet came still
short of the rising demands of the malcontents, discovered
his own weakness, encouraged their insolence, and gave no
satisfaction. The offer, however, of an assembly and a Par-
liament, in which they expected to be entirely masters, was
willingly embraced by the Covenanters.
Charles, perceiving what advantage his enemies had reaped
from their covenant, resolved to have a covenant on his side;
and he ordered one to be drawn up for that purpose. It con-
sisted of the same violent renunciation of popery above men-
tioned—which, though the king did not approve of it, he
thought it safest to adopt in order to remove all the sus-
picions entertained against him. As the Covenanters in their
bond of mutual defence against all opposition had been care-
ful not to except the king, Charles had formed a bond which
was annexed to this renunciation, and which expressed the
duty and loyalty of the subscribers to his majesty.” But the
Covenanters, perceiving that this new covenant was only meant
to weaken and divide them, received it with the utmost scorn
and detestation. And without delay they proceeded to model
the future assembly from which such great achievements were
expected.” - - . . . . •
The genius of that religion which prevailed in Scotland,
and which, every day, was secretly gaining ground in England,
Sept. 17.
* King's Decl. p. 137. Rushworth, vol. ii. p. 762.
* Išing's Decl. p. 140, etc. . - . . .” Rushworth, vol. ii. p. 772.
522 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. CH. LIII.
was far from inculcating deference and submission to the ec-
A general clesiastics, merely as such ; or, rather, by nourishing
* in every individual the highest raptures and ecsta-
sies of devotion, it consecrated, in a manner, every individual,
and, in his own eyes, bestowed a character on him much supe-
rior to what forms and ceremonious institutions could alone
confer. The clergy of Scotland, though such tumult was ex-
cited about religious worship and discipline, were both poor
and in small numbers; nor are they in general to be consider-
ed—at least in the beginning—as the ringleaders of the sedi-
tion which was raised on their account. On the contrary, the
laity, apprehending, from Several instances which occurred, a
spirit of moderation in that order, resolved to domineer en-
tirely in the assembly which was summoned, and to hurry
on the ecclesiastics by the same furious zeal with which they
were themselves transported.”
It had been usual, before the establishment of prelacy, for
each presbytery to send to the assembly, besides two or three
ministers, one lay commissioner;" and, as all the boroughs
and universities sent likewise commissioners, the lay members
in that ecclesiastical court nearly equalled the ecclesiastics.
Not only this institution, which James, apprehensive of zeal
in the laity, had abolished, was now revived by the Covenant-
ers, they also introduced an innovation which served still fur-
ther to reduce the clergy to subjection. By an edict of the
tables, whose authority was supreme, an elder from each par-
ish was ordered to attend the presbytery, and to give his vote
in the choice both of the commissioners and ministers who
should be deputed to the assembly. As it is not usual for the
ministers who are put in the list of candidates to claim a vote,
all the elections by that means fell into the hands of the laity.
The most furious of all ranks were chosen ; and, the more to
overawe the clergy, a new device was fallen upon of choosing
—”
* King's Decl. p. 188, 189. Rushworth, vol. ii. p. 761.
* A presbytery in Scotland is an inferior ecclesiastical court, the same that was
afterwards called a classis in England, and is composed of the clergy of the neigh-
boring parishes, to the number, commonly, of between twelve and twenty.
CII. LIII. CHARLES I. *- 523
to every commissioner four or five lay assessors, who, though
they could have no vote, might yet interpose with their advice
and authority in the assembly.”
The assembly met at Glasgow; and, besides a great con-
course of the people, all the nobility and gentry of any family
or interest were present, either as members, assessors, or spec-
tators; and it was apparent that the resolutions taken by the
Covenanters could here meet with no manner of opposition.
A firm determination had been entered into of utterly abol-
ishing episcopacy; and, as a preparative to it, there was laid
before the presbytery of Edinburgh, and solemnly read in all
the churches of the kingdom, an accusation against the bish-
ops, as guilty, all of them, of heresy, simony, bribery, perju-
ry, cheating, incest, adultery, fornication, common swearing,
drunkenness, gaming, breach of the sabbath, and every other
crime that had occurred to the accusers.” The bishops sent
a protest, declining the authority of the assembly; the com-
missioner, too, protested against that court as illegally con-
stituted and elected; and, in his majesty’s name, dissolved it.
This measure was foreseen, and little regarded. The court
still continued to sit and to finish their business.” All the
acts of assembly since the accession of James to the crown of
Fngland were, upon pretty reasonable grounds, declared null
and invalid. The acts of Parliament which affected ecclesi-
astical affairs were supposed, on that very account, to have no
Episcopacy manner of authority. And thus episcopacy, the
* high commission, the articles of Perth, the canons,
and the liturgy were abolished and declared unlawful; and
the whole fabric which James and Charles, in a long course
of years, had been rearing with so much care and policy fell
at once to the ground. The covenant likewise was ordered
to be signed by every one, under pain of excommunication.”
The independency of the ecclesiastical upon the civil power
was the old presbyterian principle, which had been zealously
* King's Decl. p. 190, 191, 290. Guthry, p. 39, etc.
* King's Decl. p. 218. Rushworth, vol. ii. p. 787.
* May, p. 44. * King's Decl. p. 317.
524 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. CH. LIII.
adopted at the Reformation, and which, though James and
Charles had obliged the Church publicly to disclaim,
it, had secretly been adhered to by all ranks of
people. It was commonly asked whether Christ or the king
were superior; and as the answer seemed obvious, it was in-
ferred that the assembly, being Christ's council, was superior
in all spiritual matters to the Parliament, which was only
the king's. But as the Covenanters were sensible that this
consequence, though it seemed to them irrefragable, would
not be assented to by the king, it became necessary to main-
tain their religious tenets by military force, and not to trust
entirely to supernatural assistance, of which, however, they
held themselves well assured. They cast their eyes on all
sides, abroad and at home, whence ever they could expect
any aid or support.
After France and Holland had entered into a league against
Spain, and framed a treaty of partition, by which they were
to conquer and to divide between them the Low-Country
provinces, England was invited to preserve a neutrality be-
tween the contending parties, while the French and Dutch
should attack the maritime towns of Flanders. But the king
replied to D'Estrades, the French ambassador, who opened the
proposal, that he had a squadron ready, and would cross the
seas, if necessary, with an army of fifteen thousand men, in
order to prevent these projected conquests.” This answer,
which proves that Charles, though he expressed his mind with
an imprudent candor, had at last acquired a just idea of na-
tional interest, irritated Cardinal Richelieu ; and, in revenge,
that politic and enterprising minister carefully fomented the
first commotions in Scotland, and secretly supplied the Cove-
nanters with money and arms, in order to encourage them in
their opposition against their sovereign.
But the chief resource of the Scottish malcontents was in
themselves, and in their own vigor and abilities. No regular
established commonwealth could take juster measures, or exe-
cute them with greater promptitude, than did this tumultuous
1639.
* Mém. D'Estrades, vol. i.
CH. LIII. f CHARLES I. - 525
combination, inflamed with bigotry for religious trifles, and
faction without a reasonable object. The whole kingdom was
in a manner engaged; and the men of greatest abilities soon
acquired the ascendant, which their family interest enabled
them to maintain. The Earl of Argyle, though he long
seemed to temporize, had at last embraced the covenant; and
he became the chief leader of that party: a man equally
supple and inflexible, cautious and determined, and entirely
qualified to make a figure during a factious and turbulent
period. The Earls of Rothes, Cassilis, Montrose, Lothian,
the Lords Lindesey, Loudon, Yester, Balmerino, distinguished
themselves in that party. Many Scotch officers had acquired
reputation in the German wars, particularly under Gustavus;
and these were invited over to assist their country
in her present necessity. The command was in-
trusted to Lesley, a soldier of experience and abilities. Forces
were regularly enlisted and disciplined. Arms were commis-
sioned and imported from foreign countries. A few castles
which belonged to the king, being unprovided with victuals,
ammunition, and garrisons, were soon seized. And the whole
country, except a small part, where the Marquis of Huntley
still adhered to the king, being in the hands of the Covenant-
ers, was in a very little time put in a tolerable posture of de-
fence.”
The fortifications of Leith were begun and carried on with
great rapidity. Besides the inferior sort and those who la-
bored for pay, incredible numbers of volunteers, even noble-
men and gentlemen, put their hand to the work, and deemed
the most abject employment to be dignified by the sanctity
of the cause. Women, too, of rank and condition, forgetting
the delicacy of their sex and the decorum of their character,
were intermingled with the lowest rabble, and carried on their
shoulders the rubbish requisite for completing the fortifica-
tions.”
We must not omit another auxiliary of the Covenanters, and
no inconsiderable one—a prophetess, who was much followed
War.
* May, p. 49. -- * Guthry's Memoirs, p. 46.
526 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. CH. LIII.
and admired by all ranks of people. Her name was Michél-
son: a woman full of whimsies, partly hysterical, partly relig-
ious, and inflamed with a zealous concern for the ecclesiastical
discipline of the Presbyterians. She spoke at certain times
only, and had often interruptions of days and weeks; but
when she began to renew her ecstasies, warning of the happy
event was conveyed over the whole country, thousands crowd-
ed about her house, and every word which she uttered was
received with veneration, as the most Sacred oracles. The
covenant was her perpetual theme. The true, genuine cove-
nant, she said, was ratified in heaven; the king's covenant
was an invention of Satan. When she spoke of Christ, she
usually gave him the name of the Covenanting Jesus. Rollo,
a popular preacher and zealous Covenanter, was her great fa-
vorite, and paid her, on his part, no less veneration. Being
desired by the spectators to pray with her and speak to her,
he answered “that he durst not, and that it would be ill
manners in him to speak while his master Christ was speak-
ing in her.””
Charles had agreed to reduce episcopal authority so much
that it would no longer have been of any service to support
the crown; and this sacrifice of his own interests he was will-
ing to make in order to attain public peace and tranquillity.
But he could not consent entirely to abolish an order which
he thought as essential to the being of a Christian church as
his Scottish subjects deemed it incompatible with that Sacred
institution. This narrowness of mind, if we would be impar-
tial, we must either blame or excuse equally on both sides, and
thereby anticipate, by a little reflection, that judgment which
time, by introducing new subjects of controversy, will un-
doubtedly render quite familiar to posterity.
So great was Charles's aversion to violent and sanguinary
measures, and so strong his affection to his native kingdom,
that it is probable the contest in his breast would be nearly
equal between these laudable passions and his attachment to
the hierarchy. The latter affection, however, prevailed for
* King's Declaration at large, p. 227. Burmet's Memoirs of Hamilton.
CH. LIII. CHARLES I. 527
the time, and made him hasten those military preparations
which he had projected for subduing the refractory spirit of
the Scottish nation. By regular economy, he had not only
paid all the debts contracted during the Spanish and French
wars, but had amassed a sum of two hundred thousand pounds,
which he reserved for any sudden exigency. The queen had
great interest with the Catholics, both from the sympathy of
religion and from the favors and indulgences which she had
been able to procure to them. She now employed her credit,
and persuaded them that it was reasonable to give large con-
tributions, as a mark of their duty to the king, during this
urgent necessity.” A considerable supply was obtained by
this means, to the great Scandal of the Puritans, who were
offended at seeing the king on such good terms with the
Bapists, and repined that others should give what they them-
selves were disposed to refuse him. *
Charles's fleet was formidable and well supplied. Having
put 5000 land forces on board, he intrusted it to the Marquis
of Hamilton, who had orders to sail to the Frith of Forth, and
to cause a diversion in the forces of the malcontents. An
army was levied of near 20,000 foot and above 3000 horse,
and was put under the command of the Earl of Arundel, a
nobleman of great family, but celebrated neither for military
nor political abilities. The Earl of Essex, a man of strict
honor, and extremely popular, especially among the Soldiery,
was appointed lieutenant-general; the Earl of Holland was
general of the horse. The king himself joined the
army, and he summoned all the peers of England
to attend him. The whole had the appearance of a splendid
court rather than of a military armament; and in this situa-
tion, carrying more show than real force with it, the camp
arrived at Berwick."
The Scottish army was as numerous as that of the king, but
inferior in cavalry. The officers had more reputation and ex-
perience; and the soldiers, though undisciplined and ill armed,
May 29.
* Rushworth, vol. iii. p. 1329. Franklyn, p. 767.
* Clarendon, vol. i. p. 115, 116, 117.
528 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. CH. LIII.
were animated as well by the national aversion to England,
and the dread of becoming a province to their old enemy, as
by an unsurmountable fervor of religion. The pulpits had
extremely assisted the officers in levying recruits, and had
thundered out anathemas against all those “who went not out
to assist the Lord against the mighty.” “ Yet so prudent
were the leaders of the malcontents that they immediately
sent submissive messages to the king, and craved to be ad-
mitted to a treaty. , -
Charles knew that the force of the Covenanters was con-
siderable, their spirits high, their zeal furious; and that, as
they were not yet daunted by any ill-success, no reasonable
terms could be expected from them. With regard, therefore,
to a treaty, great difficulties occurred on both sides. Should
he submit to the pretensions of the malcontents, besides that
the prelacy must be sacrificed to their religious prejudices,
such a check would be given to royal authority (which had,
very lately, and with much difficulty, been thoroughly estab-
lished in Scotland) that he must expect ever after to retain in
that kingdom no more than the appearance of majesty. The
great men, having proved by so sensible a trial the impo-
tence of law and prerogative, would return to their former
licentiousness; the preachers would retain their innate arro-
gance; and the people, unprotected by, justice, would recog-
nize no other authority than that which they found to dom-
ineer over them. England also, it was much to be feared,
would imitate so bad an example; and having already a
strong propensity towards republican and Puritanical factions,
would expect, by the same seditious practices, to attain the
same indulgence. To advance so far without bringing the
rebels to a total submission, at least to reasonable concessions,
was to promise them, in all future time, an impunity for re-
bellion. - -
On the other hand, Charles considered that Scotland was
never before, under any of his ancestors, so united and so an-
imated in its own defence; yet had often been able to foil or
* Burmet's Memoirs of Hamilton,
CH. LIII. te CHARLES I. - 529
elude the force of England, combined heartily in one cause,
and inured by long practice to the use of arms. How much
greater difficulty should he find at present to subdue, by vio-
lence, a people inflamed with religious prejudices, while he
could only oppose to them a nation enervated by long peace
and lukewarm in his service; or, what was more to be dread-
ed, many of them engaged in the same party with the rebels?"
Should the war be only protracted beyond a campaign (and
who could expect to finish it in that period?), his treasures
would fail him ; and for supply he must have recourse to an
English Parliament, which by fatal experience he had ever
found more ready to encroach on the prerogatives than to
supply the necessities of the crown. And what if he receive
a defeat from the rebel army? This misfortune was far from
being impossible. They were engaged in a national cause,
and strongly actuated by mistaken principles. His army was
retained entirely by pay, and looked on the quarrel with the
same indifference which naturally belongs to mercenary troops,
without possessing the discipline by which such troops are
commonly distinguished. And the consequences of a defeat,
while Scotland was enraged and England discontented, were
so dreadful that no motive should persuade him to hazard it.
It is evident that Charles had fallen into such a situation
that, whichever side he embraced, his errors must be danger-
ous. No wonder, therefore, he was in great perplexity. But
he did worse than embrace the worst side; for, properly speak-
ing, he embraced no side at all. IIe concluded a sudden paci-
fication, in which it was stipulated that he should withdraw
his fleet and army; that within eight-and-forty hours the Scots
should dismiss their forces; that the king's forts should be re-
stored to him, his authority be acknowledged, and a general
assembly and a Parliament be immediately summoned, in Or-
der to compose all differences.” What were the reasons which
engaged the king to admit such strange articles of peace it is
in vain to inquire, for there scarcely could be any. The
causes of that event may admit of a more easy explication.
* Rushworth, vol. iii. p. 936. * Rushworth, vol. iii. p. 945.
IV.-34
530 - HISTORY OF ENGLAND.' CH. LIII.
The malcontents had been very industrious in representing
to the English the grievances under which Scotland labored,
and the ill counsels which had been suggested to their sover-
eign. Their liberties, they said, were invaded; the prerogatives
of the crown extended beyond all former precedent; illegal
courts erected; the hierarchy exalted at the expense of national
privileges; and so many new superstitions introduced by the
haughty, tyrannical prelates as begat a just suspicion that a
project was seriously formed for the restoration of popery.
The king's conduct, surely, in Scotland had been in everything,
except in establishing the ecclesiastical canons, more legal
than in England; yet was there such a general resemblance
in the complaints of both kingdoms that the English readily
assented to all the representations of the Scottish malcon-
tents, and believed that nation to have been driven by op-
pression into the violent counsels which they had embraced.
So far, therefore, from being willing to second the king in .
subduing the free spirits of the Scots, they rather pitied that
unhappy people, who had been pushed to those extremities;
and they thought that the example of such neighbors, as well
as their assistance, might some time be advantageous to Eng-
land, and encourage her to recover, by a vigorous effort, her
violated laws and liberties. The gentry and nobility who,
without attachment to the court, without command in the
army, attended in great numbers the English camp, greedily
seized and propagated, and gave authority to these senti-
ments. A retreat, very little honorable, which the Earl of
Holland, with a considerable detachment of the English forces,
had made before a detachment of the Scottish, caused all these
humors to blaze up at once; and the king, whose character
was not sufficiently vigorous or decisive, and who was apt,
from facility, to embrace hasty counsels, suddenly assented to
a measure which was recommended by all about him, and
which favored his natural propension towards the misguided
subjects of his native kingdom.”
Charles, having so far advanced in pacific measures, ought
* Clarendon, vol. i. p. 122, 123. May, p. 46.
CH. LIII. CHARLES I. - 531
with a steady resolution to have prosecuted them, and have
Submitted to every tolerable condition demanded by the as-
sembly and Parliament; nor should he have recommenced
hostilities but on account of such enormous and unexpected
pretensions as would have justified his cause, if possible, to the
whole English nation. So far, indeed, he adopted this plan,
that he agreed not only to confirm his former concessions of
abrogating the canons, the liturgy, the high commission, and
the articles of Perth, but also to abolish the order itself of
bishops, for which he had so zealously contended.” But this
concession was gained by the utmost violence which he could
impose on his disposition and prejudices. He even secretly
retained an intention of seizing favorable opportunities in or-
der to recover the ground which he had lost;" and one step
further he could not prevail with himself to advance. The
assembly, when it met, paid no deference to the king's pre-
possessions, but gave full indulgence to their own. They
voted episcopacy to be unlawful in the Church of
Scotland; he was willing to allow it contrary to the
constitutions of that Church. They stigmatized the liturgy
and canons as popish ; he agreed simply to abolish them.
They denominated the high commission tyranny; he was con-
tent to set it aside.” The Parliament, which sat after the as-
sembly, advanced pretensions which tended to diminish the
civil power of the monarch; and, what probably affected
Charles still more, they were proceeding to ratify the acts of
assembly when, by the king's instructions,” Traquaire, the
commissioner, prorogued them ; and on account of
these claims, which might have been foreseen, was
the war renewed with great advantages on the side of the
Covenanters and disadvantages on that of the king.
No sooner had Charles concluded the pacification without
conditions than the necessity of his affairs and his want of
money obliged him to disband his army; and as the soldiers
August 17.
Wal: Telnewed.
* Rushworth, vol. iii. p. 946.
* Burnet's Memoirs, p. 154. Rushworth, vol. iii. p. 951. -
* Rushworth, vol. iii. p. 958, etc. * Rushworth, vol. iii. p. 955.
532 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. CH. LIII
had been held together solely by mercenary views, it was not
possible, without great trouble and expense and loss of time,
again to assemble them. The more prudent Covenanters had
concluded that their pretensions, being so contrary to the in-
terests, and still more to the inclinations, of the king, it was
likely that they should again be obliged to support their cause
by arms; and they were therefore careful, in dismissing their
troops, to preserve nothing but the appearance of a pacific
disposition. The officers had orders to be ready on the first
summons; the soldiers were warned not to think the nation
secure from an English invasion; and the religious zeal which
animated all ranks of men made them immediately fly to
their standards as soon as the trumpet was sounded by their
spiritual and temporal leaders. The credit which in their last
expedition they had acquired, by obliging their sovereign to
depart from all his pretensions, gave courage to every one in
undertaking this new enterprise."
The king, with great difficulty, found means to draw to-
gether an army; but soon discovered that, all savings being
gone and great debts contracted, his revenue would
be insufficient to support them. An English Par-
liament, therefore, formerly So unkind and intractable, must
now, after above eleven years' intermission, after the king had
tried many irregular methods of taxation, after multiplied
disgusts given to the Puritanical party, be summoned to as-
semble amid the most pressing necessities of the crown.
As the king resolved to try whether this House of Commons
would be more compliant than their predecessors, and grant
tº him supply on any reasonable terms, the time ap-
ºriº pointed for the meeting of Parliament was late, and
very near the time allotted for opening the cam-
paign against the Scots. After the past experience of their ill-
humor and of their encroaching disposition, he thought that
he could not in prudence trust them with a long session till
he had seen some better proofs of their good intentions. The
urgency of the occasion, and the little time allowed for debate,
1640. April 13.
* Clarendon, vol. i. p. 125. Rushworth, vol. iii. p. 1023.
CH. LIII. * CHARLES I. 533
were reasons which he reserved against the malcontents in
the House; and an incident had happened which, he believed,
had now furnished him with still more cogent arguments.
The Earl of Traquaire had intercepted a letter written to .
the King of France by the Scottish malcontents, and had con-
veyed this letter to the king. Charles, partly repenting of the
large concessions made to the Scots, partly disgusted at their
fresh insolence and pretensions, seized this opportunity of
breaking with them. He had thrown into the Tower Lord
Loudon, commissioner from the Covenanters, one of the per-
sons who had signed the treasonable letter;" and he now laid
the matter before the Parliament, whom he hoped to inflame
by the resentment and alarm by the danger of this applica-
tion to a foreign power. By the mouth of the lord keeper,
Finch, he discovered his wants, and informed them that he
had been able to assemble his army, and to subsist them, not
by any revenue which he possessed, but by means of a large
debt of above three hundred thousand pounds which he had
contracted, and for which he had given security upon the
crown lands. He represented that it was necessary to grant
supplies for the immediate and urgent demands of his military
armaments; that the season was far advanced, the time pre-
cious, and none of it must be lost in deliberation; that though
his coffers were empty, they had not been exhausted by un-
necessary pomp, or sumptuous buildings, or any other kind of
magnificence; that whatever supplies had been levied on his
Subjects had been employed for their advantage and preser-
vation, and, like vapors rising out of the earth and gathered
into a cloud, had fallen in sweet and refreshing showers on
the same fields from which they had at first been exhaled;
that though he desired such ‘immediate assistance as might
prevent for the time a total disorder in the government, he
was far from any intention of precluding them from their
right to inquire into the state of the kingdom, and to offer
him petitions for the redress of their grievances; that as
much as was possible of this season should afterwards be al-
**m--
* Clarendon, vol. i. p. 129. Rushworth, vol. iii. p. 956. May, p. 56.
534 - HISTORY OF ENGLAND. Cº. LIII.
lowed them for that purpose; that as he expected only such
Supply at present as the current Service necessarily required,
it would be requisite to assemble them again next winter,
when they should have full leisure to conclude whatever bus-
iness had this session been left imperfect and unfinished;
that the Parliament of Ireland had twice put such trust in his
good intentions as to grant him, in the beginning of the ses-
sion, a large Supply, and had ever experienced good effects
from the confidence reposed in him ; and that, in every cir-
cumstance, his people should find his conduct suitable to a
just, pious, and gracious king, and such as was calculated to
promote an entire harmony between prince and Parliament.”
IHowever plausible these topics, they made small impression
on the House of Commons. By Some illegal, and several sus-
picious measures of the crown, and by the courageous oppo-
sition which particular persons, amid dangers and hardships,
had made to them, the minds of men throughout the nation
had taken such a turn as to ascribe every honor to the refrac-
tory opposers of the king and the ministers. These were the
only patriots, the only lovers of their country, the only heroes,
and, perhaps, too, the only true Christians. A reasonable com-
pliance with the court was slavish dependence; a regard to
the king, servile flattery; a confidence in his promises, shame-
ful prostitution. This general cast of thought, which has,
more or less, prevailed in England during near a century and
a half, and which has been the cause of much good and much
ill in public affairs, never predominated more than during the
reign of Charles. The present House of Commons, being en-
tirely composed of country gentlemen, who came into Parlia-
ment with all their native prejudices about them, and whom
the crown had no means of influencing, could not fail to con-
tain a majority of these stubborn patriots. ---
Affairs likewise, by means of the Scottish insurrection and
the general discontents in England, were drawn so near to a
crisis that the leaders of the House, sagacious and penetrating,
began to foresee the consequences, and to hope that the time,
* Rushworth, vol. iii. p. 1114.
CH. LIII. - CHARLES I. 535
so long wished for, was now come, when royal authority must
fall into a total subordination under popular assemblies, and
when public liberty must acquire a full ascendant. By re-
ducing the crown to necessities, they had hitherto found that
the king had been pushed into violent counsels, which had
served extremely the purposes of his adversaries; and by mul-
tiplying these necessities, it was foreseen that his prerogative,
undermined on all sides, must at last be overthrown, and be
no longer dangerous to the privileges of the people. What-
ever, therefore, tended to compose the differences between
king and Parliament, and to preserve the government uni-
formly in its present channel, was zealously opposed by these
popular leaders; and their past conduct and sufferings gave
them credit sufficient to effect all their purposes.
The House of Commons, moved by these and many other
obvious reasons, instead of taking notice of the king's com-
plaints against his Scottish subjects, or his applications for
supply, entered immediately upon grievances; and a speech
which Pym made them on that subject was much more heark-
ened to than that which the lord keeper had delivered to them
in the name of their sovereign. The subject of Pym's ha-
rangue has been sufficiently explained above, where we gave
an account of all the grievances, imaginary in the Church,
more real in the State, of which the nation at that time so
loudly complained.” The House began with examining the
behavior of the speaker the last day of the former Parliament,
when he refused, on account of the king’s command, to put
the question; and they declared it a breach of privilege. They
proceeded next to inquire into the imprisonment and prose-
cution of Sir John Elliot, Hollis, and Valentine;” the affair
of ship-money was canvassed, and plentiful subject of inquiry
was suggested on all hands. Grievances were regularly classed
under three heads—those with regard to privileges of Par-
liament, to the property of the subject, and to religion."
The king, seeing a large and inexhaustible field opened,
* Clarendon, vol. i. p. 133. Rushworth, vol. iii. p. 1131. May, p. 60.
* Rushworth, vol. iii. p. 1136. * Rushworth, vol. iii. p. 1147.
536 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. CH.LIII.
pressed them again for supply; and, finding his message in-
eſfectual, he came to the House of Peers, and desired their
good offices with the Commons. The Peers were sensible of
the king's urgent necessities; and thought that supply, on this
occasion, ought, both in reason and in decency, to go before
grievances. They ventured to represent their sense of the
matter to the Commons; but their intercession did harm. The
Commons had always claimed, as their peculiar province, the
granting of supplies; and though the Peers had here gone no
further than offering advice, the Lower House immediately
thought proper to vote so unprecedented an interposition to
be a breach of privilege.” Charles, in order to bring the mat-
ter of supply to some issue, Solicited the House by new mes-
Sages; and, finding that ship-money gave great alarm and
disgust, besides informing them that he never intended to
make a constant revenue of it, that all the money levied had
been regularly, with other great sums, expended on equipping
the navy, he now went so far as to offer them a total aboli-
tion of that obnoxious claim by any law which the Commons
should think proper to present to him. In return, he only
asked, for his necessities, a supply of twelve subsidies (about
six hundred thousand pounds), and that payable in three years;
but at the same time he let them know that, considering the
situation of his affairs, a delay would be equivalent to a de-
nial." The king, though the majority was against him, never
had more friends in any House of Commons; and the debate
was carried on for two days with great zeal and warmth on
both sides.
It was urged by the partisans of the court that the happiest
occasion, which the fondest wishes could suggest, was now pre-
sented for removing all disgusts and jealousies between king
and people, and for reconciling their sovereign forever to the
use of parliaments. That if they, on their part, laid aside all
enormous claims and pretensions, and provided, in a reason-
able manner, for the public necessities, they needed entertain
* Clarendon, vol. i. p. 134.
* Clarendon, vol. i. p. 135. Rushworth, vol. iii. p. 1154.
CH. LIII. Af CHARLES I. 537
no suspicion of any insatiable ambition or illegal usurpation
in the crown. That though due regard had not always been
paid, during this reign, to the rights of the people, yet no in-
vasion of them had been altogether deliberate and voluntary,
much less the result of wanton tyranny and injustice, and
still less of a formed design to subvert the constitution. That
to repose a reasonable confidence in the king, and generously
to supply his present wants, which proceeded neither from
prodigality nor misconduct, would be the true means of gain-
ing on his generous nature, and extorting, by gentle violence,
such concessions as were requisite for the establishment of
public liberty. That he had promised, not only on the word
of a prince, but also on that of a gentleman (the expression
which he had been pleased to use), that, after the supply was
granted, the Parliament should still have liberty to continue
their deliberations. Could it be suspected that any man, any
prince, much less such a one, whose word was, as yet, Sacred
and inviolate, would for so small a motive forfeit his honor,
and with it all future trust and confidence, by breaking a
promise so public and so solemn ! That even if the Parlia-
ment should be deceived in reposing this confidence in him,
they neither lost anything nor incurred any danger, since it
was evidently necessary, for the security of public peace, to
supply him with money in order to suppress the Scottish re-
bellion. That he had so far suited his first demands to their
prejudices that he only asked a supply for a few months, and
was willing, after so short a trust from them, to fall again into
dependence, and to trust them for his further support and sub-
sistence. That if he now seemed to desire something further,
he also made them, in return, a considerable offer, and was
willing, for the future, to depend on them for a revenue, which
was quite necessary for public honor and security. That the
nature of the English constitution supposed a mutual confi-
dence between king and Parliament; and if they should re-
fuse it on their part, especially with circumstances of such
outrage and indignity, what could be expected but a total dis-
solution of government, and violent factions, followed by the
most dangerous convulsions and intestine disorders?
538 IHISTORY OF ENGLAND. CH. LIII.
In opposition to these arguments, it was urged by the mal-
content party that the court had discovered, on their part, but
few symptoms of that mutual confidence to which they now
so kindly invited the Commons. That eleven years’ inter-
mission of parliaments, the longest that was to be found in
the English annals, was a sufficient indication of the jealousy
entertained against the people; or, rather, of designs formed
for the suppression of all their liberties and privileges. That
the ministers might well plead necessity; nor could anything,
indeed, be a stronger proof of some invincible necessity than
their embracing a measure for which they had conceived so
violent an aversion as the assembling of an English Parlia-
ment. That this necessity, however, was purely ministerial,
not national ; and if the same grievances, ecclesiastical and
civil, under which this nation itself labored, had pushed the
Scots to extremities, was it requisite that the English should
forge their own chains by imposing chains on their unhappy
neighbors? That the ancient practice of Parliament was to
give grievances the precedency of supply; and this order, so
carefully observed by their ancestors, was founded on a jeal-
ousy inherent in the constitution, and was never interpreted
as any peculiar diffidence of the present sovereign. That a
practice which had been upheld during times the most favor-
able to liberty could not, in common prudence, be departed
from where such undeniable reasons for suspicion had been
afforded. That it was ridiculous to plead the advanced sea-
son, and the urgent occasion for supply, when it plainly ap-
peared that, in order to afford a pretence for this topic, and to
seduce the Commons, great political contrivance had been em-
ployed. That the writs for elections were issued early in the
winter; and if the meeting of Parliament had not purposely
been delayed till so near the commencement of military oper-
ations, there had been leisure sufficient to have redressed all
national grievances, and to have proceeded afterwards to an
examination of the king's occasion for supply. That the in-
tention of So gross an artifice was to engage the Commons,
under pretence of necessity, to violate the regular order of
Parliament; and a precedent of that kind being once estab-
C.H. LIII. * CHARLES I. 539
lished, no inquiry into public measures would afterwards be
permitted. That scarcely any argument more unfavorable
could be pleaded for supply than an offer to abolish ship-
money—a taxation the most illegal and the most dangerous
that had ever, in any reign, been imposed upon the nation.
And that by bargaining for the remission of that duty the
Commons would, in a manner, ratify the authority by which
it had been levied; at least, give encouragement for advancing
new pretensions of a like nature, in hopes of resigning them
on like advantageous conditions.
These reasons, joined to so many occasions of ill-humor,
seemed to sway with the greater number; but, to make the
matter worse, Sir Harry Vane, the secretary, told the Com-
mons, without any authority from the king, that nothing less
than twelve subsidies would be accepted as a compensation
for the abolition of ship-money. This assertion, proceeding
from the indiscretion, if we are not rather to call it the treach-
ery, of Vane, displeased the House by showing a stiffness and
rigidity in the king which, in a claim so ill-grounded, was
deemed inexcusable.” We are informed, likewise, that some
men, who were thought to understand the state of the nation,
affirmed in the House that the amount of twelve subsidies was
a greater sum than could be found in all England. Such were
the happy ignorance and inexperience of those times with re-
gard to taxes!”
The king was in great doubt and perplexity. He saw that
his friends in the House were outnumbered by his enemies,
and that the same counsels were still prevalent which had ever
bred such opposition and disturbance. Instead of hoping that
any supply would be granted him to carry on war against the
Scots, whom the majority of the House regarded as their best
friends and firmest allies, he expected every day that they
would present him an address for making peace with those
rebels. And if the House met again, a vote, he was inform-
ed, would certainly pass to blast his revenue of ship-money,
and thereby renew all the opposition which, with so much dif-
* Clarendon, vol. i. p. 138. * Clarendon, vol. i. p. 136.
540 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. CH. LIII.
ficulty, he had surmounted in levying that taxation. Where
great evils lie on all sides, it is difficult to follow the best
counsel; nor is it any wonder that the king, whose capacity
was not equal to situations of such extreme delicacy, should
hastily have formed and executed the resolution of dissolving
this Parliament—a measure, however, of which he soon after
repented, and which the subsequent events, more than any
convincing reason, inclined every one to condemn. The last
Parliament, which ended with such rigor and vio-
lence, had yet, at first, covered their intentions with
greater appearance of moderation than this Parliament had
hitherto assumed.
An abrupt and violent dissolution naturally excites discon-
tents among the people, who usually put entire confidence in
their representatives, and expect from them the redress of all
grievances. As if there were not already sufficient grounds
of complaint, the king persevered still in those counsels which,
from experience, he might have been sensible were so danger-
ous and unpopular. Bellasis and Sir John Hotham were sum-
moned before the council; and, refusing to give any account
of their conduct to Parliament, were committed to prison. All
the petitions and complaints which had been sent to the com-
mittee of religion were demanded from Crew, chairman of
that committee; and, on his refusal to deliver them, he was
sent to the Tower. The studies, and even the pockets, of the
Earl of Warwick and Lord Broke, before the expiration of
privilege, were searched in expectation of finding treasonable
papers. These acts of authority were interpreted, with some
appearance of reason, to be invasions on the right of national
assemblies." But the king, after the first provocation which
he met with, never sufficiently respected the privileges of Par-
liament; and by his example he further confirmed their reso-
lution, when they should acquire power, to pay like disregard
to the prerogatives of the crown.
Though the Parliament was dissolved, the convocation was
still allowed to sit—a practice of which, since the Reforma-
Dissolution.
* Rushworth, vol. iii. p. 1167. May, p. 61.
Cº. LIII. CHARLES I. 541
tion, there were but few instances," and which was for that
reason supposed by many to be irregular. Besides granting
to the king a supply from the Spirituality, and framing many
canons, the convocation, jealous of like innovations with those
which had taken place in Scotland, imposed an oath on the
clergy and the graduates in the universities by which every
one swore to maintain the established government of the
Church by archbishops, bishops, deans, chapters, etc." These
steps, in the present discontented humor of the nation, were
commonly deemed illegal, because not ratified by consent of
IParliament, in whom all authority was now supposed to be cen-
tred; and nothing, besides, could afford more subject of ridicule
than an oath which contained an et cætera in the midst of it.
The people, who generally abhorred the convocation as
much as they revered the Parliament, could scarcely be re-
piscontents strained from insulting and abusing this assembly;
** and the king was obliged to give them guards in
order to protect them.” An attack, too, was made during the
night upon Laud, in his palace of Lambeth, by above five hun-
dred persons, and he found it necessary to fortify himself for
his defence.” A multitude, consisting of two thousand secta-
ries, entered St. Paul’s, where the high commission then sat,
tore down the benches, and cried out, “No bishop, no high
commission P’ “ All these instances of discontent were pres-
ages of some great revolution, had the court possessed suffi-
cient skill to discern the danger or sufficient power to provide
against it. -
In this disposition of men's minds, it was in vain that the
king issued a declaration, in order to convince his people of
the necessity which he lay under of dissolving the last Parlia-
ment." The chief topic on which he insisted was that the
* There was one in 1586. See History of Archbishop Laud, p. 80. The au-
thority of the convocation was, indeed, in most respects, independent of the Par-
liament, and there was no reason which required the one to be dissolved upon
the dissolution of the other.
* Whitlocke, p. 33. * Ibid.
* Dugdale, p. 62. Clarendon, vol. i. p. 143. * Dugdale, p. 65.
* Rushworth, vol. iii. p. 1166.
º
542 EIISTORY OF ENGLAND. Cº. LIII.
Commons imitated the bad example of all their predecessors
of late years, in making continual encroachments on his au-
thority, in censuring his whole administration and conduct, in
discussing every circumstance of public government, and in
their indirect bargaining and contracting with their king for
supply—as if nothing ought to be given him but what he
should purchase, either by quitting somewhat of his royal pre-
rogative or by diminishing and lessening his standing reve-
nue. These practices, he said, were contrary to the maxims
of their ancestors; and these practices were totally incompati-
ble with monarchy."
The king, disappointed of parliamentary Subsidies, was
obliged to have recourse to other expedients in order to Sup-
ply his urgent necessities. The ecclesiastical subsidies served
him in some stead; and it seemed but just that the clergy
should contribute to a war which was, in a great measure, of
their own raising." He borrowed money from his ministers
and courtiers; and so much was he beloved among them that
above three hundred thousand pounds were subscribed in a
few days; though nothing, Surely, could be more disagreeable
to a prince full of dignity than to be a burden on his friends,
instead of being a support to them. Some attempts were
made towards forcing a loan from the citizens, but still re-
pelled by the spirit of liberty which was now become uncon-
querable." A loan of forty thousand pounds was extorted
from the Spanish merchants, who had bullion in the Tower
exposed to the attempts of the king. Coat and conduct money
for the soldiery was levied on the counties, an ancient prac-.
tice," but supposed to be abolished by the Petition of Right.
All the pepper was bought from the East India Company
upon trust, and sold, at a great discount, for ready money."
A scheme was proposed for coining two or three hundred
thousand pounds of base money.” Such were the extremities
to which Charles was reduced. The fresh difficulties which,
"See note [AAA] at the end of the volume. " May, p. 48.
* Rushworth, vol. iii. p. 1181. * Rushworth, vol. i. p. 168.
"May, p. 63. ” Rushworth, vol. iii. p. 1216. May, p. 63.
CH. LIII. CHARLES. I. 543 .
amid the present distresses, were every day raised with regard
to the payment of ship-money, obliged him to exert continual
acts of authority, augmented the discontents of the people,
and increased his indigence and necessities.”
The present expedients, however, enabled the king, though
with great difficulty, to march his army, consisting of nineteen
thousand foot and two thousand horse.” The Earl of Nor-
thumberland was appointed general; the Earl of Strafford,
who was called over from Ireland, lieutenant-general; Lord
Conway, general of the horse. A small fleet was thought
sufficient to serve the purposes of this expedition.
So great are the effects of zeal and unanimity that the Scot-
tish army, though somewhat Superior, were Sooner ready than
the king's, and they marched to the borders of England. To
engage them to proceed, besides their general knowledge of
the secret discontents of that kingdom, Lord Saville had
forged a letter in the name of six noblemen, the most consid-
erable of England, by which the Scots were invited to assist
their neighbors in procuring a redress of grievances.” Not-
withstanding these warlike preparations and hostile attempts,
the Covenanters still preserved the most pathetic and most
submissive language, and entered England, they said, with no
other view than to obtain access to the king's pres-
ence, and lay their humble petition at his royal feet.
At Newburn-upon-Tyne they were opposed by a detachment
of four thousand five hundred men, under Conway, who seem-
ed resolute to dispute with them the passage of the river. The
Scots first entreated them with great civility not to stop them
in their march to their gracious sovereign, and then attacked
Amºs them with great bravery, killed several, and chased
;at New- the rest from their ground. Such a panic seized
the whole English army that the forces at Newcastle
fled immediately to Durham; and, not yet thinking themselves
Safe, they deserted that town and retreated into Yorkshire.”
August 20.
* Rushworth, vol. iii. p. 1173, 1182, 1184, 1190, 1200, 1203, 1204.
* Rushworth, vol. iii. p. 1279. * Nalson, vol. ii. p. 427.
* Clarendon, vol. i. p. 143.
544 HISTORY OF ENGIAND. Ch. LIII.
The Scots took possession of Newcastle; and, though suffi-
ciently elated with their victory, they preserved exact disci-
pline, and persevered in their resolution of paying for every-
thing, in order still to maintain the appearance of an amicable
correspondence with England. They also despatched messen-
gers to the king, who was arrived at York; and they took care,
after the advantage which they had obtained, to redouble their
expressions of loyalty, duty, and submission to his person; and
they even made apologies, full of Sorrow and contrition, for
their late victory."
Charles was in a very distressed condition. The nation was
universally and highly discontented. The army was discour-
aged, and began likewise to be discontented, both from the
contagion of general disgust, and as an excuse for their mis-
behavior, which they were desirous of representing rather as
want of will than of courage to fight. The treasury, too, was
quite exhausted, and every expedient for supply had been
tried to the uttermost. No event had happened but what
might have been foreseen as necessary, at least as very prob-
able; yet such was the king's situation that no provision could
be made, nor was even any resolution taken, against such an
exigency.
In order to prevent the advance of the Scots upon him,
the king agreed to a treaty, and named sixteen English no-
Treaty at blemen, who met with eleven Scottish commis-
*PP” sioners at Rippon. The Earls of Hertford, Bedford,
Salisbury, Warwick, Essex, Holland, Bristol, and Berkshire,
the Lords IKimbolton, Wharton, Dunsmore, Paget, Broke,
Saville, Paulet, and Howard of Escric, were chosen by the
king—all of them popular men, and consequently supposed
nowise averse to the Scottish invasion, or unacceptable to that
nation.”
An address arrived from the city of London petitioning for
a Parliament—the great point to which all men's projects at
this time tended.” Twelve noblemen presented a petition to
* Rushworth, vol. iii. p. 1255. ” Clarendon, vol. i. p. 155.
* Rushworth, vol. iii. p. 1263.
CH. LIII. CHARLES I. 545
*
the same purpose.” But the king contented himself with
summoning a great council of the Peers at York—a measure
which had formerly been taken in cases of Sudden emergency,
but which at present could serve to little purpose. Perhaps
the king, who dreaded above all things the House of Com-
mons, and who expected no supply from them on any reason-
able terms, thought that, in his present distresses, he might be
enabled to levy supplies by the authority of the Peers alone.
But the employing so long the plea of a necessity which ap-
peared distant and doubtful rendered it impossible for him to
avail himself of a necessity which was now at last become
real, urgent, and inevitable.
By Northumberland’s sickness the command of the army
had devolved on Strafford. This nobleman possessed more
vigor of mind than the king or any of the council. He ad-
vised Charles rather to put all to hazard than submit to such
unworthy terms as were likely to be imposed upon him. The
loss sustained at Newburn, he said, was inconsiderable; and
though a panic had for a time seized the army, that event was
nothing strange among new-levied troops; and the Scots, be-
ing in the same condition, would no doubt be liable in their
turn to a like accident. His opinion, therefore, was that the
king should push forward and attack the Scots, and bring the
affair to a quick decision; and if he were ever so unsuccessful,
nothing worse could befall him than what, from his inactivity,
he would certainly be exposed to." To show how easy it would
be to execute this project, he ordered an assault to be made on
Some quarters of the Scots, and he gained an advantage over
them. No cessation of arms had as yet been agreed to during
the treaty at Rippon, yet great clamor prevailed on account
of this act of hostility; and when it was known that the offi-
cer who conducted the attack was a papist, a violent outcry
was raised against the king for employing that hated sect in
the murder of his Protestant subjects.”
"Clarendon, vol. i. p. 146. Rushworth, vol. iii. p. 1260. May, p. 66. War-
wick, p. 151.
* Nalson, vol. ii. p. 5. * Clarendon, vol. i. p. 159.
IV.-35
546 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. - CII. LIII.
t *
It may be worthy of remark that several mutinies had
arisen among the English troops when marching to join the
army; and some officers had been murdered merely on suspi-
cion of their being papists.” The Petition of Right had abol-
ished all martial law; and by an inconvenience which natu-
rally attended the plan, as yet new and unformed, of regular
and rigid liberty, it was found absolutely impossible for the
generals to govern the army by all the authority which the
king could legally confer upon them. The lawyers had de-
clared that martial law could not be exercised except in the
presence of an enemy; and because it had been found neces-
sary to execute a mutineer, the generals thought it advisable,
for their own Safety, to apply for a pardon from the crown.
This weakness, however, was carefully concealed from the
army, and Lord Conway said that if any lawyer were so im-
prudent as to discover the secret to the soldiers, it would be
necessary instantly to refute him, and to hang the lawyer him-
self by sentence of a court-martial.”
An army new-levied, undisciplined, frightened, seditious,
ill paid, and governed by no proper authority, was very unfit
for withstanding a victorious and high-spirited enemy, and
retaining in subjection a discontented and zealous nation.
Charles, in despair of being able to stem the torrent, at last
determined to yield to it; and as he foresaw that the great
September 24. council of the Peers would advise him to call a Par-
ºil liament, he told them II] his first speech that he had
already taken this resolution. He informed them
likewise that the queen, in a letter which she had written to
him, had very earnestly recommended that measure. This
good prince, who was extremely attached to his consort, and
who passionately wished to render her popular in the nation,
forgot not, amid all his distress, the interest of his domestic
tenderness.” -
In order to subsist both armies (for the king was obliged,
* Rushworth, vol. iii. p. 1190, 1191, 1192, etc. May, p. 64.
* Rushworth, vol. iii. p. 1199.
* Clarendon, vol. i. p. 154. Rushworth, vol. iii. p. 1275.
CH. LIII. CHARLES I. 547
in order to save the northern counties, to pay his enemies),
Charles wrote to the city, desiring a loan of two hundred
thousand pounds. And the Peers at York, whose authority
was now much greater than that of their sovereign, joined in
the same request.” So low was this prince already fallen in
the eyes of his own subjects
As many difficulties occurred in the negotiation with the
Scots, it was proposed to transfer the treaty from Rippon to
London—a proposal willingly embraced by that nation, who
were now sure of treating with advantage, in a place where
the king, they foresaw, would be in a manner a prisoner in
the midst of his implacable enemies and their determined
friends.”
* Rushworth, vol. iii. p. 1279. * Rushworth, vol. iii. p. 1305.
N. O. T E S.
NOTE [A], p. 20.
THAT the queen's negotiations for marrying the Duke of Anjou were not feign-
ed nor political appears clearly from many circumstances, particularly from a pas-
sage in Dr. Forbes's manuscript collections, at present in the possession of Lord
Royston. She there enjoins Walsingham, before he opens the treaty, to examine
the person of the duke; and, as that prince had lately recovered from the small-
pox, she desires her ambassador to consider whether he yet retained so much of
his good looks as that a woman could fix her affections on him. Had she not
been in earnest, and had she only meant to amuse the public or the court of France,
this circumstance was of no moment.
NOTE [B], p. 39.
D'Ewes, p. 328. The Puritanical sect had indeed gone so far that a book of
discipline was secretly subscribed by above five hundred clergymen; and the pres-
byterian government thereby established in the midst of the Church, notwithstand-
ing the rigor of the prelates and of the high commission, so impossible is it by
penal statutes, however severe, to suppress all religious innovation (see Neal's
Hist. of the Puritans, vol. i. p. 483; Strype's Life of Whitgift, p. 291).
NOTE [C], p. 41.
This year the Earl of Northumberland, brother to the earl beheaded some years
before, had been engaged in a conspiracy with Lord Paget for the deliverance of
the Queen of Scots. He was thrown into the Tower; and, being conscious that
his guilt could be proved upon him—at least, that sentence would infallibly be pro-
nounced against him—he freed himself from further prosecution by a voluntary
death: he shot himself in the breast with a pistol. About the same time the Earl
of Arundel, son of the unfortunate Duke of Norfolk, having entered into some ex-
ceptionable measures, and reflecting on the unhappy fate which had attended his
family, endeavored to depart secretly beyond sea, but was discovered and thrown
into the Tower. In 1587, this nobleman was brought to his trial for high treason,
chiefly because he had dropped some expressions of affection to the Spaniards, and
had affirmed that he would have masses said for the success of the Armada. His
peers found him guilty of treason. This severe sentence was not executed; but
Arundel never recovered his liberty. He died a prisoner in 1595. He carried
his religious austerities so far that they were believed the immediate cause of his
death.
550 HISTORY OF ENGLAND,
NOTE [D], p. 53.
Mary's extreme animosity against Elizabeth may easily be conceived, and it
broke out about this time in an incident which may appear curious. While the
former queen was kept in custody by the Earl of Shrewsbury, she lived during a
long time in great intimacy with the countess; but that lady entertaining a jeal-
ousy of an amour between her and the earl, their friendship was converted into
enmity; and Mary took a method of revenge which at once gratified her spite
against the countess and that against Elizabeth. She wrote to the queen, inform-
ing her of all the malicious scandalous stories which, she said, the Countess of
Shrewsbury had reported of her; that Elizabeth had given a promise of marriage
to a certain person, whom she afterwards often admitted to her bed; that she had
been equally indulgent to Simier, the French agent, and to the Duke of Anjou ;
that Hatton was also one of her paramours, who was even disgusted with her ex-
cessive love and fondness; that though she was, on other occasions, avaricious to
the last degree as well as ungrateful, and kind to very few, she spared no expense
in gratifying her amorous passions; that notwithstanding her licentious amours,
she was not made like other women, and all those who courted her marriage
would in the end be disappointed; that she was so conceited of her beauty as to
swallow the most extravagant flattery from her courtiers, who could not, on these
occasions, forbear even sneering at her for her folly; that it was usual for them to
tell her that the lustre of her beauty dazzled them like that of the sun, and they
could not behold it with a fixed eye. She added that the countess had said that
Mary's best policy would be to engage her son to make love to the queen; nor was
there any danger that such a proposal would be taken for mockery, so ridiculous
was the opinion which she had entertained of her own charms. She pretended
that the countess had represented her as no less odious in her temper than profli-
gate in her manners and absurd in her vanity; that she had so beaten a young
woman of the name of Scudamore as to break that lady's finger, and in order to
cover over the matter, it was pretended that the accident had proceeded from the
fall of a candlestick; that she had cut another across the hand with a knife who
had been so unfortunate as to offend her. Mary added that the countess had in-
formed her that Elizabeth had suborned Rolstone to pretend friendship to her in
order to debauch her, and thereby throw infamy on her rival (see Murden's State
Papers, p. 558). This imprudent and malicious letter was written a very little be-
fore the detection of Mary's conspiracy, and contributed, no doubt, to render the
proceedings against her the more rigorous. How far all these imputations against
IElizabeth can be credited may, perhaps, appear doubtful; but her extreme fond-
mess for Leicester, Hatton, and Essex, not to mention Mountjoy and others, with
the curious passages between her and Admiral Seymour (contained in Haynes)
render her chastity very much to be suspected. Her self-conceit with regard to
beauty we know from other undoubted authority to have been extravagant. Even
when she was a very old woman she allowed her courtiers to flatter her with re-
gard to her excellent beauties (Birch, vol. ii. p. 442, 443). Her passionate temper
may also be proved from many lively instances; and it was not unusual with her
to beat her maids of honor (see the Sidney Papers, vol. ii. p. 38). The blow she
gave to Essex before the privy council is another instance. There remains in the
NOTES. * 551
Museum a letter of the Earl of Huntingdon's, in which he complains grievously
of the queen's pinching his wife very sorely on account of some quarrel between
them. Had this princess been born in a private station, she would not have been
very amiable; but her absolute authority, at the same time that it gave an un-
controlling swing to her violent passions, enabled her to compensate her infirmi-
ties by many great and signal virtues. -
- NOTE [E], p. 64.
Camden, p. 525. This evidence was that of Curle, her secretary, whom she
allowed to be a very homest man; and who, as well as Nau, had given proofs of
his integrity by keeping so long such important secrets from whose discovery he
could have reaped the greatest profit. Mary, after all, thought that she had so
little reason to complain of Curle's evidence that she took care to have him paid a
considerable sum by her will, which she wrote the day before her death (Goodall,
vol. i. p. 413). Neither did she forget Nau, though less satisfied in other respects
with his conduct (ibid.).
NOTE [F], p. 64.
The detail of this conspiracy is to be found in a letter of the Queen of Scots to
Charles Paget, her great confidant. This letter is dated the 20th of May, 1586,
and is contained in Dr. Forbes's manuscript collections, at present in the posses—
sion of Lord Royston. It is a copy attested by Curle, Mary's Secretary, and en-
dorsed by Lord Burleigh. What proves its authenticity beyond question is, that
we find in Murden's collection, p. 516, that Mary actually wrote that very day a
letter to Charles Paget; and, further, she mentions, in the manuscript letter, a
letter of Charles Paget's of the 10th of April. Now, we find by Murden, p. 506,
that Charles Paget did actually write her a letter of that date.
This violence of spirit is very consistent with Mary’s character. Her maternal
affection was too weak to oppose the gratification of her passions, particularly her
pride, her ambition, and her bigotry. Her son, having made some fruitless at-
tempts to associate her with him in the title, and having found the scheme im-
practicable on account of the prejudices of his Protestant subjects, at last desisted
from that design, and entered into an alliance with England, without compre-
hending his mother. She was in such a rage at this undutiful behavior, as she
imagined it, that she wrote to Queen Elizabeth that she no longer cared what
became of him or herself in the world ; the greatest satisfaction she could have
before her death was to see him and all his adherents become a signal example
of tyranny, ingratitude, and impiety, and undergo the vengeance of God for their
wickedness. She would find in Christendom other heirs, and doubted not to put
her inheritance in such hands as would retain the firmest hold of it. She cared
not, after taking this revenge, what became of her body; the quickest death would
then be the most agreeable to her. And she assured her that, if he persevered,
she would disown him for her son, would give him her malediction, would disin-
herit him, as well of his present possessions as of all he could expect by her;
abandoning him not only to her subjects to treat him as they had done her, but
to all strangers to subdue and conquer him. It was in vain to employ menaces
against her; the fear of death or other misfortune would never induce her to make
.552 HISTORY OF ENGLAND.
one step or pronounce one syllable beyond what she had determined. She would
rather perish with honor, in maintaining the dignity to which God had raised her,
than degrade herself by the least pusillanimity or act what was unworthy of her
station and of her race (Murden, p. 566, 567). *
James said to Courcelles, the French ambassador, that he had seen a letter
under her own hand, in which she threatened to disinherit him, and said that he
might betake him to the lordship of Darnley; for that was all he had by his father
(Courcelles' Letter, a MS. of Dr. Campbell's). There is in Jebb, vol. ii. p. 573, a
letter of hers, where she throws out the same menace against him.
We find this scheme of seizing the King of Scots, and delivering him into the
hands of the pope or the King of Spain, proposed by Morgan to Mary (see Mur-
dem, p. 525). A mother must be very violent to whom one would dare to make
such a proposal; but it seems she assented to it. Was not such a woman very
capable of murdering her husband, who had so grievously offended her?
NOTE [G], p. 66.
The volume of State Papers collected by Murden proves, beyond controversy,
that Mary was long in close correspondence with Babington, p. 513, 516, 532,
533. She entertained a like correspondence with Ballard, Morgan, and Charles
Paget, and laid a scheme with them for an insurrection, and for the invasion of
Fngland by Spain, p. 528, 531. The same papers show that there had been a
discontinuance of Babington's correspondence, agreeably to Camden's narration.
See State Papers, p. 513, where Morgan recommends it to Queen Mary to renew
her correspondence with Babington. These circumstances prove that no weight
can be laid on Mary's denial of guilt, and that her correspondence with Babing-
ton contained particulars which could not be avowed.
NOTE [H], p. 66.
There are three suppositions by which the letter to Babington may be account-
ed for without allowing Mary’s concurrence in the conspiracy for assassinating
Elizabeth. The first is, that which she seems herself to have embraced, that her
secretaries had received Babington's letter, and had, without any treacherous in-
tention, ventured of themselves to answer it, and had never communicated the
matter to her; but it is utterly improbable, if not impossible, that a princess of so
much sense and spirit should, in an affair of that importance, be so treated by her
servants who lived in the house with her, and who had every moment an oppor-
tunity of communicating the secret to her. If the conspiracy failed, they must
expect to suffer the severest punishment from the court of England; if it suc-
ceeded, the lightest punishment which they could hope for from their own mis-
tress must be disgrace on aecount of their temerity. Not to mention that Mary's
concurrence was, in some degree, requisite for effecting the design of her escape,
it was proposed to attaek her guards while she was employed in hunting; she
must therefore concert the time and place with the conspirators. The second sup-
position is, that these two secretaries were previously traitors; and, being gained
by Walsingham, had made such a reply in their mistress's cipher as might involve
her in the guilt of the conspiracy. But these two men had lived long with the
Queen of Scots, had been entirely trusted by her, and had never fallen under sus-
NOTES. 553
picion either with her or her partisans. Camden informs us that Curle after-
wards claimed a reward from Walsingham on pretence of some promise; but
Walsingham told him that he owed him no reward, and that he had made no dis-
coveries on his examination which were not known with certainty from other
quarters. The third supposition is, that neither the queen nor the two secretaries,
Nau and Curle, ever saw Babington's letter, or made any answer; but that Wal-
singham, having deciphered the former, forged a reply. But this supposition im-
plies the falsehood of the whole story, told by Camden, of Gifford's access to the
Queen of Scots' family, and Paulet's refusal to concur in allowing her servants to
be bribed. Not to mention that as Nau's and Curle's evidence must, on this sup-
position, have been extorted by violence and terror, they would necessarily have
been engaged, for their own justification, to have told the truth afterwards, espe-
cially upon the accession of James. But Camden informs us that Nau, even after
that event, persisted still in his testimony.
We must also consider that the two last suppositions imply such a monstrous
criminal conduct in Walsingham, and consequently in Elizabeth (for the mat-
ter could be no secret to her), as exceeds all credibility. If we consider the sit-
uation of things and the prejudices of the times, Mary's consent to Babington's
conspiracy appears much more natural and probable. She believed Elizabeth to
be a usurper and a heretic; she regarded her as a personal and violent enemy;
she knew that schemes for assassinating heretics were very familiar in that age,
and generally approved of by the court of Rome and the zealous Catholics. Her
own liberty and sovereignty were connected with the success of this enterprise;
and it cannot appear strange that where men of so much merit as Babington could
be engaged, by bigotry alone, in so criminal an enterprise, Mary, who was actu-
ated by the same motive, joined to so many others, should have given her consent
to a scheme projected by her friends. We may be previously certain that if such
a scheme was ever communicated to her, with any probability of success, she
would assent to it, and it served the purpose of Walsingham and the English min-
istry to facilitate the communication of these schemes, as soon as they had gotten
an expedient for intercepting her answer and detecting the conspiracy. Now, Wal-
singham's knowledge of the matter is a supposition necessary to account for the
letter delivered to Babington.
As to the not punishing of Nau and Curle by Elizabeth, it never is the practice
to punish lesser criminals who have given evidence against the principal.
But what ought to induce us to reject these three suppositions is, that they
must, all of them, be considered as bare possibilities. The partisans of Mary can
give no reason for preferring one to the other; not the slightest evidence ever ap-
peared to support any one of them. Neither at that time, nor at any time after-
wards, was any reason discovered by the numerous zealots at home and abroad
who had embraced Mary's defence to lead us to the belief of any of these three
suppositions; and even her apologists at present seem not to have fixed on any
choice among these supposed possibilities. The positive proof of two very credi-
ble witnesses, supported by the other very strong circumstances, still remains un-
impeached. Babington, who had an extreme interest to have communication
with the Queen of Scots, believed he had found a means of correspondence with
her, and had received an answer from her ; he, as well as the other conspirators,
554 HISTORY OF ENGLAND.
died in that belief. There has not occurred, since that time, the least argument
to prove that they were mistaken; can there be any reason, at present, to doubt
the truth of their opinion ? Camden, though a professed apologist for Mary, is
constrained to tell the story in such a manner as evidently supposes her guilt.
Such was the impossibility of finding any other consistent account, even by a man
of parts who was a contemporary !
In this light might the question have appeared, even during Mary's trial: But
what now puts her guilt beyond all controversy is the following passage of her
letter to Thomas Morgan, dated the 27th of July, 1586: “As to Babington, he
hath both kindly and honestly offered himself and all his means to be employed
any way I would; whereupon I hope to have satisfied him by two of my several
letters since I had his ; and the rather for that I opened him the way whereby I
received his with your aforesaid” (Murden, p. 533). Babington confessed that
he had offered her to assassinate the queen. It appears by this that she had ac-
cepted the offer; so that all the suppositions of Walsingham's forgery, or the te-
merity or treachery of her secretaries, fall to the ground.
NOTE [I], p. 70.
This Parliament granted the queen a supply of a subsidy and two fifteenths.
They adjourned, and met again after the execution of the Queen of Scots; when
there passed some remarkable incidents, which it may be proper not to omit. We
shall give them in the words of Sir Simon D’Ewes, p. 410, 411, which are almost
wholly transcribed from Townshend's Journal. On Monday, the 27th of Febru-
ary, Mr. Cope, first using some speeches touching the necessity of a learned min-
istry, and the amendment of things amiss in the ecclesiastical estate, offered to
the House a bill and a book written; the bill containing a petition that it might
be enacted that all laws now in force touching ecclesiastical government should
be void, and that it might be enacted that this Book of Common Prayer mow
offered, and none other, might be received into the Church to be used. The
book contained the form of prayer and administration of the sacraments, with
divers rites and ceremonies to be used in the Church ; and he desired that the
book might be read. Whereupon Mr. Speaker in effect used this speech : For
that her majesty before this time had commanded the House not to meddle with
this matter, and that her majesty had promised to take order in those causes,
he doubted not but to the good satisfaction of all her people, he desired that
it would please them to spare the reading of it. Notwithstanding, the House
desired the reading of it. Whereupon Mr. Speaker desired the clerk to read.
And the clerk being ready to read it, Mr. Dalton made a motion against the read-
ing of it, saying that it was not meet to be read, and it did appoint a new form
of administration of the sacraments and ceremonies of the Church, to the dis-
credit of the Book of Common Prayer and of the whole state; and thought that
this dealing would bring her majesty's indignation against the House, thus to en-
terprise this dealing with those things which her majesty especially had taken into
her own charge and direction. Whereupon Mr. Lewkenor spake, showing the
necessity of preaching and of a learned ministry, and thought it very fit that the
petition and book should be read. To this purpose spake Mr. Hurleston and Mr.
IBainbrigg ; aid so the time being passed, the IIouse broke up, and neither the
NOTES. 555
petition nor book read. This dome, her majesty sent to Mr. Speaker as well for
this petition and book as for that other petition and book for the like effect that
were delivered the last session of Parliament, which Mr. Speaker sent to her maj-
esty. On Tuesday, the 28th of February, her majesty sent for Mr. Speaker, by
occasion whereof the House did not sit. On Wednesday, the 1st day of March,
Mr. Wentworth delivered to Mr. Speaker certain articles which contained ques-
tions touching the liberties of the House, and to some of which he was to answer,
and desired they might be read. Mr. Speaker desired him to spare his motion
until her majesty’s pleasure was further known touching the petition and book
lately delivered into the House; but Mr. Wentworth would not be so satisfied, but
required his articles might be read. Mr. Wentworth introduced his queries by la-
menting that he as well as many others were deterred from speaking by their
want of knowledge and experience in the liberties of the House; and the queries
were as follow : Whether this council were not a place for any member of the
same here assembled, freely and without controlment of any person or danger of
laws, by bill or speech to utter any of the griefs of this commonwealth whatso-
ever, touching the service of God, the safety of the prince and his noble realm ?
Whether that great honor may be done unto God, and benefit and service unto
the prince and state, without free speech in this council that may be done with it?
Whether there be any council which can make, add, or diminish from the laws
of the realm but only this council of Parliament? Whether it be not against the
orders of this council to make any secret or matter of weight which is here in
hand known to the prince or any other, concerning the high service of God,
prince, or state, without the consent of the House? Whether the speaker or any
other may interrupt any member of this council in his speech used in this House
tending to any of the forenamed services 2 Whether the speaker may rise when
he will, any matter being propounded, without consent of the House or mot ?
Whether the speaker may overrule the House in any matter or cause there in
question, or whether he is to be ruled or overruled in any matter or mot ? Wheth-
er the prince and state can continue, and stand, and be maintained, without this
council of Parliament, not altering the government of the state 2 At the end of
these questions, says Sir Simon D’Ewes, I found set down this short note or me-
morial ensuing : By which it may be perceived, both what Sergeant Puckering,
the speaker, did with the said questions after he had received them, and what be-
came also of this business, viz. : “These questions Mr. Puckering pocketed up
and showed Sir Thomas Hemage, who so handled the matter that Mr. Wentworth
went to the Tower, and the questions not at all moved. Mr. Buckler, of Essex,
herein brake his faith in forsaking the matter, etc., and no more was done.” Af-
ter setting down, continues Sir Simon D'Ewes, the said business of Mr. Went-
worth in the original journal book, there follows only this short conclusion of the
day itself, viz.: “This day, Mr. Speaker being sent for to the queen's majesty,
the House departed.” On Thursday, the 2d of March, Mr. Cope, Mr. Lewke-
nor, Mr. Hurleston, and Mr. Bainbrigg were sent for to my lord chancellor, and
by divers of the privy council, and from thence were sent to the Tower. On Sat-
urday, the 4th day of March, Sir John Higham made a motion to this House,
for that divers good and necessary members thereof were taken from them, that it
would please them to be humble petitioners to her majesty for the restitution of
556 HISTORY OF ENGLAND.
them again to this House. To which speeches Mr. Vice-chamberlain answered
that if the gentlemen were committed for matter within the compass of the priv-
ilege of the House, then there might be a petition ; but if not, then we should
give occasion to her majesty's further displeasure; and therefore advised to stay
until they heard more, which could not be long; and, further, he said, touching
the book and the petition, her majesty had, for divers good causes best ki.own to
herself, thought fit to suppress the same without any further examination thereof;
and yet thought it very unfit for her majesty to give any account of her doings.
But, whatsoever Mr. Vice-chamberlain pretended, it is most probable these mem-
bers were committed for intermeddling with matters touching the Church, which
her majesty had often inhibited, and which had caused so much disputation and
so many meetings between the two Houses the last Parliament.
This is all we find of the matter in Sir Simon D’Ewes and Townshend ; and it
appears that those members who had been committed were detained in custody
till the queen thought proper to release them. These questions of Mr. Wentworth
are curious, because they contain some faint dawn of the present English con-
stitution, though suddenly eclipsed by the arbitrary government of Elizabeth.
Wentworth was, indeed, by his Puritanism as well as his love of liberty (for these
two characters of such unequal merit arose and advanced together), the true fore-
runner of the Hambdens, the Pyms, and the Hollises, who, in the next age, with
less courage, because with, less danger, rendered their principles so triumphant.
I shall only ask whether it be not sufficiently clear, from all these transactions,
that in the two succeeding reigns it was the people who encroached upon the sov-
ereign, not the Sovereign who attempted, as is pretended, to usurp upon the
people?
NOTE [K], p. 101.
The queen's speech in the camp of Tilbury was in these words: “My loving peo-
ple, we have been persuaded, by some that are careful of our safety, to take heed
how we commit ourselves to armed multitudes, for fear of treachery; but assure
you I do not desire to live to distrust my faithful and loving people. Let tyrants
fear. I have always so behaved myself that, under God, I have placed my chief-
est strength and safeguard in the loyal hearts and good-will of my subjects. And
therefore I am come among you at this time, not as for my recreation or sport,
but being resolved, in the midst and heat of the battle, to live or die among you
all; to lay down for my God and for my kingdom and for my people, my honor
and my blood, even in the dust. I know I have but the body of a weak and fee-
ble woman, but I have the heart of a king, and of a king of England too; and
think foul scorn that Parma or Spain, or any prince of Europe, should dare to in-
vade the borders of my realms; to which, rather than any dishonor should grow
by me, I myself will take up arms; I myself will be your general, judge, and re-
warder of every one of your virtues in the field. I know already, by your for-
wardness, that you have deserved rewards and crowns; and we do assure you, on
the word of a prince, they shall be duly paid you. In the meantime my lieuten-
ant-general shall be in my stead, than whom never prince commanded a more no-
ble and worthy subject; not doubting by your obedience to my general, by your
concord in the camp, and your valor in the field, we shall shortly have a famous
victory over those cnemies of my God, of my kingdom, and of my people.”
|NOTES. - 557
- NOTE [L], p. 107.
Strype, vol. iii. p. 525. On the 4th of September, soon after the dispersion
of the Spanish Armada, died the Earl of Leicester, the queen's great, but unwor-
thy, favorite. Her affection for him continued till the last. He had discovered
no conduct in any of his military enterprises, and was suspected of cowardice;
yet she intrusted him with the command of her armies during the danger of the
Spanish invasion—a partiality which might have proved fatal to her had the Duke
of Parma been able to land his troops in England. She had even ordered a com-
mission to be drawn for him constituting him her lieutenant in the kingdoms of
IEngland and Ireland; but Burleigh and Hatton represented to her the danger of
intrusting such unlimited authority in the hands of any subject, and prevented the
execution of that design. No wonder that a conduct so unlike the usual jealousy
of Elizabeth gave reason to suspect that her partiality was founded on some other
passion than friendship. But Elizabeth seemed to carry her affection to Leicester
no further than the grave. She ordered his goods to be disposed of at a public
sale, in order to reimburse herself of some debt which he owed her; and her usual
attention to money was observed to prevail over her regard to the memory of the
deceased. The earl was a great hypocrite, a pretender to the strictest religion,
an encourager of the Puritans, and a founder of hospitals.
NOTE [M], p. 107.
Strype, vol. iii. p. 542. Id. Append. p. 239. There are some singular pas-
sages in this last speech, which may be worth taking notice of, especially as they
came from a member who was no courtier; for he argues against the subsidy:
“And first,” says he, “for the necessity thereof, I cannot deny ; but if it were a
charge imposed upon us by her majesty's commandment, or a demand proceeding
from her majesty by way of request, that I think there is not one among us all
either so disobedient a subject in regard of our duty, or so unthankful a man in
respect of the inestimable benefits which, by her, or from her, we have received,
which would not with frank consent, both of voice and heart, most willingly sub-
mit himself thereunto, without any unreverend inquiry into the causes thereof; for
it is continually in the mouth of us all that our lands, goods, and lives are at our
prince's disposing. And it agreeth very well with that position of the civil law
which sayeth, Quod omnia regis sunt. But how 2 Ita tamen wi omnium sint. Ad
regem enim potestas omnium pertinet ; ad singulos proprietas. So that although it
be most true that her majesty hath over ourselves and our goods potestatem im-
perandi, yet it is true that until that power command (which, no doubt, will not
command without very just cause), every subject hath his own proprietatem possi-
dendi. Which power and commandment from her majesty, which we have not
yet received, I take it (saving reformation) that we are freed from the cause of
necessity. And the cause of necessity is the dangerous estate of the common-
wealth,” etc. The tenor of the speech pleads rather for a general benevolence
than a subsidy; for the law of Richard III. against benevolence was never con-
ceived to have any force. The member even proceeds to assert, with some pre-
caution, that it was in the power of Parliament to refuse the king's demand of a
subsidy; and that there was an instance of that liberty in Henry III.'s time, near
four hundred years before. Sub fine.
558 - HISTORY OF ENGLAND.
NOTE [N], p. 109.
We may judge of the extent and importance of these abuses by a speech of
Bacon's against purveyors, delivered in the first session of the first Parliament of
the subsequent reign, by which also we may learn that Elizabeth had given no re-
dress to the grievances complained of. “I’irst,” says he, “they take in kind
what they ought not to take ; secondly, they take in quantity a far greater propor-
tion that cometh to your majesty's use; thirdly, they take in an unlawful manner
—in a manner, I say, directly and expressly prohibited by the several laws. For
the first, I am a little to alter their name; for instead of takers they become tax-
ers. Instead of taking provisions for your majesty's Service, they tax your peo-
ple ad redimendam vexationem ; imposing upon them and extorting from them
divers sums of money, sometimes in gross, sometimes in the nature of stipends an-
nually paid, ne noceant, to be freed and eased of their oppression. Again, they
take trees, which by law they cannot do—timber trees, which are the beauty, coun-
tenance, and shelter of men's houses; that men have long spared from their own
purse and profit; that men esteem for their use and delight above ten times the
value ; that are a loss which men cannot repair or recover. These do they take
to the defacing and spoiling of your subjects' mansions and dwellings, except they
may be compounded with to their own appetites. And if a gentleman be too hard
for them while he is at home, they will watch their time when there is but a bailiff
or a servant remaining, and put the axe to the root of the tree, ere ever the mas-
ter can stop it. Again, they use a strange and most unjust exaction in causing
the subjects to pay poundage of their own debts, due from your majesty unto
them ; so as a poor man, when he has had his hay, or his wood, or his poultry
(which perchance he was full loath to part with, and had for the provision of his
own family, and mot to put to Sale), taken from him, and that not at a just price,
but under the value, and cometh to receive his money, he shall have after the rate
of twelvepence in the pound abated for poundage of his due payment upon so
hard conditions. Nay, further, they are grown to that extremity (as is affirmed,
though it be scarce credible, save that in such persons all things are credible) that
they will take double poundage, once when the debenture is made, and again the
second time when the money is paid. For the second point, most gracious sov-
ereign, touching the quantity which they take far above that which is answered
to your majesty's use, it is affirmed unto me by divers gentlemen of good report,
as a matter which I may safely avouch unto your majesty, that there is no pound
profit which redoundeth unto your majesty in this course but induceth and be-
getteth three-pound damage upon your subjects, besides the discontentment. And
to the end they may make their spoil more securely, what do they 2 Whereas
divers statutes do strictly provide that whatsoever they take shall be registered
and attested, to the end that by making a collation of that which is taken from
the country, and that which is answered above, their deceits might appear, they,
to the end to obscure their deceits, utterly omit the observation of this, which the
law prescribeth. And therefore to descend, if it may please your majesty, to the
third sort of abuse, which is of the unlawful manner of their taking, whereof this
question is a branch, it is so manifold, as it rather asketh an enumeration of some
of the particulars than a prosecution of all. For their price, by law they ought to
tº NOTES. 559
take as they can agree with the subject; by abuse, they take at an imposed and
enforced price: by law, they ought to make but one appraisement by neighbors
in the country; by abuse, they make a second appraisement at the court gate;
and when the subjects' cattle come up many miles, lean and out of plight by rea-
son of their travel, then they prize them anew at an abated price: by law, they
ought to take between sun and sun; by abuse, they take by twilight and in the
night-time, a time well chosen for malefactors: by law, they ought not to take in
the highways (a place by her majesty's high prerogative protected, and by statute
by special words excepted); by abuse, they take in the highways: by law, they
ought to show their commission, etc. A number of other particulars there are,”
etc.—Bacon's Works, vol. iv. p. 305, 306. -
Such were the abuses which Elizabeth would neither permit her parliaments to
meddle with nor redress herself. I believe it will readily be allowed that this
slight prerogative alone, which has passed almost unobserved amid other branches
of so much greater importance, was sufficient to extinguish all regular liberty.
For what elector, or member of Parliament, or even juryman, durst oppose the
will of the court while he lay under the lash of such an arbitrary prerogative?
I'or a further account of the grievous and incredible oppressions of purveyors, see
the Journals of the House of Commons, vol. i. p. 190. There is a story of a carter
which may be worth mentioning on this occasion : “A carter had three times
been at Windsor with his cart to carry away, upon summons of a remove, some
part of the stuff of her majesty's wardrobe; and when he had repaired thither
once, twice, and the third time, and that they of the wardrobe had told him the
third time that the remove held not, the carter, clapping his hand on his thigh,
said, ‘Now I see that the queen is a woman as well as my wife.” Which words
being overheard by her majesty, who then stood at the window, she said, ‘What a
villain is this '' and so sent him three angels to stop his mouth.”—Birch's Mem-
oirs, vol. i. p. 155. *
NOTE [O], p. 119.
This year the nation suffered a great loss by the death of Sir Francis Walsing-
ham, secretary of state—a man equally celebrated for his abilities and his integ-
rity. He had passed through many employments, had been very frugal in his ex-
pense, yet died so poor that his family was obliged to give him a private burial.
He left only one daughter, first married to Sir Philip Sidney, then to the Earl of
Essex, favorite of Queen Elizabeth, and lastly to the Earl of Clanricarde of Ire-
land. The same year died Thomas Randolph, who had been employed by the
queen in several embassies to Scotland; as did also the Earl of Warwick, elder
brother to Leicester.
NOTE [P], p. 121.
This action of Sir Richard Grenville is so singular as to merit a more particu-
lar relation. He was engaged alone with the whole Spanish fleet of fifty-three
sail, which had ten thousand men on board; and from the time the fight began,
which was about three in the afternoon, to the break of day next morning, he re-
pulsed the enemy fifteen times, though they continually shifted their vessels and
boarded with fresh mem. In the beginning of the action he himself received a
wound; but he continued doing his duty above deck till eleven at night, when,
receiving a fresh wound, he was carried down to be dressed. During this opera-
560 HISTORY OF ENGLAND.
tion he received a shot in the head, and the surgeon was killed by his side. The
English began now to want powder; all their small arms were broken or become
useless; of their number, which were but a hundred and three at first, forty were
killed, and almost all the rest wounded; their masts were beat overboard, their
tackle cut in pieces, and nothing but a hulk left, unable to move one way or other.
In this situation Sir Richard proposed to the ship's company to trust to the mercy
of God, not to that of the Spaniards, and to destroy the ship with themselves,
rather than yield to the enemy. The master gunner, and many of the seamen,
agreed to this desperate resolution; but others opposed it and obliged Grenville
to surrender himself prisoner. He died a few days after, and his last words were:
“Here die I, Richard Grenville, with a joyful and quiet mind, for that I have
ended my life as a true soldier ought to do, fighting for his country, queen, relig-
ion, and honor. My soul willingly departing from this body, leaving behind the
lasting fame of having behaved as every valiant soldier is in his duty bound to
do.” The Spaniards lost in this sharp though unequal action four ships and
about a thousand men; and Grenville's vessel perished soon after with two hum-
dred Spaniards in her.—Hackluyt's Voyages, vol. ii. part ii. p. 169. Camden,
p. 565.
NOTE [Q], p. 142.
It is usual for the speaker to disqualify himself for the office; but the reasons
employed by this speaker are so singular that they may be worth transcribing.
“My estate,” said he, “is nothing correspondent for the maintenance of this dig-
nity; for my father, dying, left me a younger brother, and nothing to me but my
bare annuity. Then, growing to man's estate and some small practice of the law,
I took a wife, by whom I have had many children; the keeping of us all being a
great impoverishing to my estate, and the daily living of us all nothing but my
daily industry. Neither from my person nor my nature doth this choice arise.
For he that supplieth this place ought to be a man big and comely, stately and
well-spoken, his voice great, his carriage majestical, his nature haughty, and his
purse plentiful and heavy; but, contrarily, the stature of my body is small, my-
self not so well-spoken, my voice low, my carriage lawyer-like and of the common
fashion, my nature soft and bashful, my purse thin, light, and never yet plentiful.
If Demosthemes, being so learned and eloquent as he was, one whom none sur-
passed, trembled to speak before Phocion at Athens, how much more shall I,
being unlearned and unskilful to supply the place of dignity, charge, and trouble,
to speak before so many Phocions as here be? Yea, which is the greatest, before
the unspeakable majesty and sacred personage of our dread and dear sovereign;
the terror of whose countenance will appal and abase even, the stoutest hearts;
yea, whose very name will pull down the greatest courage; for how mightily do
the estate and name of a prince deject the haughtiest stomach even of their great-
est subjects 1"—l) Ewes, p. 459.
NOTE [R], p. 147.
Cabala, p. 234. Birch's Memoirs, vol. ii. p. 386. Speed, p. 877. The whole
letter of Essex is so curious and so spirited that the reader may not be displeased
to read it. “My very good Lord, Though there is not that man this day living
whom I would sooner make judge of any question that might concern me than
NOTES. 561
yourself, yet you must give me leave to tell you that in some cases I must appeal
from all earthly judges; and if any, then surely in this, when the highest judge on
earth has imposed on me the heaviest punishment, without trial or hearing. Since,
then, I must either answer your lordship's argument or else forsake mine own just
defence, I will force mine aching head to do me service for an hour. I must first
deny my discontent, which was forced to be a humorous discontent; and that it
was unseasonable, or is of so long continuing, your lordship should rather condole
with me than expostulate. Natural seasons are expected here below ; but violent
and unseasonable storms come from above. There is no tempest equal to the
passionate indignation of a prince ; nor yet at any time so unreasonable as when
it lightetl, on those that might expect a harvest of their careful and painful la-
bors. He that is once wounded must needs feel smart till his hurt is cured or the
part hurt become senseless ; but cure I expect none, her majesty's heart being ob-
durate against me; and be without sense I cannot, being of flesh and blood. But,
say you, I may aim at the end. I do more than aim ; for I see an end of all
my fortunes; I have set an end to all my desires. In this course do I anything
for my enemies 2 When I was at court I found them absolute; and therefore I
had rather they should triumph alone than have me attendant upon their chariots.
Or do I leave my friends? When I was a courtier, I could yield them no fruit
of my love unto them; and now that I am a hermit they shall bear no envy for
their love towards me. Or do I forsake myself because I do enjoy myself? Or
do I overthrow my fortunes because I build not a fortune of paper walls, which
every puff of wind bloweth down 2 Or do I ruinate my honor because I leave fol-
lowing the pursuit, or wearing the false badge or mark of the shadow of honor?
IDo I give courage or comfort to the foreign foe because I reserve myself to en-
counter with him 2 Or because I keep my heart from business, though I cannot
keep my fortune from deglining? No, no, my good lord, I give every one of these
considerations its due weight; and the more I weigh them, the more I find my-
self justified from offending in any of them. As for the two last objections, that
I forsake my country when it hath most need of me, and fail in that indissoluble
duty which I owe to my sovereign, I answer that if my country had at this time
any need of my public service, her majesty that governeth it would not have
driven me to a private life. I am tied to my country by two bonds—one public,
to discharge carefully and industriously that trust which is committed to me; the
other private, to sacrifice for it my life and carcass, which hath been mourished in
it. Of the first I am free, being dismissed, discharged, and disabled by her maj-
esty; of the other, nothing can free me but death; and, therefore, no occasion of
my performance shall sooner offer itself but I shall meet it half-way. The indis-
soluble duty which I owe unto her majesty is only the duty of allegiance, which I
never have nor never can fail in ; the duty of attendance is no indissoluble duty.
I owe her majesty the duty of an earl, and of lord marshal of England. I have
been content to do her majesty the service of a clerk; but I can never serve her
as a villein or slave. Dut yet you say I must give way unto the time. So I do ;
for now that I see the storm come, I have put myself into the harbor. Seneca
saith, we must give way to fortune; I know that fortune is both blind and strong,
and therefore I go as far as I can out of her way. You say the remedy is not to
strive. I neither strive nor seek for remedy. But you say I must yield and sub-
IV.-36
562 IHISTORY OF ENGLAND.
mit; I can neither yield myself to be guilty, nor allow the imputation laid upon
me to be just. I owe so much to the Author of all truth as I can never yield
truth to be falsehood, nor falsehood to be truth. Have I given cause, you ask,
and yet take a scandal when I have done? No; I gave no cause, not so much
as Fimbria's complaint against me; for I did totum telum corpore recipere, re-
ceive the whole sword into my body. I patiently bear all, and sensibly feel all
that I then received, when this scandal was given me. Nay, more, when the vilest
of all indignities are done unto me,” etc. This noble letter Bacon afterwards, in
pleading against Essex, called bold and presumptuous, and derogatory to her
majesty.—Birch's Memoirs, vol. ii. p. 388.
NOTE [S], p. 171.
Most of Queen Elizabeth's courtiers feigned love and desire towards her, and
addressed themselves to her in the style of passion and gallantry. Sir Walter
Raleigh, having fallen into disgrace, wrote the following letter to his friend, Sir
IRobert Cecil, with a view, no doubt, of having it shown to the queen: “My heart
was never broke till this day, that I hear the queen goes away so far off, whom I
have followed so many years, with so great love and desire, in so many journeys,
and am now left behind her in a dark prison all alone. While she was yet near
at hand, that I might hear of her once in two or three days, my sorrows were the
less; but even now my heart is cast into the depth of all misery. I, that was
wont to behold her riding like Alexander, hunting like Diana, walking like Venus,
the gentle wind blowing her fair hair about her pure cheeks, like a nymph ; some-
times sitting in the shade like a goddess, sometimes singing like an angel, some-
times playing like Orpheus; behold the sorrow of this world ! once anniss hath
bereaved me of all. O glory, that only shineth in misfortune! what is become of
thy assurance P All wounds have scars, but that of fantasy; all affections their
relenting, but that of womankind. Who is the judge of friendship but adversity,
or when is grace witnessed but in offences? There were no divinity but by rea-
son of compassion ; for revenges are brutish and mortal. All those times past,
the loves, the sighs, the sorrows, the desires, cannot they weigh down one frail
misfortune? Cannot one drop of gall be hid in so great heaps of sweetness? I
may then conclude, Spes et fortuna, valete. She is gone in whom I trusted; and
of me hath not one thought of mercy, nor any respect of that which was. Do
with me now, therefore, what you list. I am more weary of life than they are
desirous I should perish; which if it had been for her, as it is by her, I had been
too happily born.”—Murden, p. 657.
It is to be remarked that this nymph, Venus, goddess, angel, was then about
sixty. Yet, five or six years aſter, she allowed the same language to be held to
her. Sir Henry Unton, her ambassador in France, relates to her a conversation
which he had with Henry IV. That monarch, after having introduced Unton to
his mistress, the fair Gabrielle, asked him how he liked her? “I answered spar-
ingly in her praise,” said the minister; “and told him that if, without offence, I
might speak it, I had the picture of a far more excellent mistress, and yet did her
picture come far short of her perfection of beauty. “As you love me,’ said he,
‘show it me, if you have it about you.’ I made some difficulties; yet, upon his im-
portunity, offered it to his view very secretly, holding it still in my hand. He
NOTES. 563
beheld it with passion and admiration, saying that I had reason, “Je me rends,’ pro-
testing that he had never seen the like ; so with great reverence he kissed it twice
or thrice, I detaining it still in my hand. In the end, with some kind of conten-
tion, he took it from me, vowing that I might take my leave of it, for he would not
forego it for any treasure; and that to possess the favor of the lovely picture, he
would forsake all the world and hold himself most happy, with many other most
passionate speeches.”—Murden, p. 718. For further particulars on this head, see
the ingenious author of The Catalogue of Royal and Noble Authors, art. Essex.
NOTE [T], p. 190.
It may not be amiss to subjoin some passages of these speeches, which may
serve to give us a just idea of the government of that age, and of the political prin-
ciples which prevailed during the reign of Elizabeth. Mr. Laurence Hyde pro-
posed a bill entitled An Act for the Explanation of the Common Law in Certain
Cases of Letters Patent. Mr. Spicer said, “This bill may touch the prerogative
royal, which, as I learned the last Parliament, is so transcendent that the
of the subject may not aspire thereunto. Far be it, therefore, from me that the
state and prerogative royal of the prince should be tied by me or by the act of
any other subject.” Mr. Francis Bacon said, “As to the prerogative royal of the
prince, for my own part, I ever allowed of it; and it is such as I hope will never
be discussed. The queen, as she is our sovereign, hath both an enlarging and re-
straining power. Eor by her prerogative she may set at liberty things restrained
by statute law or otherwise; and, secondly, by her prerogative she may restrain
things which be at liberty. For the first, she may grant a non obstante contrary
to the penal laws. With regard to monopolies and such-like cases, the case hath
ever been to humble ourselves unto her majesty, and by petition desire to have
our grievances remedied, especially when the remedy touched her so nigh in point
of prerogative. I say, and I say it again, that we ought not to deal, to judge, or
meddle with her majesty's prerogative. I wish, therefore, every man to be care-
ful of this business.” Dr. Bennet said, “He that goeth about to debate her majes-
ty's prerogative had need to walk warily.” Mr. Laurence Hyde said, “I’or the
bill itself, I made it, and I think I understand it; and far be it from this heart of
mine to think, this tongue to speak, or this hand to write, anything either in preju-
dice or derogation of her majesty's prerogative royal and the state.” “Mr. Speaker,
quoth Sergeant Harris, for aught I see, the House moveth to have this bill in the
mature of a petition ; it must then begin with more humiliation. And truly, sir,
the bill is good of itself, but the penning of it is somewhat out of course.” Mr.
Montague said, “The matter is good and honest, and I like this manner of proceed-
ing by bill well enough in this matter. The grievances are great, and I would
note only unto you thus much, that the last Parliament we proceeded by way of
petition, which had no successful effect.” Mr. Francis More said, “I know the
queen's prerogative is a thing curious to be dealt withal; yet all grievances are
not comparable. I cannot utter with my tongue, or conceive with my heart, the
great grievances that the town and country for which I serve suffereth by some of
these monopolies. It bringeth the general profit into a private hand, and the end
of all this is beggary and bondage to the subjects. We have a law for the true
and faithful currying of leather. There is a patent sets all at liberty, notwithstand-
564 HISTORY OF ENGLAND.
ing that statute. And to what purpose is it to do anything by act of Parliament
when the queen will undo the same by her prerogative P Out of the spirit of hu-
miliation, Mr. Speaker, I do speak it, there is no act of hers that hath been or is
more derogatory to her own majesty, more odious to the subject, more dangerous
to the commonwealth, than the granting of these monopolies.” Mr. Martin said,
“I do speak for a town that grieves and pines, for a country that groaneth and lan-
guisheth under the burden of monstrous and unconscionable substitutes to the
monopolitans of starch, tin, fish, cloth, oil, vinegar, salt, and I know not what ;
may, what not? The principalest commodities both of my town and country are
engrossed into the hands of these blood-suckers of the commonwealth. If a body,
Mr. Speaker, being let blood, be left still languishing without any remedy, how
can the good estate of that body still remain? Such is the state of my town and
country. The traffic is taken away, the inward and private commodities are
taken away, and dare not be used without the license of these monopolitans. If
these blood-suckers be still let alone to suck up the best and principalest commod-
ities which the earth there hath given us, what will become of us, from whom the
fruits of our own soil and the commodities of our own labor, which, with the
sweat of our brows, even up to the knees in mire and dirt, we have labored for,
shall be taken by warrant of supreme authority, which the poor subject dare not
gainsay ?” Mr. George Moore said, “We know the power of her majesty cannot
be restrained by any act; why, therefore, should we thus talk? Admit we should
make this statute with a non obstante, yet the queen may grant a patent with a
mon obstante. to cross this mom obstante. I think, therefore, it agreeth more with
the gravity and wisdom of this House to proceed with all humbleness by petition
than bill.” Mr. Downland said, “As I would be no let or over-vehement in any-
thing, so I am not sottish or senseless of the common grievance of the common-
wealth. If we proceed by way of petition, we can have no more gracious answer
than we had the last Parliament to our petition. Iłut since that Parliament we
have no reformation.” Sir Robert Wroth said, “I speak, and I speak it boldly,
these patentees are worse than ever they were.” Mr. Hayward Townsend pro-
posed that they should make suit to her majesty, not only to repeal all monopolies
grievous to the subject, but also that it would please her majesty to give the Par-
liament leave to make an act that they might be of no more force, validity, or
effect than they are at the common law, without the strength of her prerogative.
Which though we might now do, and the act being so reasonable we might as-
sure ourselves her majesty would not delay the passing thereof, yet we, her low-
ing subjects, etc., would not offer, without her privity and consent (the cause so
nearly touching her prerogative), or go about to do any such act.
On a subsequent day the bill against monopolies was again introduced, and Mr.
Spicer said, “It is to no purpose to offer to tie her majesty's hands by act of Par-
liament, when she may loosen herself at her pleasure.” Mr. Davies said, “God
hath given that power to absolute princes which he attributes to himself. ‘Dixi quod
Dii estis.’” (N. B. This axiom he applies to the Rings of England.) Mr. Secre-
tary Cecil said, “I am servant to the queen, and before I would speak and give
consent to a case that should debase her prerogative, or abridge it, I would wish
that my tongue were cut out of my head. I am sure there were law-makers be-
fore there were laws” (meaning, I suppose, that the sovereign was above the laws).
NOTES. 565
One gentleman went about to possess us with the execution of the law in an an-
cient record of 5 or 7 of Edward III. ; likely enough to be true in that time when
the king was afraid of the subject. If you stand upon law and dispute of the pre-
rogative, hark ye what Bracton says, “Praerogativam nostram memo wudeat dispu-
tare.’ And, for my own part, I like not these courses should be taken. And you,
Mr. Speaker, should perform the charge her majesty gave unto you in the begin-
ning of this Parliament, not to receive bills of this nature; for her majesty's ears
be open to all grievances, and her hands stretched out to every man's petitions.
When the prince dispenses with a penal law that is left to the alteration of sov-
ereignty, that is good and irrevocable.” Mr. Montague said, “I am loath to speak
what I know, lest, perhaps, I should' displease. The prerogative royal is that
which is now in question, and which the laws of the land have ever allowed and
maintained. Let us therefore apply by petition to her majesty.”
After the Speaker told the House that the queen had annulled many of the pat-
ents, Mr. Francis More said, “I must confess, Mr. Speaker, I moved the House,
both the last Parliament and this, touching this point; but I never meant (and I
hope the House thinketh so) to set limits and bounds to the prerogative royal.
He proceeds to move that thanks should be given to her majesty; and, also, that
whereas divers speeches have been moved extravagantly in the House, which
doubtless have been told her majesty, and, perhaps, ill-conceived of by her, Mr.
Speaker would apologize and humbly crave pardon for the same.” N. B. These
extracts were taken by Townsend, a member of the House, who was no courtier;
and the extravagance of the speeches seems rather to be on the other side. It
will certainly appear strange to us that this liberty should be thought extravagant.
However, the queen, notwithstanding her cajoling the House, was so ill satisfied
with these proceedings that she spoke of them peevishly in her concluding speech,
and told them that she perceived that private respects with them were privately
masked under public presence.—D'Ewes, p. 619.
There were some other topics in favor of prerogative, still more extravagant,
advanced in the House this Parliament. When the question of the subsidy was
before them, Mr. Sergeant Heyle said, “Mr. Speaker, I marvel much that the
House should stand upon granting of a subsidy or the time of payment, when all
we have is her majesty's, and she may lawfully at her pleasure take it from us;
yea, she hath as much right to all our lands and goods as to any revenue of her
crown.” At which all the House hemmed and laughed and talked. “Well,”
quoth Sergeant Heyle, all your hemming shall not put me out of countenance.”
So Mr. Speaker stood up and said, “It is a great disorder that this House should
be so used.” So the said sergeant proceeded, and when he had spoken a little
while, the House hemmed again, and so he sat down. In his latter speech, he
said he could prove his former position by precedents in the time of Henry III.,
King John, Ring Stephen, etc., which was the occasion of their hemming.—
D'Ewes, p. 633. It is observable that Heyle was an eminent lawyer, a man of
character.—Winwood, vol. i. p. 290. And though the House in general showed
their disapprobation, no one cared to take him down or oppose these monstrous
positions. It was also asserted this session that in the same manner as the Ro-
man consul was possessed of the power of rejecting or admitting motions in the
Senate, the Speaker might either admit or reject bills in the House.—D'Ewes,
566 HISTORY OF ENGLAND.
p. 677. The House declared themselves against this opinion; but the very pro-
posal of it is a proof at what a low ebb liberty was at that time in England.
In the year 1591, the judges made a solemn decree that England was an abso-
lute empire, of which the king was the head. In consequence of this opinion they
determined that even if the act of the first of Elizabeth had never been made, the
king was supreme head of the Church, and might have erected by his prerogative
such a court as the ecclesiastical commission; for that he was the head of all his
subjects. Now that court was plainly arbitrary. The inference is that his power
was equally absolute over the laity. See Coke's Reports, p. 5: Cawdrey’s case.
NOTE [U], p. 215.
We have remarked before that Harrison, in bk. ii. ch. 11, says that in the reign
of Henry VIII. there were hanged seventy-two thousand thieves and rogues (be-
sides other malefactors); this makes about two thousand a year; but in Queen
Elizabeth's time the same author says there were only between three and four
hundred a year hanged for theft and robbery; so much had the times mended.
I3ut in our age there are not forty a year hanged for those crimes in all England.
Yet Harrison complains of the relaxation of the laws, that there were so few such
rogues punished in his time. Our vulgar prepossession in favor of the morals of
former and rude ages is very absurd and ill-grounded. The same author says,
ch. 10, that there were computed to be ten thousand gypsies in England—a spe-
cies of banditti introduced about the reign of Henry VIII. ; and he adds that
there will be no way of extirpating them by the ordinary course of justice; the
queen must employ martial law against them. That race has now almost totally
disappeared in England, and even in Scotland, where there were some remains of
them a few years ago. However arbitrary the exercise of martial law in the
crown, it appears that nobody in the age of Elizabeth entertained any jealousy
of it.
NOTE [X], p. 224.
Harrison, in his Description of Britain, printed in 1577, has the following pas-
sage, ch. 13: “Certes, there is no prince in IEurope that hath a more beautiful
sort of ships than the Queen's Majesty of England at this present; and those gem-
erally are of such exceeding force that two of them, being well appointed and fur-
nished as they ought, will not let to encounter with three or four of them of other
countries, and either bowge them or put them to flight, if they may not bring
them home. The queen's highness hath at this present already made and fur-
mished to the number of one-and-twenty great ships, which lie for the most part in
Gillingham Road. Besides these, her grace hath other in hand also, of whom
hereafter, as their turns do come about, I will not let to leave some further re-
membrance. She hath likewise three notable galleys, the Speedwell, the Trye-
right, and the Black Galley, with the sight whereof, and the rest of the navy royal,
it is incredible to say how marvellously her grace is delighted; and not without
great cause, sith by their means her coasts are kept in quiet, and sundry foreign
enemies put back which otherwise would invade us.” After speaking of the mer-
chant-ships, which he says are commonly estimated at seventeen or eighteen hun-
dred, he continues : “I add, therefore, to the end all men should understand
somewhat of the great masses of treasure daily employed upon our mavy, how
NOTES. - 567
ºthere are few of those ships of the first and second-sort (that is, of the merchant-
ships), that, being apparelled and made ready to sail, are not worth one thousand
pounds, or three thousand ducats at the least, if they should presently be sold.
What shall we then think of the navy royal, of which some one vessel is worth
two of the other, as the shipwright has often told me 2 It is possible that some
covetous person, hearing this report, will either not credit at all, or suppose money
so employed to be nothing profitable to the queen's coffers, as a good husband.
said once, when he heard that provisions should be made for armor, wishing the
queen's money to be rather laid out to some speedier return of gain unto her
grace; but if he wist that the good keeping of the sea is the safeguard of our land,
he would alter his censure and soon give over his judgment.” Speaking of the for-
ests, this author says, “An infinite deal of wood hath been destroyed within these
few years, and I dare affirm that if wood do go so fast to decay in the next hun-
dred years of grace as they have done, or are like to do, in this, it is to be feared
that sea-coal will be good merchandise even in the city of London.” Harrison's
prophecy was fulfilled in a very few years; for about 1615 there were two hun-
dred sail employed in carrying coal to London. See Anderson, vol. i. p. 494.
NOTE [Y], p. 230.
Life of Burleigh, published by Collins, p. 44. The author hints that this quan-
tity of plate was considered only as small in a man of Burleigh's rank. His words.
are, “His plate was not above fourteen or fifteen thousand pounds.” That he
means pound weight is evident. For, by Burleigh's will, which is annexed to
his life, that nobleman gives away, in legacies to friends and relations, near four
thousand pounds' weight, which would have been above twelve thousand pounds
sterling in value. The remainder he orders to be divided into two equal portions,
the half to his eldest son and heir, the other half to be divided equally among his
second son and three daughters. Were we, therefore, to understand the whole
value of plate to be only fourteen or fifteen thousand pounds sterling, he left not
the tenth of it to the heir of his family.
NOTE [Z], p. 230.
Harrison says, “The greatest part of our building in the cities and good towns
of England consisteth only of timber, cast over with thick clay to keep out the
wind. Certes, this rude kind of building made the Spaniards in Queen Mary's
days to wonder; but chiefly when they saw that large diet was used in many of
these so homely cottages, insomuch that one of no small reputation amongst them
said after this manner: “These English,' quoth he, “have their houses made of
sticks and dirt, but they fare commonly so well as the king.’ Whereby it appear-
eth that he liked better of our good fare in such coarse cabins than of their own
thin diet in their princely habitations and palaces. The clay with which our houses
are commonly impanelled is either white, red, or blue.”—Bk. ii. ch. 12. The au-
thor adds that the mew houses of the mobility are commonly of brick or stone,
and that glass windows were beginning to be used in England.
NOTE [AA], p. 233.
The following are the words of Roger Ascham, the queen's preceptor : “It is
568 HISTORY OF ENGLAND.
your shame (I speak to you all, you young gentlemen of England) that one maid
should go beyond ye all in excellency of learning and knowledge of divers tongues.
Point out six of the best-given gentlemen of this court, and all they together show
not so much good-will, spend not so much time, bestow not so many hours daily,
orderly, and constantly, for the increase of learning and knowledge as doth the
queen's majesty herself. Yea, I believe that, besides her perfect readiness in Lat-
in, Italian, French, and Spanish, she readeth here now at Windsor more Greek
every day than some prebendary of this Church doth Latin in a whole week.
Among all the benefits which God had blessed me withal, next the knowledge of
Christ's true religion, I count this the greatest, that it pleased God to call me to
be one poor minister in setting forward these excellent gifts of learning,” etc.—
Page 242. “Truly,” says Harrison, “it is a rare thing with us now to hear of a
courtier which hath but his own language; and to say how many gentlewomen
and ladies there are that, besides sound knowledge of the Greek and Latin tongues,
are thereto no less skilful in the Spanish, Italian, and French, or in some one of
them, it resteth not in me; sith I am persuaded that as the noblemen and gentle-
men do surmount in this behalf, so these come little or nothing at all behind them
for their parts, which industry God continue ! The stranger that entereth in the
court of England upon the sudden shall rather imagine himself to come into some
public school of the university, where many give ear to one that readeth unto them,
than into a prince's palace if you confer thus with those of other nations.”—De-
scription of Britain, blº. ii. ch. 15. By this account the court had profited by the
example of the queen. The sober way of life practised by the ladies of Elizabeth's
court appears from the same author. Reading, spinning, and needle-work occu-
pied the elder; music the younger. —Ibid. 3.
NOTE [BB], p. 250.
Sir Charles Cornwallis, the king's ambassador at Madrid, when pressed by the
Duke of Lerma to enter into a league with Spain, said to that minister, “Though
his majesty was an absolute king, and therefore not bound to give an account to
any of his actions, yet that so gracious and regardful a prince he was of the love
and contentment of his own subjects, as I assured myself he would not think it fit
to do anything of so great consequence without acquainting them with his inten-
tions.”—Winwood, vol. ii. p. 222. Sir Walter Raleigh has this passage in the
preface to his History of the World: “Philip II., by strong hand and main force,
attempted to make himself not only an absolute monarch over the Netherlands,
like unto the kings and monarchs of England and France, but, Turk-like, to tread
under his feet all their natural and fundamental laws, privileges, and ancient
rights.” We meet with this passage in Sir John Davis's Question concerning
Impositions, p. 161 : “Thus we see by this comparison that the King of Eng-
land doth lay but his little finger upon his subjects, when other princes and states
do lay their heavy loins upon their people. What is the reason of this difference?
From whence cometh it? Assuredly not from a different power or prerogative;
for the King of England is as absolute a monarch as any emperor or king in the
world, and hath as many prerogatives incident to his crown.” Coke, in Cawdrey's
case, says “that by the ancient laws of this realm, England is an absolute em-
pire and monarchy ; and that the king is furnished with plenary and entire pow-
NOTES. 569
er, prerogative, and jurisdiction, and is supreme governor over all persons within
this realm.” Spencer, speaking of some grants of the English kings to the Irish
corporations, says, “All which, though at the time of their first grant they were
tolerable, and perhaps reasonable, yet now are most unreasonable and inconven-
ient. But all these will easily be cut off with the superior power of her majesty's
prerogative, against which her own grants are not to be pleaded or enforced.”—
State of Ireland, p. 1537, edit. 1706. The same author, in p. 1660, proposes a
plan for the civilization of Ireland. That the queen should create a provost mar-
shal in every county, who might ride about with eight or ten followers in search
of stragglers and vagabonds. The first time he catches any he may punish them
more lightly by the stocks; the second time, by whipping; but the third time he
may hang them, without trial or process, on the first bough. And he thinks that
this authority may more safely be intrusted to the provost marshal than to the
sheriff; because the latter magistrate, having a profit by the escheats of felons,
may be tempted to hang innocent persons. Here a real absolute or rather des-
potic power is pointed out; and we may infer from all these passages, either that
the word absolute bore a different sense from what it does at present, or that men's
ideas of the English as well as Irish government were then different. This latter
inference seems juster. The word, being derived from the French, bore always
the same sense as in that language. An absolute monarchy, in Charles I.'s an-
swer to the nineteen propositions, is opposed to a limited; and the King of Eng-
land is acknowledged not to be absolute. So much had matters changed even
before the civil war. In Sir John Fortescue's Treatise of Absolute and Lim-
ited Monarchy, a book written in the reign of Edward IV., the word absolute is
taken in the same sense as at present; and the government of England is also
said not to be absolute. They were the princes of the house of Tudor chiefly
who introduced that administration which had the appearance of absolute govern-
ment. The princes before them were restrained by the barons, as those after them
by the House of Commons. The people had, properly speaking, little liberty in
either of these sancient governments, but least in the more ancient.
NOTE [CC], p. 251.
Fven this Parliament, which showed so much spirit and good sense in the af-
fair of Goodwin, made a strange concession to the crown in their fourth session.
Toby Mathews, a member, had been banished by order of the council upon direc-
tion from his majesty. The Parliament not only acquiesced in this arbitrary pro-
ceeding, but issued writs for a new election. Such novices were they as yet in
the principles of liberty! See Journal, 14th February, 1609. Mathews was ban-
ished by the king on account of his change of religion to popery. The king had
an indulgence to those who had been educated Catholics, but could not bear the
new converts. It was probably the animosity of the Commons against the papists
which made them acquiesce in this precedent without reflecting on the conse-
quences. The jealousy of liberty, though roused, was not yet thoroughly enlight-
ened.
NOTE [DD], p. 253.
At that time men of genius and of enlarged minds had adopted the principles
of liberty, which were as yet pretty much unknown to the generality of the people.
570 HISTORY OF ENGLAND.
Sir Matthew Hale has published a remonstrance against the king's conduct tow-
ards the Parliament during this session. The remonstrance is drawn with great
force of reasoning and spirit of liberty; and was the production of Sir Francis
Bacon and Sir Edwin Sandys, two men of the greatest parts and knowledge in
IEngland. It is drawn in the name of the Commons; but as there is no hint of
it in the Journals, we must conclude either that the authors, sensible that the
strain of the piece was much beyond the principles of the age, had not ventured to
present it to the House, or that it had been for that reason rejected. The dignity
and authority of the Commons are strongly insisted upon in this remonstrance;
and it is there said that their submission to the ill-treatment which they received
during the latter part of Elizabeth's reign had proceeded from their tenderness
towards her age and her sex. But the authors are mistaken in these facts; for
the house received and submitted to as bad treatment in the beginning and mid-
dle of that reign. The government was equally arbitrary in Mary's reign, in Ed-
ward's, and in Harry the Eighth's and Seventh's. And the further we go back into
history, though there might be more of a certain irregular kind of liberty among
the barons, the Commons were still of less authority.
NOTE [EE], p. 257.
This Parliament passed an act of recognition of the king's title in the most am-
ple terms. They recognized and acknowledged that immediately upon the disso.
lution and decease of Elizabeth, late Queen of England, the imperial crown thereof
did, by inherent birthright and lawful and undoubted succession, descend and come
to his most excellent majesty, as being lineally, justly, and lawfully next and sole
heir of the blood royal of this realm (1 James I. cap. 1). The Puritans, though
then prevalent, did not think proper to dispute this great constitutional point. In
the recognition of Queen Elizabeth, the Parliament declares that the queen's high-
mess is, and in very deed and of most mere right ought to be, by the laws of God
and by the laws and statutes of this realm, our most lawful and rightful sover-
eign, liege lady and queen, etc. It appears, then, that if King James's divine right
be not mentioned by Parliament, the omission came merely from chance and be-
cause that phrase did not occur to the compiler of the recognition ; his title being
plainly the same with that of his predecessor, who was allowed to have a divine
right.
NOTE [FF, p. 265.
Some historians have imagined that the king had secret intelligence of the con-
spiracy, and that the letter to Monteagle was written by his direction, in order to
obtain the praise of penetration in discovering the plot. But the known facts re-
fute this supposition. That letter, being commonly talked of, might naturally have
given an alarm to the conspirators and made them contrive their escape. The
visit of the lord chamberlain ought to have had the same effect. In short, it ap-
pears that nobody was arrested or inquired after for some days, till Fawkes dis-
covered the names of the conspirators. We may inſer, however, from a letter in
Winwood's Memorials, vol. ii. p. 171, that Salisbury's sagacity led the king in his
conjectures, and that the minister, like an artful courtier, gave his master the
praise of the whole discovery.
NOTES. - 57.1
NOTE [GG], p. 279.
We find the king's answer in Winwood's Memorials, vol. iii. p. 193, 2d edition.
“To the third and fourth (namely, that it might be lawful to arrest the king's ser-
vants without leave, and that no man should be enforced to lend money, mor to
give a reason why he would not) his majesty sent us an answer. That because we
brought precedents of antiquity to strengthen those demands, he allowed not of
any precedents drawn from the time of usurping or decaying princes, or people
too bold and wanton ; that he desired not to govern in that commonwealth where
subjects should be assured of all things and hope for nothing. It was one thing
submittere principatum legibus, and another thing submittere principatum subditis.
That he would not leave to posterity such a mark of weakness upon his reign;
and therefore his conclusion was non placet petitio, non placet exemplum. Yet
with this mitigation that in matters of loans he would refuse no reasonable, ex-
cuse, nor should my lord chamberlain deny the arresting of any of his majesty's
servants, if just cause was shown.” The Parliament, however, acknowledged at
this time, with thankfulness to the king, that he allowed disputes and inquiries
about his prerogative much beyond what had been indulged by any of his prede-
cessors.-Parliamentary History, vol. v. p. 230. This very session he expressly
gave thern leave to produce all their grievances without exception.
NOTE [HII], p. 283.
It may not be unworthy of observation that James, in a book called “The True
Laws of Free Monarchies,” which he published a little before his accession to the
crown of England, affirmed “that a good king, although he be above the law,
will subject and frame his actions thereto for example's sake to his subjects, and
of his own free-will, but not as subject or bound thereto.” In another passage,
“According to the fundamental law already alleged, we daily see that in the Par-
liament (which is nothing else but the head court of the king and his vassals) the
laws are but craved by his subjects, and only made by him at their rogation and
with their advice. For albeit the king make daily statutes and ordinances, en-
joining such pains thereto as he thinks meet without any advice of Parliament or
estates, yet it lies in the power of no Parliament to make any kind of law or
statute without his sceptre be to it for giving it the force of a law.”—King James's
Works, p. 202. It is not to be supposed that at such a critical juncture James
had so little sense as directly, in so material a point, to have openly shocked what
were the universal established principles of that age. On the contrary, we are
told by historians that nothing tended more to facilitate his accession than the
good opinion entertained of him by the English on account of his learned and ju-
dicious writings. The question, however, with regard to the royal power was at
this time become a very dangerous point; and without employing ambiguous, in-
significant terms, which determined nothing, it was impossible to please both king
and Parliament. Dr. Cowell, who had magnified the prerogative in words too in-
telligible, fell this session under the indignation of the Commons.—Parliamentary
History, vol. v. p. 221. The king himself, after all his magnificent boasts, was
obliged to make his escape through a distinction which he framed between a king
in abstracto and a king in concreto. An abstract king, he said, had all power;
572 HISTORY OF ENGLAND.
but a concrete king was bound to observe the laws of the country which he gov-
erned.—King James's Works, p. 533. But how bound? By conscience only 2
Or might his subjects resist him and defend their privileges 2 This he thought
not fit to explain. And so difficult is it to explain that point that to this day,
whatever liberties may be used by private inquirers, the laws have very prudent-
ly thought proper to maintain a total silence with regard to it.
. NOTE [II], p. 298.
Parliamentary History, vol. v. p. 290. So little fixed at this time were the rules
of Parliament that the Commons complained to the Beers of a speech made in
the Upper House by the Bishop of Lincoln, which it belonged only to that House
to censure, and which the other could not regularly be supposed to be acquainted
with. . These, at least, are the rules established since the Parliament became a real
seat of power and scene of business. Neither the king must take notice of what
passes in either House, nor either House of what passes in the other, till regular-
ly informed of it. The Commons, in their famous protestation, 1621, fixed this
rule with regard to the king, though at present they would not bind themselves by
it. But as liberty was yet new, those maxims which guard and regulate it were
unknown and unpractised.
NOTE [KK], p. 319.
Some of the facts in this narrative, which seem to condemn Raleigh, are taken
from the king's Declaration, which, being published by authority, when the facts
were recent, being extracted from examinations before the privy council, and sub-
scribed by six privy-councillors, among whom was Abbot, Archbishop of Canter-
bury, a prelate nowise complaisant to the court, must be allowed to have great
weight, or rather to be of undoubted credit. Yet the most material facts are con-
firmed either by the nature and reason of the thing, or by Sir Walter's own apolo-
gy and his letters. The king's Declaration is un the Harleian Miscellany, vol. iii.
No. 2.
1. There seems to be an improbability that the Spaniards, who knew nothing of
Raleigh's pretended mine, should have built a town, in so wide a coast, within
three miles of it. The chances are extremely against such a supposition; and it
is more natural to think that the view of plundering the town led him thither than
that of working a mine. 2. No such mine is there found to this day. 3. Raleigh,
in fact, found no mine; and, in fact, he plundered and burned a Spanish town. Is
it not more probable, therefore, that the latter was his intention ? How can the se-
crets of his breast be rendered so visible as to counterpoise certain facts? 4. He
confesses, in his letter to Lord Carew, that though he knew it, yet he concealed
from the king the settlement of the Spaniards on that coast. T}oes not this fact
alone render him sufficiently criminal? 5. His commission empowers him only
to settle on a coast possessed by savage and barbarous inhabitants. Was it not
the most evident breach of orders to disembark on a coast possessed by Span-
iards? 6. His orders to Keymis, when he sent him up the river, are contained
in his own apology, and from them it appears that he knew (what was unavoida-
ble) that the Spaniards would resist, and would oppose the English landing and
taking possession of the country. His intentions, therefore, were hostile from the
NOTES. 573
beginning. 7. Without provocation, arid even when at a distance, he gave Key-
mis orders to dislodge the Spaniards from their own town. Could any enterprise
be more hostile 2 And, considering the Spaniards as allies to the nation, could
any enterprise be more criminal 2 Was he not the aggressor, even though it
should be true that the Spaniards fired upon his men at landing 2 It is said he
killed three or four hundred of them. Is that so light a matter? 8. In his letter
to the king, and in his apology, he grounds his defence on former hostilities exer-
cised by the Spaniards against other companies of Englishmen. These are ac-
counted for by the ambiguity of the treaty between the nations. And it is plain
that though these might possibly be reasons for the king's declaring war against
that nation, they could never entitle Raleigh to declare war, and without any com-
mission, or contrary to his commission, to invade the Spanish settlements. He
pretends, indeed, that peace was never made with Spain in the Indies: a most ab-
surd notion . The chief hurt which the Spaniards could receive from England
was in the Indies; and they never would have made peace at all if hostilities had
been still to be continued on these settlements. By secret agreement, the Eng-
lish were still allowed to support the Dutch, even after the treaty of peace. If
they had also been allowed to invade the Spanish settlements, the treaty had been
a full peace to England, while the Spaniards were still exposed to the full effects
of war. 9. If the claim to the property of that country, as first discoverers, was
good, in opposition to present settlement, as Raleigh pretends, why was it not laid
before the king, with all its circumstances, and submitted to his judgment 2 10.
Raleigh's force is acknowledged by himself to have been insufficient to support
him in the possession of St. Thomas against the power of which Spain was mas-
ter on that coast; yet it was sufficient, as he owns, to take by surprise and plum-
der twenty towns. It was not, therefore, his design to settle, but to plunder. By
these confessions, which I have here brought together, he plainly betrays himself.
11. Why did he not stay and work his mine, as at first he projected? He appre-
hended that the Spaniards would be upon him with a greater force. Iłut before
he left England, he knew that this must be the case if he invaded any part of the
Spanish colonies. His intention, therefore, never was to settle, but only to plum-
der. 12. He acknowledges that he knew neither the depth nor riches of the mine,
but only that there was some ore there. Would he have ventured all his fortune
and credit on so precarious a foundation ? 13. Would the other adventurers, if
made acquainted with this, have risked everything to attend him 2 Ought a fleet
to have been equipped for an experiment 2 Was there not plainly an imposture
in the management of this affair? 14. He says to Keymis, in his orders, “Bring
but a basketful of ore, and it will satisfy the king that my project was not imag-
inary.” This was easily done from the Spanish mines; and he seems to have been
chiefly displeased at IWeymis for not attempting it. Such a view was a premedi-
tated apology to cover his cheat. 15. The king, in his IDeclaration, imputes it to
Raleigh that as soon as he was at sea he immediately fell into such uncertain and
doubtful talk of his mine, and said that it would be sufficient if he brought home
a basketful of ore. From the circumstance last mentioned, it appears that this
imputation was not without reason. 16. There are many other circumstances of
great weight in the king's Declaration: that Raleigh, when he fell down to Plym-
outh, took no pioneers with him, which he always declared to be his intention ;
574 HISTORY OF ENGLAND.
that he was mowise provided with instruments for working a mine, but had a suf-
ficient stock of warlike stores; that young Raleigh, in attacking the Spaniards, em-
ployed the words which, in the narration, I have put in his mouth; that the mine
was movable, and shifted as he saw convenient; not to mention many other public
facts, which prove him to have been highly criminal against his companions as well
as his country. Howel, in his Letters, says that there lived in London, in 1645,
an officer, a man of honor, who asserted that he heard young Raleigh speak these
words (vol. ii. letter 63). That was a time when there was no interest in maintain-
ing such a fact. 17. Raleigh's account of his first voyage to Guiana proves him
to have been a man capable of the most extravagant credulity or most impudent
imposture; so ridiculous are the stories which he tells of the inca's chimerical
empire in the midst of Guiana; the rich city of El Dorado, or Manao, two days'
journey in length, and shining with gold and silver; the old Peruvian prophecies
in favor of the English, who, he says, were expressly named as the deliverers of
that country long before any European had ever touched there; the Amazons, or
republic of women; and, in general, the vast and incredible riches which he saw
on that continent, where nobody has yet found any treasures . This whole narra-
tive is a proof that he was extremely defective either in solid understanding or
morals, or both. No man's character, indeed, seems ever to have been carried to
such extremes as Raleigh's by the opposite passions of envy and pity. In the for-
mer part of his life, when he was active and lived in the world, and was probably
best known, he was the object of universal hatred and detestation throughout Eng-
land; in the latter part, when shut up in prison, he became, much more unreason-
ably, the object of great love and admiration.
As to the circumstances of the narrative, that Raleigh's pardon was refused him,
that his former sentence was purposely kept in force against him, and that he went
out under these express conditions, they may be supported by the following au-
thorities: 1. The king's word and that of six privy-councillors, who affirm it for
fact. 2. The nature of the thing. If no suspicion had been entertained of his
intentions, a pardon would never have been refused to a man to whom authority
was intrusted. 3. The words of the commission itself, where he is simply styled
Sir Walter Raleigh, and not faithful and well-beloved, according to the usual
and never-failing style on such occasions. 4. In all the letters which he wrote
home to Sir Ralph Winwood, and to his own wife, he always considers himself as
a person unpardoned and liable to the law. He seems, indeed, immediately upon
the failure of his enterprise, to have become desperate, and to have expected the
fate which he met with.
It is pretended that the king gave intelligence to the Spaniards of Raleigh's
project, as if he had needed to lay a plot for destroying a man whose life had
been fourteen years, and still was, in his power. The Spaniards wanted no other
intelligence to be on their guard than the known and public fact of Iłaleigh's ar-
mament; and there was no reason why the king should conceal from them the
project of a settlement which Raleigh pretended, and the king believed, to be en-
tirely innocent.
The king's chief blame seems to have lain in his negligence in allowing Ra-
leigh to depart without a more exact scrutiny; but for this he apologizes by say-
ing that sureties were required for the good behavior of Raleigh and all his as-
NOTES. - 575
sociates in the enterprise, but that they gave in bonds for each other—a cheat
which was not perceived till they had sailed, and which increased the suspicion
of bad intentions. *~. .
Perhaps the king ought also to have granted Raleigh a pardon for his old trea-
son, and to have tried him anew for his new offences. His punishment in that
case would not only have been just, but conducted in a just and unexceptionable
manner. But we are told that a ridiculous opinion at that time prevailed in the
mation (and it is plainly supposed by Sir Walter in his apology) that, by treaty,
war was allowed with the Spaniards in the Indies, though peace was made in Eu-
rope; and, while that motion took place, no jury would have found Raleigh guilty.
So that had not the king punished him upon the old sentence, the Spaniards
would have had a just cause of complaint against the king, sufficient to have pro-
duced a war, at least to have destroyed all cordiality between the nations.
This explication I thought necessary, in order to clear up the story of Raleigh,
which, though very obvious, is generally mistaken in so gross a manner that I
scarcely know its parallel in the English history. -
. . NOTE [LL], p. 327.
This Parliament is remarkable for being the epoch in which were first regularly
formed, though without acquiring these denominations, the parties of court and
country—parties which have ever since continued, and which, while they oft
threaten the total dissolution of the government, are the real cause of its perma-
ment life and vigor. In the ancient feudal constitution, of which the English par-
took with other European nations, there was a mixture not of authority and liberty,
which we have since enjoyed in this island, and which now subsist uniformly to-
gether, but of authority and anarchy, which perpetually shocked with each other,
and which took place alternately, according as circumstances were more or less
favorable to either of them. A Parliament composed of barbarians, summoned
from their fields and forests, uninstructed by study, conversation, or travel; igno-
rant of their own laws and history, and unacquainted with the situation of all for-
eign nations; a Parliament called precariously by the king, and dissolved at his
pleasure; sitting a few days, debating a few points prepared for them, and whose
members were impatient to return to their own castles, where alone they were
great, and to the chase, which was their favorite amusement—such a Parliament
was very little fitted to enter into a discussion of all the questions of government,
and to share, in a regular manner, the legal administration. The name, the au-
thority of the king alone appeared in the common course of government; in ex-
traordinary emergencies he assumed, with still better reason, the sole direction.
The in perfect and unformed laws left, in everything, a latitude of interpretation;
and when the ends pursued by the monarch were, in general, agreeable to his sub-
jects, little scruple or jealousy was entertained with regard to the regularity of the
means. During the reign of an able, fortunate, or popular prince, no member of
either House, much less of ſhe Lower, durst think of entering into a formed party
in opposition to the court; since the dissolution of the Parliament must, in a few
days, leave him unprotected to the vengeance of his sovereign, and to those stretches
of prerogative which were then so easily made in order to punish an obnoxious
subject. IXuring an unpopular and weak reign, the current commonly ran so
576 IHISTORY OF ENGLAND.
strong against the monarch that none durst enlist themselves in the court party;
or, if the prince was able to engage any considerable barons on his side, the ques-
tion was decided with arms in the field, not by debates or arguments in a senate or
assembly. And, upon the whole, the chief circumstance which, during ancient
times, retained the prince in any legal form of administration, was that the Sword,
by the mature of the feudal tenures, remained still in the hands of his subjects; and
this irregular and dangerous check had much more influence than the regular and
methodical limits of the laws and constitution. As the nation could not be com-
pelled, it was necessary that every public measure of consequence, particularly that
of levying new taxes, should seem to be adopted by common cónsent and appro-
bation. -
The princes of the house of Tudor, partly by the vigor of their administration,
partly by the concurrence of favorable circumstances, had been able to establish a
more regular system of government; but they drew the constitution so near to
despotism as diminished extremely the authority of the Parliament. The Senate
became, in a great degree, the organ of royal will and pleasure; opposition would
have been regarded as a species of rebellion; and even religion, the most danger-
ous article in which innovations could be introduced, had admitted, in the course
of a few years, four several alterations, from the authority alone of the sovereign.
The Parliament was not then the road to honor and preferment; the talents of
popular intrigue and eloquence were uncultivated and unknown; and though that
assembly still preserved authority, and retained the privilege of making laws and
bestowing public money, the members acquired not, upon that account, either
with prince or people, much more weight and consideration. What powers were
necessary for conducting the machine of government, the king was accustomed, of
himself, to assume. His own revenues supplied him with money sufficient for his
ordinary expenses; and when extraordinary emergencies occurred, the prince
needed not to solicit votes in Parliament, either for making laws or imposing
taxes, both of which were now become requisite for public interest and preserva-
tion.
The security of individuals, so necessary to the liberty of popular councils, was
totally unknown in that age. And as no despotic princes, scarcely even the East-
crn tyrants, rule entirely without the concurrence of some assemblies, which supply
both advice and authority, little but a mercenary force seems then to have been
wanting towards the establishment of a simple monarchy in England. The militia,
though more favorable to regal authority than the feudal institutions, was much
inferior, in this respect, to disciplined armies; and if it did not preserve liberty to
the people, it preserved at least the power, if ever the inclination should arise, of
recovering it.
But so low, at that time, ran the inclination towards liberty that Elizabeth, the
last of that arbitrary line, herself no less arbitrary, was yet the most renowned and
most popular of all the sovereigns that had filled the throne of England. It was
natural for James to take the government as he found it, and to pursue her meas-
ures, which he heard so much applauded; nor did his penetration extend so far as
to discover that neither his circumstances nor his character could support so ex-
tensive an authority. His narrow revenues and little frugality began now to ren-
der him dependent on his people, even in the ordinary course of administration ;
© ** NOTES. -- 577
their increasing knowledge discovered to them that advantage which they had ob-
tained, and made them sensible of the inestimable value of civil liberty ; and as
he possessed too little dignity to command respect, and too much good nature to
impress fear, a new spirit discovered itself every day in the Parliament; and a
party, watchful of a free constitution, was regularly formed in the House of
Commons.
But, notwithstanding these advantages acquired to liberty, so extensive was
royal authority, and so firmly established in all its parts, that it is probable the
patriots of that age would have despaired of ever resisting it had they not been
stimulated by religious motives, which inspire a courage unsurmountable by any
human obstacle. -
The same alliance which has ever prevailed between kingly power and ecclesias-
tical authority was now fully established in England; and while the prince assist-
ed the clergy in suppressing schismatics and innovators, the clergy, in return, in-
culcated the doctrine of an unreserved submission and obedience to the civil mag-
istrate. The genius of the Church of England, so kindly to monarchy, forwarded
the confederacy; its submission to episcopal jurisdiction ; its attachment to cerc-
monies, to order, and to a decent pomp and splendor of worship ; and, in a word,
its affinity to the tame superstition of the Catholics rather than to the wild fanat-
icism of the l’uritans.
On the other hand, opposition to the Church, and the persecutions under which
they labored, were sufficient to throw the Puritans into the country party, and to
beget political principles little favorable to the high pretensions of the sovereign.
The spirit, too, of enthusiasm, bold, daring, and uncontrolled, strongly disposed their
minds to adopt republican tenets, and inclined them to arrogate, in their actions.
and conduct, the same liberty which they assumed in their rapturous flights and
ecstasies. Ever since the first origin of that sect, through the whole reign of Eliza-
beth as well as of James, Puritanical principles had been understood in a double
sense, and expressed the opinions favorable both to political and to ecclesiastical
liberty; and as the court, in order to discredit all parliamentary opposition, affix-
ed the denomination of Puritans to its antagonists, the religious Puritans willingly
adopted this idea, which was so advantageous to them, and which confounded their
cause with that of the patriots, or country party. Thus were the civil and ecclesi-
astical factions regularly formed ; and the humor of the nation during that age
running strongly towards fanatical extravagances, the spirit of civil liberty gradu-
ally revived from its lethargy, and by means of its religious associate, from which
it reaped more advantage than honor, it secretly enlarged its dominion over the
greater part of the kingdom. - -
[This note was in the first editions a part of the text; but the author omitted
it, in order to avoid, as much as possible, the style of dissertation in the body of
his History. The passage, however, contains views so important that he thought
it might be admitted as a note.]. -
|NOTE [MMI, p. 335. - -
This protestation is so remarkable that it may not be improper to give it in its
own words: “The Commons now assembled in Parliament, being justly occasion-
ed thereunto, concerning sundry liberties, franchises, and privileges of Parliament,
IV.—37
578 HISTORY OF ENGLAND.
among others here mentioned, do make this protestation following: That the
liberties, franchises, and jurisdictions of Parliament are the ancient and undoubted
birthright and inheritance of the subjects of England; and that the urgent and
arduous affairs concerning the king, state, and defence of the realm, and of the
Church of England, and the maintenance and making of laws, and redress of mis-
chiefs and grievances which daily happen within this realm, are proper subjects
and matter of council and debate in Parliament; and that in the handling and
proceeding of those businesses, every member of the House of Parliament hath,
and of right ought to have, freedom of speech to propound, treat, reason, and bring
to conclusion the same; and that the Commons in Parliament have like liberty
and freedom to treat of these matters, in such order as in their judgment shall seem
fittest; and that every member of the said House hath like freedom from all im-
peachment, imprisonment, and molestation (other than by censure of the House it-
self), for or concerning any speaking, reasoning, or declaring of any matter or mat-
ters touching the Parliament or Parliament business; and that if any of the said
members be complained of, or questioned for anything done or said in Parliament,
the same is to be shown to the king by the advice and assent of all the Commons
assembled in Parliament, before the king give credence to any private informa-
tion.”—Eranklyn, p. 65. Rushworth, vol. i. p. 53. Rennet, p. 747. Coke, p. 77.
NOTE [NN], p. 356.
: The moment the prince embarked at St. Andero's, he said to those about him
that it was folly in the Spaniards to use him so ill and allow him to depart—a
proof that the duke had made him believe they were insincere in the affair of the
marriage and the Palatinate; for as to his reception in other respects, it had been
altogether unexceptionable. Besides, had not the prince believed the Spaniards
to be insincere, he had no reason to quarrel with them, though Buckingham had.
It appears, therefore, that Charles himself must have been deceived. The multi-
plied delays of the dispensation, though they arose from accident, afforded Buck-
ingham a plausible pretext for charging the Spaniards with insincerity.
NOTE [OO], p. 358. -
Among other particulars, he mentions a sum of eighty thousand pounds borrowed
from the King of Denmark. In a former speech to the Parliament, he told them
that he had expended five hundred thousand pounds in the cause of the Palatine,
besides the voluntary contribution given him by the people. See Franklyn, p. 50.
But, what is more extraordinary, the treasurer, in order to show his own good ser–
vices, boasts to the Parliament that, by his contrivance, sixty thousand pounds had
been saved in the article of exchange in the sums remitted to the Palatine. This
seems a great sum, nor is it easy to conceive whence the king could procure such
vast sums as would require a sum so considerable to be paid in exchange. From
the whole, however, it appears that the king had been far from neglecting the in-
terests of his daughter and son-in-law, and had even gone far beyond what his
narrow revenue could afford. .
NOTE [PP], p. 359.
How little this principle had prevailed during any former period of the English
NOTES. - 579
government, particularly during the last reign, which was certainly not so perfect
a model of liberty as most writers would represent it, will easily appear from many
passages in the history of that reign. But the ideas of men were much changed
during about twenty years of a gentle and peaceful administration. The Commons,
though James, of himself, had recalled all patents of monopolies, were not content-
ed without a law against them, and a declaratory law too—which was gaining a
great point, and establishing principles very favorable to liberty—but they were.
extremely grateful when Elizabeth, upon petition (after having once refused their
requests), recalled a few of the most oppressive patents, and employed some sooth-
ing expressions towards them. - .
The Parliament had surely reason, when they confessed, in the seventh of James,
that he allowed them more freedom of debate than ever was indulged by any of
his predecessors. His indulgence in this particular, joined to his easy temper, was
probably one cause of the great power assumed by the Commons. Monsieur de la
Boderie, in his Despatches, vol. i. p. 449, mentions the liberty of speech in the
House of Commons as a new practice.
NOTE [QQ], p. 364.
Rymer, vol. xviii. p. 224. It is certain that the young Prince of Wales, after-
wards Charles II., had Protestant governors from his early infancy: first the Earl
of Newcastle, then the Marquis of Hertford. The king, in his memorial to foreign
churches, after the commencement of the civil wars, insists on his care in educat-
ing his children in the Protestant religion, as a proof that he was nowise inclined
to the Catholic.—Rushworth, vol. v. p. 752. It can scarcely, therefore, be ques-
tioned but this article, which had so odd an appearance, was inserted only to
amuse the pope, and was never intended by either party to be executed.
NOTE [RR], p. 372.
“Momarchies,” according to Sir Walter Raleigh, “are of two sorts, touching
their power or authority : viz., I. Entire, where the whole power of ordering all
state matters, both in peace and war, doth by law and custom appertain to the
prince, as in the English kingdom ; where the prince hath the power to make laws,
league, and war; to create magistrates; to pardon life; of appeal, etc. Though,
to give a contentment to the other degrees, they have a suffrage in making laws,
yet ever subject to the prince's pleasure and negative will. 2. Limited or restrain-
ed, that hath no full power in all the points and matters of state, as the military
king, that hath not the sovereignty in time of peace, as the making of laws, etc.,
but in war only, as the Polonian king.”—Maxims of State. . . . .
And a little after : “In every just state, some part of the government is, or
ought to be, imparted to the people; as, in a kingdom, a voice and suffrage in
making laws; and sometimes also of levying of arms (if the charge be great,
and the prince forced to borrow help of his subjects), the matter rightly may be
propounded to a Parliament, that the tax may seem to have proceeded from them-
selves. So consultations and some proceedings in judicial matters may, in part,
be referred to them. The reason, lest, seeing themselves to be in no number, nor
of reckoning, they mislike the state or government.” This way of reasoning differs
little from that of King James, who considered the privileges of the Parliament as
5S0 HISTORY OF ENGLAND.
matters of grace and indulgence more than of inheritance. It is remarkable that
IRaleigh was thought to lean towards the Puritanical party, notwithstanding these
positions. But ideas of government change much in different times.
Raleigh's sentiments on this head are still more openly expressed in his Prerog-
atives of Parliaments, a work not published till after his death. It is a dialogue
between a courtier or councillor and a country justice of peace, who represents the
party, and defends the highest motions of liberty which the principles of that age
would bear. Here is a passage of it: “Councillor. That which is done by the
king with the advice of his private or privy council is done by the king's absolute
power. Justice. And by whose power is it done in Parliament but by the king's
absolute power P Mistake it not, my lord : the three estates do but advise, as the
privy council doth ; which advice, if the king embrace, it becomes the king's own
act in the one, and the king's law in the other,” etc. -
The Earl of Clare, in a private letter to his son-in-law, Sir Thomas Wentworth,
afterwards Earl of Strafford, thus expresses himself: “We live under a preroga-
tive government, where book law submits to lea, loquens.” He spoke from his own
and all his ancestors’ experience. There was no single instance of power which
a King of England might not, at that time, exert on pretence of necessity or ex-
pediency; the continuance alone or frequent repetition of arbitrary administration
might prove dangerous for want of force to support it. It is remarkable that this
letter of the Earl of Clare was written in the first year of Charles's reign, and con-
sequently must be meant of the general genius of the government, not the spirit
or temper of the monarch. See Strafford's Letters, vol. i. p. 32. From another
letter in the same collection (vol. i. p. 10) it appears that the council sometimes
assumed the power of forbidding persons disagreeable to the court to stand in the
elections. This authority they could exert in some instances; but we are not
thence to infer that they could shut the door of that House to every one who was
not acceptable to them. The genius of the ancient government reposed more
trust in the king than to entertain any such suspicion; and it allowed scattered
instances of such a kind as would have been totally destructive of the constitution
had they been continued without interruption. -
I have not met with any English writer in that age who speaks of England as a
limited monarchy, but as an absolute one, where the people have many privileges.
That is no contradiction. In all European monarchies the people have privileges;
but whether dependent or independent on the will of the monarch, is a question
that, in most governments, it is better to forbear. Surely that question was not
determined before the age of James. The rising spirit of the Parliament, together
with the king's love of general speculative principles, brought it from its obscurity,
and made it be commonly canvassed. The strongest testimony that I remember
from a writer of James's age in favor of English liberty is in Cardinal Bentivo-
glio, a foreigner, who mentions the English government as similar to that of the
Low Country Provinces under their princes, rather than to that of France or
Spain. Englishmen were not so sensible that their prince was limited, because
they were sensible that no individual had any security against a stretch of preroga-
tive; but foreigners, by comparison, could perceive that these stretches were at
that time, from custom or other causes, less frequent in England than in other
monarchies. Philip de Comines, too, remarked the English constitution to be
NOTES. . 5S].
more popular in his time than that of France. But in a paper written by a pa-
triot in 1627, it is remarked that the freedom of speech in Parliament had been
lost in England since the days of Comines. See Franklyn, p. 238. Here is a
stanza of Malherbe's Ode to Mary de Medicis, the Queen-Regent, written in 1614:
“Entre les rois a qui cet äge
l)oit son principal ornement,
Ceux de la Tamise et du Tage
Font louer leur gouvernement:
Mais en de si calmes provinces,
Oil le peuple adore les princes,
Et met au gre le plus haut
L'honneur du sceptre legitime,
Sçauroit-on excuser le crime
De ne regner pas comme il faut P”
The English as well as the Spaniards are here pointed out as much more obedient
subjects than the French, and much more tractable and submissive to their princes.
Though this passage be taken from a poet, every man of judgment will allow its
authority to be decisive. The character of a national government cannot be un-
known in Europe, though it changes sometimes very suddenly. Machiavel, in his
Dissertations on Livy, says repeatedly that France was the most legal and most
popular monarchy then in Europe.
NOTE [SS], p. 373.
Passive obedience is expressly and zealously inculcated in the Homilies, COIO-
posed and published by authority, in the reign of Queen Elizabeth. The convo-
cation which met in the very first year of the king's reign voted as high monarch-
ical principles as are contained in the decrees of the University of Oxford during
the rule of the Tories. These principles, so far from being deemed a novelty in-
troduced by James's influence, passed so smoothly that no historian has taken no-
tice of them; they were never the subject of controversy or dispute or discourse;
and it is only by means of Bishop Overall's Convocation-book, printed near sev-
enty years after, that we are acquainted with them. Would James, who was so
cautious, and even timid, have ventured to begin his reign with a bold stroke,
which would have given just ground of jealousy to his subjects? It appears from
that monarch's Basilicon Doron, written while he was in Scotland, that the repub-
lican ideas of the origin of power from the people were at that time esteemed
Puritamical novelties. The patriarchal scheme, it is remarkable, is inculcated in
those votes of the convocation preserved by Overall; nor was Filmer the first in-
ventor of those absurd notions.
NOTE [TT], p. 390.
That of the homest historian Stowe seems not to have been of this number.
“The great blessings of God,” says he, “through increase of wealth in the com-
mon subjects of this land, especially upon the citizens of London; such within
men's memory, and chiefly within these few years of peace, that, except there
were now due mention of some sort made thereof, it would in time to come be
held incredible,” etc. In another place, “Among the manifold tokens and signs
of the infinite blessings of Almighty God bestowed upon this kingdom, by the
582 HISTORY OF ENGLAND.
wondrous and merciful establishment of peace within ourselves, and the full bene-
fit of concord with all Christian nations and others; of all which graces let no
man dare to presume he can speak too much ; whereof in truth there can never
be enough said, neither was there ever any people less considerate and less thank-
ful than at this time, being not willing to endure the memory of their present hap-
piness; as well as in the universal increase of commerce and traffic throughout the
kingdom, great building of royal ships and by private merchants, the repeopling
of cities, towns, and villages, besides the discernible and sudden increase of fair
and costly buildings, as well within the city of London as the suburbs thereof,
especially within these twelve years,” etc.
NOTE [UU], p. 421.
By a speech of Sir Simon D'Ewes, in the first year of the Long Parliament, it
clearly appears that the nation never had, even to that time, been rightly inform-
ed concerning the transactions of the Spanish negotiation, and still believed the
court of Madrid to have been altogether insincere in their professions. What
reason, upon that supposition, had they to blame either the prince or Buckingham
for their conduct, or for the narrative delivered to the Parliament. This is a cap-
ital fact, and ought to be well attended to. D'Ewes's speech is in Nalson, vol. ii.
p. 368. No author or historiam of that age mentions the discovery of Bucking-
ham's impostures as a cause of disgust in the Parliament. Whitlocke, p. 1, only
says that the Commons began to suspect that it had been spleen in Buckingham,
not zeal for public good, which had induced him to break the Spanish match—a
clear proof that his falsehood was not suspected. Wilson, p. 780, says that J3uck-
‘ingham lost his popularity after Bristol arrived, not because that nobleman dis-
covered to the world the falsehood of his narrative, but because he proved that
Buckingham, while in Spain, had professed himself a papist; which is false, and
which was never said by Bristol. In all the debates which remain, not the least
hint is ever given that any falsehood was suspected in the narrative. I shall
further add that even if the Parliament had discovered the deceit in Bucking-
ham's narrative, this ought not to have altered their political measures, or made
them refuse supply to the king. They had supposed it practicable to wrest the
Palatinate by arms from the house of Austria; they had represented it as prudent
to expend the blood and treasure of the nation in such an enterprise; they had
believed that the King of Spain never had any sincere intention of restoring that
principality. It is certain that he had not now any such intention; and though
there was reason to suspect that this alteration in his views had proceeded from
the ill conduct of Buckingham, yet past errors could not be retrieved ; and the
nation was undoubtedly in the same situation which the Parliament had ever Sup-
posed, when they so much harasséd their sovereign by their impatient, importunate,
and even undutiful solicitations. To which we may add that Charles himself
was certainly deceived by Buckingham when he corroborated his favorite's narra-
tive by his testimony. Party historians are somewhat inconsistent in their repre-
sentations of these transactions: they represent the Spaniards as totally insincere,
that they may reproach James with credulity in being so long deceived by them :
they represent them as sincere, that they may reproach the king, the prince, and
the duke with falsehood in their narrative to the Parliament. The truth is, they
NOTES. 583
were insincere at first; but the reasons, proceeding from bigotry, were not sus-
pected by James, and were at last overcome. They became sincere; but the
prince, deceived by the many unavoidable causes of delay, believed that they were
still deceiving him. - -
-
NOTE [XX], p. 452. -
This petition. is of so great importance that we shall here give it at length :
“Humbly show unto our sovereign Lord the King, the Lords spiritual and tempo-
ral, and Commons, in Parliament assembled, that whereas it is declared aid en-
acted by a statute made in the time of the reign of King Edward I., commonly
called Statutum de tallagio non concedendo, that no tallage or aid shall be levied by
the king or his heirs in this realm without the good-will and assent of the arch-
bishops, bishops, earls, barons, knights, burgesses, and other the freemen of the
commonalty of this realm; and, by authority of Parliament holden in the five-and-
twentieth year of the reign of lºing lºdward III., it is declared and enacted that,
from thenceforth, no person shall be compelled to make any loans to the king
against his will, because such loans were against reason and the franchise of the
land; and, by other laws of this realm it is provided that mone should be charged
by any charge or imposition called a benevolence, or by such-like charge; by
which the statutes before mentioned, and other the good laws and statutes of this
realm, your subjects have inherited this freedom, that they should not be compel-
led to contribute to any tax, tallage, aid, or other like charge not set by common
consent in Parliament.
‘‘II. Yet, nevertheless, of late divers commissions directed to sundry commis-
sioners in several counties, with instructions, have issued; by means whereof
your people have been in divers places assembled, and required to lend certain
sums of money unto your majesty; and many of them, upon their refusal so to do,
have had an oath administered unto them not warrantable by the laws or statutes
of this realm, and have been constrained to become bound to make appearance
and give attendance before your privy council, and in other places, and others of
them have been therefore imprisoned, confined, and sundry other ways molested
and disquieted; and divers other charges have been laid and levied upon your
people in several counties, by lord-lieutenants, deputy-lieutenants, commissioners
for musters, justices of peace, and others, by command or direction from your
majesty, or your privy council, against the laws and free customs of this realm.
“III. And whereas, also, by the statute called The Great Charter of the Liber-
ties of England, it is declared and enacted that no freeman may be taken or im-
prisoned, or be disseized of his freehold or liberties, or his free customs, or be out-
lawed or exiled, or in any manner destroyed, but by the lawful judgment of his
peers, or by the law of the land.
“IV. And in the eight-and-twentieth year of the reign of King Edward III, it
was declared and enacted, by authority of Parliament, that no man, of what es-
tate or condition that he be, should be put out of his land or tenements, nor taken,
mor imprisoned, nor disinherited, nor put to death, without being brought to an–
swer by due process of law.
“V. Nevertheless, against the tenor of the said statutes and other the good laws
and statutes of your realm to that end provided, divers of your subjects have of
584 HISTORY OF ENGLAND.
late been imprisoned without any cause shown ; and when, for their deliverance,
they were brought before justice by your majesty's writs of habeas corpus, there
to undergo and receive as the court should order, and their keepers commanded
to certify the causes of their detainer, no cause was certified, but that they were
detained by your majesty's special command, signified by the lords of your privy
council, and yet were returned back to several prisons, without being charged with
anything to which they might make answer according to the law.
‘‘VI. And whereas of late great companies of soldiers and mariners have been
dispersed into divers counties of the realm, and the inhabitants, against their wills,
have been compelled to receive them into their houses, and there to suffer them
to sojourn, against the laws and customs of this realm, and to the great grievance
and vexation of the people.
“VII. And whereas, also, by authority of Parliament, in the five-and-twentieth
year of the reign of King Edward III., it is declared and enacted that no man
shall be forejudged of life or limb against the form of the Great Charter and law
of the land; and, by the said Great Charter, and other the laws and statutes of
this your realm, no man ought to be judged to death but by the laws established
in this your realm, either by the customs of the same realm or by acts of Parlia-
ment; and whereas no offender, of what kind soever, is exempted from the pro-
ceedings to be used and punishments to be inflicted by the laws and statutes of
this your realm ; nevertheless, of late, divers commissions, under your majesty's
great seal, have issued forth, by which certain persons have been assigned and ap-
pointed commissioners, with power and authority to proceed within the land, ac-
cording to the justice of martial law, against such soldiers and mariners, or other
dissolute persons joining with them, as should commit any murder, robbery, fel-
omy, mutiny, or other outrage or misdemeanor whatsoever, and by such summary
course and order as is agreeable to martial law, and as is used in armies in time
of war, to proceed to the trial and condemnation of such offenders, and them to
cause to be executed and put to death according to the law martial.
“VIII. By pretext whereof some of your majesty's subjects have been, by
some of the said commissioners, put to death, when and where, iſ by the laws and
statutes of the land they had deserved death, by the same laws and statutes also
they might, and by no other ought to, have been judged and executed.
“IX. And also sundry grievous offenders, by color thereof claiming an exemp-
tion, have escaped the punishments due to them by the laws and statutes of this
your realm, by reason that divers of your officers and ministers of justice have un-
justly refused or forborne to proceed against such offenders according to the same
laws and statutes, upon pretence that the said offenders were punishable only by
martial law and by authority of such commissions as aforesaid, which commis-
sions, and all other of like mature, are wholly and directly contrary to the said laws
and statutes of this your realm.
“X. They do therefore humbly pray your most excellent majesty that no man
hereafter be compelled to make or yield any gift, loan, benevolence, tax, or such-
like charge, without common consent, by act of Parliament; and that none be
called to make answer, or take such oath, or to give attendance, or be confined, or
otherwise molested or disquieted, concerning the same, or for refusal thereof; and
that mo freeman, in any such manner as is before mentioned, be imprisoned or de-
NOTES. - 585
tained ; and that your majesty would be pleased to remove the said soldiers and
mariners, and that people may not be so burdened in time to come; and that the
aforesaid commissions for proceeding by martial law may be revoked and an-
nulled; and that hereafter no commissions of like nature may issue forth, to any
person or persons whatsoever, to be executed as aforesaid, lest by color of them
any of your majesty's subjects be destroyed or put to death contrary to the laws
and franchise of the land. -
“XI. All which they most humbly pray of your most excellent majesty, as their
rights and liberties according to the laws and statutes of this realm ; and that your
majesty would also vouchsafe to declare that the awards, doings, and proceedings
to the prejudice of your people, in any of the premises, shall not be drawn here-
after into consequence or example. And that your majesty would be also gra-
ciously pleased, for the further comfort and safety of your people, to declare your
royal will and pleasure that in the things aforesaid all your officers and ministers
shall serve you according to the laws and statutes of this realm, as they tender
the honor of your majesty and the prosperity of this kingdom.”—Stat. 17 Car.
cap. 14.
NOTE [YY], p. 464.
The reason assigned by Sir Philip Warwick, p. 2, for this unusual measure of
the Commons is, that they intended to deprive the crown of the prerogative, which
it had assumed, of varying the rates of the impositions, and at the same time were
resolved to cut off the new rates fixed by James. These were considerable dimi-
nutions both of revenue and prerogative; and whether they would have there
stopped, considering their present disposition, may be much doubted. The king,
it seems, and the Lords, were resolved not to trust them ; nor to render a revenue
once precarious which perhaps they might never afterwards be able to get re-
established on the old footing. -
NOTE [ZZ], p. 495.
Here is a passage of Sir John Davis's Question concerning Impositions, p. 131 :
“This power of laying on arbitrarily new impositions being a prerogative in point
of government as well as in point of profit, it cannot be restrained or bound by act
of Parliament; it cannot be limited by any certain or fixed rule of law, no more
than the course of a pilot upon the sea, who must turn the helm, or bear higher
or lower sail, according to the wind or weather; and therefore it may be properly
said that the king's prerogative, in this point, is as strong as Samson; it cannot
be bound: for though an act of Parliament be made to restrain it, and the king
doth give his consent unto it, as Samson was bound with his own consent, yet if
the Philistines come, that is, if any just or important occasion do arise, it cannot
hold or restrain the prerogative; it will be as thread, and broken as easy as the
bonds of Samson. The king's prerogatives are the sunbeams of the crown, and
as inseparable from it as the sunbeams from the sun. The king's crown must be
taken from him, Samson's hair must be cut off, before his courage can be any jot
abated. Hence it is that neither the king's act, nor any act of Parliament, can
give away his prerogative.” - •
5S6. HISTORY OF ENGLAND.
- NOTE [AAA], p. 542. - -
We shall here make use of the liberty, allowed in a note, to expatiate a little
on the present subject. It must be confessed that the king, in this declaration,
touched upon that circumstance in the English constitution which it is most diffi-
cult, or rather altogether impossible, to regulate by laws, and which must be gov-
erned by certain delicate ideas of propriety and decency rather than by any exact
rule or prescription. To deny the Parliament all right of remonstrating against
what they esteem grievances were to reduce that assembly to a total insignifican-
cy, and to deprive the people of every advantage which they could reap from pop-
ular councils. To complain of the Parliament's employing the power of taxation
as the means of extorting concessions from their sovereign were to expect that
they would entirely disarm themselves, and renounce the sole expedient provided
by the constitution for insuring to the kingdom a just and legal administration.
In different periods of English story there occur instances of their remonstrating
with their princes in the freest manner, and sometimes of their refusing supply,
when disgusted with any circumstance of public conduct. It is, however, certain
that this power, though essential to parliaments, may easily be abused, as well by
the frequency and minuteness of their remonstrances, as by their intrusion into
every part of the king's counsels and determinations. Under color of advice, they
may give disguised orders; and in complaining of grievances they may draw to
themselves every power of government. Whatever measure is embraced without
consulting them may be pronounced an oppression of the people; and till cor-
rected, they may refuse the most necessary supplies to their indigent sovereign.
From the very mature of this parliamentary liberty, it is evident that it must be
left unbounded by law ; for who can foretell how frequently grievances may occur,
or what part of administration may be affected by them 2 From the nature, too,
of the human frame, it may be expected that this liberty would be exerted in its
full extent, and no branch of authority be allowed to remain unmolested in the
hands of the prince. For, will the weak limitations of respect and decorum be
sufficient to restrain human ambition, which so f equently breaks through all the
prescriptions of law and justice? - -
But here it is observable that the wisdom of the English constitution, or rather
the concurrence of accidents, has provided, in different periods, certain irregular
checks to this privilege of Parliament, and thereby maintained in some tolerable
measure the dignity and authority of the crown. -
In the ancient constitution, before the beginning of the seventeenth century,
the meetings of Parliament were precarious, and were not frequent. The sessions
were short; and the members had no leisure, either to get acquainted with each
other or with public business. The ignorance of the age made men more sub-
missive to that authority which governed them. And, above all, the large de-
mesnes of the crown, with the small expense of government during that period,
rendered the prince almost independent, and taught the Parliament to preserve
great submission and duty towards him. - - - & -
In our present constitution, many accidents, which have rendered governments
everywhere, as well as in Great Britain, much more burdensome than formerly,
have thrown into the hands of the crown the disposal of a large revenue, and have
NOTES. 587
enabled the king, by the private interest and ambition of the members, to restrain
the public interest and ambition of the body. While the opposition (for we must
still have an opposition, open or disguised) endeavors to draw every branch of ad-
ministration under the cognizance of Parliament, the courtiers reserve a part to
the disposal of the crown; and the royal prerogative, though deprived of its an-
cient power, still maintains a due weight in the balance of the constitution.
It was the fate of the house of Stuart to govern England at a period when the
former source of authority was already much diminished, and before the latter be-
gan to flow in any tolerable abundance. Without a regular and fixed foundation,
the throne perpetually tottered; and the prince sat upon it anxiously and preca-
riously. Every expedient used by James and Charles, in order to support their
dignity, we have seen attended with sensible inconveniences. The majesty of the
crown, derived from ancient powers and prerogatives, procured respect, and
checked the approaches of insolent intruders; but it begat in the king so high an
idea of his own rank and station as made him incapable of stooping to popular
courses, or submitting in any degree to the control of Parliament. The alliance
with the hierarchy strengthened law by the sanction of religion; but it enraged
the Puritanical party and exposed the prince to the attacks of enemies, numer-
ous, violent, and implacable. The memory, too, of these two kings, from like
causes, has been attended, in some degree, with the same infelicity which pursued
them during the whole course of their lives. Though it must be confessed that
their skill in government was not proportioned to the extreme delicacy of their
situation, a sufficient indulgence has not been given them, and all the blame, by
several historians, has been unjustly thrown on their side. Their violations of
law, particularly those of Charles, are, in some few instances, transgressions of a
plain limit which was marked out to royal authority. But the encroachments of
the Commons, though in the beginning less positive and determinate, are no less
discernible by good judges, and were equally capable of destroying the just balance
of the constitution. While they exercised the powers transmitted to them in a
manner more independent and less compliant than had ever before been prac-
tised, the kings were, perhaps imprudently, but, as they imagined, from necessi-
ty, tempted to assume powers which had scarcely ever been exercised, or had been
exercised in a different manner, by the crown. And from the shock of these op-
posite pretensions, together with religious controversy, arose all the factions, con-
vulsions, and disorders which attended that period.
[This note was, in the first editions, a part of the text.]
END OF WOL. IV.
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